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Examining Sex Work from the

Client's Perspective: Assessing
Johns Using on-line Data
a a
Thomas J. Holt & Kristie R. Blevins
a
Department of Criminal Justice , The University
of North Carolina at Charlotte , Charlotte, North
Carolina, USA
Published online: 08 Jul 2010.

To cite this article: Thomas J. Holt & Kristie R. Blevins (2007) Examining Sex Work
from the Client's Perspective: Assessing Johns Using on-line Data, Deviant Behavior,
28:4, 333-354, DOI: 10.1080/01639620701233282

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 Deviant Behavior, 28: 333
354, 2007
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ISSN: 0163-9625 print/1521-0456 online
DOI: 10.1080/01639620701233282

examining sex work from the

client’s perspective: assessing
johns using on-line data
Downloaded by [Northeastern University] at 22:14 01 November 2014

Thomas J. Holt and Kristie R. Blevins

Department of Criminal Justice, The University
of North Carolina at Charlotte, Charlotte,
North Carolina, USA
Academic research on prostitution focuses on the
prostitute, rather than the clients, who are called
johns. This limits our understanding of the methods
and reasons individuals solicit sex. However, johns
increasingly use computer mediated
communications to discuss sex work. Their
comments provide insight into the attitudes and
methods of johns. This qualitative study utilizes a
sample of posts from active Web forums for johns
in 10 U.S. cities. The findings indicate the
importance of on-line discussions for johns to
identify and solicit sex workers, as well as manage
external risks. Implications for law enforcement
and deviance research are also discussed.

The development of the Internet and computer mediated

communications have fostered the growth of a wide range
of deviant sexual behaviors, including pedophilia (see
Durkin and Bryant 1995, 1999; Quayle and Taylor 2002),

Received 11 September 2006; accepted 20 December 2006.

The authors thank Joe Kuhns and the anonymous reviewers for their comments and
assistance on previous drafts. This research was initially presented on September 21 at
the 2006 Southern Criminal Justice Association in Charleston, South Carolina.
Address correspondence to Thomas J. Holt, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, Department
of Criminal Justice, 5069 Colvard, The University of North Carolina at Charlotte, 9201
University City Blvd., Charlotte, NC 28223, USA. E-mail: tjholt@email.uncc.edu

333
 334 T. J. Holt and K. R. Blevins

transsexual lifestyles (Gauthier and Chaudoir 2004), and bug

chasing, where HIV negative individuals seek out HIV posi-
tive sex partners (Gauthier and Forsyth 1999; Tewksbury
2003, 2006). This technology has also been co-opted by
the illicit sex trade to offer a vast array of sexual services to
individuals around the world (Lane 2000; Quinn and Forsyth
2005). Escort services (Sharpe and Earle 2003; Hughes
2003), sex tourism (DeCurtis 2003; Hughes 2003), and por-
nographic content (Lane 2000; Buzzell 2005) are regularly
available on-line, and allow providers to target their services
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directly to interested individuals (Sharpe and Earle 2003).

However, most research on illegal sex work considers this
behavior in off-line contexts, with an extensive focus on
sex workers, rather than their clients.
Specifically, an extensive body of literature focuses on dif-
ferent aspects of prostitution around the world, including the
lives, activities, and attitudes of sex workers (Alexander
1998; Rhode, 1989; West 1998). At the same time, there
are few examinations of the clients of prostitutes who are
often referred to as johns (for example, see Holzman and
Pines 1982; McKeganey and Barnard 1996; Weitzer 2000).
Most research examining the client side of prostitution
focuses on individual motives for seeking out sexual services,
including companionship and a desire for varied sexual
experiences (Holzman and Pines 1982; Xantidia and
McCabe 2000; Monto 2000; Monto and Hotaling 2001).
The findings provide insight into the background and lifestyle
factors that influence individuals’ decisions to seek out pros-
titutes. Yet, few have explored the process of prostitution
from the clients’ perspective, including identification of sex
workers, price negotiations, and risk management strategies.
This exclusion is due in part to the difficulty of identifying
populations of active johns, because they face significant
shame due to the social stigma attached to paying for sex
(O’Connell Davidson 1998) and the generally hidden nature
of these transactions (McKeganey and Barnard 1996).
However, the recent growth of the Internet and computer
mediated communications have enabled unheralded access
to active johns (see Weitzer 2005). Many websites also
operate forums specifically for johns to discuss prostitution
in cities around the globe (see Sharpe and Earle 2003;
Soothhill and Sanders 2005; Hughes 2003). These forums
 Examining Sex Work from the Client’s Perspective 335

