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SHILOH
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF A BIBLICAL SITE
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NUMBER 10
MONOGRAPH SERIES
TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY
SONIA AND MARCO NADLER INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY
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SHILOH
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF A BIBLICAL SITE
by
ISRAEL FINKELSTEIN, SHLOMO BUNIMOVITZ AND ZVI LEDERMAN
with contributions by
Baruch Brandl, Erich Friedmann, Jonathan Glass, Yuval Goren, Shlomo Hellwing,
Liora Kolska Horwitz, Vered Kishon, Mordechai Kislev, Hanoch Lavee,
Nili Liphschitz, Peter Northover, Naomi Porat, Baruch Rosen,
Ionel Rosenthal, Moshe Sadeh, Benjamin Sass,
Sariel Shalev and Moshe Wieder
ISRAEL FINKELSTEIN
Editor
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ISBN 978-965-266-031-2
©
Copyright 1993
All rights reserved
Second printing 2011
Printed in Israel
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CONTENTS
List of Figures vn
Preface xi
Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION
Israel Finkelstein
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LIST OF FIGURES
Fig. L l. The location of Shiloh and the boundaries of the Land of Ephraim survey. 2
Fig. 1.2. Shiloh and its environs. 3
Fig. 1.3. General view of the mound, looking west. 5
Fig. 1.4. General view of the mound, looking west. 5
Fig. 1.5. General plan showing excav~tion areas of the Danish Expedition (sectors) and renewed excavations (areas). 6
Fig. 1.6. Aerial view of the mound (looking south) showing areas of excavations. 8
Fig. 1.7. Aerial view of the mound, looking north. 8
Fig. 1.8. Expedition Staff, season of 1982. 9
Fig. 2.1. Schematic plan of Area C. 16
Fig. 2.2. Aerial view of Area C, looking east (1982). 17
Fig. 2.3. General plan of the Iron I remains in Area C. 18
Fig. 2.4. Section A-A through Iron Age I buildings in Area C, looking south. 19
Fig. 2.5. Section B-B through Iron Age I buildings in Area C, looking south. 19
Fig. 2.6. The Danish excavation in the 'Western Sector', 1929. Destruction debris with collared-rim jars (Shiloh 1969:33). 20
Fig. 2.7. Pillared Building 312, looking north. 22
Fig. 2.8. Southern part of Area C, looking south-east. 22
Fig. 2.9. A row of Iron I pithoi in the southern AISLE of Building 335, looking southeast. 23
Fig. 2.10. A row of Iron I pithoi in southern aisle of Building 335, looking west. 24
Fig. 2.11. Three collared-rim jars in southern aisle of Building 335. 24
Fig. 2.12. Group oflron I vessels from southern aisle of Building 335 after restoration. 25
Fig. 2.13. Northern part of Building 335, looking east. 26
Fig. 2.14. A section through Debris 623, looking north. 26
Fig. 2.15. Corridor 611 (background) and Byzantine Installation 621 (foreground), looking east. 27
Fig. 2.16. Hall 306, looking southeast. 28
Fig. 2.17. Hall306 and upper terrace with Building 312, looking northeast. 28
Fig. 2.18. Isometric reconstruction of the Iron I pillared buildings in Area C. 30
Fig. 2.19. General plan of the Byzantine remains in Area C. 32
Fig. 2.20. The terrace of Area C in excavation season of 1981, looking south. 33
Fig. 3.1. Schematic plan of Area D, showing Middle Bronze, Late Bronze and Iron I remains. 36
Fig. 3.2. Aerial view of Area D, looking southwest. 37
Fig. 3.3. General plan of the MB and LB remains. 38
Fig. 3.4. General view of Area D, looking southeast. 39
Fig. 3.5. Outer face of MB fortification Wall L301. 40
Fig. 3.6. Offset N321, looking northwest. 40
Fig. 3.7. MB Wall M332joining Wall L301, looking northeast. 41
Fig. 3.8. Stone Fill417 in Square L31, looking north. 41
Fig. 3.9. Schematic section of the glacis, looking south. 41
Fig. 3.1 0. General view of sectional trench in Glacis 723. 42
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Fig. 6.43. Ratio of cooking-pots with everted rims to total number of cooking-pots at five Iron I sites (%). 156
Fig. 6.44. Ratio of collared-rim pithoi to total number of jars at five Iron I sites (%). 157
Fig. 6.45. Flattened, thickened and disc bases vs. ring bases at three Iron I sites(%). 158
Figs. 6.46-49. Stratum V (Iron I) pottery from Area C- Building 335. 164
Figs. 6.50-51. Stratum V (Iron I) pottery from Area C- Building 312 and Hall 306. 170
Figs. 6.52-53. Stratum V (Iron I) pottery from Area C- Debris 623. 171
Fig. 6.54. Fragments of cult stand (1-4) a,ld sherds decorated with animal heads from Debris 623. 173
Fig. 6.55. Fragments of cult stand (1-2) and sherds decorated with animal heads from Debris 623. 174
Fig. 6.56. Stratum V (Iron I) pottery from Area E- Installation 519. 175
Figs. 6.57-58. Stratum V (Iron I) pottery from Area D- L. 403-404. 176
Fig. 6.59. Stratum V (Iron I) pottery from silos in Areas C, D and H. 179
Fig. 6.60. Stratum V (Iron I) pottery - miscellaneous. 180
Fig. 6.61. Schematic drawings of punctured and incised handles (see Table 6.19). 181
Figs. 6.62-65. Stratum V (Iron I) vessels from Area C. 182
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Fig. 6.66. Stratum IV (Iron II) pottery from Areas E and C. 188
Fig. 6.67. Miscellaneous- MB II, Iron I and Iron II. 189
Fig. 6.68. Miscellaneous- MB, Iron I and Persian. 190
Fig. 6.69. Stratum II pottery and stone vessels from Buildings 804 and 810 in Area F and L. 1112 in Area J. 191
Fig. 6.70. Stratum II pottery from various loci in Area E. Stratum I pottery from the upper terrace of Area C. 192
Fig. 7.1-2. Flint tools. 198
Fig. 8.1. Seal impression 14285. 204
Fig. 8.2. Scarab 7257. 205
Fig. 8.3. Scarab 15126. 206
Fig. 8.4. Scarab 17317. 207
Fig. 8.5. Seal impression 15367. 208
Fig. 8.6. Sealing 15125. 209
Fig. 8.7. Seal impression 17053. 210
Fig. 8.8. One of the seal impressions on storage jar 3398. 212
Fig. 8.9. Scarab 10053. 212
Fig. 8.10. Seal impression 17328. 212
Fig. 8.11. Seal impression 16050. 213
Fig. 8.12. Cylinder-seal impression 14001. 214
Fig. 8.13. Scarab 10127. 215
Fig. 8.14. Seal impression 13187. 216
Fig. 8.15. Seal4083. 217
Fig. 8.16. Seal6189. 218
Fig. 8.17. Potter's mark 6084. 219
Fig. 9.1. Ibex-shaped jug spout 14186. 224
Fig. 9.2. Bull-shaped zoomorphic vessel15177. 225
Fig. 9.3. Reconstruction of bull-shaped zoomorphic vessel 15177. 226
Fig. 9.4. Clay objects. 228
Fig. 9.5. Clay objects. 229
Fig. 9.6. Clay objects. 232
Fig. 9.7. Ibex-shaped jug spout 14186; Bull-shaped zoomorphic vessel 15177. 233
Fig. 9.8. Clay objects. 234
Fig. 9.9. Bone objects. 236
Fig. 9.10. Metal objects. 239
Fig. 9 .11. Metal objects. 240
Fig. 9.12. Silver jewellery. 244
Fig. 9.13. Stone objects. 247
Fig. 9.14. Stone objects. 248
Fig. 9.15. Stone objects. 249
Fig. 9.16. Alabaster pilgrim flask 14540. 250
Fig. 9.17. Stone objects. 251
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Fig. 13.9. Cross section of a partly decomposed root from Layer 5 (plane-polarized light). 296
Fig. 13.1 0. Grain size distribution of the earthy material of the different layers (see legend). 299
Fig. 14.1. Typical ESR signal of a Shiloh wheat sample. 304
Fig. 14.2. The relationship between the g-value and heating temperature of wheat grains. 305
Fig. 14.3. The relative spin concentration as a function of temperature of a second heating treatment. 305
Fig. 15.1. Ratio of sheep/ goat and cattle in the four main strata(%). 319
Fig. 15.2. Ratio of sheep/ goat and cattle in four Middle Bronze sites(%). 320
Fig. 15.3. Ratio of sheep/ goat and cattle in three Late Bronze sites(%). 321
Fig. 15.4. Ratio of sheep/ goat and cattle in six Iron I sites(%). 322
Fig. 17.1. Triticum parvicoccum, base of rachis (xiS; SEM micrograph). 358
Fig. 17.2. Hordeum distichon, rachis fragment (xl5; SEM micrograph). 358
Fig. 17.3. Vitis vinifera, raisins (x2). 359
Fig. 17.4. Vitis vinifera, raisin with a stalk (xlO; SEM micrograph). 360
Fig. 17.5. Vitis vinifera, broken raisin showing the pips (xl5; SEM micrograph). 360
Fig. 18.1. Arable land and water-sources around Shiloh. 363
Fig. 19.1. Khirbet er-Rafid, looking northwest. 372
Fig. 19.2. Area Fin the MB HI: schematic reconstruction of the main earth and stone elements. 376
Fig. 19.3. Middle Bronze and Iron Age I sites in the vicinity of Shiloh. 387
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PREFACE
During the years 1981-1984 four seasons of excavations were conducted under the direction of Israel
Finkelstein at the site of Shiloh by an expedition of the Department for the Land of Israel Studies of
Bar-Ilan University. Assistant directors were Shlomo Bunimovitz and Zvi Lederman.
The excavations were part of a regional project, initiated in 1980, that included a comprehensive
survey of the Land of Ephraim, which encompassed an area of more than 1000 sq. km. in the central hill
country between Ramallah and Nablus. The objective of the survey was to investigate the settlement
patterns of the region, with emphasis on environmental-ecological and socio-economic aspects. 1
The goals of the Shiloh excavation, as defined before and during the campaign, were as follows: to
elucidate the history of the site prior to the Iron Age I and the circumstances of its development into an
Israelite centre; to determine its character during the Iron Age I and its position in the overall settlement
pattern and social system of the period; to gain a better understanding of the material culture of the
central hill country in the Middle Bronze, Late Bronze and Iron Age I periods.
Each season lasted from five to six weeks. Participants, ranging from forty to more than eighty on
occasion, included students from the Department for the Land of Israel Studies of Bar-Ilan University,
foreign volunteers, youth groups and army instructors. Permanent members of the expedition included
Pnina Ben-Hananya and Ariella Cohen (registration), Shmuel Yosef and Ori Rei (administration and
area supervision), Amir Feldstein, Michal Iron-Lubin and Ido Katz (area supervision), Amalia Katze-
nelson (restoration), Bernardina Luttinger and Miriam Waldman (plans and pottery drawing), Moshe
Weinberg and Yoram Weinberg (photography) and Robert Kaufman (organization of foreign volun-
teers). Zvi Lederman served as the surveyor for the expedition}
I would like to express my gratitude to those organizations, institutions and individuals who, through
their financial contributions made this excavation possible: the National Council for Research and
Development (Israel); the Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture, New York; the Dorot Foundation,
New York; the Cherna and Dr. Irving Moskovitz Chair for the Land of Israel Studies of Bar-Han
University; Dr. Ludwig Jesselson, U.S.A.; Dr. Ernest Strauss, Switzerland; the late Mr. Oved Ben-Ami,
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Israel. My sincere thanks go also to Yitzhak Magen, Archaeological Staff Officer for Judaea and
Samaria; to the Mateh Binyamin regional council; to the Jewish Agency and the Jewish National Fund
for their generous logistical support.
The final editing and layout of this volume is the work of Shirley Gassner who invested much time
and effort in forging the diverse literary styles of multiple authors into a cohesive and uniform whole.
I. For preliminary details of the survey, see Finkelstein 1988-89; for some of the results, mainly in the vicinity of Shiloh, see
Chapter 19.
2. Other members of the staff included Tirza Yifrah, Jacob Ben-Ari, Shmuel Azulai and David Gol (administration); Arieh
Bornstein, Yitzhak Adjeman, Tamar Hamer and Shlomo Phiphano (area supervision); Michal Rosh Ben-Ami and Ellen
Zlotnik (photography); Steven Rosenberg and Yigeal Teper (survey).
Xl
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I am also indebted to the following members of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University
for their expert assistance in the preparation of this volume: Judith Dekel and Ora Paran (plans),
Nikolai Adani-Tarkhanov and Pavel Shrago (photographs) and Rodica Penhas (plates).
Israel Finkelstein
Tel Aviv 1993
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Israel Finkelstein*
Tel Shiloh (Khirbet Seilun) lies 2.5 km. east of the Jerusalem-Nablus road (G.R. 1775 1626; Figs. 1.1-4,
1.7), at the northern end of a fertile valley. The summit of the mound is 714 m. above sea-level, while the
surrounding hills rise to about 800 m. The ravines around the mound merge on the west into Wadi c Ali,
which descends to the Lubban esh-Sharqiyyeh valley and Nahal Shiloh. The area of the mound is about
3 hectares, including the slopes (but excluding the ruins of a Muslim weli and a Byzantine church to the
south). The eastern and western sides of the mound, which rise about 50-65 m. above the surrounding
terrain, are very steep. Its north is bounded by a natural terrace, part of which was used as a quarry in
antiquity, that extends outward and ends in a steep drop about 100m. beyond the end of the mound
itself. Only on the south is the gradient moderate enough to enable easy access. Here the mound is only
about 20 m. higher than the surrounding terrain, so presumably the ancient entrance to the site was
located here. The mound was thus naturally protected on the east and west, the vulnerable points in its
defense being mainly on the south and to a certain extent on the north.
Many rock-hewn cisterns are scattered over the mound, but the permanent water source of the
settlement was cEin Seilun, a fairly large spring about 900 m. to the northeast, in a ravine descending to
the valley from the village of Qaryut. Thus the choice of location for the settlement took into account
three factors: a wide fertile valley to the south, a copious perennial water supply and an easily defensible
topographic position.
The location of Shiloh was still known in the 14th century C.E. when the Jewish traveller Eshtori
ha-Parchi found it in ruins (Luncz 1897:195-196). The modern identification of Kh. Seilun as ancient
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Shiloh was made without difficulty by Robinson during his journey in Palestine in 1838 (Robinson
1891:84-89; see also Enc. Miqr. VII:626). The key source is the description of the location of the site in
Judges 21:19 as being" ... north of Bethel, on the east of the highway that goes up from Bethel to
Shechem, and south of Lebonah". In the course of the Land of Ephraim survey all the sites in the
vicinity of the village of Lubban esh-Sharqiyyeh were visited. It was found that the site of Lebonah
should apparently be identified with a small mound located at the top of the ascent south of the village
(G.R. 17345 16250; Finkelstein 1988:155, picture on p. 156). In fact, Shiloh is situated to the east of the
site of Lebonah rather than to its south. It would therefore seem that by 'south' the author related to the
place at which the approach road to Shiloh leaves the Bethel-Shechem highway. For topographic
_.
en
0
140 140
8 Modern site
Fig. 1.1: The location of Shiloh and the boundaries of the Land of Ephraim survey.
2
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reasons, the course of the ancient route of the central range should be located on approximately the
same track as the modern Jerusalem-Nablus road.
Also helpful for the identification of Shiloh is the Onomasticon of Eusebius, which placed the site" 12
miles from Neapolis ( =Shechem) at Acrabitene" ( Onomasticon 158, 28), i.e., in the district known by the
town whose name is preserved in that of the Arab village of c Aqrabeh, northeast of Kh. Seilun. The
Madaba Map also shows Shiloh to the southeast of Neapolis (Shechem) in the Acrabitene district.
Finally, the name was preserved in the name of the small mediaeval village which is still mentioned in
166 166
Qaryut Jalud
® ®
164 164
•EIN SEilUN
~·:;·~·~:*(:jEl SHILOH
?/;{):::\·1M JAMcA ES-SITTIN
162 162
KH. ER-RAFID•
-:·.=.: .••
. . . .. .. ·. ': .. ._=.
. ....
>::::
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Sinjil
160 ® 160
··:.·.·.·:
-I
0
l\>\1 Valley
• Ancient site
® Arab village
3
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Ottoman tax records from the beginning of the 16th century C.E. (Hiitteroth and Abdulfattah 1977:133)
and in the name of the adjacent spring.
The identification of Shiloh with Kh. Seilun was never challenged except for Richardson's proposal
(1927) to locate it at Kh. Beit Sila southwest of Ramallah (G.R. 164 142), a suggestion which was
promptly dismissed by Albright (1927).
In 1922 Schmidt undertook the first archaeological investigation at Shiloh (Albright 1923) and a
Danish expedition carried on this work from 1926 to 1932. The Director of the expedition was Kjaer
with Albright acting as advisor. The excavator published a number of preliminary reports on the results
of the first two seasons (Kjaer 1927; 1930; 1931) but his sudden death in 1932 caused a delay of several
decades before the final report was published. In 1963 Holm-Nielsen carried out a short season of
excavations at the site in order to clarify unsolved problems. The first final report on the whole
excavation (early periods) was published by Buhl and Holm-Nielsen (Shiloh 1969) and the second report
(Hellenistic to Mameluk Periods) was published sixteen years later (Shiloh 1985).
The Danish expedition worked in five areas (Fig. 1.5). In the southern sector, excavated in 1926 and
1963, only rock-hewn caves with mixed pottery and traces of buildings from the Roman period were
discovered. Exploratory trenches on the summit of the mound dug in 1963 did not reveal any earlier
remains either.
In 1929 the western sector was opened up. Albright suggested to Kjaer that the massive north-south
wall running around the perimeter of the mound (See Chapter 2: Wall E401) might be the city wall. The
area inside this wall was excavated and finds from the mediaeval and Roman-Byzantine periods were
encountered down to bedrock. Kjaer also undertook an examination of the broad terrace extending
outward from this great wall and unearthed two rooms- 'House A' and 'House B' (Shiloh 1969: Pl. E).
