Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Patricia L. Nepomuceno
Talking Bodies: Social Representations of Risk of a Sexual Partner in the Context of Risky
Sexual Behavior
Worldwide, it has been reported that new HIV infections decreased by 35% since
2000 (UNAIDS, 2015). However, in the Philippines, the HIV epidemic has been alarmingly
increasing in the past years. The number of cases of HIV infections in May 2015 increased by
51% compared to May 2014, which can be interpreted as 21 new cases everyday. It has been
reported that most of the cases were transmitted through sexual contact (Department of
Health, 2015). For this reason, it is important to recognize the risky sexual behaviors that
People involved in risky sexual behaviors are those who engage in: (1) sexual
activities that allow the passage of bodily fluids, (2) sexual intercourse without using
condoms, and/or (3) multiple sexual partnerships (Dimbuene, Emina, & Sankoh, 2014).
Sexual risk-taking behaviors have been observed to be affected by variables such as risk
perception, HIV/AIDS knowledge and condom use knowledge (Tenkorang, 2013; Li, Lin,
Wang, Du, Tam, & Stanton, 2014). In the context of perceiving risk, the positive assessment
of sexual partners which involves trustworthiness and loyalty also influences people to
engage in risky sexual behaviors (Monteiro, Cecchetto, Vargas, & Mora, 2010). In this study,
we further posit that the underlying process of sexual partner screening (e.g., Ma et al., 2013;
Simoni, Sehgal, & Walters, 2004) are largely studied using cognitive models which focus on
individual knowledge and risk perception (Monteiro et al., 2010; Joffe, 2002).
This cognitive perspective on risk evaluation assumes that people are capable of
making rational judgment when given sufficient knowledge (Ndugwa Kabwama & Berg-
Beckhoff, 2015). When people commit risk perception errors, or when they think that they
are less likely to experience danger compared to others, it is inferred that they have faulty
information processing (Joffe, 2002). The cognitive perspective thus proposes to remedy this
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 3
generating a scientifically accurate evaluation of risk (Ma et al., 2013; Simoni, Sehgal, &
Walters, 2004).
In contrast, we argue that the evaluation of risk is not only determined by individual
cognition but is constructed through one’s membership in a social group with its own unique
subculture (Frankis & Flowers, 2009; Sastry & Dutta, 2011). In this study, we focus on the
culture of the geosocial networking application Grindr among gay men which is recognized
to promote risky sexual behaviors among users (Rice et al., 2012; Van De Wiele & Tong,
2014). We used social representations theory (Moscovici, 1973) to examine the nature and
significance of how Grindr users among middle class gay men shape their risk evaluation. In
this light, the shared representations constructed within this particular group of gay men
constitute their social identity which guides how they communicate, behave and connect with
others (Wagner, Duveen, Farr, Jovchelovitch, Lorenzi-Cioldi, Markova, & Rose, 1999;
Our contribution is concerned with how the evaluation of risk of a sexual partner
translates into activities involving risky sexual behaviors. The use of social representations
theory may provide insight on devising innovative strategies that deal with the rising number
of HIV cases in the Philippines, particularly among gay men. Situating the study within the
online space of Grindr may provide specific interventions to a distinct group of gay men who
hold a unique sense of reality. Examining this online reality offers insights into the
significance of culture and a social group in shaping the evaluation and consequently the
Individualized perceptions and processes have been central to the study of judgment
risk perception errors to fallible individual information processing (Joffe, 2002). These errors
occur when perceptions are not scientifically valid or when people assume that they are less
likely to be affected by adverse events when measured against the chances of others. This
faulty perceptions. Some cognitive models that predict factors which affect risk-taking
behavior related to HIV/AIDS include the Health Belief Model (Rosenstock, 1974), AIDS
risk reduction model (Catania, Kegeles, & Coates, 1990), and social cognitive theory
(Bandura, 1998). Common to these models are knowledge and awareness of risk related to
diseases, perceptions of threat and vulnerability, capacity for behavior change, and perceived
people still engage in risky behavior such as having sex with a possibly risky partner (Ma et
al., 2013; Simoni, Sehgal, & Walters, 2004). The concept of perceptual error becomes
apparent in these findings such that increase in knowledge does not necessarily lead to
increase in the scientifically accurate perception of risk (Joffe, 1999). Moreover, most of the
studies in a systematic review showed that there was no association between HIV/AIDS-
related knowledge and risk perception (Ndugwa Kabwama & Berg-Beckhoff, 2015). Hence,
knowledge may be essential in evaluating risks but is insufficient to explain why certain risk
cognition in risk evaluation, the importance of social and cultural phenomena that shape
sexual expression, health, sexual activity, and HIV risk-related behavior has been gaining
attention more recently (Frankis & Flowers, 2009; Flowers, Marriott, & Hart, 2000; Sastry &
Dutta, 2011). In this context, a specific social group within which shared meanings prevail
are also embedded in distinct sexual cultures (Flowers, Marriott, & Hart, 2000), particularly
of the geosocial networking application Grindr. This application uses the Internet which
allows men who have sex with men to communicate with one another and to facilitate the
search for potential sexual partners based on similarity, attraction, and proximity (Rice et al.,
2012; Birnholtz, Fitzpatrick, Handel, & Brubaker, 2014). Although communication among
users and selection of partners primarily occur within an online sphere, Grindr presents a
distinct social reality in which users also experience physical connectedness through location
the management of their profile and organization of their language (e.g., Van De Wiele &
Tong, 2014) to construct their online identity (Blackwell, Birnholtz, & Abbott, 2014). The
virtual environment of Grindr allows users to modify and embellish their profile pictures and
information to make themselves appear more attractive to other men (Blackwell, Birnholtz, &
Abbott, 2014; Van De Wiele & Tong, 2014). These mechanisms involved in self-presentation
of users to engage in multiple sexual relationships and other risky sexual behaviors,
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 6
particularly unprotected anal sex (Horvath, Rosser, & Remafedi, 2008; Rosser et al., 2009),
partner screening functions as a risk reduction strategy. Partner screening also responds to
other risks such as the unfamiliarity with a stranger, physical harm, and emotional stress
associated with the use of the Internet in meeting sexual partners (Bauermeister, Giguere,
communication between Grindr users make it difficult to ascertain the safety and
occurs by looking into profile pictures and information, including grammar (Bauermeister et
al., 2010) and examining whether the potential partner is affiliated with a geographic location
such as an academic institution to determine socioeconomic status (Van De Wiele & Tong,
2014). During the face-to-face encounter, partner screening is done by first meeting the
potential partner in a public space in order to verify online identity (Bauermeister et al.,
2010). Partner screening then highlights the preference and exclusion of distinct identities
risk occur within a social group. The social group of Grindr users develops strategies of
responding to risk which are based on the shared meanings they uphold. Following this line
of thought, this study specifically locates the representations of risk of a sexual partner within
Synthesis
The cognitive approaches mentioned above contribute to the study of risk evaluation
but these are insufficient in providing a holistic framework which recognizes not only
individual faculties but also the cultural background in which the evaluation of risk occurs.