act as on-line discussion groups that provide first hand infor-

mation from johns concerning the sexual services available
in a given area, as well as their personal experiences with
providers (Weitzer 2005; Sharpe and Earle 2003; Soothhill
and Sanders 2005). As a result, Web forums provide an
excellent medium for exploring the methods, justifications,
and beliefs of johns, and sex work generally (Weitzer 2005).
A small number of studies have capitalized on forums to
examine the way that johns use the Internet to share infor-
mation about their experiences with escorts (Hughes, 2003;
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Sharpe and Earle 2003; Soothill and Sanders 2005). Johns

reveal motivations for paying for sex, as well as detailed
accounts of their interactions with prostitutes while on-line.
However, these studies are generated from small samples
of posts from a single U.K.-specific website and focus solely
on escorts, rather than other forms of sex work (Weitzer
2005; Sharpe and Earle 2003; Soothill and Sanders 2005).
Thus there is a need to use larger, diverse samples of com-
puter mediated communications to understand the ways
johns identify and utilize sexual services from various types
of prostitutes, massage parlor workers, escorts, and other
sex workers (see Weitzer 2005).
This study attempts to address this gap through a qualitat-
ive analysis of posts from a sample of on-line forums for
johns in 10 U.S. cities to identify the information johns
provide via the Internet to identify prostitutes and their ser-
vices. The findings are used to explore the ways that on-line
information sharing between johns facilitates prostitution off-
line, and limits risk exposure. In turn, the results can improve
our understanding of the ways in which computer mediated
communications impact sexual deviance and crime in the
real world. The utility of Web forums for law enforcement
intelligence and deviance research are also explored.

JOHNS, PROSTITUTION, AND COMPUTER MEDIATED

COMMUNICATIONS
Although most prostitution occurs in the real world, the Inter-
net has become an important resource for sex workers gener-
ally, and their clients specifically (O’Neill 2001). This is due
in part to the anonymity afforded by computer mediated
communications, allowing johns to discuss their experiences
 336 T. J. Holt and K. R. Blevins

with prostitutes without significant fear of reprisal or social

stigma (Sharpe and Earle 2003). Preliminary research using
prostitute reviews posted by johns on a U.K.-based website
found that johns provide certain details about their experi-
ences with escorts. Reviewers described the location where
the sex act occurred and the relative safety of the place, as
well as costs for services (Sharpe and Earle 2003; Soothill
and Sanders 2005). The data indicates that the costs johns
pay for sexual services from escorts varies widely, and the
users are geographically mobile (Soothhill and Sanders
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2005). In fact, johns may visit the same providers in similar

regions, and know and interact with each other on- and
off-line (Soothill and Sanders 2005:15). In turn, the social
organization of johns may be changing as a result of greater
ties and shared spaces between the clients of prostitutes
(Sharpe and Earle 2003:52).
Johns also elaborated on sexual encounters with escorts in
their posts, complete with physical descriptions of the pros-
titutes, their attitudes, and any critiques about their perform-
ance during the act (Sharpe and Earle 2003; Soothhill and
Sanders 2005). The reviews can be extremely detailed,
including use of condoms during sex acts and the johns’
beliefs about the sex worker’s cleanliness. These accounts
also provide some insight into the characteristics johns seek
in prostitutes, noting ‘‘girlfriend experiences’’ as the ideal
(Sharpe and Earle 2003:50). Girlfriend experiences occur
whenever the woman is enthusiastic about the sex act and
makes the john feel special, as though they were in a ‘‘con-
sensual non-commercial relationship’’ (Sharpe and Earle
2003:50; see also Hughes 2003). In turn, johns give higher
reviews and recommend sex workers who can provide girl-
friend experiences. As a whole, the quality, quantity, and
detailed information provided by johns through forums
may increase prostitution rates by facilitating sex work
(Sharpe and Earle 2003:52).
Although these findings provide some interesting insight
into the impact of computer mediated communications on
real world crime, the data from this research is relatively lim-
ited (Soothill and Sanders 2005:10). Both studies reflect con-
ditions in the United Kingdom, providing little information
on the way johns in other countries use computer mediated
communications to discuss prostitution. The previous
 Examining Sex Work from the Client’s Perspective 337

research also focuses entirely on escorts who typically oper-

ate on a higher social stratum than other forms of prostitution
(Lucas 2005; Perkins and Lovejoy 1996; Vanwesenbeeck
1994).
As a result, it is unknown how johns use computer mediated
communications to identify and discuss their experiences
with street prostitutes, strippers, and other sex workers. Examin-
ing exchanges between johns in cyberspace can increase
our understanding of the dynamics of the real world sex trade
on the streets and indoors, and its connection to other forms
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of crime and deviance. For example, johns’ discussions

may provide some insight on their victimization experiences
while seeking sexual services, or any knowledge of human traf-
ficking of sex workers in massage parlors or strip clubs. Thus
there is a strong need to explore prostitution from the johns’
point of view using computer mediated communications to cre-
ate ‘‘a more nuanced, multifaceted, and comprehensive under-
standing of prostitution than what currently exists’’ (Weitzer
2005:229).