Six of the collared-rim jars found by the Danish expedition were uncovered leaning against Wall C422
in the northern room, lying in a deposit of ash. The seventh jar was retrieved by Kjaer from the soil at
the base of the great wall (Room 312 of our excavation). Albright and Kjaer attributed this destruction
layer to the Philistines who presumably razed Shiloh after the defeat of the Israelites at the battle of
Eben-ezer (Albright 1929:4; Kjaer 1930:105), an event that seems to be hinted at in several biblical
passages (Jer. 7:12, 14; 26:6, 9; Ps. 78:60; see Chapter 19). The excavation of this limited area was
abandoned, apparently because it was difficult to interpret (Kjaer 1930:104).
In 1932 an area on the the northwestern edge of the mound was opened. Here a solid city wall was
uncovered and attributed to the Middle Bronze Age. A series of rooms was unearthed inside the city
wall. A group of MB storage jars found in one of these rooms (Shiloh 1969:40) was lost when the
excavation was hastily terminated following Kjaer's death. In one section two casemate-like rooms were
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uncovered in the width of the wall. A few Late Bronze Age finds also appeared in this area (e.g. Scarab
194, Shiloh 1969:37). Wall AA, found in the same area running parallel to and just outside the city wall,
was identified as the LB city wall (Shiloh 1969: Pl. G; see below). In 1932 and 1963 excavation of the
northern sector exposed an additional segment of the city wall with a massive tower projecting some
60 em. outside and inside. In both areas the wall had been damaged by stone robbing.
The Danish excavations, and especially Kjaer's preliminary reports, provided our expedition with
primary information regarding the history of the site. From their results it was clear that the mound had
been inhabited in the Middle Bronze Age, that it had witnessed some sort of activity during the Late
Bronze Age and that the Iron I settlement had been destroyed in a massive conflagration. However,
since no stratigraphic sequence had been revealed in any area nor had the size and character of the site
been determined for any of these three periods, it was impossible to get to the root of the historical
4
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Fig. 1.3:
Fig. 1.4:
natural' terrace to the north (right).
5
problems associated with the site. The final report on the early periods (Shiloh 1969), based on Kjaer's
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field diaries and Buhl's analyses of the finds, did not contribute to the solution of these problems. It
lacks many details (partly, of course, for objective reasons) and also contains several fundamental errors
(see Shiloh 1971; 1973) which have misled other scholars who tried to unravel the history of the site (e.g.
Schley 1989:70-71; see Chapter 19). Resumption of excavation was therefore deemed to be of high
priority.
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Fig. 1.5: General plan showing excavation areas of the Danish Expedition (sectors) and renewed excavations (areas).
(Surveyed by Zvi Lederman.)
6
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When choosing the excavation areas, we were faced with two major difficulties:
1. As in many other hill country sites (e.g. Tell en-Nasbeh, Khirbet Rabud) the highest part of the
mound is so badly eroded that bedrock is exposed in several places;
2. Extensive remains of later settlements over large areas of the site are a formidable obstacle to reaching
the underlying strata. The summit is occupied by the ruins of a small mediaeval village while the central
part of the mound, including its southern slope, is covered with the remains of a village of the Roman
period (Fig 1.5). Remnants of the Byzantine period extend even south of the mound where Kjaer
uncovered two churches with mosaic floors, one near to it and the other in the area of the present-day
settlement. Since the hill country settlers usually founded their buildings on bedrock, the early remains
on the summit and southern slope of the mound have been damaged and occasionally even completely
removed (see for example, Chapter 5: Area E). The areas available for excavation of the early strata
were therefore limited to the fringes of the mound and to its northern sector, which was not occupied in
post-Iron I periods.
Taking these limitations into account, we opened up three areas in the first season (Figs. 1.5-6). The
first was Area Con the western slope where Kjaer had discovered the well-known group of collared-rim
jars in 1929. 1 Our area was laid out slightly north of his, with the aim of ascertaining the nature of the
buildings in which these jars were found. As it became clear that they were part of a series of Iron I
pillared buildings, we extended the area and connected it up with the Danish excavations. The second
area (D) was opened in the northeastern sector in order to examine the fortifications that the Danes had
exposed nearby and to determine their date, stratigraphy and nature. 2 Area E was opened east of the
summit on a broad terrace that had not been previously examined, in the hope that not all early remains
were damaged in later periods.
In the second season (1982) digging was extended in Areas C and D and work was halted in Area E,
while five new areas were put under the spade. Area F is located on the northwestern side of the mound
near the Danish northwestern sector (our Area H). Here our objective was to investigate the stratigraphy
inside the city wall. Area H was cleaned, after which a section was cut into its southern edge and several
smaller probes sunk nearby. Area G is located in the southeastern sector, where traces of walls were
observed on the broad terraces on the slope. Since this part of the site had never been examined it was
decided to make several probes here. Area J, in the southwestern sector, consists of two parts. In the
lower part the top of a massive wall of large fieldstones protruded above the surface prior to excavation
and it was decided to investigate its date and function. In the upper part an additional segment of the
MB fortifications was uncovered. Area K was opened in the north between the Roman period settlement
and the northern area of the Danish expedition.
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In the third season (1983) our efforts were concentrated on expanding Areas C (including a test square
on the higher eastern terrace), D and F. Work in Areas J and K was also continued.
1. The letters A and B were assigned to the areas excavated by Z. Yeivin (Had. Arch. 77, 1981:18-20) in the vicinity of the
modern settlement south of the mound (Area A) and immediately to the north of the mound (Area B). Yeivin's Area A is
the mediaeval structure called Jamca es-Sittin. Area B is located in an ancient quarry, on the natural terrace projecting to
the north! of the mound. More than a century ago Wilson (1873:37-38) suggested that this was the site of the tabernacle, a
proposal which has been revived in recent years (Kaufman 1988). The earliest finds here were remains of Iron Age II
pillared buildings. Most of the pottery in this area dates to the Hellenistic and Persian periods.
2. We use here, and in other chapters of Part I of this report, the terms 'fortification wall', 'city wall' and 'glacis' for the
massive Middle Bronze Age peripheral wall and the fills supporting it from without. For the function of these elements see
Chapter 19.
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In the fourth season (1984) digging continued in Areas F and K, in the upper part of Area C and in
one square in Area D. Work was resumed in Area E. Two new areas were opened up: Area Min the
north between Areas D and K, where we wanted to examine several details concerning the boundary of
the Middle Bronze and Iron Age settlements, and Area L in the southeast, to recheck whether any early
structures remained here.
At the end of four seasons of excavation at Tel Shiloh, the principal remains in each area are
summarized below in stratigraphic sequence.3
Area C: Segment of city wall and glacis; supporting wall in upper square
Area D: City wall and glacis; stone fills against city wall
Area F: City wall and adjoining rooms; stone and earth fills
Area H: City wall and adjoining rooms; earthen fills
Area J: City wall in upper area; rem~ins of edge of glacis in southern part of area
Area K: City wall; adjoining rooms; earthen fills
Area M: City wall; adjoining room; earthen fills
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3. Final correlated stratum numbers are used throughout the report rather than a separate set of numbers for each area of
excavation.
4. Throughout this report we use the terms Intermediate Bronze Age (IBA - Albright's MB I); Middle Bronze I, Middle
Bronze II and Middle Bronze III (MB I, MB II and MB III -Albright's MB IIA, MB liB and MB IIC respectively). For
convenience, Stratum VI.II is defined as 'MB II' throughout the report although it was probably still occupied at the
beginning of the MB III.
8
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Fig. 1.6: Aerial view of the mound (looking south) showing areas of excavations. (Yeivin's excavation on the natural terrace
to the north of the mound is seen at the lower right).
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 1.7: Aerial view of the mound, looking north. Note the weli on lower right, the Roman-Byzantine and mediaeval villages
on the summit and southern slope, Area J (mid-left), and the terrace of Area C in the west (left).
10
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Fig. 1.8: Expedition Staff, season of 1982. Seated (from right to left): Pnina Ben-Hananya, Zvi Lederman, Israel Finkelstein,
Shlomo Bunimovitz and Ido Katz. Standing (from right to left): Ariella Cohen, Shmuel Yosef, Tirza Yifrah,
Yitzhak Adjeman, Shlomo Phiphano, Amir Feldstein, Moshe Weinberg and Michal Iron-Lubin.
REFERENCES
Albright, W.F. 1929. New Israelite and Pre-Israelite Sites: The Spring Trip of 1929. BASOR 35:1-14.
Finkelstein, I. 1988. The Archaeology of the Israelite Settlement. Jerusalem.
Finkelstein, I. 1988-89. The Land of Ephraim Survey 1980-1987: Preliminary Report. Tel Aviv
15-16:117-183.
Hiitteroth, W.D. and Abdulfattah, K. 1977. Historical Geography of Palestine, Transjordan and
Southern Syria in the Late 16th Century. Erlangen.
Kaufman, A.S. 1988. Fixing the Site of the Tabernacle at Shiloh. BAR 14(6):46-52.
Kjaer, H. 1927. The Danish Excavation of Shiloh. PEFQSt: 202-213.
Kjaer, H. 1930. The Excavation of Shiloh 1929. JPOS 10:87-174.
Kjaer, H. 1931. Shiloh. A Summary Report of the Second Danish Expedition, 1929. PEFQSt: 71-88.
11
Luncz, A.M. 1897. Caftor va-Pherach par Eshtori ha-Parchi. Jerusalem. (Hebrew)
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12
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
PART ONE
STRATIGRAPHY AND ARCHITECTURE
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CHAPTER2
Area C is located on the western slope of the mound, on a wide terrace supported on the west by a
retaining wall built by the Danish expedition (Kjaer 1930:92, 94; 1931:74; Shiloh 1969:30; Fig. 2.2). Here
in 1929, in their western sector, the Danes uncovered 'House B' (Room 317 of the present expedition)
which they dated to the Middle Bronze Age, and 'House A' (southern end of the present Locus 306)
where they discovered six collared-rim jars and a few other vessels in a destruction layer that they
attributed to the Philistines (Kjaer 1930:92-112, Figs. 5-6; 1931:73-76, Fig. 4; Shiloh 1969:30-35, Figs.
9-10, Pls. D-E). While excavating 'House A' the Danes encountered stratigraphic difficulties and hence
terminated the work in this area (Kjaer 1930:104; 1931:75). In the renewed excavations, parts of Area C
were opened up to the north and south of the Danish excavation area and later were expanded to
include it.
A series of Iron I pillared buildings was uncovered in Area C (Fig. 2.1). An eastern extension of Area
C (Squares F, G37-38, H38 - 'Upper Area C' in Finkelstein 1985:156) was excavated on a higher
terrace inside the Roman-Byzantine perimeter wall (E401). This area was opened in order to clarify
whether there was an additional terrace of Iron I buildings to the east, and to check the Middle Bronze
Age remains south of Area F. A little to the south of 'Upper Area C' the Danish expedition had dug
down to bedrock in 1929 but encountered only later remains (Kjaer 1930: Pl. II). Our expedition too
found that the nature of the Iron I settlement could not be studied in this part of the mound, since
bedrock was uncovered close to the surface with Byzantine remains built directly on it (see below).
In our four seasons of excavation more than 350 sq. m. were excavated in Area C and four strata were
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15
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-
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Account: s4309548
STRATUM VII: MIDDLE BRONZE AGE III
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An impressive segment of the MB III fortification wall (E381) was exposed under the Roman-Byzantine
perimeter wall (E401) which runs in a north-south direction along the eastern side ofthe area (Fig. 2.13;
for the dating of the latter wall, see below). The massive MB III wall, built of very large fields tones and
founded on bedrock, has been preserved to a height of 2.5 m. It is impossible to determine its width at
this point because its eastern face is hidden under Wall E40 1. The uppermost course is levelled and well
finished on the top, which may mean that the stone base of the wall, or the entire wall, has been fully
preserved here.
Another segment that probably belonged to the Middle Bronze fortification is Wall E412. At first it
appeared that this was the eastern wall of Iron I Structure 312, and that the MB III wall might have
passed further to the east. However, it turned out that the MB III fortification wall itself served as the
back wall of the Iron Age buildings, and apparently also as a terrace for the second building level higher
up. The shape of the corner of Wall E381 at the back of Structure 335 shows that the MB III fortification
wall in Area C was probably built with offsets and insets rather than in the 'sawtooth' style seen in Area
D (Chapter 3).
Stretches of the MB III glacis still remained to the north and south of the Iron I buildings whereas
between them it had evidently been removed by the Iron Age builders. The surface of the glacis was
revealed in two strips in Squares C/043-44 (Fig. 2.8). After excavating a pit (Locus 315, Square C43)
that had been dug into it during Iron II and making a section along the southern face of Wall D433, we
obtained a clear picture of the glacis in this part of the mound. It was composed here of a single layer of
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17
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Fig. 2.3: General plan of the Iron I remains in Area C. (Surveyed by Zvi Lederman.)
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9.00
BUILDING 312
HALL 306
A-A
Fig. 2.4: Section A-A through Iron Age I buildings in Area C, looking south. (Surveyed by Zvi Lederman.)
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
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Fig. 2.5: Section B-B through Iron Age I buildings in Area C, looking south. (Surveyed by Zvi Lederman.)
19
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yellowish-white clay laid on bedrock, retained at its foot by a low wall (C432) built of a single course of
large fieldstones set on bedrock and back-filled with medium-sized stones. The gradient of the glacis is
similar to that in Area D. It is now clear that the large fieldstones uncovered by the Danish expedition in
'House B' (Kjaer 1930: 110; Fig. 11 a; Plan II; Shiloh 1969:35; Pl. E) belong to the retaining wall of the
glacis which was encountered when they dug under the floor of the Iron I room. A similar stretch of the
glacis was exposed in the north ofthe area, next to Wall D371, the outer wall of the Iron Age complex.
At the bottom of Square G38, on the upper terrace, foundations of a massive wall (G383) running
north-northeast - south-southwest were exposed. Founded on bedrock, the 1.8 m. thick wall was
preserved to a height of one course only. To its east, and perhaps also to its west, was a light-coloured
MB III fill, which resembled the fills found in Areas F, K, and M. The purpose of this wall, which ran
parallel to the MB III fortification wall (E381), was probably to support earthen fills.
Fig. 2.6: The Danish excavation in the 'Western Sector', 1929. Destruction debris with collared-rim jars (Shiloh 1969:33).
20
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including some of the stone fill and retaining wall at its foot. The walls of the buildings were founded on
bedrock, and in some places the lower layers of the glacis were used as make-up for the floors. Walls
D433 and D371, which close off the Iron I buildings to the north and south, were erected without
foundation trenches since they were built up against the sides of what was left of the glacis. The inner
faces of these walls (i.e., those seen from inside the rooms) are dressed, while their rough outer faces are
supported by the glacis. No Iron Age remains (except for two silos see below) were found overlying
the glacis to the north or south of the buildings.
To compensate for the steep slope of the mound the Iron Age builders created a system of retaining
walls backed by fills and erected their buildings on the wide terraces formed thereby. Two building
levels, separated by a terrace wall, were unearthed here: Structures 312 and 335 on the upper level and
Hall 306 on the lower level.
The buildings on the upper level extended over Squares D37-43. In the northeastern corner of Square
D42 the Danish expedition uncovered a collared-rim pithos and other vessels at the foot of Wall E401
(Kjaer 1930:106; Fig. 10; 1931:76; Shiloh 1969: 30, n. 156). We easily identified their small test pit at the
beginning of our excavation. The rest of the area had not been excavated previously.
The southern building on the upper level, Structure 312, extends from Wall D433 in the south to Wall
D402 in the north. Terrace Wall D423 on its west separated it from the lower level (Hall306). The MB
III fortification wall (Segment E412) was exploited as the rear (eastern) wall of the Iron I building and
apparently also served as a retaining wall for an additional building level to the east.
There are four units in Structure 312, separated by three rows of pillars built of stone drums (Fig. 2.7).
Two pillar bases of flat stones were preserved in the southern row, three bases of medium-sized fieldstones
(30~m. high, their tops cracked) in the central row and only one base (a single stone 70 em. high) in the
no~hern row. Some of these and other pillars were incorporated in Terrace Wall D423, thereby assisting
at least partially in the roofing of Hall306. The floor of Structure 312 is composed mostly of compacted
chalky-white material, probably the remains of the MB glacis, although some parts are paved with flat
stone slabs and in the eastern part of the building flat bedrock served as the floor. Where the floor had
been destroyed it was possible to distinguish a make-up of small stones that filled the triangular space
between the sloping bedrock and Terrace _Wall D423. Two small installations built of flat stone slabs
were found in this structure. The one located between the two easternmost pillars of the middle row may
have been used for cooking as it was found full of ash.
The Iron I buildings of Area C were destroyed by a severe conflagration as evidenced by the deposit of
ash and burnt mudbrick debris covering the floor of Structure 312. Only a few pottery vessels were
found here. Since the deposits are very shallow, it may be assumed that most of the material was washed
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down the slope to the west. In any case, it seems that the main storage area of the complex was in Hall
306 on the lower level.
Structure 312 did not have a proper wall on its western side and only a narrow partition (Wall D422)
separated it from Terrace Wall D423. The latter was built of medium-sized fieldstones with eight pillars
made of drums incorporated into its western face (Fig. 2.16). This segment of the terrace wall extends
northward to Wall D401 where it joins Terrace Wall D393, which projects further west and supports
Structure 335.
Passage 611, which separates Structures 312 and 335, has a beaten earth floor laid on a fill of small
stones behind Terrace Wall D423 (Fig. 2.15). The entrance to Hall306 probably lay at the western end
of the corridor which was badly damaged by a Byzantine industrial installation (621).
The northern building on the upper level, Structure 335, extends from Wall D401 in the south to Wall
21
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Fig. 2.7: Pillared Building 312, looking north. Note patches of ashes on the floor, Roman-Byzantine peri-
pheral Wall E401 (right) and lower terrace with Hall 306 (left).
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Fig. 2.8: Southern part of Area C, looking southeast. Note the remains of the Middle Bronze glacis (student
sitting on its surface), upper terrace with pillared Building 312 (to her left), Roman-Byzantine
peripheral Wall E401 (behind her) and lower terrace with Hall306 and Room 317 (foreground).
22
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Fig. 2.9: A row of Iron I pithoi in the southern aisle of Building 335, looking southeast.
D..371 in the north. The structure has two side units (with perhaps an additional unit to the east) and a
central courtyard. The southern side unit is bounded on the north by a row of five drum-pillars, one of
which has been preserved to a height of three drums - more than 1 m. high. There is a low stone partition
(D391) between the pillars and access into the courtyard was probably between the two easternmost of
these. On the west it is bounded by Wall D392 which stands on the fill behind Terrace Wall C393. The
eastern wall of the room, presumably the MB fortification wall, was not unearthed since it is buried
under the Roman-Byzantine perimeter Wall £401. On the eastern side of this unit the bedrock served as
the floor while on its western side the sloping bedrock was levelled up with a fill of small stones and
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1. The same apparently applies to the pithoi found by the Danish expedition in Hall 306.
