Religious Research Association, Inc.

Ideology and Recruitment in Religious Groups

Author(s): Helen Rose Fuchs Ebaugh and Sharron Lee Vaughn
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Review of Religious Research, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Dec., 1984), pp. 148-157
Published by: Religious Research Association, Inc.
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148

IDEOLOGYAND RECRUITMENT
IN RELIGIOUSGROUPS*

Helen Rose Fuchs Ebaugh and SharronLee Vaughn

Universityof Houston

Review of Religious Research, Vol. 26, No. 2 (December, 1984).

It has become a well-documentedfinding that social ties are a primary and

possibly even an indispensable avenue of recruitingfor most religious sects.
Whathas not been clear in the literature is the nature of these social ties and
whether they differ for various kinds of groups as well as individuals within
those groups. An assumption in the Lofland-Starkmodel (1965) and in Snow, et
al.'s, work (Snow, Zurcher and Ekland-Olson, 1980) is that these social
networks are characterized by effective relationships of some duration. Our
data show thatfor some groups close friendship ties are a means of recruiting
whilefor others an acquaintance-type encounter is a major recruiting device.
Moreover, our data suggest that these differences are accountedfor, in part, by
differences in religious beliefs among religious groups.
With the increasing number of studies of new religious groups within the past
decade, the issue of membership recruitmenthas probably had more attentionthan
any other specific issue. The Lofland-Stark model of conversion (1965; also
Lofland, 1966) remains the most widely used framework for analyzing recruitment
and conversion despite the fact that it has been critiqued numerous times (Richard-
son, et al., 1978; Seggar and Kunz, 1972; Heirich, 1977; Bromley and Shupe, Jr.,
1979; Snow and Phillips, 1980; Starkand Bainbridge, 1980).
Most studies of conversion have emphasized social-psychological variables to
explain why certain individuals are drawn to a movement and under what conditions
they become actual group members committed to the group's ideology (Cantril,
1941; Glock, 1964; Toch, 1965; Harrison, 1974; Gerlach and Hine, 1970; Greil,
1977). The assumption in these models is that all converts go through the same, or
similar, processes. More recently, Snow, et al. (Snow, Zurcher, Ekland-Olson,
1980) have argued the importance of structuralvariables in the conversion process
by comparing case studies of groups reported in the literature. In our study we
found that the nature of the group one is joining has a great influence on both how
recruits are contacted and what happens to them once the convert comes into the
group. More specifically, it is our contention that insufficient attention has been
given ideological variables in terms of the groups themselves in analyzing the
conversion process.
While critics disagree on the importance and sequential ordering of the seven
steps in the Lofland-Stark model, there seems to be widespread agreement on the
necessity and essential role of two steps in the model: cult affective bonds and
intensive interaction with the group. Lofland and Stark (1965:871) argue that for
conversion to occur an effective bond must develop, if it does not already exist,
between the prospective recruit and one or more movement members. Such a bond
could be the result of a pre-existing, extramovement, interpersonalrelationshipor it
could emerge between strangers in the course of movement activities. Lofland
 149

found,however,in his studyof earlyAmericandevoteesof ReverendSunMyung

Moon, thatonce the initialrelationshipbetweenthe founderandthe first convert
developed,nearlyall subsequentconversionsmovedthroughpre-existingfriend-
shippairs(Lofland,1966).
The findingsof Snow and Phillips(1980) in theirstudyof the NichirenShoshu
Buddhistmovementin AmericasupportedLofland'scontentionthatpre-existing
friendshipties tendto be theprimaryavenuefor recruitment of newmembersrather
than movement-specificor emergentrelationships.In a later article, Snow ex-
pandedhis analysisto a comparisonof ten social movementsin the UnitedStates
andfoundthatnineof themrecruitedmembersprimarilythroughalreadyexisting
socialties (Snow,Zurcher,andEkland-Olson,1980).StarkandBainbridgeapplied
the analysisof friendshipties in recruitmentto religiousgroupsanddemonstrated
thatconventionalreligions,as well as moreunusualsects or cults, dependheavily
uponfriendshiprelationsfor new recruits(StarkandBainbridge,1980).
The studies reviewedabove show that the essential role of social ties in the
processof recruitment bothto religiousandnon-religiousmovementsis now quite
well-established.Little attention,however,has been given to an analysisof the
differenttypes of social ties and how they relate to ideologicaldifferencesin
religiousgroups.