DATA AND METHODS

This qualitative study uses a sample of ten city-specific
public Web forums run by and for individuals who visit pros-
titutes.1 Web forums are on-line discussion groups where
individuals can discuss a variety of problems or issues. They
are composed of posts where individuals ask a question or
give an opinion. Other people respond to the remarks with
posts of their own to create a running conversation. Because
posters respond to the ideas of others, the exchanges present
in the posts of a forum may ‘‘resemble a kind of marathon
focused discussion group’’ (Mann and Sutton 1998:210).
As a result, Web forums demonstrate relationships between
individuals and provide insight into the quantity and quality
of information exchanged between johns.
The forums identified for this data set were initially ident-
ified on the basis of prostitution arrest rates. Specifically, the
ten cities selected for this sample had the highest rates of
1
The Web addresses and names of the groups and users of all sites and forums used are
not provided in this analysis in an effort to maintain some confidentiality for the johns’
groups and forum users.
 338 T. J. Holt and K. R. Blevins

arrest for prostitution based on a Scripps Howard analysis of

the FBI’s 2002 Uniform Crime Report (Hargrove 2005). The
study examined prostitution arrest rates for all agencies that
reported at least one prostitution arrest in 2002. This analysis
of 269 agencies compared the number of arrests against the
city population, and identified ten cities with the highest
rates of prostitution arrests (Hargrove 2005). This is the most
recent city-level analysis of prostitution arrest data available,
and identified the following cities: Elizabeth, New Jersey;
Atlanta, Georgia; Hartford, Connecticut; Inglewood, Califor-
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nia; Dayton, Ohio; Chicago, Illinois; Fort Worth, Texas;

Memphis, Tennessee; Baltimore, Maryland; and Las Vegas,
Nevada. The sampling strategy provides a glimpse into pros-
titution across the United States, as most all regions of the
country are represented.
This city sample was then used to develop a purposive, yet
convenient sample of Web forums from the large number of
websites offering forums for johns in every state in the United
States and around the globe. Due to the volume of on-line
content, a website was sought that had active forums for
all ten cities. A publicly accessible site was also desired,
because it would not require individuals to register with
the site to examine posted content. As a result, anyone can
access the forum without the need to interact with posters,
reducing the potential for researcher contamination or bias
(Silverman 2001). Finally, a site with a large number of
existing or archived posts was sought because frequent posts
suggest high activity and use.
Only one site met these criteria, and all posts from each
city forum for 2005 were collected to create a consistent data
point.2 This strategy provides a significant amount of data,
although it may skew the findings due to lag effects from
three-year-old arrest data. The landscape of sex work in the
cities may have changed in the intervening years by law
enforcement, population shifts, or other social factors.
Although this problem is not easily rectified, it is important
to note that most of the cities included in this sample are

2
The website selected for this research maintained an archive of posts for each city,
although each forum had been operating for a different length of time. This made it imposs-
ible to use data from 2002, as some of the cities had no posts until 2004. Thus, posts from
2005 were used to ensure a consistent data point across all cities.
 Examining Sex Work from the Client’s Perspective 339

major population centers where illicit sexual markets would

be difficult to completely eliminate. Hence, the forum posts
should still illustrate the ways johns share information to
identify and facilitate prostitution.
To create the data sets, the 2005 post archives for each city
were copied, pasted, and saved to a word file for analysis.
This strategy generated a copious amount of data, totaling
6,899 posts, and a range of user populations (see Table 1
for details). The files were printed and analyzed by hand
using components of grounded theory techniques, as its pro-
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cedures allow for a rigorous qualitative analysis of the data

(see Corbin and Strauss 1990). Specifically, the researcher
must use a three stage coding process to identify and develop
categories and patterns in the data that must be identified
multiple times through comparisons to determine if they
similar. In this way, concepts become relevant via repeated
appearances or absences in the data, ensuring they are
derived and grounded in the ‘‘reality of data’’ (Corbin and
Strauss 1990: 7).
Another important potential weakness that must be
addressed is that some users may have falsified posts, limit-
ing the accuracy of the data. Yet the rules and structure of
the forum reduces the likelihood of false posting. Since the
forum exists as a conduit for information, individuals have
little to gain by providing inaccurate information. In fact,
other users were quick to note and deride a poster if they
gave false comments. Thus, the posts appear to be generally

TABLE 1 Descriptive Data from Forums

City Total number of posts User population

Atlanta 711 179

Baltimore 1840 488
Chicago 712 208
Dayton 183 48
Elizabeth 247 78
Fort Worth 253 64
Hartford 480 84
Inglewood 763 168
Las Vegas 599 182
Memphis 1111 332
 340 T. J. Holt and K. R. Blevins

valid and provide significant insight into the nature of

prostitute and johns.