23
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
24
Fig. 2.1!:
335.
Three collared-rim jars in
southern aisle of Building
2.10:
enclosing the courtyard were built of flat stone slabs standing on their narrow edges. Most of the
western part of the courtyard was covered with brick debris.
The side unit to the north of the courtyard, separated from it by a row of four drum-pillars, is almost
identical to the southern unit. The two easternmost pillars stand to a height of two drums while the bases
of the two on the west consist of large boulders about 90 em. high. The pillars are joined by a low
partition wall (D381). The entrance from the courtyard into the unit was either near the cistern or to the
west of the westernmost pillar. As in the southern unit, the floor was partly bedrock, hewn away in order
to level it. The centre of the unit was neatly paved with flagstones which abutted onto the northern wall
(D371). The floors of the courtyard and northern side unit were at a lower level than the floor of the
southern side unit. Wall D371 was preserved to a height of more than 2m. It is more massive than Wall
D433 since the glacis was higher here and needed additional support.
The northern side unit was covered by a deposit of brick debris containing carbonized remains of
collapsed roof beams and large chunks of clay, probably used in the construction of the roof. A thick
layer of ash lay under this debris. Several pottery vessels were found on the floor including a strainer, an
intact pinched-lip jug, a beer jug, pyxides and two bowls. The bases of a collared-rim pithos and a huge
krater leaned against Wall D371. Hammerstones and a large pile of carbonized raisins were also found
here.
On the eastern side of the courtyard stood an additional row of two drum-pillars incorporated into a
low partition wall (E394). Between this wall and the MB fortification wall is another unit, but this was
mostly left unexcavated for fear that the overlying Roman-Byzantine perimeter wall might collapse.
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Fig. 2.12: Group of Iron I vessels from southern aisle of Building 335 after restoration.
25
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Fig. 2.13: Northern part of Building 335, looking east. Note Wall D371, supporting the MB glacis (left) and reused MB
fortification Wal~ E381 (background).
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Fig. 2.14: A section through Debris 623, looking north. Note the top of a stone pillar of Building 335 projecting from
the fallen bricks, and MB fortification Wall E381 (right).
26
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Structure 335 is supported on the west by a wide terrace wall (D393) which resembles Terrace Wall
D423 in its construction, i.e., it is built from large fieldstones with drum-pillars incorporated into it.
However this is a more solid wall since the slope is steeper to the north and required greater support. A
stone fill, which formed a base for the western part of the building, was laid behind the wall. Only one
segment of the western wall (D392) of Structure 335, which closes off the southern unit, was preserved.
Its northerly continuation may have collapsed down the western slope together with the continuation of
the terrace wall that had supported it. The western edge of the floor of the northern side unit is also
broken off here. Excavation of Square C39 proved beyond any doubt that there was no additional
building level west of Structure 335. Only stone and brick debris from Structure 335 was found here and
apparently most of this came from the above-mentioned terrace wall.
Thick deposits containing a large amount of Iron Age I pottery sherds and animal bones (Debris 623)
covered the brick debris in the northern side unit and the northern part of the courtyard of Building 335
(Fig. 2.14). Among the sherds were fragments with animal figures in relief: a cooking pot rim with the
head of a lioness, a krater handle with a ram's head on its underside, and fragments of a cultic stand with
applied decoration of a horse, a lioness and a scene of a leopard attacking a deer (Chapter 6). An
engraved bone ring was also found (Chapter 9). Since there was no evidence of an alluvial layer between
the brick material and the dump, we may assume that this debris was probably thrown from a higher
building level east of the Middle Bronze fortification wall onto the ruins of the building shortly after its
destruction.
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Fig. 2.15: Corridor 611 (background) and Byzantine Installation 621 (foreground), looking
east.
27
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
28
Fig. 2.16:
Fig. 2.17:
Hall 306 and upper terrace with Building 312, looking northeast.
Hall 306, looking southeast. Note stone pillars incorporated into terrace Wall D423.
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The architectural units of the buildings on the lower level of Area C are Room 317 ('House B' of the
Danish excavations of 1929) and Hall306 ('House A'; Figs. 2.16-17). The southernmost wall on this
level, which is the continuation of Wall D433 and forms the outer wall of Structure 312, was also built
against the MB glacis. At the beginning of our work in Area C, while cleaning the pit left by the Danish
excavations, we found large fragments of three collared-rim pithoi that had been left behind by the
Danes in 'House A' (the southern part of our Hall306), probably part of the group of pithoi unearthed
here in 1929.
Most of 'House A' was still sealed by debris that the Danes had not removed because the remains were
"difficult to understand" (Kjaer 1930: 104). Immediately below the surface a deposit of collapsed bricks
and stones containing a very large amount of pottery sherds was encountered. The bricks were fired to a
reddish yellow colour by the conflagration that destroyed the settlement. Flat, thin bricks characterized
the upper layers ofthe debris, while thicker bricks predominated in the lower layers. Under the debris a
thin layer of ash covered the hard-packed chalk floor. Where the floor was disturbed an underfloor
bedding of small stones could be seen. A round shallow pit (336) dug into the floor was found full of ash
and burnt animal bones as well as four crushed cooking pots.
Wall C413, which was found beneath a Byzantine terrace wall (see below), encloses Hall306 on the
west. Since the slope was very steep at this point it was built very solidly of large fieldstones (probably
taken from the MB fortification wall) in order to support the structures standing on the terrace above.
Most of its upper courses collapsed down the slope when the settlement was destroyed and in later
periods. On the outer side of the wall a section cut down to bedrock disclosed debris of large stones,
bricks and pithoi fragments. This debris came from Hall 306 or from its (conjectured) upper storey, a
continuation of Structure 312. It is therefore clear that Wall C413 is the westernmost wall of the Iron
Age I structures uncovered in Area C and thus marks the western boundary of the settlement. The
segment of wall that continues Wall C422 towards the slope has a purely supportive function. It was
intended to retain the MB glacis that still projects on its south (and which was removed down to bedrock
on its other side).
Hall 306 was closed off on the north by Wall C393, the continuation of Wall D40 1. This wall was
hidden under a large quantity of ash from a Byzantine industrial installation (621) which was constructed
at the western edge of Passage 611. It was along Wall C422 of Hall 306 that six complete collared-rim
pithoi were found in 1929 by the Danish expedition. Additional bases of such jars, standing in a row
along the inner face of Wall C413, were found in our excavations. Another row of pithoi leant against
Terrace Wall D423. All the pithoi bases were embedded in the floor.
Obviously Hall306, where parts of 15 such pithoi were uncovered, was used mainly for storage. It is
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on a lower level than Structure 312 which possibly extended westward to form a second storey above it.
Thus it might well have served as the cellar of this house. The thin bricks discovered in the upper part of
the debris sealing Hall306 are different from the thick ones found elsewhere in the complex. They could
have been used for the roofing or walls of the second storey.2 The many sherds found in the upper layers
of the debris in all likelihood originated in the storey above Hall 306 as did some of the pithoi sherds
mixed in the debris on the slope to the west of this cellar.
According to our reconstruction (Fig. 2.18) Structures 312 and 335 differed somewhat in architectural
concept although not in function. Structure 312 had two storeys. The upper level (312) was divided by
2. The 'tiles' discovered by the Danish team among the collared-rim pithoi in the destruction layer of 'House A' (Kjaer
1930:99-100, 102) are probably bricks of this type.
29
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rows of pillars into four rooms while the lower level (Hall 306) served as a storage cellar. Structure 335
stood on one level with two or three side units partitioned off from a central courtyard by rows of
pillars. Since this building did not have a cellar, storage vessels were kept in the side units.
The entrances to both buildings were apparently from the higher level on the east. It is quite clear that
they could not have been entered by climbing up the western slope and our excavation showed that there
were no openings in either of the walls built against the glacis on the north and south. We were unable to
check the claims of the Danish expedition that there were steps leading down from the upper eastern
terrace into the corner of Structure 312 (Shiloh 1969:31) since this part of the building was covered by
later walls. For the same reason it was impossible to determine the type of entrance, nor is it clear how
one descended from Structure 312 to Hall306. Possibly, there were steps at the western end of Passage
611, subsequently damaged by the Byzantine Installation 621. Another possibility is the use of ladders.
In any event, it is obvious that access to Room 317 was by ladder. No direct connection between
Structures 312 and 335 was identified either. Perhaps there was a way down into each building separately
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30
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from the east. Alternatively, access could have been from Structure 312 through an opening in Wall
D402 into Passage 611 and then from its eastern end into Structure 335.
Two silos were dug into the MB glacis; Silo 309, of which only the lower courses were preserved, was
unearthed slightly south of Wall D433 and traces of Silo 311 were uncovered nearby. Both should
probably be dated to the Iron Age I.
31
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except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
c c
J
~~· ,..,, . I
~
I
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-
I
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I
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37 38 39 t.O 41 42 43 ~t.
Fig. 2.19: General plan of the Byzantine remains in Area C. (Surveyed by Zvi Lederman.)
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Fig. 2.20: The terrace of Area C in excavation season of 1981, looking south. Note the top
of Byzantine terrace Wall C381 (in the excavated area) and Roman-Byzantine
peripheral Wall E401 (upper left).
along Squares C38-42, was built into the Iron Age I brick debris (Figs. 2.19-20). 3 Wall C381-391 had no
foundation trench. Its inner face was built of an agglomeration of small fieldstones, while its outer face
(towards the slope on the west) was built properly of dressed stones. Hence it is obvious that this was not
a free-standing wall but a terrace wall built against the Iron Age debris on its east. The Byzantine pottery
retrieved from between its stones is evidence for the date of its construction. This north-south wall
created a broad terrace to the west of the Roman-Byzantine perimeter wall (E401) that probably served
as an industrial zone. At the western end of Passage 611 a round installation (621) built of small
fieldstones and divided into two elongated, plastered C{)mpartments was uncovered. The northern end of
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SUMMARY
Area Cis the main source of information concerning the nature of Shiloh in the Iron Age I. The pillared
buildings are among the most elaborate architectural remains found in any Iron I highland site. From
3. Part of it was removed and Wall C413, which closes off Hall306 on the west, was uncovered directly beneath it.
33
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these buildings comes the richest assemblage of Iron I pottery known from the hill country. The finds in
Area C also provide valuable information regarding the MB III fortification system.
REFERENCES
Finkelstein, I. 1985. Excavation Results in Other Areas. In: Finkelstein, I., ed. Excavations at Shiloh
1981-1984: Preliminary Report. Tel Aviv 12:146-158.
Kjaer, H. 1930. The Excavation of Shiloh 1929. JPOS 10:87-174.
Kjaer, H. 1931. Shiloh. A Summary Report of the Second Danish Expedition, 1929. PEFQSt: 71-88.
Shiloh 1969. Buhl, M.-L. and Holm-Nielsen, S. 1969. Shiloh, The Danish Excavations at Tall Seilun,
Palestine, in 1926, 1929, 1932 and 1963. Copenhagen.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
34
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CHAPTER3
Area D is located on a broad terrace on the northeastern margin of the mound. It was opened in order to
investigate the nature of the fortifications of Shiloh exposed by the Danish expedition in Areas H and K
to the west. These areas were excavated in 1932, the year Kjaer died, and therefore were not described in
a preliminary report. In the final report of the excavations Buhl and Holm-Nielsen c<;mcluded that the
fortification was built in the Middle Bronze Age, but the evidence they published (Shiloh 1969) was
neither clear nor sufficient.
Area D consists of two parts: the main terrace where ca. 375 sq. m. were excavated, and a sectional
trench ca. 3 m. wide and over 20 m. long which was cut into the steep slope outside the wall in order to
check the outer components of the fortification system. Area D was excavated in all four seasons and
revealed remains from Strata VIII-V. The main finds were the Middle Bronze Age fortifications, a Late
Bronze Age debris dump (the only trace of this period found at Shiloh) and Iron Age I silos (Figs.
3.1-2).
Large-scale Middle Bronze Age stone and earthworks were uncovered in Area D (Fig. 3.3). Their main
features are the fortification wall surrounding the site, stone fills leaning on the wall from within and a
glacis which supports the wall from without. 1 No remains of MB III buildings were discovered anywhere
in Area D.
* Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Harvard University and Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv
University respectively.
1. The terms 'fortification wall', 'city wall' and 'glacis' are used here for convenience. For the function of these elements see
Chapter 19.
35
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28
29
30 30
t.:.:...:._~
I
I ...
I·
I
31 I 31
I
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I
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33 I
I 33
I
_____ II
\ I
-./
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 3.1: Schematic plan of Area D, showing Middle Bronze, Late Bronze and Iron I remains.
36
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Stone Fill417
The space between Wall L301, Wall M332 and the sloping bedrock was occupied by a massive fill (417)
of medium-sized stones without any soil between them (Fig. 3.8). In Square L30 the fill came up to the
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37
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
31
38
28
30
32
33
Fig. 3.3:
K
K
L
M
0
0
31
29
30
28
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levelled top of the wall. Although our excavations penetrated this fill to a maximum depth of only 1 m.,
our experience in the other areas indicates that it probably continues down to bedrock. Judging from
the topography of this section of the mound, it is estimated that the depth of the fill may reach 5 m. A
similar fill was found in Square N32 inside the 'offset' of the fortification wall. Embedded in this fill are
walls L302 and L331, each about the width of a single stone. Since their faces were left undressed, it is
obvious that they were buried in the fill in order to strengthen it. A limited quantity of MB III sherds
was found in the fill.
In Square N35 an earthen fill of light-coloured chalky material similar to that found in Areas F, K
and M was discovered under a thick layer of Late Bronze Age dumped debris. It is possible that Wall
M332 separated Stone Fill417 on its northwest from earthen fills to its southeast. Wall K312 played a
similar role in Area F (Chapter 4).
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39
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
40
Fig. 3.5:
Fig. 3.6:
Offset N321, looking northwest.
Outer face of MB fortification Wall L30l.
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 3.9:
Fig. 3.7:
northeast. Note Iron I silo at lower right.
MB Wall M332joining Wall L301, looking
o..._~=-~=~-5m
41
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~
I
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Glacis 723
The glacis was examined in five different places around the site. Its most impressive portion was
uncovered in the deep sectional trench which was cut at right angles to the outer face of the fortification
wall in Area D . The width of this trench varied from 2.8 to 3.4 m. over a length of 23 m. along the
downslope. Its maximum depth, next to the wall, was more than 6 m.
The stretch between fortification Wall N30 1 and supporting Wall M291 was excavated entirely by
hand. The lower part of the sectional trench (downslope from Wall M291) was dug by a bulldozer,
except for two probes and straightening of the sections which were done by hand. Bedrock was reached
in three places: between the city wall and supporting Wall M291 and in the two probes in the lower part
of the section (L. 1427 and 1428). From the fortification wall to the foot of the slope the base of the
glacis now measures 22.5 m. , but since the lower part was apparently washed down the slope its original
length was probably about 25 m. Its maximum depth, next to the city wall, is 6.3 m. The gradient of the
bedrock surface on this side of the mound is ca. 15°, the gradient of the surface of the glacis is 280, and
the gradient of the ground surface today is 220.
In Area D the glacis comprises five main elements. These are from bottom to top (Figs. 3.9-11; see
also Chapter 13):
1. A heavy compacted layer of yellowish-grey clay soil containing a large quantity of MB II sherds,
animal bones and a few small artefacts. This layer was found between the city wall and supporting Wall
M291 and just outside the latter. Below this layer, on the bedrock, is a mud-brown layer about 80 em.
thick in which no sherds were recognized.
2. A grey ash layer about 0.2-0.3 m. thick.
3. A large lens about 0.9 m. thick made up of thin layers of different colours. This element does not
appear along the entire length of the glacis. Its component layers, each a few centimetres thick, are
formed alternately of reddish-brown earth and a friable white material. They were laid at an angle
opposite to that of the slope and the deposition of the other components of the glacis.
4. A crumbly chalky white material containing numerous small stones. This appears along the entire
length of the glacis and seems to be its predominant element. It varies from 0.7 to 1.8 m. in thickness.
5. A muddy-brown terra rossa soil forming the surface of the glacis with white 'fingers' of Layer 4
penetrating into it.
Except for one scarab, no pottery, bones or artefacts of any kind were found in the top four elements.
Wall M291 , which is about 0.9 m. thick and 3.2 m. high, was discovered buried inside the glacis. Built
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of medium-sized stones and founded on bedrock, it was preserved to its full height. The purpose of this
wall was to stabilize the glacis and prevent it from being washed down the slope. A similar function
seems likely for the large boulders uncovered in two places at the foot of the glacis.
43
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44
Fig. 3.12:
on the left.
Fig. 3.13:
in Square N32.
Detail of Debris 407
Late Bronze Debris 407: southern section of Square N32. Note MB fortification Wall N321
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least up to Square N35 (where there were fewer bones in the deposit). Its depth varies from about 0.5 m.
on its perimeter to about 1.5 m. in Square N32, next to the MB III city wall. No layers whatsoever were
distinguished within it.
Fragments of hundreds of vessels were found in Debris 407. Many were broken into a few large pieces
but in most cases they were not found in concentrations permitting restoration. Only in two places were
there sherds of bowls lying one inside the other, but even here complete bowls could not be easily
reconstructed. Some vessels were found filled with bones and solidified ash (Fig. 3.14). There were also
several dozen Cypriot sherds. Most of the pottery is of the LB I horizon. There is also a small quantity of
LBII pottery, although not from the end of the period. The bones recovered from Debris 407 shed
considerable light on the economy and social organization of the hill country people in the Late Bronze
Age (Chapters 15, 19).
Among the small objects found in this deposit are a fragment of a female figurine, a fly-shaped gold
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pendant, a handle with a cylinder seal impression and a rough stone bowl with traces of pigment inside
(Chapters 8-10).
In view of these finds, the Late Bronze Age debris is interpreted as afavissa of offerings which were
brought to a shrine (Chapter 19). Before the debris was dumped the stones of a section of the MB III city
wall M321 and Wall M332 were robbed. This evidence indicates thatthefavissa is not in situ, but was
moved here at a later date. The fact that Debris 407 is cut by Iron I silos leaves two possible periods for
its deposition here - a later phase of the Late Bronze Age or an early phase of Iron I. In the Late
Bronze Age there was no large scale building activity at the site, while the Iron I construction projects
must have required stones which were apparently robbed from the MB III fortification. Hence the
following course of events may be suggested: The MB III fortification system was partly damaged
during the Late Bronze Age when the site was not occupied by a settlement. In the early Iron Age I some
45
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
46
31
3L.