The unique representations of risk of a social group within a particular sexual culture shape
individual sexual decisions and behaviors. Furthermore, it is important to note that the
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 7
discussion on risk in the existing literature has dealt with HIV risk perceptions, risky sexual
behaviors, and risk in public spaces (Finlayson et al., 2011; Lawan, Abubakar, & Ahmad,
2012; Ma et al., 2013; Simoni, Sehgal, & Walters, 2004; Frankis & Flowers, 2009; Flowers,
Marriott, & Hart, 2000; Bullock, 2004; Humphreys, 1970), with scant attention given to the
risk of a sexual partner. Thus, this study situates risk within the technologically-mediated
sphere of Grindr, focusing on the social representation of risk of a sexual partner which has
been largely undertheorized in the literature. In this light, we used social representations
communication and thinking (Wagner et al., 1999; Moscovici, 1988). Moscovici (1973)
describes social representations as a “system of values, ideas and practices which… enable
communication to take place among the members of a community by providing them with a
code for social exchange and a code for naming and classifying unambiguously the various
aspects of their world and their individual and group history” (p. xiii). These representations
are co-constructed by individuals in their talk and action. Through talk, people give meanings
to social objects which become part of their social world. Through action, their shared
conceptions of the world are observed (Wagner et al., 1999). Representations exist only in
relational encounters and are created through dialogue and negotiation (Howarth, 2006).
groups uniquely share a common understanding of social phenomena used for the purpose of
communication and co-action (Wagner et al., 1999). The engagement of people in their local
worlds allows formation of their shared understanding which subsequently shapes their social
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 8
identity (Wagner et al., 1999). Social identity, as conceived by Tajfel (1981) is defined as
“that part of an individual’s self-concept which derives from his knowledge of his
membership of a social group (or groups) together with the value and emotional significance
attached to that membership” (p. 255). The shared understanding within a social group must
at least somehow be different from the understanding of outsiders, thereby making the social
Wagner et al. (1999) further elaborates social identity as that which fosters affiliation
and group coherence and as “a direct consequence of representations being shared in a social
group” (p. 100). The images, symbols, and metaphors taken in by the individual need to be
consistent with the values maintained by his or her group (Joffe, 2002). The processing of
acceptable by the group they are part of and with which they identify (Joffe, 2002; Joffe,
2003; Howarth, 2006). The “other” thus plays an important part in the development of social
identity. Risk is often attributed to “others” in order for social groups to maintain a positive
social identity (Joffe, 1999). Hence, to maintain and protect one’s identity, the
representations of risk of a sexual partner should be in line with the values of one’s group.
objectification are used (Moscovici, 1984b). These processes ensure that group norms and
values are etched onto new events, and facilitate transformation in everyday communication
and thinking. In anchoring, a group’s shared ideas, images and language are what navigate
members to make sense of novel events (Joffe, 2003). In this way, a member is able to make
familiar what is initially unfamiliar through drawing on past knowledge shared within one’s
group. Along with anchoring, the process of objectification imbues the unfamiliar object with
current images, symbols, and metaphors shared within a group to support understanding
(Joffe, 2003). In building representations of risk, a group draws from their shared past and
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 9
present knowledge in order to make meaning of the different risks they encounter in a
technologically-mediated landscape.
The digitalisation of social representations through the Internet has made it easier and
faster for people to gather information and make sense of various phenomena, thereby
anchoring and objectifying also occur more swiftly (Wahlström, 2012). The necessity of
representations between two individuals within a social group (Wahlström, 2012). Moreover,
anonymous social representation, even of taboos, has been made possible by digital
The online space of Grindr allows the formation and communication of unique social
group of gay men who evaluate potential sexual partners met through the online application.
In this light, we use social representations theory to answer the following question: How do
gay men who use Grindr socially represent risk of a sexual partner?