THE POSTERS AND FORUMS

The composition of posters demonstrates some common
relationships between users. As with all groups, some users
posted comments quite often. For example, there were 102
posts from one user in Baltimore, which accounted for 5 per-
cent of the total posts in that city. However, large numbers of
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comments from one user were the exception rather than the
rule. The vast majority of users in all forums posted less than
5 comments over the 12-month period, with most users post-
ing only once. As such, the user populations from all 10 for-
ums fit the ‘‘J-curve form’’ found in studies of differential
participation in group activity (Robinson 1984:25).
The forum posters also used a unique argot that consists of
terms and abbreviations to refer to various types of prosti-
tutes, physical descriptions of prostitutes, sex acts, and law
enforcement activity. There are a sizeable number of terms
that constitute this argot which are employed with varying
frequency in each city forum. The meaning of each term is
made available to all forum users through a directory on
the forum’s main page. Posters are encouraged to utilize this
language whenever possible, especially by senior forum
users. However, a full discussion of this argot is not provided
here due to the sheer volume of terms. Instead, examples are
provided throughout the following analysis to illustrate the
use of the argot in actual discourse.
Sexual Services
Examining the content of the forum posts demonstrates that
johns provided significant detail on all facets of the sex trade.
Specifically, johns spent considerable time discussing the
various sexual services and prostitution available in their
area (see also Sharpe and Earle 2003; Soothill and Sanders
2005). Almost 70 percent of all posts refer to streetwalkers,
escorts, strip clubs, or massage parlors. Specifically, 45 per-
cent of all posts concerned streetwalkers, which is approxi-
mately twice as many as those referring to escorts, strip
clubs, and massage parlors combined. This pattern was
present in some of the forums, including Dayton, Memphis,
 Examining Sex Work from the Client’s Perspective 341

and Baltimore, where over 60 percent of the posts referred

specifically to street walkers.
There was also some variation in the sexual services
described across cities, as in Atlanta where 75 percent of
user comments referred to escorts and escort services. Also,
there was an almost equal focus on massage parlors and
streetwalkers in the Inglewood, California forum. In fact,
the Inglewood forum contained twice as many posts about
massage parlors than any other city. Finally, the Elizabeth,
New Jersey forum posters focused on strip clubs about twice
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as often as street walkers.

It should be noted that strip clubs are not necessarily out-
lets for prostitution. Users were quick to identify which strip
clubs had workers who engaged in prostitution and which
did not. For example, a user in the Atlanta forum wrote about
one strip club, stating ‘‘There’s probably some after hou[r]s
action available if you have the time and money to put into
it . . . [it] may be a bit wild but that is more ‘specialized’ than
a regular strip club.’’ Such comments suggest that johns were
using strip clubs as a venue to seek prostitutes who frequent
the clubs or its’ employees who could be paid for sex. For
example, a user in the Elizabeth forum noted ‘‘Went to the
[strip club] the other day. There was a pretty hot black dan-
cer there and she started grinding up against me . . . asked
how much for FS [full service vaginal sex]. She said .4
[$40] so I paid it . . . Anways [sic] we did the deed.’’

Identifying Sexual Services

The previous quote demonstrates the level of detail johns
provided to help others identify and utilize sexual services.
Forum posters provided very specific information on the
locations where prostitutes could be found or were known
to frequent. Approximately one quarter (24.4 percent) of all
posts contained precise information about the areas and
businesses where prostitutes, strip clubs, and other sexual
services are available. Individuals gave detail on the cross-
streets where they found a prostitute along with their physi-
cal description (see also Hughes 2003). For instance, a forum
user in Chicago posted ‘‘Struck gold with an HSW near 35th
and California . . . Was in the area eating lunch at Donald’s
and saw her walk north on California.’’ Similarly, a Dayton
 342 T. J. Holt and K. R. Blevins

forum member posted, ‘‘She has dirty blonde hair, nice body
and can be seen around 3rd and 5th streets.’’ In addition, a
number of posters in the Chicago, Dayton, Las Vegas, and
Atlanta forums stated they were traveling to the area and
wanted to find specific sexual services in these areas. Thus,
the significant detail provided by most users facilitated the
johns’ ability to identify prostitutes and sexual services
around the country.
Users also provided information on areas to avoid because
there were few prostitutes present. For example, a forum user
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in Chicago described their search, stating ‘‘Started off my