32
33
30
35
Fig. 3.15:
K
K
I
i
I
-~-
~
L
L
r;::----
,--~1
I
I
I
M
M
/
/
/
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/
/
/
I
-i-
0
0
31
31.
29
35
33
32
28
30
.-----------------,-------,---------,-----::----,
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of its stones were robbed. In a later phase of the Iron Age I, during construction work on the mound, a
Late Bronze Age favissa was found and removed to the robber trench in Area D. In a yet later phase of
this period silos were dug into this debris.
Fig. 3.16: Iron I silos and MB Wall M332 in Square M33, looking west.
47
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fortification wall. No complete vessel was found in any of the silos but there was a large quantity of
carbonized wheat in two of them (Silo 1400 and the ruined Silo 1462 in Square N35 Chapter 17).
Several walls and surfaces are related to the silos. Wall N332 is an Iron I terrace wall constructed in
order to support the debris to its north. Its free-standing southern face is carefully built whereas its
northern face, which supports Silo 1436, is rough. Silos 424 and 425 lean against a similar wall. Sparse
remains of a few other walls without any stratigraphic connection were found in the area. They should
be linked to this stratum or to Stratum IV. In Square M33 a surface on which lay Iron I pottery was
found near the surface and above the Late Bronze Age deposits. It should probably be interpreted as an
open work area around the silos.
Since there is no stratigraphic link between Floor 403-404 which was found in the northern part of
Area D and the silos it is impossible to determine definitely whether they belong to the same phase of the
Iron Age I. It is however quite feasible that Floor 403-404 served as a work area associated with the
silos.
REFERENCES
48
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CHAPTER4
Area H of the present expedition was a renewal of the excavation of the northwestern sector of the
Danish expedition. In 1932 the Danes uncovered the solid Middle Bronze city wall and a series of small
rooms built against it. In the west of the area, Rooms L and M which were built into the remains of the
city wall were recognized by the Danes as postdating it (Shiloh 1969:41-42). Wall AA, defined by Buhl
as the Late Bronze Age city wall (ibid.:60; cf. Kjaer's opinion, ibid.:48, 54), was uncovered north of the
Middle Bronze wall. 1
The date of Rooms Land M, the layout of the rooms adjoining the city wall, the construction method
of the fortification, and to a certain extent even the date of the city wall itself required clarification. We
therefore cleaned Area H (from Walls J291, 1292 and K301 eastwards) and in the second season (1982)
sank several probes. The work included straightening the southern edge of the Danish excavation to
make a section; cutting narrow sections next to the outer face of the city wall; examining Wall AA and
continuing the excavation of Rooms Land M built into the wall and Room U adjoining it on the inner
side. At the same time Area F was opened up immediately to the southwest of Area H (from Walls J292
and K30 1 to the southwest, and Square N31) to enable independent examination of the stratigraphy and
architecture in this part of the mound. Area F was one of the major fields of the dig in the 1982-1984
seasons, with ca. 250 sq. m. being exposed.
AREAH
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The Danish expedition exposed an impressive stretch of the city wall, ca. 12 m. long, with a series of
small rooms adjoining its inner face. Built of large fieldstones, the wall {L281) is about 4.8 m. wide at
this point. Two revetments strengthen its foundations on the outer side, thereby increasing the overall
width of the wall to 6 m. (Fig. 4.3). Two 'teeth' on the inner face (Squares K29 and M28) create an
inward projection of about 1 m. beyond the line of the wall. The inner face is preserved to a maximum
height of 2m., higher than that of the outer face which was damaged over the ages (Fig. 4.4).
* Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University and Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Harvard
University respectively.
I. Kjaer did not publish anything from this area since work was still in progress at the time of his death. The results were
published by Buhl (ibid.:36-42).
49
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
50
Fig. 4.2:
Fig4.1:
G
0
=~;m;EE""""''"'
--·EDGE OF DANISH EXC.
Sm.
--EDGE OF RECENT EJtC.
32
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Fig. 4.3: Area H: revetments supporting outer face of fortification w~ll in Area H (middle) and Wall AA (right), looking
west.
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Fig. 4.4: Area H: inner face of fortification wall. Note offset in the wall and rooms adjacent to it, looking west.
51
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Two trenches, each ca. 1 m. wide, were dug down to bedrock at right-angles to the outer face of the
wall, one in Square K/ L27 and the other in Square J28. The foundations of the wall, built on bedrock,
were found in the eastern trench where the wall was preserved to a height of 1.~ m. Although light
material was uncovered in both sections, there was no clear evidence for the existence of the glacis in this
part of the mound. However all the pottery retrieved from the trenches was from the Middle Bronze
Age.
The cleaned and straightened section that we cut parallel to the city wall at the southern edge of the
Danish excavation passes through the rooms adjoining the wall. Mudbrick debris more than 1 m. deep
was discernible, with a conflagration layer containing broken MB III vessels lying on the floors of the
J K L
/ -~ .
11.82
/ \
28 \,~ \\ 28
\
29 29
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
30 30
Q 3m
--1111111::==:::11-.....l
K L
Fig. 4.5: Plan of the Rooms L-M area. (Surveyed by Zvi Lederman.)
52
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rooms. Light-coloured earthen fill, similar to that found under the floors of the Middle Bronze Age
rooms in Area F, could be seen under these floors. A stone-lined Iron I silo cut into the Middle Bronze
debris. Most of the rooms were dug by the Danes down to the yellowish fill which was laid beneath their
floors, but in several places traces of ash representing the floors were still discernable. Excavation in this
fill below the floor of Room N revealed MB II pottery.
Excavation of Room U (L. 1717) revealed that Rooms M and L had been built inside a trench dug in
order to rob the stones of the Middle Bronze city wall (Fig. 4.5). The robber trench cut through the brick
debris of Room U, its floor and the fill under the floor (Fig. 4.6). Below the level damaged by the robber
trench, the inner face of the city wall was encountered at a lower elevation than the inner wall of Rooms
L and M (Fig. 4.8). Remains of the core of the city wall were unearthed within these rooms beneath their
foundation leveL Walls K301, K302 and J291 were built together with or later than Rooms Land M.
Wall K30 1 overlies Wall K307 which belongs to the Middle Bronze system. It is difficult to determine
the exact date of the robber trench or of Rooms Land M. 2 The fill of the robber trench (which was, in
fact, the foundation trench for the two rooms) revealed Middle Bronze and Iron I sherds, a large
quantity of Iron II pottery and a very few Roman sherds. It seems therefore that the Iron I material
represents the robber trench which was dug for stones to be used in the construction of the pillared
buildings in nearby Area C, and that the Iron II material represents the foundation trench dug for the
9.00
10.00
11.00
12.00
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
13.00
Fig. 4.6: Section D-D through Rooms M and U. (Surveyed by Zvi Lederman.)
2. The material from the rooms was all removed by the Danes, but it seems that the latest sherds belong to the Roman period
(Shiloh 1969:41).
53
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Fig. 4.7: Rooms Land M (left), Room U (middle, foreground) and fortification wall in Area H, looking east.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 4.8: Area H, excavation in Room U (Square K29). The inner face of the MB III fortification wall appears
under the foundations of Rooms L and M, looking northwest.
54
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construction of Rooms Land M. 3 The few Roman sherds would then be related to the construction of
Walls J291, K301 and K302 which are part of the Roman stratum of Area F.
In a section cut through Wall AA, described by Buhl as the Late Bronze city wall (Shiloh 1969:60),
Byzantine sherds were found in the crevices between the stones. It is therefore obvious that this is a late
terrace wall.
To sum up, the following strata were observed in Area H:
Stratum VIII (MB II) pottery in fills under the floors of the rooms adjoining the
fortification;
Stratum VII (MB III) - construction of the city wall and adjacent rooms;
Stratum V (Iron I) silo in the southern section; robber trench;
Stratum IV (Iron II) - construction of Rooms L and M;
Stratum II (Roman) Walls K30 1, K302 and J291;
Stratum I (Byzantine) - Wall AA.
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Fig. 4.9: A group of MB III pithoi uncovered by the Danish expedition in Area H (Shiloh 1969:40).
3. They were probably connected with the Iron Il buildings unearthed on the natural terrace immediately to the north (Had.
Arch. 77, 1981:19-20).
55
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G H J K I L I M I N
Vl
0\ I \
\
\
\
27 \ \
&"~'~l,?r,n 127
I
-~-
28 28
I
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129
/
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except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
\'1-.\,.'[h(Z: I 31
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31 I I
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Fig. 4.10: General plan of the MB III remains in Area H-F. (Surveyed by Zvi Lederman.)
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8.00
c-c
Fig. 4.11: Section C-C through Rooms 1532 and 1533. (Surveyed by Zvi Lederman.)
AREAF
topmost course preserved on its outer face is more than 2 m. lower than that of its inner face. The exact
line of the outer face of the wall is therefore difficult to detect in some places. Where the wall was
damaged by stone robbing both faces are destroyed. Since by the Roman period it was necessary to level
this area with fills, it appears that the stones were robbed in the Iron Age I when extensive building
operations were undertaken in nearby Area C and building material was in demand. 4 One 'tooth' was
found on the inner face of the wall in Square H32. Evidence for the existence of a glacis here was
observed in a limited narrow probe dug by a bulldozer at right angles to the outer face of the wall (not
marked on the plan).
4. The stones of the city wall in Area C were not available for construction since this segment of the wall was exploited as the
eastern wall of the Iron I buildings.
57
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 4.14:
looking southwest.
MB III rooms in Area F,
Fig. 4.15:
excavation.
Room 1526 during
59
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
60
Fig. 4.17:
Fig. 4.16:
A row of five rooms (1526, 1527, 1522, 1532 and 1533) was uncovered adjoining the inner side of the
city wall (Figs. 4.12-13).
Wall K307 separates Rooms 1532 and 1533 of Area F from Room U excavated both by the Danes and
by our expedition in Area H. The floor of Room U was slightly higher than that of Room 1532, thus
needing a step at the opening between them. This opening served as the entrance to the entire set of
rooms uncovered in Area F. Room 1526 is bounded on the south by Wall H312 which is preserved to a
height of 2.4 m. above the floor of the room. An earthen fill was encountered on the other side of this
walL The wall enclosing the rooms on the east (1314) is well finished only on the side facing the rooms.
Apart from closing off the rooms, this wall also supported earth and stone fills which were laid further
up the mound to its southeast and thus its inner face was left rough. The rooms of Area H-F were
therefore bounded on one side by the city wall and on the other by earth and stone fills, creating a row of
basements in the space between the sloping bedrock, the fortification and the fills to their southeast
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
(Chapter 19).
The partition walls between the rooms are well preserved and the doorjambs stand to a height of
about 1.5-2.0 m. above floor level (Fig. 4.14). A ladder was probably used to gain entrance to Room
1533. A similar situation can be seen in several rooms in Area H. The compacted earth floors were
plastered in several places (e.g. in Room 1522). In Room 1526 a probe was made under the floor. A
light-coloured chalky fill, about 1 m. thick, was discovered down to bedrock. Underneath the floor the
foundations of the walls broaden slightly to give them more stability. Similar fills were found under the
rooms of Area H. These fills served as a make-up for the floors, serving to level the 'pockets' created
between the floors, the fortification wall and the sloping bedrock. The rooms of Area F, like those of
Area H, were found full of brick and stone debris to a depth of 1.2 m. There are also traces of burning as
evidence of the destruction of the site at the end of the Middle Bronze Age.
61
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The five rooms of Area F contained a rich assemblage of vessels, mainly storage jars, most of them
pithoi, as well as a large number of small artefacts (see Chapters 8-9). In Room 1526, for example,
which is only about 6 sq. m., there were seven pithoi, eight large jars (about 70 em. tall), a small jar, a
large cult stand and several smaller vessels (Figs. 4.15-16). Room 1527 yielded 14 pithoi and storage jars
and a few small vessels (Fig. 4.17). In all we retrieved 42 pithoi and storage jars from the five rooms of
Area F, to which should be added the group of eight pithoi uncovered by the Danish expedition in Area
H, six of them in Room P (Shiloh 1969:40; Fig. 4.9).
A rich assemblage of copper-alloy weapons and silver jewellery came from the floor in the
northwestern corner of Room 1527 (Finkelstein and Brandl 1985; see Chapter 10). In addition, there
were three toggle pins, two 'Hyksos' scarabs, a sealing with a scarab impression, a white-slipped and
burnished bull-shaped zoomorphic vessel decorated with red stripes (Chapter 9) and a group of tiny
votive bowls, 5-6 em. in diameter. Beads, stone artefacts, raisins and olive seeds were also found.
The contents of the rooms adjoining the city wall in Area H-F show that most of them served as
storerooms. There were enough storage jars and pithoi to fill several of the rooms completely. Moreover,
the ceramic repertoire consists almost exclusively of storage vessels. Bowls, kraters and other domestic
vessels were very few in number.
South and east of the row of rooms (Squares J I H32, K31 and N31) earth and stone fills containing a
large quantity of MB II sherds were exposed (Fig. 4.18). The fills were part of the MB III construction,
the pottery most probably having been taken from the dump of a small previous settlement. A light-
coloured chalky fill appeared over the entire area of Squares J I H32. It is similar to the main component
of the glacis in Area D. The fill, which was laid on bedrock, is about 1 m. deep. Two walls of a MB III
building (H323 and H325) were sunk into this fill. The plan and function of the building is difficult to
determine since only the foundations of the walls were preserved. In Square K31, earth and stone fills
were encountered. The solidly built Wall K312 separates the earthen fill to its south (which is the
continuation of the earthen fill in Squares J I H32) from a fill of medium-sized stones to its north. Since
the wall was buried in the fills, no care was taken to keep its faces straight. Similar earthen fills were
exposed in Areas K and M and a similar stone fill was uncovered in Area D.
Square N31 is located on a slightly higher terrace to the south of Area H and to the east of the main
part of Area F. Under Roman remains a massive wall appeared (N314), apparently of MB III date. A
stone fill similar to that uncovered in Area D was found on both sides of this wall.
62
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found in them. The stone and pebble-paved floors yielded various pottery vessels, mainly storage jars, as
well as some stone 'measuring cups'. Roman remains were found in Square N31 too.
H J
I
30 9.05 30
9.58
31 31
32 32
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
H J K
Fig. 4.19: General plan of the Roman remains in Area F. (Surveyed by Zvi Lederman.)
63
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Fig. 4.20: Roman surfaces (L. 810, in the foreground). Note the light fill near the slope
(upper right).
REFERENCES
Finkelstein, I. and Brandl, B. 1985. A Group of Metal Objects from Shiloh. The Israel Museum Journal
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
4:17-26.
Shiloh 1969. Buhl, M.L. and. Holm-Nielsen, S. 1969. Shiloh, The Danish Excavations at Tall Sailun,
Palestine, in 1926, 1929, 1932 and 1963. Copenhagen.
64
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CHAPTERS
AREAE
Area E, excavated in 1981 and 1984, is located on a broad terrace, about 50 m. east of the summit ofthe
mound. Ten squares in all were dug here: nine in one group and one a short distance to the north. The
area has been severely eroded. Bedrock was very near ground surface in the west, while its eastern part
-the direction of the slope was badly disturbed by later terrace walls. Hence the ceramic material in
many loci was mixed and it was difficult to determine the date of some of the remains.
it was impossible to decide whether any of the architectural remains can be attributed to that period.
There are two possibilities. The first is that Buildings 517 and 1604 (see below) belong to the Iron Age II,
but this seems to be contradicted by the evidence from the adjacent squares. The second, and preferable,
possibility is that all Iron II remains were removed when the Roman period buildings were constructed.
65
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
66
Fig. 5.1:
by Zvi Lederman.)
Area E: General plan. (Surveyed
J
0
42
3m
K42! (right).
43
,_, _ _j
I
I
I
Walls L421, L422 and L432 belong to Building 517 which extended eastward and was destroyed by
erosion of the slope and by the construction of later terrace walls. Walls K421 and J431 belong to
another building (1604) which extended to the west. It was destroyed by erosion and bedrock is exposed
here today. Both buildings were found below floor level. Judging from the remains in the nearby squares
it is reasonable to assume that they were constructed during the Roman period. The large quantity of
Iron II material which was found in Squares K/ L42 is apparently associated with earlier remains. It
seems that Silo 508 was built between the two buildings, leaning on Wall K421, but it is also possible
that it dates to an earlier stratum. Mixed pottery, mainly Roman with a few Iron II sherds, was found in
it. Wall L423 was constructed as a terrace wall with only one well-laid face. It is possible that it was built
in the Roman period in order to form two building levels on the eastern slope. Indeed, west of it a fill of
earth and small stones was uncovered.
In Squares J I K43 and K44 the remains stood on the bedrock, which had been levelled and in few
places even hewn to facilitate construction. In Square J43 patches of a floor made of small and
medium-sized stones were found. In Squares K43-44, in the area where the bedrock drops eastward, a
fill of medium-sized stones was uncovered.
Two parallel walls were unearthed close to the surface in Square 138. Most of the material found here
dated to the Roman period. This area was also badly disturbed and excavation was stopped before
reaching bedrock.
AREAG
Area G, excavated in 1982, is located in the southwestern part of the mound on a terrace halfway up the
slope. It was opened in an attempt to clarify the stratigraphy in this part of the mound, which was not
excavated by the Danish expedition. No less important was the necessity to trace the layout of the
Middle Bronze and Iron I settlements. Three squares were opened and some fragmentary walls were
found (Fig. 5.3). Unfortunately, this part of the site too has been badly disturbed by erosion and later
building activity. Most of the pottery was from the Iron Age II and the Hellenistic periods.
found on this surface. Most of the pottery dates to the Iron Age II, although the material was mixed
with some later sherds.
Building 903, built parallel to Building 907, consists of two walls (T531 and U531). The rest of the
structure was not preserved nor were any floors found. The similar orientation of the two buildings may
indicate that Building 903 too was constructed in the Iron Age II, although most of the material found
around its walls dates to the Hellenistic period (see below).
67
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T u
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Area J, in the southwestern part of the mound, was excavated in 1982 and 1983. Prior to excavation the
top of a massive east-west oriented wall (J581) built of large fieldstones could be seen projecting from a
terrace on the lower part of the slope. Judging from the topography of the mound and the construction
method of this wall, we speculated that this might have been a retaining wall for a road leading up to the
Middle Bronze city gate. The lower part of Area J was opened in order to examine this possibility. At
the same time, two squares were dug further up the slope, at the estimated location of the city wall, in
order to investigate its nature in this part of the site. Another aim of the work in Area J was to study the
occupational history of this previously unexcavated part of the mound.