Method
Research Design
This study used a qualitative approach in data gathering in order to shed light on how
people make sense and ascribe meanings to their experiences (Willig, 2008). As such, this
study touched on the quality and texture of experience instead of focusing on causal
relationships and explanations (Willig, 2008). Purposive sampling was employed to source
Pickering, & Allett, 2012) supplemented by face-to-face interviews were employed. Data was
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 10
analyzed using thematic analysis to articulate contextualized processes of how gay men
Participants
Four participants who use the geosocial networking application Grindr were
purposively sampled for this study. In qualitative studies such as this, a few
themes is met (Crowe & Sheppard, 2010). Since social representations are elaborated within
a social group, it is important to recognize that this group of Grindr users has its “unique,
The participants self-identify as gay men. Their ages ranged from 19 to 21 years old and are
engaged in at least one of these risky sexual behaviors, namely (1) sexual activities that allow
the passage of bodily fluids, (2) sexual intercourse without using condoms, and (3) multiple
sexual partnerships (Dimbuene, Emina, & Sankoh, 2014). Grindr, as an application that
allows gay men to find potential sexual partners easily, facilitates engagement in risky sexual
behaviors (Rice et al., 2012). In the context of our study, Grindr acts as an avenue through
which we can recruit participants into risk-related studies (Rice et al., 2012).
This study made use of self-interviews (Keightley, Pickering, & Allett, 2012) as the
primary data collection strategy. As our study delves into the risky sexual behavior of gay
men on Grindr, we seek to explore how they produce knowledge in everyday space (Wagner
representations theory because of its provisions that allow a record of everyday practices
(Wagner et al,, 1999) as well as enhance reflexive accounts of the participants’ meaning-
record themselves as they elaborate on a specific topic using guide questions provided by the
researchers. This also allows sufficient time for the participants to remember and reflect
during the interview. Another aspect unique to the self-interview is the physical absence of
the interviewer. For our study, it is necessary that participants do not feel pressured to
formulate their talk around perceived expectations of the interviewer (Keightley, Pickering,
& Allett, 2012). Through this, those participating do not have to respond to the demands of
cordial conversational structure, and are able to offer independently contextualised accounts
The guide questions for the self-interview were centered on the participants’
experiences about their Grindr encounters and the risk they associate with their sexual
partners. The set of questions was divided into two parts: the first part pertains to questions
about the encounter before engaging in sexual activities while the second part involves
questions about the experience after the sexual activities, if any. The follow-up face-to-face
interview was used for probing and clarification of the responses of the participants in their
self-interview. This data instrument also provided the participants an opportunity to delve
deeper into their Grindr experiences that may be beyond the scope of the guide questions
We set up a Grindr profile that advertised our study. It included a description that we
are looking for Grindr users who are willing to participate in our research. One participant
responded to our advertisement in our Grindr profile and expressed his interest in joining the
study. We also decided to source participants through personal networks with which we were
able to obtain three participants. Upon agreement to participate, we met them in person and
explained the aims and nature of the research. It was also specified that participation is
voluntary, that they can withdraw anytime throughout the course of the study, that the
information gathered will be kept confidential, and that their identities will remain
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 12
anonymous (Robinson, 2014). We informed them that the guide questions will be provided
via email and that the audio file from the self-interview will also be sent through the same
mechanism. After sending their audio files, we scheduled another meeting with them for the
face-to-face interview. In total, we have four self-interviews with four follow-up face-to-face
interviews.
methodical guide in doing thematic analysis. The first phase of thematic analysis involved
familiarization with the data. This entailed reading and re-reading the data while also making
analytic observations. The second phase is coding, which involved “generating pithy labels
for important features of the data of relevance to the [broad] research question guiding the
analysis” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 121). Codes hold both a semantic and conceptual
understanding of said data. We coded every data item as well as collated all the codes and
pertinent data extracts. The third phase involved searching for themes relevant to the research
question. According to Braun and Clarke (2006), the researcher searches for themes in the
data by constructing them. Afterwards, the phase ends with collating all coded data pertaining
to each theme.
The fourth phase is the reviewing of themes. We evaluated whether the themes we
constructed “tell a convincing and compelling story about the data” (Braun & Clarke, 2006,
p. 121), while we also clearly defined the nature of each theme and how they relate with each
other. This led to the merging, splitting, or even discarding of themes and developing
remaining themes. The fifth phase is about defining and naming themes. It was through this
procedure that we identified the core of generated themes and created concise names for
each. The sixth phase is the write-up. In this phase, we sought to present a consistent and
compelling story regarding the data as well as contextualized it in the current literature. This
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 13
was achieved by combining the analytic narrative and data extracts gathered from the study.
Identifying the relevant themes in the data assisted us in attaining a more thorough grasp of
how the social group of Grindr users generate meanings of risk of a sexual partner.
Results
are three thematic representations underpinning the process of evaluating risk of a sexual
partner: (1) risk representation as othering of the body, (2) risk representation as
authenticating virtual masquerade through offline matching, and (3) risk representation as
disconnecting emotional investment of sexual encounter. As gay men seek sexual encounters
through the use of Grindr, these representations can be located in succession throughout the
partner screening process. We provide descriptive accounts to support and elaborate the
Partner screening within the online space of Grindr begins with browsing through the
feed of Grindr profiles and examining the photos of each user. These photos set the socially-
mediated landscapes in shaping first impressions of potential sexual partners. Through profile
pictures, the participants are able to evaluate whether or not other users fit their preferences.
Within the social group of gay men who use Grindr, the representation of risk of a sexual
partner primarily develops from the assessment of physical attractiveness of other users’
profile pictures. Physical attractiveness may be the ideal physical attributes that the
participant desires in a sexual partner, or the physical features that appear similar to or match
Grindr users who appear clean and sweet-smelling, described as those who have fair
skin and neatly-trimmed hair, and who dress well, tend to arouse interest from the
participants. These qualities fit the prototype of people who are belonging to the middle and
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 14
upper-middle socioeconomic classes. Those who embody this prototype are viewed as more
desirable. Profile pictures, then, allow participants to evaluate a user’s attractiveness based on
perceived socioeconomic class. This is illustrated in the quote below in which Chris
described that photo quality and background of pictures are assessed to have an idea of a
Minsan mukhang surveillance camera quality yung photos (laughs). Minsan mga
jeje people, alam mo yun, mukhang ang pangit ng quality ng photo. Minsan.