morning at 4 am with the North an Armitage from Weed st
Cicero run and had no luck. Then Cicero to Cermack to
Pulaski and back and found nothing. Later from 4 pm to
about 7 pm made the same run with the same results.’’ Sev-
eral posts noted when prostitutes were not available due to
inclement weather or police actions. Thus the forums
allowed individuals to identify alternative venues for sexual
services when certain resources were unavailable. To that
end, users in both Hartford and Dayton even assembled
maps detailing specific hotspots for prostitutes around the
city. As a result it appears that johns are mobile and utilize
the same prostitutes over time (see also Soothill and Sanders
2005).
Johns provided information on ways to directly contact sex
workers in addition to their locations. Members provided
weblinks for contact information and pictures of specific
prostitutes. These links were primarily used for access to pic-
tures of escorts and strip club employees, and a small num-
ber of street prostitutes. Users also provided phone numbers
or contact names that would give them direct access to an
escort or street prostitute. However, most forum posters
had to have permission from the sex worker in order to post
phone numbers openly on the forum.
Instead, most johns shared contact information privately,
using a private message, or PM system run by the forum. This
was demonstrated by a user in the Chicago forum who wrote
‘‘I have also seen a couple of other . . . massage=hand release
girls. If that’s your thing, PM me and I can give you the
detailed scoop.’’ In this way, johns could regulate and limit
access to favored sex workers. Some johns also stated
they would not give out information privately unless the
 Examining Sex Work from the Client’s Perspective 343

requesting poster provided information as well. This was

demonstrated in a post from the Chicago forum:
I will only respond to those mongers that have at least
attempted to supply us with SW info. For those of you that
have requested the info and have never posted or only have
1 post to their credit, I won’t be PM’ing you back. Don’t take
it personal, just step up and contribute and ye will be
rewarded eventually!
Johns also directed posters to different media outlets and
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advertisements for illegal sexual services in their area. News-

papers and classified ads were discussed, although there
were also references to on-line resources such as The Erotic
Review and Eros Guide. The website Craigslist was also fre-
quently cited as a valuable on-line resource to identify
escorts and prostitutes as the site allows individuals to freely
post ads under a variety of categories. Thus, consumers
searching Craigslist can limit their search to specific cities,
allowing them to find services around the country. Craigslist
was mentioned in three percent of all posts, and, with the
exception of Fort Worth, it was mentioned at least once in
each city forum. In fact, some city forums developed specific
sections devoted to Craigslist to discuss providers and experi-
ences. Posts concerning sex workers on Craigslist were struc-
tured in much the same way as those for streetwalkers and
escorts, as demonstrated in this post from the Chicago forum:
hooked up with Nadia from craigslist. A white girl around 50
1000 about an 8 on the scale . . . she also had a cute friend
Corbi who I may try tomorrow. her craigslist ad mention
‘‘head case’’ so look for it. she has a reccent pix attached
to the ad. have fun

Prostitutes
In addition to detail on the location of sexual services, users
described the prostitutes they had been in contact with,
regardless of whether they were streetwalkers, escorts, or
employees of strip clubs or massage parlors (see also Sharpe
and Earle 2003; Soothill and Sanders 2005). Approximately
31 percent of all posts contained a physical description of
a prostitute. Some provided basic details including the pros-
titutes’ name, approximate age, and race using abbreviations
 344 T. J. Holt and K. R. Blevins

such as WSW or HSW for white or Hispanic street walker,

respectively. Most users provided very specific details on
the prostitute, such as a forum user in Baltimore who
described a streetwalker stating: ‘‘She had long brownish-
blond hair (dye job was growing out). A-cup breasts, but a
nice looking, great personality, and terrific skills.’’ The pos-
ters also tended to describe particular physical characteris-
tics of the sex workers they found most appealing,
including breasts, body shape, or sexual talents.
However, johns were critical of some prostitutes’ appear-
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ances, providing graphic descriptions as demonstrated in the

following post from the Hartford forum:
In the nude, Chelsea looks worse than she does with clothes
on. She’s rail thin, and her skin has a bit of a ‘‘hardened by
the streets’’ look to it. Up top, she’s got an aftermarket bolt-
on rack that she must have gotten at K-Mart—rock hard, mis-
shapen ‘‘Cþ’’ sized tits.
Similar derogatory comments were pervasive across the
forums when describing prostitutes who had been involved
in the sex trade for some time (see also Heigard and Finstad
1992). Johns also gave negative descriptions of prostitutes
with drug habits, particularly crack and heroin. These drugs
have deleterious effects on the physical health of individuals,
and posters would typically note if a prostitute was skinny,
missing teeth, or looked ‘‘cracked out.’’
In fact, johns frequently used the ‘‘streetwalker scale’’ to
rate prostitutes’ appearances on a scale from 1 to 10. This rat-
ings system was used to indicate the differences between
prostitutes and women not involved in the sex trade, as in
the following post from the Chicago forum: ‘‘This time I
come across a very nice wsw [white street walker]. She
would be a 6 on a normal scale, 8 on the sw [street walker]
one.’’ Posters gave low scores to those prostitutes who had
been involved in the sex trade for many years or were serious
drug users. For example, a user from the Chicago forum
posted a description of a prostitute: ‘‘Cindy, WSW,
face ¼ cracky [due to drug use] 5 body ¼ spinner thin 4’’
Higher ratings were given to prostitutes that had been out
on the street for a short period of time or took better care
of their bodies. This was exemplified by an Inglewood poster
who wrote:
 Examining Sex Work from the Client’s Perspective 345

Did the nasty with Tina at LS, a 24-y.o. Korean hardbody.