68
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Lower Area J
H J K L
57 57
58
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
59
0 3m
---====-......
H J K L
Fig. 5.4: Plan of the remains in Lower Area J. (Surveyed by Zvi Lederman.)
69
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from north to south, it seems reasonable to assume that the material was thrown down the slope from a
higher level. Therefore this could well have been a dump of the Iron I settlement, whose southern
boundary was probably located near this spot further up the slope. A noteworthy find was a rim of a
collared-rim jar decorated with three "rosette" impressions (Chapter 6) resembling some of those found
on vessels at Sahab in Transjordan (Ibrahim 1983).
of its corners (to the west in Squares H57-58 where the above-mentioned Middle Bronze and Iron I
remains were found, and to the east in Square M59). They were begun by a bulldozer and continued by
hand. Another probe was sunk in the western part of the interior of the structure, near its corner
(Squares J I H57 -58).
Roman material was found in the probe outside the structure near its eastern wall (L. 1106). Inside
near the western corner (L. 11 02) mixed material was encountered all the way down. At the outset the
latest sherds found were mediaeval but later mixed Roman to Iron I pottery began to appear. Wall J581
was found to be about 80 em. thick (width of one stone). Wall H571 continued northward at its full
height for only 3 m. or so. The inner face of both walls was not properly finished. This, together with the
fact that they inclined inwards, led us to conclude that Wall J581 was a terrace retaining wall. The latest
sherds found in the fill inside the structure, or extracted form the crevices between the stones, indicate
70
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that it was built in the Roman period. The probe made to the west of Wall H571 revealed that the
foundation trench of this wall penetrated an accumulation of Iron I debris (see above).
Upper Area J
Two squares (F52 and E/F53) were opened on a terrace halfway up the slope at the presumed location
of the Middle Bronze city wall, which was indeed encountered here.
Fig. 5.6: Upper Area J: Outer face of the Middle Bronze fortification wall.
71
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-.1
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foundations stand on bedrock. Its eastward continuation was destroyed in antiquity when its stones
were robbed for later construction. The bedrock surface outside the wall was cleaned off and its gradient
was found to be quite moderate. A thin layer, 5-10 em. thick, of light-coloured material was found on
the bedrock but no real remains of the glacis were present.
A limited bulldozer trench, about 1 m. wide by 5 m.long and 2m. deep, was made about 10m. to the
west of Upper Area J next to the conjectured location of the corner of the city wall. The Middle Bronze
glacis was traced in this trench and here too, as in Area C nearby, it was composed solely of a whiteish
material. It would therefore seem that the glacis on the entire western side of the mound was constructed
in the same fashion, less solidly than on the northeastern side (Area D).
AREAK
In 1932 and 1963, in their 'northern sector', the Danish expedition exposed a segment of the MB III city
wall with a massive tower built of enormous fieldstones incorporated in it (Shiloh 1969:47-55). The
remains inside the wall were difficult to interpret partly because the area had been disturbed by later
building activity which involved robbing out of the city wall. Following our practice in other areas, we
opened up two independent squares here in 1982 (U28 near the Danish area and U31 on a higher terrace
to the south). In 1983 and 1984 we extended our dig northward to connect up with the Danish
excavation area. The results are of importance for understanding the layout of the site both in the
Middle Bronze and Iron I periods.
73
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BOO
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light-coloured earthen fill that lay behind it, higher up towards the summit of the mound (Fig. 5.7-8).
Hence the rooms, which were built in the pocket created between the sloping bedrock and the
fortification, look like cellars. The rooms were badly damaged in antiquity as well as by the Danish
excavation. However, three original elements were still visible:
1. Partition Walls U261, A262 and A261 join the city wall at right angles and separate Rooms 1812, 1814
and 1815. They are made of small and medium-sized stones. Their southern parts are moderately well
preserved while their northern end was damaged when the city wall was robbed.
2. In the southeastern corner of Room 1812 a small patch of the make-up of the Middle Bronze floor
was preserved. It is made of light earthy material similar to that exposed beneath the floors of the rooms
in Area F-H. The thickness of the fill is 0.3 m.
3. Middle Bronze bricks are visible in the west of Room 1814, leaning on wall U261.
Wall U2?5 closes off the rooms on their southern side. It was built as a terrace wall, i.e., with a
well-laid face on the side of the rooms (north) and a rough face towards the fill on its south. It is slightly
inclined in order to sustain the pressure of the fills. In Room 1812 six courses are preserved above the
floor. Later terrace walls (U276 and U274, which does not appear on the plan in Fig. 5.9) were built on
the Middle Bronze wall.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
South of Wall U275 lay a light-coloured chalky fill, sloping from the upper part of the mound
northwards. It was unearthed in Squares U27,28 and T27. A trench 1.5 m. wide was dug into the fill in
the western end of Squares U27 ,28 in order to reveal its nature and relationship to the other elements
uncovered in this area. Here, as well as in other parts of Area K, all later remains such as Iron I silos and
later terrace walls were cut into it. The fill (L. 1807) comprises four layers: brown debris at the bottom,
followed by a grey ashy layer, a yellowish layer and a light layer of earth and small stones on top. The
internal components of the fill also slope from south to north. Any other layers which might have lain
on top of these were washed away by erosion during the ages. In the north the fill leans on Wall U275.
Wall U281 should also be dated to the MB III. Eight courses of this wall were preserved in the
above-mentioned section. It was constructed on a foundation of small and medium-sized stones and
brown earth. The relationship between the fill and Wall U281 is not clear. In the eastern part of the
74
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31 30 29 28 27 26 25
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except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
A A
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Fig. 5.9: Area K: General plan of the Roman remains. (Surveyed by Zvi Lederman.)
-:a
VI
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trench it seemed as if the fill material abuts onto the wall, but in the west a narrow foundation trench
was visible in the fill material. Since Silo 1207 of the Iron Age I abuts on the wall, and in view of the fact
that in the Iron Age I the area was used solely for storage, it may be assumed that Wall U281, which is
parallel to the city wall and to Wall U275, was erected in the MB III as support for the earthen fills in
mid-slope in the same manner as ·that uncovered in Upper Area C. At a later period it was reused,
perhaps after it had been partially robbed. This was apparently the cause of the disturbance in the fill
next to it.
South of Wall U281 the earthen fill continues in the direction of the summit of the mound (L. 1206).
Intensive building activity in later times, particularly in the Roman period, has removed all earlier
remains south of this point down to bedrock.
AREAL
Two half-squares (in N58 and 061) were opened in 1984 in this area. This was another attempt to trace
early remains in the southeastern part of the mound, which is important for the reconstruction of the
layout of the site in the Middle Bronze and Iron I periods. In both places there was an accumulation of
stones and earth with numerous disturbed patches. No clean stratum could be found. The pottery was
all from the Roman period or later.
76
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AREAM
Area M, excavated in 1984, is located on the northern edge of the mound between Areas D and K. One
complete square (F28) and a long, narrow trench (about 1.4 x 10 m.) extending northward were
excavated.
28 27 26
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L·-·-·-·-· 12.23
28 27 26
10.00
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
F-F
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REFERENCES
78
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
PART TWO
THE FINDS
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
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CHAPTER6
POTTERY
Shlomo Bunimovitz and Israel Finkelstein*
The excavations at Shiloh yielded the richest pottery assemblages from the central hill country for the
Middle Bronze Age, Late Bronze Age and Iron Age I (Strata VIII-V). This chapter deals with the
pottery of these three periods, with a brief communication on the pottery of later periods.
The material available for comparison with the Middle Bronze and Late Bronze assemblages is
limited. The excavators of Shechem, the most important site for these periods, have published only the
MB II pottery, and that mainly sherds (Cole 1984). Other assemblages unearthed in the region (e.g. at
Tell el-Farcah, Bethel, Gibeon, several sites in Jerusalem and Beth-zur) are very limited or sepulchral in
character.
When evaluating the Shiloh assemblages, the cultic nature of the site must not be forgotten (see
Chapter 19). However only the Late Bronze Age assemblage can be defined as cultic per se, while the
Middle Bronze and Iron I assemblages are more domestic in nature with emphasis on storage.
The Shiloh pottery analysis follows the type-percentage quantitative seriation method (McClellen
1975:13-43) recently utilized in the excavation reports of Giloh (Mazar 1981:18-32), Tel Qasile (ibid.
1985:21-108), Shechem (Cole 1984), cizbet Sartah (Finkelstein 1986:38-98), Kh. ed-Dawwara (ibid.
1990: 176-195), Mount Ebal (Zertal1986-1987:124-147) and Tel Qiri (Hunt 1987). All complete vessels
were registered according to type. All rims, bases and slipped, burnished and painted sherds were also
recorded for the statistical study. A list of the main pottery types was prepared and all sherds were
tabulated by loci. Care was taken to avoid registering more than one sherd from the same vessel. In the
case of sherds, the majority of types was defined according to rim morphology. Had we been dealing
with complete vessels some of the classifications would probably have been somewhat different. Only
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
undisturbed loci were counted. Since very elaborate classifications of MB I-III (Jericho IV: Ch. VI;
Cole 1984) and Iron I (Finkelstein 1986; 1990) pottery have recently been developed it seemed superfluous
to enter into another detailed typology. Our pottery types are defined so as to enable meaningful
statistical analysis, but whenever needed our groups were broken down into sub-types to facilitate
comparison with more elaborate typologies (Cole 1984; Lachish II: Ch. VI; Lachish IV: Part III;
Pritchard 1963:8-9; Oren 1973:68-87; Finkelstein 1986; 1990).
Since recent studies have demonstrated clear regional differences in pottery traditions, the Shiloh
pottery was first compared with assemblages from neighbouring sites. Comparative material from
81
regions outside the hill country was taken into account only when closer comparisons were not available,
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The pottery (sherds only) analyzed (Table 6.1) was retrieved from three main features of Middle Bronze
Age Shiloh:
1. From the lower layer of Glacis 723 in Area D. 1
2. From earthen fills unearthed in Areas C, F-H, K and M and from Stone Fi11417 uncovered in Area
D.2
3. From the storerooms of Stratum VII in Area F.
OTHER VESSELS 8
PITHOI 30
60
56
52
2 2
1. The glacis was laid in Stratum VII, but most of the pottery belongs to Stratum VIII (see Chapter 3).
2. In this case too, the fills were laid in Stratum VII whereas most of the pottery found in them belongs to Stratum VIII.
82
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68
58
Fig. 6.3: Distribution of decorated
sherds in the three Middle
41 Bronze assemblages (%).
The earliest pottery in the first two features should date the beginning of occupation of the site
(Stratum VIII), whereas the latest pottery would date the construction of the Stratum VII earth and
stone fortifications. The latest pottery found in the storerooms in Area F-H dates the destruction of
Stratum VII.
The complete or nearly complete vessels found in the storerooms of Area F (Stratum VII) are
presented in Table 6.2 and all appear in the drawings. To these should be added the eight storage jars
found by the Danish expedition in their Northern Sector (our Area H) in 1932. These vessels were lost
and the only remaining documentation is a photograph published by Buhl and Holm-Nielsen (Shiloh
1969: Fig. 13). Altogether 38 large storage jars/ pithoi were found in Areas F-H.
83
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'Chocolate-on-White' ware 3
Combed sherds 19 8 10
Incised sherds 5 3 4 4
Sherds with rope decoration 2
Red and white slip and/ or
Burnished sherds 47* 12 13** 11***
G. Imported Pottery
Total 552 12 191 178 II 77 5 474 441
84
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TABLE 6.2: COMPLETE OR NEARLY COMPLETE VESSELS FROM THE AREA F ROOMS
(STRATUM VII)
Number of
Type vessels
Bowls 5
Small votive bowls 7
Small rounded bowls 2
Small carinated bow 1 1
Pedestal vase
Large kraters with handles 2
Krater
Ju~ 2
Juglet
Smalljars 2
Storage jars with one handle
on shoulder 5
Large storage jars/ pithoi 30
Cult stands 2
Cult bowl 1
Stand 1
Other vessels 3
TYPOLOGICAL DISCUSSION
A. BOWLS AND KRATERS
Table 6.3 presents the distribution of the main MB bowl types found at Shiloh.
85
Shallow bowls. Large, shallow (platter-like) bowls comprise between half to two-thirds of the bowls
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repertoire. These bowls are characteristic of MB II-III pottery assemblages throughout the country.
The Shiloh bowls can be divided according to their rim profiles into two main sub-types: plain rim bowls
(e.g. Fig. 6.5:1, 3; see also Shiloh 1969: Pl. 14:171) and inverted rim bowls (e.g. Fig. 6.5:4; Shiloh 1969:
Pl. 14:164, 168). Cole (1984) demonstrated that most of the sub-forms of these two types appear at
ShechemJhroughout the MB II-III time range (see also Seger 1974: Figs. 3-5; Dever 1974: Figs.
13-14). This picture is apparently repeated in other hill country sites, including Shiloh (e.g. Tell
el-Farcah- Mallet 1988; Bethel- Kelso 1968: Pls. 49-52, 77; Gibeon Pritchard 1963: Figs. 20-61;
Beth-zur- Sellers 1933: Pl. V; Funk 1968: Fig. 5; see also TBM !A: 79, Pls. 10, 12; Jericho /V:384-387).
In the fills and in the ro?ms of Stratum VII, the bowl with inverted rim seems to be much more
numerous (two to three timrs) than the bowl with plain rim, while in Glacis 723 their number is almost
equal. The implications of 1this observation cannot be fully assessed yet, since relevant statistical data
from neighbouring sites is lacking. It should be noted, however, that while this fact is consistent with
Albright's observations for Tell Beit Mirsim (TBM /:23; TBM /A:79), it does not concur with Cole's
conclusions regarding shallow bowls at Shechem (1984:41-42, Fig. 1; see also Gezer II: n. 129). One may
also wonder whether the absence of certain rim forms from the Shilop shallow bowls material (e.g.
elongated inversions; everted external edges, cf. Cole 1984:42, Pl. 5, Bp. 61, Fig. 2) and the scarcity of
others (bulbous rims - see e.g. Fig. 6.8:6) has any chronological significance or whether these
phenomena reflect regional differences (Kempinski 1983: 127). The excavators of Shechem regarded all
these forms as characteristic of the MB III period (Cole 1984:42; Dever 1974:45), but in Shechem, as
well as at other sites, they already appear in the MB II period (e.g. TBM !A: Pl. 10, Level E; Gibeon, T.
20, T. 36 Pritchard 1963: Figs. 28:1; 40:1; see also Cole 1984: Fig. 3).
The complete shallow bowls found in and near the Area F rooms (Figs. 6.12:4; 6.22:2-3) provide a
nice illustration for the above discussion, which was based mainly on sherds. The bowls have straight or
slightly rounded walls, simple or slightly inverted rims (for a parallel for the upstanding rim of the bowl
in Fig. 6.12:10 see Jericho IV: Figs. 104: 11; 107:27), and flat, simple or elaborate disc bases (cf. Pella 1:
Pl. 117:4-5, 14-16, all MB III).
Small rounded bowls. Simple,,rounded rims (e.g. Fig. 6.5:6-7) were collected in all three assemblages.
The majority of these rims seem to belong to saucer-like bowls similar to the two intact specimens
unearthed in Stone Fill 417 in Area D and in one of the Area F rooms. Small round-based bowls have
been found in other MB II-III strata (Cole 1984:60, Pl. 19:d-e and references there; cf. Pritchard 1963:
Figs. 21:37-38; 43:1; Jericho IV: Fig. 120:1-2, 4-5). However some of the Shiloh rims may belong to
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
round-based lamps typical of these periods throughout the country (e.g. TBM /:25, Pls. 8:4; 10:26;
43:3-4; TBM IA:80, 86; Fig. 3:a-c; Pis. 10:12; 15:18-20; Pritchard 1963: Figs. 33:31-34; 41:33; 48:10;
Megiddo II: Pl. 47: 1-5). In fact, some of them bear soot marks.
Carinated bowls. Sherds of this type of vessel and its sub-forms are found in the three Shiloh assemblages
in similar quantities. Though it is difficult to determine the exact shape of every piece found, it seems
that the whole typological range of the flaring carinated bowl is present: sharply angular and rounded
shoulders (e.g. Fig. 6.5: 15) as well as 'goblets' on a trumpet base. 3 Some of the specimens are made of
well-levigated ware, slipped and/ or highly burnished. The chronological range of this type and its
3. Some of the trumpet bases retrieved in the dig probably belong to this type of vessel.
86
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various sub-forms is MB II-III (Cole 1984:56-59, Pis. 17-19, and references there; see also Lachish
IV:l78, Bowl Class A; Kempinski 1983:97). It should be emphasized that MB III forms seem to be
present in Glacis 723 and in the earth and stone fills.
Small carinated bowls. Small carinated bowls comprise the second most important component of the
bowls repertoire. Most are characterized by rounded shoulders, upper wall only slightly curved inward
and rim sharply everted. None are slipped or burnished (e.g. Fig. 6.5:10, 14; see also Shiloh 1969: Pl.
18:231). Such degenerate carinated bowls are typical of the MB II-III in southern Canaan (Kempinski
1983:127; Cole 1984:56, Pl. 16c-i; Dever 1974: Fig. 14:1,4, 5, 7; TBM I: Pls. 41:8,42:4-6, 8; TBM IA:76,
Pls. 8:2-9, 12:1-5, Levels E & D; Funk 1968: Fig. 5:1; Lachish IV:l79-180, Bowls Classes B-C; Jericho
IV: PI. 109:25-29, from the last phases of the Middle Bronze Age at the site; Fig. 157:3-4, from Tomb
Groups II-V; Mallet 1988: Pl. 17:3).
Pedestal vases. An almost complete pedestal vase was found in the Area F rooms (Fig. 6.13:13) and a
piece of another one may have come from Glacis 723 (Fig. 6.5:21). A few unstratified pieces also came to
light. The first vessel has a cordon around its neck, while in the second there is a rope decoration at the
junction between base and body. This type of vase is characteristic of the southern part of the hill
country and the lower Jordan Valley during the MB II-III (Kempinski 1983:128, 187-188; Cole 1984:54),
while scarcely appearing at Shechem, Tell el-Farcah (N) and other sites outside its main distribution
zone (for full documentation see Cole 1984). The modest presence of the pedestal vase at Shiloh seems to
confirm this observation. According to Dajani (1960: 102) and Cole (1984:55) the cordon on the neck of
the vase and at the top of its base, both exhibited by our specimens, are late MB II-MB III features.