RELIGIOUSGROUPSSTUDIED

The presentpaperutilizes data based upon interviewsdone in 1978 with 50

membersfromeachof threereligiousgroupsin Houston,Texas:CatholicCharis-
matics,ChristianScientistsandBaha'is.Ourstudydiffersfrommostcasestudiesof
conversionintoreligiousmovementsin thesensethatatleasttwoof thethreegroups
we studiedhave been in existence for a substantialamountof time. While the
CatholicCharismaticmovementis less thantwentyyears old, boththe Christian
Scientistsand the Baha'is have been in existenceover 100 years. The Baha'is,
however,areoftenconsideredone of the "newreligiousmovements"in the sense
thatthe Baha'imovementin the UnitedStateshas gainedmomentumprimarilyin
thelasttwentyyears.
In terms of Wilson'sseminal article on sect developmentand types of sects
(1959), CatholicCharismatics area Conversionistsect characterized by thegoalof
alteringmen through a fundamentalistinterpretationof the Bible and evangelism
while boththe ChristianScientistsand Baha'isare Gnosticsects which acceptin
largemeasurethisworld'sgoalsbutemphasizenewesotericteachingsas a meansto
achievethese ends. Wilsonsuggestsin his articlethatsects may be viewed on a
continuumin whichtheGnosticsstandat one endrepresenting a denomination-like
sect andthe Conversionistsare locatedat the oppositeend of the continuumas a
puresect. Whilea denomination is contentto be one movementamongothersandis
not openly hostile to the values of the secular society and state, the sect is
characterizedby its exclusivenessandhostilityor indifferenceto secularsociety.
Denominationsemploy formalizedproceduresof admissionwhile sects demand
proofof some claimsto personalmeritsuchas a conversionexperience.Thereis
typicallysuchemotionalexpressionandactiveproselytizingamongsect members
whiledenominationmemberstendto be less spontaneousin theirreligiousexpres-
150

sionandaremoreconcernedwitheducationof theyoungthanin evangelismof the

outsider.
Wilsonfocuses uponthe impactof ideologicaland structuraldifferencesupon
sectemergenceandsectcontinuance.Whilehe de-emphasizesrecruitment mecha-
nisms,it followsthatthesurvivalof sectsdependsinlargepartuponthenumberand
types of membersrecruitedinto the sect. We predict,therefore,that ideological
differencesamongtypes of sects influencethe recruitmentprocessas well as the
waysin whichsectsemergeanddevelop.Totestthisprediction,we selectedgroups
thatrepresentedbotha denomination-like ideologyas well as a moresectarianone.
CatholicCharismaticsrepresentthe lattertype groupwhile Baha'ishave more
denomination-related characteristics.ChristianScientistsare also classifiedas a
denomination becauseof theirideology,theiroverallstancetowardthe world,and
their views on evangelism.However,they are structurallymore insulatedfrom
outsidecontactsthanaretheBaha'is.
Basicto theCatholicCharismatic movementis a fundamentalist of
interpretation
theScriptures,especiallyregardingtheNew Testament of earlyChristianityandthe
gifts bestowedby the SpiritincludingBaptismof the Spirit,speakingin tongues,
and the gift of healing. Brotherlylove expressedthroughsocial supportand
emotionalgesturescharacterizesthe group. Committedmemberstend to devote
much time and emotionalenergy to the movementto the exclusion of outside
involvements.Boththe esotericnatureof glossolaliaandBaptismof the Spirit,as
well as the tendencyto replaceoutsideties and friendshipswith interactionwith
groupmembersmakesthe Charismaticsthe most communally-oriented and iso-
latedof the three groupswe studied.(For a detaileddescriptionof the Catholic
Charismatics,see Lane, 1976;McGuire,1975, 1977a, 1977b;O'Conner,1974.)
Essentialto ChristianScienceis thetenetthat"rightthought"is thebasisof both
spiritualand physicalhealth.In her textbookof interpretation of the Scriptures,
Mary BakerEddy insiststhat illnesses and misfortunesin the world stem from
incorrectanddisharmonious thinking(Eddy,1936).ManyChristianSciencemem-
bersareeitherraisedin the religionor arerecruitedby spousesor relatives.Social
ties tend to follow groupmembership;however,ChristianScience membersare
encouragedto be good citizensandexemplarsin the largerworld. (Fora detailed
descriptionof the ChristianScientists,see Eddy,1936;Wallisand Morley,1976;
Wilson,1961.)
TheBaha'iFaithoriginatedas a sect of Islamin Persiain 1842when "theBab"
announcedthecomingof theprophet,Baha'u'llah,whowasGod'slatestmanifesta-
tion to the world. Baha'u'llahformulatedthe SacredWritingswhichbecamethe
basis of the faith. TheseWritingsset out the social principlesandlaws neededto
affecta New WorldOrderbasedon unityandpeaceamongall humankind.Baha'is
are committedto eradicatingsuch social barriersas racialandsexualdiscrimina-
tion.Theirmembership tendsto attracteducated,professionalpeoplewhocontinue
theirinvolvementsin society.Thereareno membershiprestrictionsandproselytiz-
ing is partof everymember'songoingdailylife (Archer,1977). The Baha'ishave
loose boundarymaintainingmechanismsandarethe least isolatedfromthe major
society of all three of the groupswe studied.(For a detaileddescriptionof the
Baha'is,see Archer,1977;Keddie,1972;Esselmont,1973.)
 151