Tina’s physical looks are good. She earns a 9. With a boobjob
she could be in glossy magazines as-is. Her hair and face and
appearance as she walks in are great.

Thus, this suggests johns place some importance on the

physical appearances of prostitutes (see also Holzman and
Pines 1982).

Costs
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Forum users across all city forums also provided significant

detail on the costs of all manner of sexual services. Price
was discussed in about thirty percent of all posts, whether
concerning strip clubs, escorts, or street prostitutes. Cost
was especially an issue in Atlanta and Fort Worth as it was
discussed in over 70 percent of the posts in the forums of
each city. The most common form of payment described
was cash, but users occasionally mentioned that cigarettes
or condoms were traded along with money. It should be
noted that price was commonly discussed in code, using a
unique system based on 100 dollars. In the forums, a dollar
sign represents 100 dollars, and anything after a decimal
point is less than 100. For example, a Chicago user wrote
‘‘Wound up doing a FS [full service] visit for $.5.’’ Although
it appears this individual paid 50 cents for services, the john
actually paid one hundred and fifty dollars.
The discussions between posters also demonstrated signifi-
cant variation in costs for sex dependent on several factors.
Users paid less for just oral sex than for vaginal intercourse
or anal sex, and in some cases paid more for unprotected
sex. Street prostitutes and strip club workers were also paid
less for their services than massage parlor workers and
escorts (see Bernstein 1999; Edgley 1989). The costs for sex-
ual services also depended on the city, as users in Las Vegas
and Atlanta described paying up to $400 for sex with prosti-
tutes and escorts. However, johns in Dayton, Baltimore, and
Elizabeth paid between $20 and $100 for sex.
The wide range of prices may explain why johns frequently
commented on negotiating the cost for sex with all manner
of sex workers. For example, a user in the Hartford forum
described the negotiating process with a street prostitute:
 346 T. J. Holt and K. R. Blevins

‘‘She took me to the park and asked me for 40 for FS and 20 for
bj. I negotiated 35 for both.’’ A poster in Atlanta provided a
similar account of his experiences in a massage parlor:
I paid 40 for the door fee. After almost no massage it was
down to business. I offered 100 as before which I think is
more than enough. She said only HJ was available for that.
I never offered more and finally left. I think she wanted
200
300 extra.
Most users showed no concern over bartering with prosti-
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tutes on the price of sexual services. This was best demon-

strated by a poster in the Baltimore forum who suggested
‘‘I think it’s fine if mongers negotiate low fares. Hell, if a girl
agrees to low fares, that is her choice, she doesn’t have to. As
long as everyone is upfront about it and honors the agree-
ment, all is good.’’ A small number of johns also described
tipping prostitutes if they felt the act was well performed or
they knew the prostitute well.
Sexual Acts
In addition to cost issues, johns used the forums to discuss their
sexual experiences with prostitutes and sex workers. Forum
users provided significant detail concerning what particular
prostitutes will or will not do for money or other payment.
Approximately 31 percent of all posts contained descriptions
of particular sex acts with prostitutes, although users in Atlanta
(65.3 percent) and Fort Worth (68.8 percent) made these posts
more often. Users gave graphic details when describing what
sex acts they engaged in with certain prostitutes. Abbreviations
and slang were often employed to detail the acts, including BJ
or ‘‘French’’ for oral sex, F=S for vaginal sex, and ‘‘greek’’ for
anal intercourse. The users also noted whether or not they used
condoms during intercourse, employing the abbreviation ‘‘C’’
for covered or ‘‘BB’’ for bare-back.
Posters also detailed the prostitute’s performance during
sexual encounters (see also Sharpe and Earle 2003; Soothhill
and Sanders 2005; Hughes 2003). In fact, johns’ opinions on
the quality of the sexual experience depended heavily on the
attitude and demeanor of the prostitute (see also Holzman
and Pines 1982). This was reflected in johns’ reviews, as
prostitutes who appeared uninterested or cold during inter-
course were cast in a negative light (see also Sharpe and
 Examining Sex Work from the Client’s Perspective 347