Small votive bowls. These small bowls (mostly ca. 6 em. in diameter) were found in all three Middle
Bronze Age assemblages, but were especially well-represented in the Area F rooms (17 bowls). Most are
actually miniature copies of the normal-sized shallow bowls of the period, with straight or rounded walls
(Fig. 6.13). Two are cup-like or diminutive versions of the period's small carinated bowl (e.g. Fig.
6.5: 13). They all have flat or disc bases, usually carrying marks of string-cutting, sometimes quite crude
with excess clay still adhering. Several of the specimens are somewhat larger than the others (Fig.
6.13:8-9) but still display the same qualities. Similar bowls are known from MB II-LB I sepulchral and
cultic contexts throughout the country (e.g. Jericho, Gibeon, Shechem, Nahariyah, Razor, Megiddo)
and parallels to our material are especially conspicuous in MB III-LB I assemblages. 4
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Other bowls. 1) The round bowl with profiled rim from the Area F rooms (Fig. 6.12:1) has parallels in
the MB III assemblage of Beth-zur (Funk 1968: Fig. 5: 14) and in the last phases of the Middle Bronze
occupation at Jericho (Jericho IV: Fig. 112:9-1 0).
2) Two large bowls with rounded walls on a pedestal base (only one intact) found in the Area F rooms
(Fig. 6.12:11-12) have close affinities to bowls from Tell Beit Mirsim Levels E-D (TBM IA: Pls. 8:16;
12:8), Tomb R 13 (Group V) at Jericho (Jericho I: Fig. 209:1), Megiddo Stratum X (Megiddo II: Pl.
44:30) and Razor Stratum XVI (Hazar/: Pl. CXIV:6). 5 These fairly rare bowls, or rather chalices, may
reflect the influence of the 'Chocolate-on-White' ware on the local potters at the end of the Middle
4. For similar bowls from the LB I temple in Area H at Hazor see Yadin 1975:115. For discussions and references see Cole
1984:60; Dever 1974:43, n. 28; Hazar lll-/V:239; Negbi 1989:44.
5. For the stratigraphic context of this type of bowl see Kempinski 1983:112.
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Bronze Age (Kempinski 1983: 127) and are evidently forerunners of this type of bowl in LB I Shiloh and
elsewhere (see below).
Kraters. A variety of kraters was found in both Glacis 723 and Area F rooms. The main types are
discussed below:
Kraters with two handles. This type of vessel seems to be confined to MB III contexts although Cole
recorded some earlier specimens at Shechem (1984:49: Pis. 11; 12:a, and references there; see also
Kempinski 1983:99; Funk 1968 Fig. 5:23; Jericho IV: Fig. 170:3)). By his typological criteria the krater
from the glacis (Fig. 6.5: 18) may be earlier than the two complete kraters from Area F (Fig. 6.13:10, 12).
The krater in Fig. 6.5:20 with profiled rim and lack of carination may also represent an early specimen
(cf. TBM IA: Pl. 10:6, Level E, a bowl-krater combination). Additional rim sherds probably belong to
this type of krater.
Globular krater with rilled rim. This small krater (Fig. 6.6:3) is covered on its outer side with a thick
white slip or lime wash. In Shechem similar kraters occur in the MB II but become more frequent in the
MB III (Cole 1984:47, Pl. 9:c; see also Jericho IV: Fig. 113).
Holemouth kraters. Cole (1984:48-49) thoroughly discussed this type of krater (Fig. 6.6:5) including
the differences in ware from the holemouth cooking-pots. Apparently it spans the MB II-III periods.
Large carinated krater. A large carinated krater found in Area F (Fig. 6.13:11) seems to belong to a
type known from Tell Beit Mirsim (TBM I: Pl. 12:12) and Bethel (Kelso 1968: Pl. 52:1-2). However the
Shiloh krater lacks the incised decoration. Another possible specimen of this krater may have been
retrieved from the fills (Fig. 6.10: 12).
Other Kraters. Noteworthy among these are handleless carinated kraters (e.g. Fig. 6.6:4, cf. Hazar
III-IV: Pls. CCLIX:l8; CCLXXXVII:9) and globular kraters (e.g. Fig. 6.5:19; cf. Cole 1984:Pls. 7:e-j; 8;
Jericho IV: Fig. 115-116). Of special interest is the presence in the fills of the high necked bowl/ krater
(Fig. 6.8:7; cf. Shiloh 1969: Pl. 14:183, 185). This type of vessel seems to be especially popular in the MB
II period (Cole 1984:52-54 and references there; Jericho IV:166-167; Mallet 1988:Figs. 1:3; 7:1-3; 9:1;
10: 1; 12:3) although it may appear in late MB contexts as well (ibid.: Fig. 14:1; 16:2; 17:2; Hazar II: Pl.
CIX:37).
B. COOKING-POTS
Table 6.4 presents the distribution of the main cooking-pot types in the Middle Bronze assemblages
from Shiloh:
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Flat-bottomed cooking-pots. Flat-bottomed cooking-pots with rope-like moulding below the rim occur
in all three assemblages. The popularity of this type decreased from 12% and 28% of the cooking-pot
repertoire in Glacis 723 and the fills respectively (Stratum VIII) to only 2% in the Area F rooms
(Stratum VII). It seems that this type of cooking-pot, which from the outset of MB II was less popular
than the round bottomed holemouth cooking-pot (Cole 1984:63), was eventually superseded by the
latter type.
Two main sub-forms are discernable in the Shiloh material:
1) Straight walls, rope-like moulding below the rim with vestigial thumb impressions (Fig. 6.6:12).
Occasionally remnants of thick white lime wash can be seen on the outer face of the pot.
2) Incurved walls, rope-like moulding near but still below the rim, with very rude thumb impressions
(Fig. 6.8:17-20; see also Shiloh 1969: Pis. 14:174, 177; 18:234).
Both types are well known from MB II-III contexts, especially in southern Canaan (TBM 1:24;
Kempinski 1983:128-129, 188; Cole 1984:61-63, and references there; Jericho IV: Figs. 144-146; Mallet
1988: Figs. 3:2,6:1, 15:4; Funk 1968: Pl. 14a:6; Kelso 1968: Pl. 51:14; Singer 1983: Pl. 129). Interestingly
enough, no clear examples of the contemporaneous sub-type with rope moulding at the rim have been
found. Numerous specimens of this late sub-form were in evidence at Tell Beit Mirsim Level D (TBM I:
Pls. 8:5; 11:10-13, 15-17; 43:9; TBM /A: Pl. 13:3-6) and at Tel Masos (Singer 1983: Pls. 129:1-3,5, 8;
84:C) but seemingly it was less popular in the north-central part of the hill country, as apparent from its
scarcity in the MB III deposits at Bethel (Kelso 1968: Pl. 50), Shechem (Seger 1974; Dever 1974), Tell
el-Farcah (Mallet 1988) and Shiloh.
Holemouth cooking-pots. Round-bottomed holemouth cooking-pots with folded rim are well
represented at Shiloh by two sub-forms: rim folded round, mainly large pots; rim folded squarely,
mainly small pots (e.g. Figs. 6.6:14-15; see also Shiloh 1969: Pl. 14:178, 181). This type of cooking-pot
appears throughout the MB II-III (Cole 1984:63-65, Fig 18; Dever 1974:44, Figs. 13:2, 4; 14:6, 10-11;
Seger 1974: Figs. 3:1; 6:2, 16) but the Shiloh data seem to indicate a gradual increase in its popularity
during the last phases of the Middle Bronze Age.
Of special interest is the base of a cooking-pot with a hatched cross in a circle in relief (Fig. 6.9:21).
This technique, probably used to stabilize large holemouth cooking-pots, is known from MB I-LB I
contexts at various sites (e.g. Ben-Dor 1950: Pl. X:16; Megiddo II: Pl. 46:7; Mallet 1988: Fig. 15:2;
Lachish II: Pl. LV A:352; Petrie 1931: Pl. 32:54).
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Cooking-pots with everted rim. This type of cooking-pot is the most abundant in the Middle Bronze
assemblages from Shiloh, comprising 50-60% of the cooking-pots repertoire. Three main sub-forms
could be discerned:
1) Everted simple rim. This sub-form has many varieties according to the shape of the rim (e.g. Fig.
6.8: 14; see also Shiloh 1969: Pl. 14: 176). At Shechem and Tell Beit Mirsim such cooking-pots were rare
before the MB III, while on the coastal plain and the northern part of Canaan they apparently already
appeared during the MB II (Cole 1984:65-67 and references there). Similar cooking-pots from Bethel
(Kelso 1968: Pl. 50) were dated to the MB III (Dever 1971:466-468) and at Jericho they are attested
mainly in the last phases of the Middle Bronze occupation (Jericho IV: Fig. 150). The Shiloh material
seems to present a typological mixture of simple and more developed rims, possibly forerunners of the
Late Bronze tradition, and we tend to date at least part of it to the MB II (cf. Singer 1983: Pl. 129:9).
89
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2) Everted, short thickened rim (e.g. Fig. 6.6:7-8; see also Shiloh 1969: Pl. 18:236). This sub-form was
found together with Sub-form 1 in all three Middle Bronze assemblages. A count of the number of
sherds revealed that both types are equally represented in Glacis 723 and in the fills but that Sub-form 2
is much more abundant (almost triple Sub-form 1) in the Area F rooms. This type of cooking-pot is
missing in the published material from Shechem and also seems to be absent from the Bethel, Beth-zur
and Tell Beit Mirsim assemblages. In Jericho similar cooking-pots were found mainly in the last phases
of the Middle Bronze settlement (Jericho IV: Figs. 148:8, 17; 151). Two specimens were recorded at Tel
Masos (Singer 1983: Pl. 129:10, 12). This sub-type seems to be rare outside the hill country-lower Jordan
valley zone.
3) Profiled rim (e.g. Fig. 6.6: ll). This cooking-pot with an elaborate grooved-rim is typical of the MB
III at Shechem (Cole 1984:66, Figs. 17:h-i; 18: Cu.2; e.g. Seger 1974: Figs. 30; Dever 1974:18) and of the
late MB III at Jericho (Jericho IV: Fig. 151:11, 30). It is hardly attested in MB III contexts outside the
hill country (but see Tel Masos- Singer 1983: Pl. 129:14-16; Tel Michal- Negbi 1989: Fig. 5.3).
Other cooking-pots. Of much interest is the surprising appearance in each of the Shiloh assemblages of
at least one example of the cooking-pot with a lid device (Figs. 6.6: 13; 6.10: 17). This cooking-pot which
is equipped with an additional ridge for holding a lid (sometimes with a hole perforating it) is commonly
considered to be an exclusive LB I type (see e.g. Amiran 1969:135; Hazar Ill-IV:236-237; Lachish II: Pl.
LVB:360; the Shiloh pots have all short ridges, cf. Hazar I: Pl. CXIII:l3; Hazar III-IV:CCXLI:4-5;
CCLXV:l6). The Shiloh examples come from clear Middle Bronze loci and thus prove that this type
began somewhat earlier. It is noteworthy that all known examples of the cooking-pot with a lid device
were found in the vicinity of cult installations.
Small jars/jugs. All forms of small fine jars/jugs (e.g. Fig. 6.7:1-4) repeat the Shechem MB II-III
repertoire (Cole 1984:77-78; Pis. 40-42; Seger 1974: Figs. 4-6; Dever 1974: Figs. 13-14). It is obvious
that most types span the whole later part of the Middle Bronze Age.
90
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The complete small jars and jugs found in the Area F rooms need further comment. The earliest
among the small storage jars with one handle on the shoulder seems to be that in Fig. 6.20:1. This
sub-form is well known from MB II-III contexts at many sites, such as Tell el-Farcah (N) (de Vaux and
Steve 1949: Fig 4:1-3), Lachish (Lachish IV: 187-188, Class B; Pl. 74), Jericho (Jericho IV: Fig. 194:5),
Megiddo Strata XI-X (Megiddo II: Pis. 31:9, 11; 40:4-5) and Razor (Hazor II: Pl. CXII:6-9). The other
jars in this sub-category (Figs. 6.15:2; 6.20:2-4) represent a late variant of the earlier much more graceful
form (cf. TBM I: P1.8:1, from Level D). They all have short necks and wide shoulders, clearly a
diminutive version of the large jars/ pithoi, and their rim shapes are typically late M13 III (e.g. Jericho
IV:126:12,18-19, from the last phases of the MB settlement).
The rim of the jar in Fig. 6.20:6 is missing. It seems to belong to one of the small jar types characteristic
of the MB II-III (e.g. Mallet 1988: Figs. 43:1; 44:4; Jericho IV: Fig. 190:6, 10).
The two jugs in Fig. 6.14:9; 13 are also attested in MB II-III contexts (e.g. Jericho II: Fig. 183:2-3;
Jericho IV: Figs. 174:6; 176: 1-2).
Large storage jars/pithoi. Rim sherds of large storage jars and pithoi are abundant in all three Middle
Bronze assemblages. To these should be added the 38 complete large jars/ pithoi found in the Area F-H
rooms. MB II-III storage jars were briefly reviewed by Albright (TBM I:l9-21; TBM IA:76, 85) and
recently elaborated on by Cole (1984:73-76). It is obvious from these studies that many of the variations
in form (especially in rim and base shapes) cannot be used as chronological indicators since they seem to
appear throughout the MB II-III. Yet certain observations made by the excavators of Shechem may
help to differentiate between jars of these two periods.
Table 5 indicates that the most prominent category of storage jars in the sherds from Glacis 723 and
the Area F rooms is the ridged rim. This category has many sub-forms (e.g. Fig. 6.7:8, 9, 19; 6.9:9-13;
see also Shiloh 1969: Pl. 14:173, 180) which in the main repeat the Shechem MB II-III repertoire (Cole
1984: Pls. 32:g-n; 33-36; Seger 1974: Figs. 4-6; Dever 1974: Figs. 13-14). They are well attested at other
neighbouring sites (e.g. Kelso 1968: Pls.49; 82:1, 4; Sellers 1933: Pl. VI:l6-17, 19-20; Funk 1968: Figs.
1-3; Pls. 14-15; TBM I: Pis. 10:1-2; 13:19-2; 45:4, 8; 46:3,9-11, 13; TBM IA: Pls. 11:3-7; 14:5, 10;
Jericho IV: Pls. 127-132). The appearance in all three Shiloh assemblages of two specific rim sub-forms,
namely the flared or splayed rim (e.g. Fig. 6.7:5-7) and the rilled rim (e.g. Fig. 6.7:12-13), is
chronologically significant since both are dated to the MB III (Seger 1974:123, Figs. 5:14,23-24,25,27,
33-34; 6:13-14; Dever 1974:44, Fig. 13:22-23; Cole 1984: Fig. 22; Pl. 36:j-m; Kelso 1968: Pls. 49:1, 3,
12-13; 82:4; Funk 1968: Figs. 2-3; TBM IA: Pl. 14:4-6, 10; Gezer I/:34-35; Jericho IV: Figs. 128:18,
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25-27; 129:3, 10, 19, 23; 130; 131:20-24, 29-30; Hazor I: Pls. XCIV:l2; XCVIII:3; CI:27). It should be
noted that the Shiloh material, as well as many of the examples just cited, exhibits a tendency to shift
from elegant, elaborately shaped jar rims in the MB II to more bulbous or somewhat less profiled rims
in the MB III.
The complete large storage jars/ pithoi from the Area F-H ro0ms echo these observations by displaying
a variety of rims, all within the potter's canon of the very last phase of the Middle Bronze Age. All these
jars are ovoid or pear shaped, with wide shoulders and body tapering towards the base. Most bases are
flattened although round ones also occur. Jars with no handles, two handles, and even four handles are
evident. Decoration includes various designs incised before firing, mainly a framed wavy line or a band
of thin lines around the shoulder. One jar has two incised marks on its shoulder (Fig. 6.19:3). Similar
crescent-shaped marks on large MB II-III storage jars are known from other sites (e.g. Jericho V: Fig.
91
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199:1; Hazar I: Pl. CXIII:8). Some of the jars are slipped all over or around the neck. Several jars,
mainly the smaller ones without handles, were slightly damaged while stacked together for firing, as is
evident from the fallen shoulder of one of them and the 'dimples' in the body of the others. All the above
qualities are traceable in large MB II-III storage jars/ pithoi at other sites as well (e.g. TBM I: 19-20, Pl.
41:10, 12, 14-15; TBM IA:76, 85, Pl. 14:10; Funk 1968: Fig. 1:15; Pl. 14:15; Pritchard 1963: Fig. 53; Cole
1984:76; Jericho IV: Figs. 189:3; 191:1-2; 192: 1-2; 193:1-2).
The two types second in popularity at Shiloh are the thickened, 'square' rim jars (e.g. Fig. 6. 7:20; see
also Shiloh 1969: Pl. 13:139) and the plain rim jars, included in our 'Other Jars' category. Both types
seem to span the entire MB II-III time range (Cole 1984:73-74; Pl.32:a-f, k-n) although the former type
may be more restricted to the early-to-middle phases of the MB II while the latter becomes more flaring
towards the end of the Middle Bronze Age. In the fills there are many more 'square' rim jars than
ridged-rim jars, the reverse of the situation in Glacis 723 and the Area F-H rooms. The reason for this
phenomenon is not clear. The former type might represent an early phase (within the MB II) of
settlement at Shiloh since most of the specimens look early by their neat 'square' profile and traces of
fine comb-like marks around the folded-out rim. 6 It is possible that some material for the fills was taken
from an early MB II occupation debris. This hypothesis may also explain the presence of a few sherds of
flat-bottomed cooking-pots with a rope-like moulding on straight walls in the fill material.
D. OTHER VESSELS
Two similar cylindrical cult stands, one intact and the other missing its upper part, were found in the
Area F rooms (Fig. 6.21:4, 6). The stands are open at both ends, with two small oval windows cut in
their bodies. The intact stand is decorated with a rope-like incised pattern around its neck. A piece of a
painted cult stand was retrieved from Glacis 723. The corner of one of its oval windows can still be
discerned (Fig. 6.7:24).
Cylindrical cult stands have been thoroughly discussed by Mazar (1980:87-96 and bibliography).