Parang basta mafe-feel mo lang talaga. Minsan yung background may
hollowblocks, tapos may kalendaryo. Yung mga tipong ganung background.
Minsan nafe-feel mo lang talaga. (Chris, 20)
The statement of Chris shows how highly specific participants can be in selecting
their partners that even seemingly trivial elements such as a calendar matter to him.
expensive phone, with a specific subgroup of people called jejemon. In the Filipino culture, a
person identified as a jejemon is described as the new “jologs,” a term that represents those
who belong to the lower socioeconomic class (Marcoleta, 2010). For instance, they are
famous for transforming ordinary words by mixing numbers and other unnecessary symbols,
and wearing eccentric clothing characterized by baggy shirts and pants, and jejemon caps. In
an account of Adam below, he described his preferences with strong aversion to users who do
Pero yung pangit, ayoko talaga is yung alam mo yung picture, parang mukha na
siyang mabaho or mukha na siyang madumi… Kasi diba there are moreno guys,
yung parang yun nga, rugged pero may future yung look niya. Pero may mga as
in rugged lang talaga, as in parang pinangkuskos sa kawali. Ganun. As in. I know
I mean, I’m not like shallow na parang, “Aww. Ang pangit mo, walang mai-
inlove sayo ever.” I’m sure naman na si Lord... We are all beings of love. Lahat
tayo destined for that pero not mine, okay. Not mine. (Adam, 20)
The description that Adam used for that group of users shows how selective he is in
choosing a potential sexual partner. In this particular instance, the dichotomy of clean and
dirty bodies mirrors the dichotomy of higher and lower socioeconomic status. The othering
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 15
here occurs against those of the lower class who appear unclean and do not seem to belong to
the social group of the participants. The participants, all students in one of the top universities
in the Philippines, choose to be associated only with those who fit their standards of
towards wealthier individuals may be attributed to the knowledge that there is a great divide
between those part of the lower class and higher class—the latter preferring members of their
own (Keeley, 2015). Risk, then, is embodied by the “other” since being involved with whom
Another attribute which the participants find attractive is embodied masculinity which
is often associated with men having muscular bodies. This is demonstrated in the quote below
in which Adam described that he is drawn to users who appear to have toned muscles because
What really catches my eyes is nice arms. Kasi I grew up with 3 women. As in
1 sister, 2 cousins. Ako lang yung lalaki sa generation na yun. For 14 years, ako
lang yun. So syempre, pag nag-uusap sila, “Ano yung gusto mo about guys?”
Ganun. Ako nakaupo lang ako dun, parang “Hindi ba ako guy?” So kunwari
sasabihin nila, “Gusto ko yung may chest para pag humiga ka sa chest niya,
nothing can harm you.” Ganun yung mga stuff like that. “Tapos yung mga arms
na kahit anong mangyari, di ka mabibitawan.” Yung mga ganun. So parang ako,
okay I like nice arms and chest na rin. So yun. I like nice arms or shoulders.
(Adam, 20)
The idea featured in Adam’s account comes from the construction of muscularity to
be indicative of one’s ability to protect others. As a slender physique is more common among
Filipinos, toned muscles indicate that the users work out and are thus stronger. In contrast,
those who do not possess a muscular physique or those who are considered effeminate are
usually not preferred. In the quote below, Adam described that presenting one’s self in a
masculine manner is crucial because that is the expected and desired quality by almost
Everyone wants to date a fucking Piolo Pascual and expects that everyone on
Grindr is a Piolo Pascual. Pero minsan, may mga Pooh doon diba? May mga
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 16
Vice Ganda… That’s why on Grindr yung mga pictures doon makikita mostly
diba mga abs, ganun. Yung mga mukhang lalaki sila, parang ganun. Tapos dapat
yung ise-send mong picture to them, yung mukha kang straight… I’m not saying
na in the LGBT community sobrang hypocrite lang ng mga tao kasi in the real…
Pero hindi kasi real world yung Grindr eh… Parang may double standard na you
have to be gay pero you have to be masculine. Tapos if you’re not sabihin niya
sa’yo, “Aww effeminate ka, no thanks.” Gaganun sila sa’yo. Tapos parang ako,
“Uhm, you’re still gay. We’re still gay.” (Adam, 20)
For Adam, even when the LGBT community promotes acceptance of all genders,
there is still a separation between masculine and feminine gays. The offline reality seems to
impinge on the online reality of Grindr as stigmatization of feminine gays also occurs within
this online space. However, in contrast to what happens in the offline reality outside Grindr in
which othering of effeminate gays is usually done by heterosexuals, the online world of
Grindr presents a space in which othering of effeminate gays is done by other gay men. There
seems to be a persisting double-standard among Grindr users because gays are classified
according to gender performance embodied through online photos. Although most, if not all,
of them are seeking to have a sexual relationship with another man, those perceived as
These effeminate, slender-looking men are also culturally known as the parloristang
bakla (Payuyo, 2012) who belong to a lower socioeconomic class. Aside from being
identified as jejemon, the parloristang bakla is also othered based on class hierarchy which
occurs through decrypting the virtual body as indicative of cultural privilege of muscular
bodies over slender ones. To avoid being othered, one has to choose what is deemed
acceptable by the social group of Grindr users—that is, to choose users who “look straight.”