Earle 2003; Soothhill and Sanders 2005). For example, an

Inglewood poster was very dissatisfied with his experience
because the prostitute was ‘‘all attitude’’ and ‘‘a f cking dead
fish while I was doing all the work in missionary [position
intercourse]. What’s worse is when I asked her about the
doggie [position] she said no.’’
However, prostitutes who vigorously performed during
intercourse or appeared to enjoy the sexual act were given
positive reviews. For example, a poster in Baltimore wrote
‘‘Great BJ, great sex, bites on your nipple which is enjoyable
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the way she does it.’’ In fact, those prostitutes who received
the most favorable comments were able to provide a girlfriend
experience, or GFE (see also Sharpe and Earle 2003; Kern
2000; Hughes 2003). Such an experience typically involved
the prostitute allowing the john to kiss them on the lips and
give them oral sex. A girlfriend experience also meant that
the prostitute seemed to truly act as though they were not
being paid for sex, as demonstrated in the following post:
It was relaxed, no topic of discussion was off limits . . . and the
action was better than any GF I’ve ever had . . . . The appoint-
ment actually started with pizza. We talked and laughed. It
was truly a comfortable fun time. She made the first moves.
If she doesn’t enjoy her work, she should get an Oscar for
her acting ability.
This supports the notion that johns seek out paid sex, but do
‘‘not want to deal with someone whose demeanor constantly
reminded them of this fact’’ (Holzman and Pines 1982:112).
Managing Detection
In addition to detail on the sex trade, johns discussed the risks
and threats they faced while seeking out paid sexual encoun-
ters (see also Holzman and Pines 1982). Because prostitution
is illegal, posters discussed their concerns over being arrested
for their escapades. In fact, law enforcement was mentioned
in 27.5 percent of total posts, although Fort Worth forum users
were much more focused on this issue because they referred
to law enforcement in 79.8 percent of posts. Regardless of
the city, posters used the forums to alert other johns to the
presence of police officers in and around prostitution
hotspots. This was illustrated in a post from a user in Fort
Worth who wrote: ‘‘Be careful of the Great Western, LE
 348 T. J. Holt and K. R. Blevins

[law enforcement] always seems to hover around that area no

matter what time of day.’’ Similarly, a Memphis user posted,
‘‘ . . . LE are all over Lamar between American Way and
Winchester . . . canvas the area before picking up a sw . . . ’’
In some cases, users provided information on active stings
and busts to alert other johns. For example, a Chicago poster
noted, ‘‘Did the Midway stroll and on 47th by Wasthenaw an
unlucky SW and monger I believe musta been a stake out. I
seen a BSW lead away in cuffs and didn’t see what happened
to the monger but there was a paddy wagon there along with
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tow truck.’’ Individuals also posted on law enforcement

stings at other locations for sexual services, as in the follow-
ing exchange from the Inglewood forum:
Luster: Went to [a massage parlor] today, saw a bunch of police
cars in the parking lot, turned around and got the hell out.
KeepitondaDL: Yes that got shaken down again. Once again, all
girls were taken to jail, including the House Mom [massage
parlor operator]
The threat of law enforcement off-line also appeared to
influence johns while on-line. Posters became suspicious
of other forum users, especially if they did not utilize the
special abbreviations and argot of the forums. Those who
did not adhere to these codes were singled out and were
called amateurs or accused of being law enforcement agents.
Unusual comments could also elicit fear in users, as in the
Las Vegas forum when an individual discussed searching
for prostitutes using military time. In response a user posted
‘‘BTW [by the way], wtf [what the fuck] is up with the use
of military time? Only people I know that use that are in
the military, security, or LE.’’
In addition to law enforcement risks, johns expressed
concern for their personal safety because of the potential
for victimization at the hands of prostitutes or criminals oper-
ating near open air sex markets (see also Holzman and Pines
1982; Luckenbill 1984). Specifically, johns detailed which
prostitutes were thought to have sexually transmitted dis-
eases or stole from clients. Posters also described instances
of theft and interpersonal violence that resulted from seeking
out sexual services in high crime areas. For example, an
individual who posted in both the Chicago and Inglewood
forums wrote:
 Examining Sex Work from the Client’s Perspective 349

my MO is always I never pick up SW on my car. Usually I

park the car and chase them down on foot. Did my usualy
Chicago style mongering in the West Coast, had some smokin
senoritas but after the 3rd day I was robbed by some crack
heads=gangmembers by gun point. Probably thought some
crazy asian walkin around in a drug and gang infested predo-
minately hispanic hood.
Sharing such stories with other posters led to discussions
on ways to avoid or negate the different threats johns face
while seeking prostitutes. Johns could reduce their likelihood
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of victimization by avoiding certain areas, carrying little cash

or valuables, and not parking on the street. For example, a
poster from the Hartford forum explained his methods for
obtaining sexual services from street prostitutes:
Ya . . . I have a rule against taking my hobby home. Nothing
good can happen there. . . . Beyond stealing or breaking stuff,
she could remember where you live afterwards . . . and if the
transaction goes wrong, the last thing you want is for her or
her friends to show up at your door.
Thus, computer mediated communications play a signifi-
cant role in the identification, management, and reduction
of threats for johns on- and off-line.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