According to his analysis this type of stand appeared in the Early Bronze Age but became more common
during the Middle Bronze Age.7 Analogous to contemporary ordinary pottery types, stands of the
Middle and Late Bronze Age usually carry rope decoration and various incised patterns, although
painted stands are also known. Various explanations for the function of cult stands have been proferred;
that they were used for libation, burning incense or holding sacred plants. Evidently the function of
cylindrical stands without attached bowls was to support cult bowls, and indeed such a bowl was found
together with the Shiloh stands (Fig. 6.21 :5; for a discussion of cult bowls see Mazar 1980:96-100 and
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
bibliography). Since the stands from Tel Qasile, Lachish and Beth-shan were found in cult buildings,
sometimes near the platforms on which the deity's figure stood, it is most probable that ritual meals were
served to the deities in the cult bowls supported by the stands (ibid.:95).
The low cylindrical stand (Fig. 6.22:6) and the piece of a conical stand (Fig. 6.23: 15) also found in the
Area F rooms are well known from other MB II/III-LB assemblages (Mazar 1980:96; in addition to the
references there see Megiddo II: Pis. 47:17; 55:17-18; Hazar I: Pl. XCIV:l8; Hazar II: PI. CXV:25-26;
6. They evidently perpetuate MB I traditions, cf. Beck 1975:Fig. 7:3, 20-21; Jericho IV: Pl. 127:4, 12, 16.
7. The stands from Tell Beit Mirsim may be added to the examples cited by Mazar although they could have belonged to the
chalice-like type with attached bowl; see TBM !:30-31, Pl. 44:14, Level D; TBM IA:80, Pl. 10:11, Level E.
92
Hazor III-IV: Pl. CCLX: 14-17). Such stands are usually explained as supports for vessels with rounded
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bases. However, their frequent appearance in cult contexts may hint at their use in a capacity similar to
that of the tall cylindrical stands, namely, for carrying cult bowls (Mazar 1980:96).
E. BASES
Table 6.6 presents the distribution of types of bases in the three Middle Bronze Age assemblages from
Shiloh.
Disc bases are most widespread in the glacis and in the Area F rooms, and ring bases are second in
popularity in these assemblages. The reasons for the reversed situation in the fills are not clear, but may
hint that this material originated from a different refuse dump than that of the glacis material. Trumpet
bases seem to have enjoyed a modest, static popularity throughout the MB II-III periods (for a discussion
of Shechem's bowl bases see Cole 1984:60-61).
Small flattened bases are the most popular jar bases in all three assemblages. This situation is repeated
at other MB II-III sites (ibid.:75-76).
F. DECORATED SHERDS
Table 6.7 presents the distribution of decorated sherds in the Middle Bronze assemblages:
93
Combing and rope decoration, present in the fills material, seem to loose their popularity in the last
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phase of the period (cf. TBM IA:76). At that time incised decoration and painting were gaining
precedence. The increase in the amount of painted pottery in the last phase of the Middle Bronze Age
heralds the florescence of this decoration technique in the Late Bronze Age.
From the chronological point of view, the most important painted pieces found in the Area F rooms
are three sherds of closed vessels, apparently jugs, of'Chocolate-on-White' ware (Figs. 6.14:11; 6.21: 1-2).
This ware is usually dated to the late-MB III-LB 1.8 There is still no definite answer as to the location of
its production centres but they were most probably located in the eastern parts of the middle and lower
Jordan valley (Leonard 1986:167).
The relatively large amount of slipped and burnished vessels in all three assemblages contradicts past
observations that these decoration techniques continuously declined during the Middle Bronze Age (e.g.
TBM 1:22; TBM IA:76; Cole 1984:79). The contradiction can be explained by the fact that most of the
Shiloh sherds come from a deposit which represents the early MB II settlement at the site (Stratum
VIII).
G. IMPORTED POTTERY
A piece of a Cypriot White Painted (WP) V closed vessel, probably a jar or a jug, was identified in the
Glacis 723 material (Fig. 6.7:22). Vessels similarly decorated with framed broad bands are known from
eastern Cyprus, e.g. Kalopsidha (A-strom 1966:45, 90; Figs. 30; 43, row 1:1-2; 79, row 1:1-3; 80;
1972a:Fig. IB:31-32; XVI:17; XVIII:lO). WP V ware is assigned there to the Middle Cypriot III period
(A-strom 1972a:177, 277), which corresponds to the MB II-III in the Levant (Saltz 1977:66). Indeed
specimens of this ware appear in MB II-III contexts in Canaan, at both coastal and inland sites. 9
CONCLUSIONS
Chronology
Three chronological questions are of interest:
1. When was the first Middle Bronze Age settlement of Shiloh (Stratum VIII) established?
2. When were the huge Middle Bronze stone and earthworks erected?
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
8. For discussions of this ware, its origins and chronology see Amiran 1969:158-159; Oren 1973:68-85; Hennesy 1985; Knapp
1987:17-23; ibid. 1989: 129-148; Knapp et al. 1988:57-113.
9. For catalogue and discussion see Johnson 1982. Also Maguire 1987; Negbi 1989:50, fig. 5.4; Saltz 1984.
94
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The bulk of the pottery from both Glacis 723 and the fills should be dated to the MB II-early MB III.
A few pieces of the flat-bottomed cooking-pot with straight walls and some early versions of the 'square'
rim storage jar seem to represent the earliest pottery in these two assemblages. Two facts are of
chronological importance: 1) Most of the flat-bottomed cooking-pots are of the incurved walls type,
with vestigial rope-like moulding; 2) Not one example of the earlier class of these cooking-pots, with
breathing holes pierced above the moulding, was found. Specimens of this typical MB I cooking-pot are
conspicuously present in surface pottery collected in the course of the Land of Ephraim survey in
Middle Bronze Age sites around Shiloh (Chapter 19).
The substantial number of 'square' rim storage jars in the latest Middle Bronze assemblage (the Area
F rooms) seems to reduce their value as chronological indicators. Still, the relatively large amount of
this type of jar and the flat-bottomed, straight-sided cooking-pot in the fills may hint that the fill
material originated in an earlier refuse deposit than the one dug for the construction of Glacis 723. In
any case, due to the general scarcity (or even lack) of unequivocal early MB II pottery types ( cf. Cole
1984:81-82) in the glacis and fills, we are inclined to date the foundation of the Middle Bronze Age
settlement at Shiloh (Stratum VIII) to mid-MB II, namely, to the end of the 18th century B.C.E. It
should be noted, however, that since most MB II pottery types prevalent at Shiloh are not sufficiently
diagnostic from a chronological point of view, a somewhat earlier foundation date for Stratum VIII
cannot be ruled out.
The pottery found in Glacis 723 and the fills contains a significant amount of diagnostic MB III forms
(see above). It is noteworthy that although the MB III pottery from the glacis and the fills is almost
identical with the sherds from the Area F rooms, 'Chocolate-on-White' ware was found only in the latter
assemblage. Therefore, we would date the end of Stratum VIII and the construction of the impressive
earth and stone fortifications of Stratum VII to the first half of the MB III, that is, to the mid-to-end of
the 17th century B.C. E., prior to the appearance of the 'Chocolate-on-White' ware in the hill country.
The sherds from the Area F rooms are characteristically MB III, contemporary with the latest pottery
forms from the refuse dumps of the Stratum VIII settlement and later. The assemblage of intact vessels
found in the rooms dates the last phase of the MB III period at Shiloh. It should be borne in mind,
however, that large storage jars such as the ones found in abundance in the Area F-H rooms are oflesser
importance for dating purposes as they could have served for many years. Analysis of the total
assemblage, complete vessels and sherds alike, leads us to the conclusion that the destruction of Middle
Bronze Age Shiloh took place around the mid-16th century B.C. E. The few 'Chocolate-on-White' ware
sherds found in the rooms do not facilitate a more accurate date, since the exact chronology of this
pottery type within the late-MB III-LBI time span is still not fixed.
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Regionalism
The analysis of the Middle Bronze Age pottery from Shiloh fully confirms former observations on
pottery regionalism during this period (Kempinski 1983:181-196; Cole 1984:95; Bienkowski 1986:7).
The Shiloh assemblages are evidently more akin to MB II-III pottery assemblages in other central hill
country and lower Jordan valley (Jericho) sites than to those from the northern part of the country, the
Shephelah, or the coastal plain. Furthermore, the Shiloh material indicates that pottery regionalism
prevailed even within the hill country itself. The Shiloh pottery shows distinct 'southern' qualities (cf.
Kempinski 1983:186-189, 192), dramatically underlined by the premature appearance of the LB I
cooking-pot with lid device. Other qualities, such as the relative abundance of r~d slip and/ or burnish
95
and the scarcity of pedestal vases and flat-bottomed cooking-pots with rope moulding at the rim, are
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more 'northern' in nature. This mixture of regional affinities seems to be related to Shiloh's geographic
location and should signify the boundary between Kempinski's MB II-III 'southern' and 'northern'
cultural zones. The pottery testimony seems to confine Shiloh's political and religious role to the hill
country only, in fact, mainly to the close vicinity of the site.
There is no clear distinction in the vessel distribution between the rooms, though certain trends should
be pointed out:
1. There was a preponderance of pithoi and storage jars in Rooms 1527 and 1533. There are two
additional facts worthy of note regarding Room 1527: the large number of pestles/weights found there
may indicate administrative activity; the burnt layer in this room was more marked than in other rooms
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
in Area F and may give some indication as to the contents of the pithoi.
2. Most cooking-pots were found in Rooms 1522 and 1532, which were not packed with large storage
vessels. Indeed, several grinding stones were also found in Room 1532.
3. There was a relatively large number of bowls in Room 1522.
4. Most votive bowls were found in Rooms 1532 and 1527, which also contained a cult stand.
96
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
6
1
17
14
ro
~
Fig. 6.5:
fLjl
\C~I
" )=J,/
U I
~17
f$J7
c=c741
7
15
19
20
~
7
7~
T 1-LJl
"-o=-~--_;ocm
Stratum VIII (MB II) pottery from Glacis 723.
l
CSf- . I
17
I
2
18
16
22
---=r ~
~C
-
I
~
'
ttJI --
~
fl
l_Q) \:_~11
9
23
m
CD
~
~
7
7~17
97
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
98
Fig. 6.6:
3
2
15
14
13
! 0
?VI
?LJI
, Nl
, J
f=-.-·-
, r-01 \
~
\
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_ _______,
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6
4
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/C>I
I
l'
t==r~
· =-=----n------11
1
~
'
\
'fL/1 \
~
-~
~
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FIGURE 6.5: STRATUM VIII (MB II) POTTERY FROM GLACIS 723
FIGURE 6.6: STRATUM VIII (MB II) POTTERY FROM GLACIS 723 (cont.)
99
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
8
5
20
22
100
()
Fig. 6.7:
1
6
2
23
r ()
0
(u ( 151 1
0
~
. , _ _ _ __o~
~----.,_~-=,=-
Jcm.
10cm
IJ t
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')4 (
7
4
21
19
24
=r.c~)
l1
VI
\
Gil f
r
')~~~
r
df Fl t
I =r
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FIGURE 6.7: STRATUM VIII (MB II) POTTERY FROM GLACIS 723 (cont.)
FIGURE 6.8: STRATUM VIII (MB II) POTTERY FROM EARTHEN FILLS IN AREAS F, HAND K
101
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
9
5
15
19
13
17
21
102
)
:==
Fig. 6.8:
(
)
\
\=
F----~
I
I
I
.~ I
~I 7
T
7
~
/
10
t=
8
18
"
14
\
)
.~
(
.~
~;
,c:=
Stratum VIII (MB II) pottery from earth fills in Areas F, H and K.
11
'
~~-
r ~II
I
I
',
_.10c.m
12
'
t
7
7
~-1 ~
II
rrr v· m
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( II N 7
2 3 4
5
TTl' 6
)\ c 7
cy=-~ 7
y: l =r \=-=l r R 1
,
I
8 9 10
11
\ )
I r 12
'\ )
13
(
r (
) ( sl 1-f ¥ I =r
14 15 16
5 { \:
)
I
I r F-9---,
17 18
20
)-
r 0 10cm
~--·---.-o==---...1
,e-)f;}.l
~}·
t"
\
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 6.9: Stratum VIII (MB II) pottery from earth fills in Areas F, Hand K (cont.).
103
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FIGURE 6.9: STRATUM VIII (MB II) POTTERY FROM EARTHEN FILLS IN AREAS F, HAND K (cont.)
FIGURE 6.10: STRATUM VIII (MB II) POTTERY FROM STONE FILLS IN AREA D
104
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
9
7
4
17
15
13
19
>--
Fig. 6.10:
;
~
)
~11s
I
2
-..
,
ro
0
I
-=-~·-
10cm
(
)
..
~17
(
3
11
18
16
14
20
\
q:
I 1:--
I
~I ....
7
=J
)
===t
105
,m
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~T l I 1' ) 1\
2 4
5
(
F r 6
\l
7
) I \
8
9 5 t r
9 10
r=r
,./"'
11
~ tY2 12
~)
13
I =<"
--
0 10cm
Fig. 6.11: Stratum VIII (MB II) pottery from stone fills in Area D (cont.).
FIGURE 6:ll: STRATUM VIII (MB II) POTTERY FROM STONE FILLS IN AREA D (cont.)
106
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
15
16
Fig. 6.12:
~
I
7
.~\7
2.
Cl7 \
0
I
14
(
I
Cl~
107
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
8
4
12
10
108
Fig. 6.13:
.~
17
2
0
-.......,.-_=-=--
Jcm
~==-~"''-
Stratum VII (MB III) pottery from the Area F rooms (cont.).
10cm
3
11
13
\ l7
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FIGURE 6.12: STRATUM VII (MB III) POTTERY FROM THE AREA F ROOMS
FIGURE 6.13: STRATUM VII (MB III) POTTERY FROM THE AREA F ROOMS (cont.)
No. Type Reg. No. Locus Description See Fig.
Votive bowl 15131 1526 Brown 6.24:2
2 Votive bowl 15106 1526 Brown
3 Votive bowl 15170/3 1532 Brown
4 Votive bowl 15130 1526 Brown
5 Votive bowl 15170/4 1532 Brown 6.24:1
6 Votive bowl 15170/5 1532 ---Brown.___ - - - - - - - - -
7 Votive bowl 15070 1525 Brown
8 Votive bowl 17032 1532 Brown
9 Votive bowl 15055 1522 Brown
10 Krater 15081/1 1522 Brown
ll Krater 15355 1527 Reddish-brown
12 Krater 15183/2 1522 Brown 6.24:5
13 Pedestal vase 15324 1527 Greyish
FIGURE 6.14: STRATUM VII (MB III) POTTERY FROM THE AREA F ROOMS (cont.)
No. Type Reg. No. Locus Description See Fig.
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109
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
8
I
110
J
I
Fig. 6.14:
{_--
I
I
•
5
7
6
10
r
r
0
~
\
"""-=.=--=:::-
10c.m.
II
I
(
2
)
11
12
Stratum VII (MB III) pottery from the Area F rooms (cont.).
'\, F¥
'
\
I
13
\
'
\
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FIGURE 6.15: STRATUM VII (MB III) POTTERY FROM THE AREA F ROOMS (cont.)
FIGURE 6.16: STRATUM VII (MB III) POTTERY FROM THE AREA F ROOMS (cont.)
FIGURE 6.17: STRATUM VII (MB III) POTTERY FROM THE AREA F ROOMS (cont.)
FIGURE 6.18: STRATUM VII (MB III) POTTERY FROM THE AREA F ROOMS (cont.)
FIGURE 6.19: STRATUM VII (MB III) POTTERY FROM THE AREA F ROOMS (cont.)
111
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
.4
112
0
Fig. 6.15:
2
5
lOcm.
Stratum VII (MB III) pottery from the Area F rooms (cont.).
3
6
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 6.16:
1/
\I
II
,,
II
II
7
2
0
-=--=:;-__,_..j
lOcm
Stratum VII (MB IU) pottery from the Area F rooms (cont.).
/
5
8
I
'~ :
~
II
,,II
1i
\~~
~!
113
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
114
Fig. 6. I 7:
2
Stratum VII (MB Ill) pottery from the Area F rooms (cont.).
3
6
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 6.18:
2
0
-::::;:~-:;---
10cm
Stratum VII (MB Ill) pottery from the Area F rooms (cont.).
3
115
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2
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
0 10crn.
3 --=--=-- 5
Fig. 6.!9: Stratum VII (MB lll) pottery from the Area F rooms (cont.).
116
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•
2 3
0 IOcm
- -=-=--
6 7
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 6.20: Stratum VII (MB Ill) pottery from the Area F rooms (cont.).
FIGURE 6.20: STRATUM VII (MB III) POTTERY FROM THE AREA F ROOMS (cont.)
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2 5
Jcm.
-~~-
0 10cm.
- ·.:;.;.. - c-..:-
~
~
3 4 6
Fig. 6.21: Stratum VII (MB Ill) pottery from the Area F rooms (cont.).
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
FIGURE 6.21 : STRATUM VII (MB III) POTTERY FROM THE AREA F ROOMS (cont.)
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~ II 7 2
~ '
I 7
3
~ 'o;;:;::: I
7 4
(
5
6
----=- =- 10cm
7
0
---~~-
10cm
Fig. 6.22: Stratum VII (MB Ill) pottery from the vicinity of the Area F rooms.
FIGURE 6.22: STRATUM VII (MB III) POTTERY FROM THE VICINITY OF THE AREA F ROOMS
119
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FIGURE 6.24: STRATUM VII (MB III) VESSELS FROM THE AREA F ROOMS
FIGURE 6.25: STRATUM VII (MB III) VESSELS FROM THE AREA F ROOMS (cont.)
FIGURE 6.26: STRATUM VII (MB III) VESSELS FROM THE AREA F ROOMS (cont.)
120
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 6.23:
"""=
~ I
8
9
1
r
7
?=
4
n ( n r
~
\
5
2
15
12
'
l
r 1
'
t;_J7
I
~r7~1J'ZI~
''
7
~
1:
121
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
122
Fig. 6.24:
0
2
7
4cm.
Fig. 6.25:
Stratum VII (MB III) vessels from the Area F rooms (cont.)
123
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
124
Fig. 6.26:
0
Stratum VII (MB III) vessels from the Area F rooms (cont.).
20cm.
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 6.27:
0
;,
.........
Stratum VII (MB III) vessels from the Area F rooms (cont.).
2
125
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
126
Fig. 6.28:
0
........
3
....
.......
Stratum VII (MB III) vessels from the Area F rooms (cont.).
20cm.
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FIGURE 6.27: STRATUM VII (MB HI) VESSELS FROM THE AREA F ROOMS (cont.)
No. Type Reg. No. Locus See Fig.