In the case of Adam, his awareness of the stigma against feminine gays does not stop him
from going with the norm and still preferring masculine gays. This is evident by his statement
below:
Personally I don’t like kasi firstly mahirap sila i-sneak, okay. Kasi they
[effeminate gay men] tend to make spectacles of themselves, you know. Those
kinds of gay guys. Pero I have nothing against them naman pero it’s risky for me
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 17
kasi. Kahit ako yung pupunta lalo na ‘pag siya pupunta or whatever, it’s really
risky kasi kilala ng tatay ko yung buong barangay (laughs). “Uy pre, bakit ang
daming…” Diba. Ang lungkot. (Adam, 20)
Adam described having sexual relations with effeminate gay men as risky because
they tend to draw attention to themselves, thus it becomes harder to conceal his sexual
identity (i.e., risk to being exposed). To maintain a positive identity, Adam and other
participants perform othering by refusing to communicate with this group of gay men. In this
sense, the representation of risk is related to the danger that effeminate gays pose to the
sexual identity of the participants—that is, the risk of being exposed and the possibility of
getting stigmatized or discriminated, which is still very strong in the Filipino culture.
Therefore, these effeminate users may be filtered out right at the moment when participants
Attractiveness tied to those who have clean and muscular bodies and who are part of a
higher socioeconomic class also seems to be related to the participants’ preference for
mestizos or foreigners especially Whites. The idea that Whites are appealing and superior in
many aspects, including social class, personality, and body structure, appears to persist
(Waltman & Haas, 2011). As a case in point, one of the participants only initiates Grindr
conversations with White foreigners, such as American, British, Russian and Australian, and
had sexual encounters mostly with them. When asked if he has a specific inclination towards
foreigners, he answered:
Honestly I do. I try to deny it kaya lang parang wala eh. Talagang every time I
go on Grindr I just go for the foreigners… Because majority of the guys I’ve had
sex with is White. Overwhelming majority, actually. Pero kasi siguro kapag
Filipino parang there are two reasons eh. First of all, parang wala akong
matutunan sa kanila kasi parang Filipino din sila eh. Parang alam mo na yung
culture nila. Pero pag White parang you want to get to know them better. For
me, it’s easier to open up to people that you don’t know much. Tapos maka-
exchange kayo ng ideas about yourself and your culture to each other. So aside
from the sex, gusto ko rin yung intellectual exchange. And then also yung ayoko
rin sa Filipino is, minsan kasi, alam mo ba yung hindi sila as committed as
foreigners when it comes to, for example, time or place, what to do or what they
want. Minsan malabo sila eh. (Ben, 19)
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 18
Ben described that his preference for White foreigners is based on the intellectual
exchange he gains from interacting with them. For Ben, Whites hold a superior status in
terms of sustaining his interest, unlike Filipinos. This may imply that Filipinos do not match
Whites for their superiority in physical appearance, wealth, education, among other things.
To be associated with them puts Filipinos in a higher social status and helps them gain a
positive identity.
Aside from checking profile pictures, partner screening also involves examining how
users compose profile headlines and how they communicate while chatting. The participants
usually prefer users who are fluent in English as illustrated by Dennis’ account below:
And then we started messaging, and then he answers in English, which is like,
wow. My god. He’s not trying to be elitist or whatever but yeah he was replying
in English, like normal English, not the pilit English. So that was pretty good.
(Dennis, 21)
socioeconomic class because quality education in the Philippines is costly. For the
participants, quality education depends not on the level of education received but from which
university the education is completed. When participants discover that a potential partner
comes from a prestigious university, the interest and excitement is heightened. In contrast,
when education is finished from a less well-known college institution, the stratification in
following quote:
Oo. Factor siya. Kasi ibig sabihin, alam mo yun. May pinag-aralan. I mean
maganda yung pinag-aralan… Wala lang. Factor lang siya for me. Ibig sabihin…
di naman sophisticated siya. I mean… Ewan ko. Kunwari taga-AMA siya. Di ko
trip yun. Sorry, ang discriminating ko, pero… Hindi eh, preference lang talaga
siya, hindi siya discriminating. (Chris, 20)
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 19
In the statement above, Chris acknowledged that rejecting those who studied in less
claiming that it is only his preference. However, his preference still implies a trace of
discrimination because his rejection is based on his perceived superiority over the other.
Those who have not received education from esteemed universities may be ignored or
avoided since these people may pose a risk to the participants’ social status. This is another
layer of othering in which this group of users is constructed as inferior, thus having a
connection with them might tarnish the participants’ high regard for themselves.
stratified in terms of gender, class, sexual orientation, and race. The cultural significance of
stratification may suggest deep fascination over Western, masculine, and economically
friendship outside the online space. In Grindr, as a location-based application, however, users
are related only through their proximity to one another. Users usually do not recognize other
From the activity of scrolling through Grindr profiles to the actual face-to-face
encounter, risk of a sexual partner is socially represented as the possibility that the online
identity of the person with whom one has been communicating does not match his offline
identity. This issue is hinged on the difficulty of verifying a user’s identity in such virtual
space where one can easily conceal or distort certain realities about oneself.