This research sought to explore and understand the ways johns
use computer mediated communications to discuss prosti-
tution using a sample of forums from ten U.S. cities. The
findings clearly demonstrate that johns share a great deal of
information through on-line outlets (see also Hughes 2003;
Sharpe and Earle 2003; Soothhill and Sanders 2005). Users pro-
vide detailed information on the location of sexual services on
the streets and indoors, as well as ways to identify specific
providers, and data on costs and practical experiences with
prostitutes and sex workers. The exchanges between johns pro-
vide significant insight into the prostitute=client interaction
process, as well as the role that physical appearance and
demeanor play in the sexual experience for customers of sex
workers (see also Holzman and Pines 1982; Sharpe and Earle
2003). As a result, the forums simplify the pursuit of sexual
 350 T. J. Holt and K. R. Blevins

services, even in areas an individual has not visited before. In

turn, computer mediated communications may increase pros-
titution rates by increasing information and awareness of pros-
titution services (see also Sharpe and Earle 2003).
This study also indicates that johns are conscious of
the physical threats that they face while seeking out sexual
services (see also Holzman and Pines 1982:106). For ex-
ample, johns described having personal items stolen by pros-
titutes, or being robbed and assaulted when soliciting sex on
the street. Individuals also posted information about prosti-
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tutes who had sexually transmitted diseases or were unclean.

In response, forum users detailed the methods they use
to limit the risks associated with soliciting sex, including car-
rying few valuables in their vehicles. However, it is unknown
how johns’ perceptions and experiences with risks influence
their attitudes toward and willingness to pay for sex. Further
research is needed exploring this issue using on- and off-line
data to expand our knowledge of the client side of
prostitution, and the dangers associated with the sex trade
generally.
The quantity and quality of data provided by johns also
makes these forums an excellent investigative tool for law
enforcement agencies. Police can quickly and anonymously
recognize the scope and nature of sex work within their com-
munity by monitoring these public forums. The content of
posts may also allow for hotspot identification to increase
the efficacy of stings and busts. At the same time, the users
appeared aware of the threat of law enforcement both on-
and off-line. Posters noted when and where they saw police
officers, and provided information on active stings. Johns
also shunned forum users whom they perceived to be law
enforcement agents, as do other deviant groups while on-line
(see Mann and Sutton 1998). As a consequence, computer
mediated communications may enable johns to negate law
enforcement efforts, no matter how surreptitious or dynamic
they may be. Few studies have considered any relationships
between deviants’ use of the Internet and likelihood of arrest.
Further research is needed to understand the connection
between on-line communications and law enforcement
evasion off-line. The findings could provide insight into the
ways that deviants and criminals manage their behavior as
a consequence of experiences on- and off-line.
 Examining Sex Work from the Client’s Perspective 351

Research is also needed to explain the differences in forum

content across cities. Although the structure and format of
each forum was relatively similar, the sexual services dis-
cussed varied by location (see also Bernstein 1999; Weitzer
2005). Atlanta forum users frequently discussed escorts,
whereas Fort Worth users focused primarily on street walkers
and Inglewood posters emphasized massage parlors. Survey
research examining the behavior of forum users in each city
may help to determine if the content is a direct reflection of
available sexual services or a consequence of user interests.
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In turn, this data could benefit the larger literature on prosti-

tution by identifying the affects of city size and regional
characteristics on the nature of sex work in a given area.
Taken as a whole, this study has demonstrated the con-
siderable importance of computer-based communications
for the clients of sex workers. Use of the forums provided
johns with information to find and utilize sexual services
off-line, as well as protect themselves from law enforcement
and other threats. Researchers have frequently noted the
important role that the Internet plays in creating on-line com-
munities that can support, promote, and justify all manner of
sexual deviance, from cybersex (Lamb 1998) to pedophilia
(see Durkin and Bryant 1995, 1999; Quayle and Taylor
2002; Quinn and Forsyth 2005). As a result, the impact of
on-line communications on the nature and scope of deviant
sexual behavior cannot be understated. However, these find-
ings may not be applicable to all other types of deviance and
crime. Further research is needed to understand the ways
computer mediated communications enhance more serious
forms of deviant and criminal behavior off-line, such as drug
use and gang activity. This will improve our knowledge of
the ways the Internet facilitates deviant communication
and crime in the new millennium.

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