METHODS

For each of the three religious groups, the Christian Scientists, Catholic Charis-
matics, and Baha'is, samples of 50 active members were interviewed during 1978.
All resided in the Houston metropolitan area. Subjects from all three groups were
administered a common interview instrument, consisting of both closed and open-
ended questions, and lasting an average of two hours. Workingthrough the leader-
ship of each group, combined snowball-quota samples were selected. The total
number of individuals active in each group was examined in terms of selected
characteristics (income, education, occupation, age, sex, marital status and length
of time in group) and the final samples were chosen to reflect these distributions.
Core members of each group suggested members to interview whose characteris-
tics matched the quotas.
The study is unique in that we used the same interview instrument in all three
groups. Most comparative studies rely upon secondary analysis of responses to
questions which are not identical across groups (see Snow, Zurcher and Ekland-
Olson, 1980; also, Stark and Bainbridge, 1980). In addition to interview data on
members, we studied organizational aspects of each group by talking to leaders in
the group, studying official documents and, most importantly, doing participant
observation within each group.
Members in each group were asked how they first heard of the group, how many,
if any, of their best friends were members in the group, whether any family
members, spouse, or relatives belonged. These questions focused upon pre-existing
social networks that may have influenced their own conversion. We then asked a
series of questions about current networks in order to determine the potential of
such networks for the recruitment of new members to the group. These questions
focused upon number of best friends now in the group, whether spouse, family,
relatives belonged, and associational networks in non-religious activities.
While all 50 Catholic Charismatics were recruitedto the movement, that is, they
were not raised as Catholic Charismatics, 31 of the Christian Scientists were raised
in that religion and 9 of the Baha'is were raised by Baha'i parentsin the Baha'i faith.
As a result, the number of respondents for which recruitmentand conversion data
were appropriatevaried by group. The fact that only 19 Christian Scientists were
recruitedto Christian Science makes our statistical conclusions suggestive at best.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

Because Gnostic sect types emphasize the spiritual importance of extending their
boundaries to permit social participationwith nongroup members, it is more likely
thatpre-existing friendship ties exist for one recruitedto thattype of movement. On
the other hand, the Conversionists stress the spiritual ties and brotherly love that
members are to have toward one another, and the group tends to be more socially
isolated. This allows less opportunity to engage in activities with nongroup mem-
bers. Thus, we predicted that Christian Scientists and Baha'is have more best
friends in the group prior to joining than Catholic Charismatics.
Examining Table 1 we find the above prediction to be true. Prior to joining the
group, a higher percentage of Catholic Charismatics (78 percent) responded that
152

Table 1

BESTFRIENDSPRIORTO JOItING THEGROUP

NumberWho Religious Group

Were Group Catholic Christian
Members Charismatics Scientists* Bahai's*
(N=50) (N=19) (N=41)

One 8% (4)** 31% (6) 32%(13)

Two 6% (3) 5% (2)
Three 6% (3) 16%(3) 2% (1)
None 78%(39) 53%(10) 58% (24)
No Data 2%(1) 2% (1)

* Numbersinclude only memberswho were not raised in the faith.