pictures showing users’ faces is carried out at the start of private messaging. Recent photos
are requested not only to determine if a potential partner is physically attractive, but also to
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 20
perform an initial verification of the identity of the person. To check if a user is using a fake
identity just to impress the participant on the other end of the conversation, one creative
There are times na mahalata mo fake. Yung pinaka-fake yung usually photos of
models, yung professional photos of models… Ang ginagawa ko kasi sine-
screenshot ko yung photo tapos nilalagay ko sa computer tapos i-reverse Google
search ko siya. Para mag-confirm if it’s fake or real or what. (Ben, 19)
Such scheme illustrates how it is important for Ben to engage in a conversation, and
possibly have sex, with someone who is truthful to him about his identity. This initial form of
self-disclosure through the online exchange of real pictures becomes a crucial foundation of
During meet-ups, the identity of a user is authenticated when his online identity
matches what is perceived in the face-to-face encounter—his offline identity. Thus, in this
context, trust is shaped through the congruence between online and offline identities. There is
Prior to seeing a potential sexual partner in person, a high degree of anxiety is felt by
the participants as they are aware of the risk that relating with a stranger brings about. The
feeling of uncertainty about the reality and authenticity of a person is captured by Ben in his
Medyo kinabahan ako kasi maybe after all, parang naisip ko na baka peke siya
or baka parang catfish siya. Maybe after all this time, baka hindi siya yung
sinasabi niya, or baka iba yung katauhan niya or malay mo baka ibang-ibang tao
talaga siya physically in person or at least personality-wise. Ganun. Pero noong
dumating siya, noong dumating siya I was relieved kasi nga siya yun. Iyon yung
mahirap kasi sa Grindr and other gay social networking sites, kasi yun lang yung
proof mo na siya yun. Picture, minsan telephone number, minsan Facebook
profile… Hindi mo talaga masasabi na he exists in real life until you see him in
person. (Ben, 19)
Doubts and skepticism about meet-ups abound, yet Ben and other participants still
decide to pursue such activity. Upon finding out that the person with whom Ben has been
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 21
chatting was a real person, that how he presented himself online was consistent with how he
appeared to be in the flesh, and that he did not lie about his identity, Ben experienced a sense
of relief because his investment of trust proved to be worth the risk. In situations like this
when the online identity of a user coincides with his offline identity, the risk involved then
seems to be dissolved.
In contrast, when the qualities that the person claims to possess do not fit what is
observed, great disappointment occurs since the deception inflicted negates the trust invested.
When this happens, the participants may opt to leave and not proceed to having sex just as
Adam recalls:
I’ve had cases that I ended up not having sex because these are the guys na
sobrang layo ng pinakita nila on their Grindr profile. I think there was this one
time that this one guy sent in a photo of him that was took like ten years ago.
Like, “Bro, come on, you’re not that.” It’s crazy. Hay, guys like that. Tapos
syempre they look good and young and everything. When they come up na, “You
look like a manong already!” It’s crazy. So when I meet up with that… normally
I just say na, “I’m sorry, I don’t think we’re gonna do anything.” (Adam, 20)
The frustration of expectations about a potential partner’s identity ruins the whole
intended sexual conquest. The difference in the realities of the online and the offline domain
creates the probable disjunction between one’s online identity and offline identity. In the
former, it is easy to fashion a self-presentation that appears pleasing to other online users
because the very features of the online application allow manipulation of reality. One can
easily choose what body part to expose or what other details to disclose. Similarly, risk can
also be manipulated and filtered in the online space. Nonetheless, it is in the offline world or
personal meet-up that authentication and representation of risk are enacted. Just as in Adam’s
experience, it is possible that physical attractiveness constructed online corrodes when the
The risk extends to the likelihood that the person one is supposed to meet is fake in
such a way that he might not be actually interested in sex, instead he might have plans to
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 22
cause harm to the participant. The process of online partner screening cannot determine the
true intentions of a user, hence the possible danger of meeting up with a stranger is not
Nervousness is greatly felt as he anticipates meeting his potential sexual partner. Yet
fully conscious of the odds of getting harmed, the participants still continue with this
engagement perhaps because of the possible satisfying outcome of the risk-taking. One
I felt a sense of some misplaced comfort, I guess… Like this guy, who was batak
(laughs) and can speak English fluently. It was pretty fun. So it was like
misplaced comfort ‘cause I know I should not be comfortable about it ‘cause it’s
Grindr, the premise of me getting stabbed can happen. What if this was a modus?
But then yeah, he seemed like a cool enough guy to grind a chat. So I decided to
invite him over. (Dennis, 21)
Dennis is well-aware that he may face perilous consequences attached to meeting this
stranger. This is emphasized when he uttered “What if this was a modus?”, implying the
apprehension that the person might be a criminal engaged in some kind of “modus operandi”
involving Grindr. This is not implausible since commission of crimes involving computer
technology has been viewed as the new criminal modus operandi (Thompson, 2015).
However, even though this is the case, there are instances in which the participants’ anxiety
may be offset by the favorable characteristics of a potential sexual partner, leading to this
feeling of “misplaced comfort” in Dennis’s words. In such idea of misplaced comfort, risk is
averted when the participants construct the strangers as having pleasing qualities or when
The social group of gay men who engage in Grindr are wary of the dangers that
follow communicating and encountering strangers using the application. Realizing their
group’s vulnerability causes the participants to evaluate the authenticity of their prospective
partners. Without a culturally-acceptable script for seeking a potential sexual partner, some
gay men then rely on geosocial applications like Grindr, which serves as the most available
means of forming sexual relationships. Nevertheless, users of Grindr are still exposing
themselves to the danger of being associated with a stranger in order to have the opportunity
The social representation of risk does not end in authenticating the identity of one’s
sexual partner. Rather, following the completion of the sexual encounter, participants then
face risk in terms of loneliness. When the sex is over, individuals engaged in Grindr may be
left feeling empty and alone. Furthermore, with gay sex being depicted as deviant in the
Filipino culture, the social group of gay men find difficulty in overcoming such isolation.
Such disconnection from one’s partner after the sexual activity may not only arise from the
stigma imposed by the dominant heteronormative culture on the social group of gay men
(Herek, 2007), but also from the nature of casual sex which implies emotional detachment.
of sexual conquest may not only suggest the satisfaction of empty carnal desires, but also
investment in the form of casual sex which becomes a familiar nostalgic longing of the other
achieved through sexually pulsating encounters between two strangers. Adam describes this
But at the end of the day… when you’re walking away from his house, or he
drops you off na from his car, you just feel like “Aww.” Sometimes I feel like
that na parang, “Oh, I’m alone” pero it’s not the existential alone na “What am I
doing with my life?” Not like that naman. It’s kind of an anti-climactic end to
something that was so awesome. Because the notion kasi with casual sex is that
there’s no investment in it. That’s not true. (Adam, 20)
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 24
Adam expressed the feeling of loneliness he sometimes feels following casual sex.
Although there is an expectation that strangers detach their feelings from the encounter and
that any connection formed is solely sexual, he debunked this common perception and
claimed that there is indeed investment in casual sex. Participants may wrestle with their
desire to express their sexuality while also simultaneously refraining from establishing any
emotional connection with the other. Despite successfully engaging in sex with a stranger,
gay men may feel melancholic over the brevity of their sexual encounters. Such moments,
then, are as sexually satisfying as they are fleeting. Even in the instance in which Dennis
I guess the closest to anxiety I had was that “What if he doesn’t message me
again?”... When I message him, what if he doesn’t reply?” I guess that’s the most
of the apprehension idea that I got. I was already immediately thinking of it.
(Dennis, 21)
In the quote above, Dennis described the uncertainty he experienced over the thought
of potentially losing the relationship he could have with this person. Loneliness seems to
have prevailed even after the best sex of his life. In running the risk of dissolving the
relationship, the familiar sensation of bodies interlocking through sexual intercourse becomes
unfamiliar.
development of romantic relationships. Relationships of gay men created in the virtual space
of Grindr become marginalized due to the specific relationships already prescribed by the
Adam pondered how things in his dating and sex life would be different if he opted to assume
the more traditional script in seeking relationships. He continued his previous account in the
quote below:
Sometimes I feel like after having sex, parang, “Aww, what if I didn’t meet this
guy here, lalo na the nice guys, the really nice guys, really polite guys naman.
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 25
What if I met him somewhere lang and we went on the traditional approach, like
we dated, we texted, we courted each other, then we became boyfriend-girlfriend
and stuff like that. (Adam, 20)
Adam reflected on his current style of dating and seeking potential partners in
comparison to the traditional approach. Within Grindr, the representations form a reality that
neither the norm nor the goal of Grindr use. It is not part of the system of values and practices
Discussion
The findings of our study showed the complexity of risk representations that gay men
attach to their partners in the sexual culture of Grindr. In contrast to the existing literature
which focus on the cognitive approaches used to study risk evaluation, theoretical insights of
this study present the significance of the cultural perspective in drawing out not only risk
about HIV but also other risks that the members of their social group face. We discuss the
results of the current research in light of the following key points: (1) stratified bodies in a
virtual market space, (2) making the unfamiliar familiar in casual sexual encounter, (3) risk
evaluation as a sexualized and subcultural process, and (4) missing HIV script for
In the representation of risk of a sexual partner met through Grindr, the importance of
the body is very apparent such that those perceived as having masculine or muscular and
clean bodies are considered more desirable. The online application Grindr may be seen as a
virtual market space where gay men use their own bodies as commodities to make
transactions. The virtual space provides users an opportunity to use their bodies to express
themselves differently than they normally would (Danet, Ruedenberg-Wright, & Rosenbaum-
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 26
Tamari, 1997). In this market space, the different values assigned to a variety of users are
Grindr users have to “sell” themselves by creating a profile that will stand out from
the pool of other profiles. Standing out entails a form of gender performance through a visual
medium such that a profile picture needs to feature a more masculine and muscular physique.
Masculine gay men are preferred over feminine ones which may have an underlying
socioeconomic aspect influencing their desirability. Muscular bodies, on the other hand, are
deemed superior to slender bodies which may be related to the racial superiority of Whites to
Filipinos.
The preference for clean bodies may also be explained by cultural systems of beliefs
that maintain the exclusion of and the negative attitude towards those perceived as having
unclean bodies (Rochira, 2014). Those who appear clean are considered to have the resources
to look after their personal hygiene, thus, socioeconomic status is still involved. Moreover, a
clean-looking body for a Filipino is related to fairer skin which illustrates the racial
component of desirability. Grindr, which opens a postcolonial society to the global gay scene,
has afforded young, urban, and middle and upper class Filipino users to be on par with the
Western gay narrative (Benedicto, 2007). This is done by privileged gay men through the
creation of a hierarchy based on class (Benedicto, 2007). While Grindr is technically open to
everyone who downloads the application, acceptance to the market space is controlled by the
hierarchy; those who appear to belong to a higher social status either by wealth or race are the
ones more likely to be “purchased.” In this type of society, a mere affiliation with someone of
a higher social status has significant implications on one’s identity. The capability to “buy”
someone who has a masculine or muscular and clean body not only protects one’s identity
but also enhances it. Therefore, these users who look muscular and clean are not regarded as
risky.
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 27
wielding of one’s profile so as to appear attractive and desirable to other users, there is risk
that an online identity is not congruent with what is in actuality (Blackwell, Birnholtz, &
Abbott, 2014; Van De Wiele & Tong, 2014; Bauermeister et al., 2010). The difficulty in
ensuring the trustworthiness of a potential sexual partner and the probability of experiencing
unfamiliarity for the participants. Due to this danger associated with a stranger, Grindr use as
a mode of initiating an interaction and sexual relationship with gay men especially appears
unfamiliar for new users. A sexual partner met through a Grindr encounter is also deemed
unfamiliar by the participants because there is no prior avenue to get to know him aside from
the online chatting that often occurs only hours before the actual meet-up.