**Numbersin parentheses indicate number of cases.

none of their three best friends were group members. For Baha'is, 58 percent of the
converts stated that none were members and 32 percent said that one friend was a
member. A similar pattern was found among Christian Scientists in which 53
percent responded "none" and 31 percent said one friend was a member.
One consequence of pre-existing friendship ties is that they can serve as a
recruitment mechanism. Friends, in particular, are the primary way most group
members hear about the group and are encouraged to become involved in group
activities (Lofland, 1965; Snow, et al., 1980). Given the fact thatcharismatics tend
to be more group-oriented, socially isolated, and have fewer best friends in the
group before joining, we predicted that fewer,members would have been recruited
by friends than is true for the Christian Scientists and Baha'is who indicated more
best friends in the group prior to their joining. Table 2 shows how members first
heard of the religious group.
Despite our prediction that Baha'is and ChristianScientists are recruited more by
friendship ties than Catholic Charismatics, our data do not bear this out. In fact,
almost twice as many Catholic Charismatics first heard of the group from friends
than is true for the other two groups.
What explains this finding? The Catholic Charismaticsare evangelistic in thatthe
group teaches that every member has a responsibility to teach the truth and try to
convert others to the "one true Faith." Evangelism, therefore, is a central tenet of
the faith. The fact that members take this mandate seriously is evident in the
language displayed by members not only in conversation with other members but
even when talking to mere acquaintances and strangers. "Praise God," "Glory to
God," "May God be Praised," "Thanks be to God," and "Praise the Lord" are
typical phrases used by Charismatics as greetings and exclamations during routine
conversations. Any social interaction, therefore, manifests one's identity as a
Catholic Charismaticand is a means of proselytizing. The fact that 78 percent of the
Catholic Charismatics indicated that none of the best friends were members of the
group before they joined indicates that it was not intensive, intimate friendship ties
 153

Table 2
OF RECRUITMENT
MODE BY RELIGIOUS
GROUP

Religious Group
Mode of Catholic Christian
Recrui tment Charismatics Scientists* Bahai' s*
Recruitment
(N=50) (N=19) (N=41)

Recruited Through
Social Networks

Family/Relatives 20% (10)** 31%(6) 7% (3)

Spouse 8% (4) 5% (1) 2% (1)
Spouse--Future 21% (4) 7% (3)
Friends 48% (24) 21% (4) 29% (12)
Teacher/School 5% (1) 19%(8)
Church 14%(7)
Co-Worker 4% (2) 17%(7)
Recruited Outside
of Social Networks

Mass Media 4% (2) 5% (2)

Chance Meeting 2% (1) 5% (1) 12%(5)
No Data 10%(2)

* Only converts are included for Christian Scientists and Bahai's since
nonconverts were raised in the group.
**Numbersin parentheses indicate number of cases.

thatinfluencedtheirdecisionto join but rathercasualconversationwith acquain-

tances who were group members.Unlike data presentedby Gerlachand Hine
(1970), only28 percentof oursamplefirstheardof thegroupfromspouseor family.
On the otherhand,significantlymoreBaha'is(40 percent)andChristianScien-
tists (47 percent)indicatedone or morebest friendswho belongedto the group.
Fewer,however,saidthatfriendswere theirfirstcontactwith the group.Rather,
familyandrelativesweretheprimarywayChristianScientists(31 percent)heardof
thegroupfollowedby futurespouse(21 percent).Thisdataindicatesthatprimary-
type relationshipstendto be the majorrecruitingdevicefor thetwo denomination-
like groupswhilecasualacquaintances arethe avenueby whichthe moresectarian
group recruits.
In termsof currentclose, intimatefriendships,membersin all threegroupstend
to havetheirbestfriendscurrentlyin thegroup.
As Table3 indicates,46 percentof CatholicCharismaticshave theirthreebest
friendsnowinthegroupcomparedwith47 percentof theChristianScientistsand36
percentof theBaha'is.Thesedifferencesarenotstatisticallysignificant.
Whilepeoplein all threegroupschose groupmembersas best friends,Table1
154

Table 3
BESTFRIENDSNOW AREGROUP
WHO MEMBERS

Religious Group
NumberWho Catholic Christian
Are Group Charismatics Scientists* Bahai's*
Members (N=50) (N=19) (N=41)

One 18%(9)** 10% (2) 19%(8)

Two 14% (7) 21% (4) 22% (9)
Three 46% (23) 47% (9) 36% (15)
None 18% (90) 21%(4) 19%(8)
No Data 4% (2) 2% (1)

* Numbersinclude only memberswho were not raised in the faith.