Even though there is apparent danger in this largely unfamiliar activity, the
participants still continue to use Grindr for sexual conquest because they are able to make the
whole engagement familiar. Following social representations theory, the participants anchor
the unfamiliar sexual partner carrying the possible danger to the culturally familiar ideas held
within their social group (Joffe, 2003). They acknowledge that it is acceptable within the gay
subculture to engage in casual sexual encounters and multiple sexual partnerships which do
not necessarily involve emotional and long-term commitment. In the context of casual “hook-
ups” through Grindr, the unfamiliar stranger then becomes familiar to the participant because
of the sexual activity that is familiar to both parties. Although their online identities may
remain unfamiliar by maintaining anonymity, users may engage their offline, embodied
identities through the sexual encounter (Dodge & Kitchin, 2001). In addition, this unfamiliar
engagement is objectified by drawing on the current experiential world of their group (Joffe,
2003). The familiarity of technology in their present understanding enables them to assimilate
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 28
the idea that sexual encounters are indeed possible, and even made more immediate and
Relationships formed within the online space of Grindr can be considered as a distinct
subculture of gay men. Since they are not able to follow the traditional approach of seeking a
partner, Grindr is the most accessible strategy for some gay men to form sexual relationships
amidst the heteronormative culture (Aunspach, 2015). The heteronormative society can
render the identities of gay men invisible since this dominant culture generally deems
nonheterosexual orientation as abnormal and unnatural; however, the distinct gay subculture
Grindr, users are able to have an easier contact with other gay men who want to engage in
casual sex which predisposes them to be involved in risky sexual behaviors. However, Grindr
users do not view the engagement in such behaviors as risky because of how their sexual
Risk evaluation deviates from the dominant heteronormative cultural norms and
transforms to fit the sexualized subculture of gay men. Although the heteronormative
standards of dating considers participating in casual sex as deviant and taboo, within the
shared identity of gay men who use Grindr, this practice is deemed acceptable. While
previous studies attributed risk perception errors to faulty cognitive information processing
(Joffe, 2002), risk evaluation within this particular group of gay men is rather embodied and
weighted using cultural ascription of privilege and discrimination. In this view, their partner
screening process cannot be considered faulty, but rather the evaluation of risk is embedded
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 29
in their shared reality, possibly explaining why their representation of risk of a sexual partner
The findings also showed that the reluctance to be associated with people whom the
participants other, the likelihood that a stranger may be inauthentic or dangerous, and the
probable dissolution of relationships brought about by the nature of casual sex are the risks
that Grindr users attach to their involvement with sexual partners. Interestingly, risk does not
convenient way of contacting potential sexual partners for some gay men (Rice et al., 2012).
Since it is easy to engage in hook ups through Grindr, multiple sexual partnerships usually
prevail within the community of users (Horvath, Rosser, & Remafedi, 2008; Rosser et al.,
2009), thereby increasing their vulnerability of being infected with HIV. However, even
when the participants are aware of the rapidly increasing cases of HIV in the country, there is
no apparent HIV script on the entire process of meeting sexual partners through the online
spaces like Grindr overrides the active promotion of safe sexual practices among gay men
representations are further compounded through the possible collapsing of an embodied and
implicit distinction of sexual health (i.e., muscular and clean bodies are equated to healthy
bodies, etc.). In the process of privileging certain bodies over others, stratified markers of
social class, gender and race maximize the unequal distribution of desirable sexual partners
and at the same time heighten the probability of HIV contraction among gay men.
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 30
The whole Grindr encounter involves no explicit negotiation between sexual partners
about the strict usage of condoms and no clear discussion about their HIV serostatus. HIV
talk is only tacitly expressed when participants are directly asked by the researchers whether
or not they use condoms, but generally, sexually-transmitted diseases are not part of their
everyday talk. It seems that the risk of contracting HIV is not an explicit part of the system of
representations that constitute the process of Grindr use for the purpose of having sexual
relations.
These results have significant implications on the interventions used to prevent HIV
transmission. In the Philippines, cases of HIV have been reported to be associated with the
use of online dating sites which facilitate casual sex (ABS-CBN News, 2015). As we were
able to flesh out the unique subculture of online dating, we recognize the relevance of
crafting new strategies related to HIV prevention. Previous interventions used by the
improving knowledge in order to have accurate risk perceptions and avoid risky sexual
behaviors (National Epidemiology Center, 2015). While these efforts are crucial in the study
augmented by considering the sociocultural background that shape the sexual expression and
risk representation of gay men. Recognizing this gay subculture and taking into account the
prevailing representations of risk within their group can help generate the necessary HIV
script which can then point to a direction of effective HIV programs in the country.
In the present study, the use of self-interview proves to be an innovative tool that
interviewer, thus, it offers researchers an unobtrusive method of data collection. This method
is recommended to be used for sensitive topics such as sexuality which are difficult to discuss
in the presence of an outsider. However, there are some challenges that come with this
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 31
method such as the low motivation for participants to record themselves when they are alone
engaging in “hook ups” apart from the possibility of contracting sexually transmitted
seemingly detached nature of casual sex. Future studies may look into how gay men cope
with and address the loneliness that accompanies such sexual relationships.
Conclusion
evaluation, this study has presented social representations theory as an appropriate lens in
understanding how the social group of Grindr users evaluate risk of a sexual partner. The
results and discussion revealed how risk representation is not primarily focused on HIV-
related risk but rather on risks threatening one’s sexual, social, and economic identity which
the evolving nature of same sex relationships. Researchers interested in expanding the
knowledge of gay subculture should look beyond HIV-related risk and venture out in
discrimination still abound. Because of the dominant heteronormative culture that shuns
casual sex, the sexually pulsating encounter between two people who met online leads to
estrangement and, consequently, loneliness since they see themselves as unable to form long-
term commitments; but they still settle with this readily available short-term engagement
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