**Numbersin parentheses indicate number of cases.

indicates that even before joining, Christian Scientists and Baha'is tended to have
best friends within the religious groups while very few Charismatics were best
friends with other Charismatics. Other interview data supports the finding that
Christian Scientists and Baha'is tend to continue their friendships both with mem-
bers and nonmembers after joining the group while the Charismatics tend to break
off friendships with non-group members and re-establish friendships with group
members. The implication for recruiting is that the former two groups use their
extra-group friendship ties for encouraging friends to join the group while Charis-
matics have closed off this option by becoming more socially insulated in terms of
close friendships.
In addition to questions regarding best friends, we asked respondents who they
tend to associate with in nonreligious activities, that is, day-to-day business and
social activities. We predicted that the more denomination-like the sect, the less
associational ties with members would be. Thus, in the case of nonreligious
activities, Christian Scientists and Baha'is are less likely to engage in nonreligious
activities with group members while Charismatics are more likely to associate with
sect members in such activities.
Upon examination of Table4, we find this prediction to hold for the three groups.
A higher percentage of Catholic Charismatics (48 percent) than either Baha'i
converts (17 percent) or Christian Scientist converts (10 percent) responded that
most of the people they associate with in nonreligious activities are members of the
group. Baha'is and Christian Scientists stated that most of the people they associate
with are not members of their group compared with only 32 percent of the Catholic
Charismatics. The former two groups, therefore, are in more frequent contact with
nongroup members than is true for Catholic Charismatics and, as a result, have
more opportunityto recruitfor the group. Given the data in Table2, however, which
shows that fewer Christian Scientists and Baha'is first heard of the group through
friends, we have evidence which suggests that opportunityfor social contacts does
not necessarily lead to recruitmentof new members.
 155

Table 4
ASSOCIATIONAL
NETWORK
IN NONRELIGIOUS
ACTIVITIES

Religious Group
Extra-Cult Catholic Christian Bahai's*
Attachments Charismatics Scientists* (N=41)
(N=50) (N=19)

Most Are Group

Members 48% (24)** 10%(2) 17% (7)
Most Are Not 78% (32)
Group Members 32% (16) 58%(11)
5% (2)
Half Are and
Half Are Not
Group Members 20% (10) 31%(6)

* Numbersinclude only memberswho were not raised in the faith.

**Numbersin parentheses indicate number of cases.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Snow and Phillips (1980) suggest that structural differences between groups,
such as degree of social isolation, may impact differentially upon the recruitment
process. They suggest that the more isolated the group the less likely that social ties
will operate as recruitmentdevices for the group. We have found, however, thatthis
is not necessarily the case. Rather, the more isolated of our three groups tended to
recruit through casual, acquaintance-like friendship ties while the two less isolated
groups drew members by means of more intimate, primary-type relationships. One
reason for the difference in the natureof friendship ties in recruitmentis the group's
ideological stance toward evangelism. While the Catholic Charismatics emphasize
active proselytizing, the Christian Scientists stress religious upbringing of children
and good example of daily living and the Baha'is emphasize a more general
"acceptance of social principles" ratherthan group membership itself. Therefore,
in the most casual of social contacts with a Catholic Charismatic, one is likely to
realize group identity while the same is not true for ChristianScientists and Baha'is.
Only in more intimate, personal contact with members in the latter two groups is
religious identity revealed. These findings suggest that the natureof friendship ties
as a recruitmentmechanism differs in various types of groups and are influenced by
religious beliefs, especially by a group's teachings regarding proselytization.

NOTES

*Theresearchfor this paperwas funded,in part,by a ResearchEnablingGrantfromthe

Universityof Houston, Office of SponsoredPrograms.We gratefullyacknowledgethe
of MaryArcher,KatheRichmanand ElizabethGearin the originalresearch
participation
projectandthehelpfulsuggestionsof RussellCurtis,whocritiqueda versionof thispaperat
the SouthwesternSocialScienceAssociationmeetingsin Dallasin March,1981, as well as
thesuggestionsof JosephKotarba.
156

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