Storage jar 15356/2 1527 6.20:4
2 Storage jar 15059 1526 6.20:1
3 Storage jar 15272 1527 6.20:3
4 Pithos 15221/2 1526 6.16:3
5 Pithos 152211 1 1526 6.15:5
FIGURE 6.28: STRATUM VII (MB III) VESSELS FROM THE AREA F R00MS (cont.)
No. Type Reg. No. Locus See Fig.
l Storage jar 15143/2 1526 6.20:6
2 Storage jar 15234 1532 6.15:2
3 Pithos 15247 1522 6.17:2
4 Pithos 15244 1522 6.19:3
5 Pithos 15260 1533 6.18:2
The Late Bronze Age pottery (Stratum VI) comes mainly from the dumped debris unearthed in Area D
(Chapter 3, L. 407). Only a handful of sherds from this period was found in other loci around the
mound. 10 The dumped debris contained hundreds of vessels but due to its displacement and further
dumping many of the vessels were shattered. Most of them were therefore too fragmentary to be
restored. Table 6.9 enumerates them according to types. Only 104 vessels could be fully or partially
restored. They are listed according to corresponding types in Table 6.11.
Since virtually all the Middle Bronze Age sites in the central hill country were deserted following their
destruction during the last phase of this period, hardly any stratigraphic deposits dating to the beginning
of the Late Bronze Age are known from this region (Wright 1961:91; Charts 6-7; Kenyon 1973;
Weinstein 1981:2-5; Bunimovitz 1990:259-266). The Shiloh assemblage had therefore to be compared
with deposits which were either later or further afield in order to deduce its date.
OTHER VESSELS
11
10. For the previous excavations see Shiloh 1969: Pis. 6:63-67; 13:140; 14:175; 17:209,211,214,217, 220-222; XXV:l99-201;
XXVI:204, 206, 208, 220-222.
127
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B. Cooking-pots
Cooking-pot with everted rim 259 10
D. Other Vessels
Goblets 28
Lamps 47
Juglets 32
Other vessels 30
E. Bases
Flat bases 57 13
Disc bases 290 66
Ring bases 37 8
Trumpet bases 56 13
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Rounded bases 2
128
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Goblets 4***
Lamps 6
Jugs 3**
Juglets 7
Cult stand
Cypriot BR I bowl
Total 104
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* Asterisk marks decorated vessel (altogether 8 vessels, ca. 8% of the total number of complete vessels).
TYPOLOGICAL DISCUSSION
LOCAL POTTERY
129
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Shallow bowls. Shallow or platter bowls with plain rim comprise about two-thirds of both the sherds
and the complete vessels (e.g. Fig. 6.30). All of these bowls have slightly curved walls, clearly preserving
late Middle Bronze traditions. The restored examples, as well as sherds of bases, clearly testify to the
great popularity of concave disc bases. Flat discs and ring bases are also present but in far reduced
numbers.
In the central hill country the best parallels for the Shiloh plain rim bowls come from the MB III-LB II
burial cave at Dominus Flevit (Saller 1964:55-60) and from Tell el-Farcah (de Vaux and Steve 1947:
Figs. 1:1; 2:13). Such bowls are evidently less popular in LB IIA Tombs lOA-lOB at Gibeon (Pritchard
1963:15, Type B) and are missing from the LB IIA burial deposits ofNahlat Ahim (Amiran 1960) and
Tell Jedur (LB II; Ben-Arieh 1981). A few examples appear in Tomb 4 at Jericho (late LB If early LB
IIA; Bienkowski 1986: Figs. 29:1-2; 37:9), Stratum Cat Tell Beit Mirsim (TBM /:Pl. 47:5), the Lower
Burial Phase of Cave lOA at Gezer (LB IB-LB IIA; Gezer V:75) and in Tomb 42 in the Northern
Cemetery of Beth-shan (LB I; Oren 1973:69, Type Cl; Fig. 27:1-6). Similar bowls are attested also in the
Fosse Temple I-II at Lachish (Lachish II: Pl. XXXVII) 11 and further afield, in Stratum XI at Tell
Mevorakh (LB I; Goz-Zilberstein 1984:13; Fig. 5:11), Megiddo Stratum IX (Megiddo //:Pl. 54:9) and
LB I Hazar (e.g. Hazor I: Pls. CXXII:3, 7; CXXXV:2).
About 3% of the shallow bowls in the sherds have inverted rims and 4% are with bevelled rims,
sometimes thickened internally. Since the first type is the most frequent among the MB II-III bowls of
Shiloh, the appearance of such bowls in Debris 407 must be interpreted as the use of leftovers from the
preceding period, or more reasonably, the extension of MB III pottery traditions into LB I. The second
type (Fig. 6.32:17-19) was popular during LB II (see e.g. Pritchard 1963:15, Type C; Figs. 7:3, 5;
9:10-16; Gezer V: Pl. 14:4, 14).
Shallow bowls with trumpet base. These bowls (Fig. 6.33:1-12, 14), also called pedestal bowls, appear in
substantial numbers among the restored vessels of Debris 407 (15% of the bowls) and are undoubtedly
represented also in the sherds by both rims and trumpet bases (13% of the bases sherds). All of them are
actually shallow plain-rim bowls of the type discussed above placed on trumpet bases. Very similar
bowls are well attested in the Dominus Flevit assemblage (Saller 1964:49-54) and appear also in Tomb 5
at Jericho (Bienkowski 1986: Fig. 30: 1-5), Tomb lOA-lOB at Gibeon (Pritchard 1963: Fig. 10:39), Cave
lOA at Gezer (Gezer V:75-76), Tombs 27 and 29 at Beth-Shan (LB I-IIA; Oren 1973:69-70, Type E2;
Figs. 35:16, 18;39:9-11), Lachish (Lachish II: Pl. XLVI:206-212; Lachish IV:183-184; Pl. 72:634-637),
Stratum XI at Tel Mevorakh (Guz-Zilberstein 1984:15; Fig. 7:6-8) and Hazar (e.g. Hazor l:CXXII:l7).
It has been suggested that early specimens of Late Bronze pedestal bowls tend to retain the elaborate
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
profiles of the trumpet bases typical of the late Middle Bronze Age ( Gezer V:76). Indeed, most of our
trumpet bases seem to be more akin to MB III types than to the simple Late Bronze straight-sided
trumpet bases. Of special interest are the elegantly up-curled edges of the trumpet foot in some of our
specimens (Fig. 6.33:10-12, 14). This phenomenon can also be observed in several of the pedestal bowls
from Tombs 27 and 29 at Beth-shan (Oren 1973: Figs. 35:15; 39:10-11).
Carinated bowls. Carinated bowls with straight or slightly inclining walls above the shoulder are the
second most frequent class of Late Bronze Age bowls at Shiloh (Fig. 6.32: 1-12). From the restorable
11. See also Lachish /V:JSI-182, Classes G-H. Note that most parallels cited there are from MB strata!
130
examples it can be deduced that most of the bowls had concave disk bases. Similar bowls were abundant
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in the Dominus Flevit deposit (Saller 1964:38-44) and appear also in Tombs 5 and 4 at Jericho
(Bienkowski 1986: Fig. 29:10; 37:5; 42:5-6; 45:1-4, 6), Tomb lOA-lOB at Gibeon (Pritchard 1963:16;
Figs. 10:28-29, 32-33), the burial deposit at Nahlat Ahim (Amiran 1960: Fig. 3:37), Fosse Temple I-II
(Lachish II: Pls. XL:74-76, 86-87; XLI:99-101, 104, 106-197, 111, 114), and Cave lOA at Gezer ( Gezer
V:76, 82). Notably, the Shiloh bowls, as well as most of the examples cited, are conspicuously different
from the carinated bowls popular in northern Canaan during LB I-II and seem to constitute a specific
southern class of bowls. They lack the sharp carination or ridge typical of the northern bowls (see
Amiran 1969: Pl. 39 for comparison of the northern and southern examples), and are most probably
akin to the small carinated bowl prevalent in southern Canaan during the MB II-III (Kempinski
1983:127, 187). 12 Apparently the northern Late Bronze carinated bowls represent another line of
typological development and are offsprings of the fine, flaring MB II-III carinated bowl (cf. Amiran
1969:125, 129; Pl. 39:1-3, 8-11).
Rounded bowls. About 6% of the bowls deposited in Debris 407 were shallow rounded bowls (e.g. Fig.
6.33:13, 15). According to the restored examples most of them had disc bases while only a few had
flattened bottoms. Similar bowls are attested at Dominus Flevit (Saller 1964: Fig. 20:2, 4, 7), Tombs
lOA-lOB at Gibeon (Pritchard 1963:15, Type A), Stratum Cat Tell Beit Mirsim (TBM I: Pls. 43:11-12,
14; 47:1; TBM /A: Pl. 16:1-2,5,8, 11) and Fosse Temple II-III (Lachish IV:176; Fig. 71, top five rows).
Kraters. Among the kraters found in Debris 407 most abundant are two-handled kraters with everted
rim, clearly retaining Middle Bronze Age traditions (e.g. Fig. 6.34:2, 8, 9; cf. Amiran 1969: 134; Pl.41: 1;
Lachish II: Pl. XLIII:l51; Hazor I: Pls. CXXIII:12-13; CXXXVII:3, 5; Hazor III-IV: Pl. CCXLIII:II).
Also found are a few examples of kraters with an upright rim (e.g. Fig. 6.34:7, 10), more typical of the
Late Bronze Age tradition (Amiran 1969: Pl. 41).
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Of special interest are two painted kraters with a gutter-rim (Fig. 6.34:3, 5). This type of rim is usually
considered to be unique to a certain class of LB I cooking-pots. In the light of our kraters it seems now
that lid devices were occasionally applied to other types of food preparation vessels.
B. COOKING-POTS
About 10% ofthe sherds retrieved from Debris 407 belongs to cooking-pots. Most are of the everted rim
type, with either rounded or squat triangular section (Fig. 6.35:8-14; 6.36:1-7) which is characteristic of
the LB I period (Amiran 1969:135). Some specimens, however, show a more prominent triangular rim,
12. For the continuation of this pottery tradition in the central hill country down to the end of the Late Bronze Age see Kelso
1968: Pl. 53-54.
131
typical of the later part of LB I and the LB II period (ibid.:140). Notably, no examples ofthe unique LB I
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cooking-pot with lid device were found (for its presence in Shiloh in the MB III see above).
D. OTHER VESSELS
Goblets. Four restorable goblets and sherds of others (Fig. 6.35:1, 3-4, 7) were found in Debris 407. Two
of the goblets (Fig. 6.35:1, 4) are almost identical in their outline and are decorated by horizontal paint
lines, one on the rim and the other on the body. Such simple goblets are rare in the repertoire of Late
Bronze Age goblets found in Palestine, which exemplifies more elaborate and sharply carinated forms.
The third goblet, of which only the upper part survived (Fig. 6.35:6), belongs to a well known class of
carinated goblets with tall concave sides; see e.g. Tel Mevorakh (Guz-Zilberstein 1984:14-15; Fig. 7:1),
Tel Kittan (Eisenberg 1977: Color Section, Pl. D, Top), Beth-shan, Stratum IX temple (Rowe 1940: Pl.
LXXA:3-4) and Fosse Temple II (Lachish II: Pl. XLVII:231). Our goblet, however, is much less
impressive than all these richly decorated examples since it is merely burnished and decorated with only
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Lamps. Almost all the lamps found in Debris 407 (e.g. Fig. 6.37:11) are of Tufnell's Classes C and D
(Lachish /V:185-186; Lachish II: Pl. XLV:l84-191; see also Amiran 1969:190; Pl. 59:10-12) and are
clearly closer to Middle Bronze Age types than to the more developed lamps found, for instance, in
Tomb lOA-lOB at Gibeon (Pritchard 1963:16), Cave lOA at Gezer (Gezer V:77, 82) and at Tell Jedur
(Ben-Arieh 1981:118, 120; Fig. 4). A few examples only show a pinched spout more typical of the LB
132
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IIA (cf. the above cited assemblages and see also Lachish IV: 186, Class E; Lachish II: Pl. XLV:193-199;
Amiran 1969: Pl. 59:14).
Juglets. Only dipper juglets were found in Debris 407. All have a squat short body, ovoid or elliptical in
shape, high neck and slightly pointed or rounded bottom (Fig. 6.36:8-13). They correspond to Oren's
Type B2, which according to his analysis is typical of LB I (1973:76, with references to Beth-shan tombs
and other sites). Indeed, similar juglets were found in the assemblages of Dominus Flevit (Saller 1964:
Figs. 42-45), Tomb 5 at Jericho (Bienkowski 1986: Fig. 34:13-14) and Cave lOA at Gezer (Gezer V:76,
with references to LB I levels in other sites).
Cult stand. One cylindrical cult stand was found in Debris 407 (Fig. 6.37:14). It has two large ear
handles and was probably open at both ends (for references concerning Late Bronze Age stands see
Mazar 1980:93, n. 35).
IMPORTED POTTERY
About 90 sherds of Late Cypriot pottery and 4 Mycenaean sherds were found during the excavations at
Shiloh. The majority of these sherds, which represent at the most 55-60 imported Cypriot vessels and 3
Mycenaean ones, come from Debris 407 in Area D. The remaining sherds were occasionally found
within Iron I and unstratified loci in Areas C and J. -
Monochrome ware. The two bowls are of two distinct types due to their rim shapes: a simple, very
slightly incurved rim (Fig. 6.38:1; cf. Astrom 1972b: Fig. XLV:2),13 and an incurved rim with a band of
flattening (Fig. 6.38:2; cf. ibid.: Fig. XLV :8; Sjoqvist's Type 2a, 1940:31; Fig. 5). Both types of bowls are
well known in LB I contexts in Canaan, and while they still can be found in the LB IIA period, it is
established that Monochrome pottery was most characteristic of the former period (Gittlen 1977:
319-324).
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
White Slip II ware. This ware is attested by numerous rims and body sherds of 'milk-bowls'. Only one
incomplete upper half of a bowl and its wishbone handle could be restored. It seems that all these bowls
can be assigned to Popham's 'normal stage' (1972:447; Fig. 54). Most of them are decorated with plain
ladder patterns, some have dots painted on the rim, and one has an horizontal hooked-chain pattern
between two ladders (Fig. 6.38:3-7; 6.39: 10). According to Gittlen's analysis, the chronological sequence
of all these bowl types is quite similar; they appear in modest numbers in Palestine during the last phase
of LB I and peak in the LB IIA period (Gittlen 1977:419-423).
133
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Base Ring I ware. The Base Ring pottery is very fragmentary so that it is difficult to estimate the number
of vessels represented, or to assign some of the sherds to either Base Ring I or II wares. The following
numbers present, therefore, a minimum count.
Two BR I bowls of the same type are evident, one by a rim fragment only (Fig. 6.39:1) the other
almost complete (Fig. 6.38:8; cf. Astrom 1972b: Fig. XLVI:7, 9). Three more body sherds, including a
piece of a curved fork-handle, may attest to at least one more similar bowl. This type of bowl seems to
appear in Canaan in LB IB and was popular mainly during LB IIA. It was no longer imported in LB IIB
(Gittlen 1977:117).
Six body sherds and two broken handles represent at least five big BR I jugs (cf. Astrom 1972b: Fig.
XLIX:9-10). One of the sherds is decorated with a spiral relief, while another exemplifies a neck-base
ridge. Both handles have deep knife incisions (Fig. 6.39:9). Some of the body sherds and another
unincised handle could belong to other kinds of big BR I jugs or tankards. Four small BR I jugs (bilbils)
are represented by additional fragments of handles and necks (Fig. 6.39:2, 6; cf. ibid.: Fig. XLIX:6-7).
Two rim sherds and a thumb-grip seem to denote three tankards (Fig. 6.39:3-5; cf. ibid.: Fig. L:8).
Tankards and BR I jugs, large as well as bilbils, appear in Canaan already during the LB IA period.
Their popularity peaks during LB IB-LB IIA, and it seems that their manufacture and trade ceased
before the beginning of LB IIB (Gittlen 1977:123-124; for a survey of important Canaan assemblages
including BR I ware see Gezer V:78).
Red Lustrous wheel-made ware. One sherd from a neck of a spindle bottle made of Red Lustrous ware
('Syrian Bottle') has been identified (Fig. 6.39:8; cf. Astrom 1972b: Fig. LIV:5, 7). This unique vessel has
been found in other LB I-LB II assemblages in Canaan (see e.g. Gezer V:80, and references there).14 It is
noteworthy that Debris 407 yielded another neck fragment of a large spindle bottle, also red burnished,
but this turned out to be a locally-made imitation of the original ware.
14. For further discussion of its use and distribution see Merrillees 1963; Astrom 1969.
15. For the bull-shaped vase, which is an almost uniquely LB IIA phenomenon, see also Gezer V:78.
134
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Mycenaean Pottery
Of the four Mycenaean sherds found at Shiloh, two belonging to the same vessel come from Debris 407,
while the others come from a mixed locus near Debris 407 and from an Iron I context in Area C.
The body sherds from Debris 407 (for one see Fig. 6.39:7) seem to represent a small piriform jar or
possibly a piriform stirrup-jar. The sherd from Area Cis also from a closed vessel, most probably of the
same type (Fig. 6.40:14). (For similar vessels see Hankey 1977: 45-46, FS 45.) The small body sherd
from Debris 407 confines may have belonged to a small pyxis (Fig. 6.40:15; cf. ibid.:46, FS 94). All these
vessels are dated to Myc. IIIA2, namely, to the main part of the LB IIA period in Canaan (ibid.:47).
CONCLUSIONS
The typological analysis of the pottery from Debris 407 makes it clear that the local Late Bronze Age
wares of Shiloh generally correspond to LB I/ LB IIA pottery assemblages from adjacent sites in the
central hill country (Dominus Flevit, Nahlat Ahim, Gibeon, Tell Jedur, Tell el-Farcah) as well as in
neighbouring regions (the Shephelah - Gezer, Lachish, Tell Beit Mirsim; lower Jordan valley -
Jericho, Beth-shan). However, the Shiloh deposit seems to cover at least part of the LB IA, which is not
represented in most of these other assemblages, and to span only the early part of the LB IIA.
The local fossile directeurs of the LB I (i.e., Bichrome Ware; Black Lustrous juglets) are not
represented, except for one sherd of 'Chocolate-on-White'. This may be a result of pottery distribution
patterns, although Black Lustrous juglets have been found in the central hill country, for example at
Dominus Flevit (Saller 1964: 106-107), or of cultural preferences (only dipper juglets were retrieved from
Debris 407). It may, however, hint at a gap in activity at Shiloh following its destruction at the end of the
Middle Bronze Age. If such a gap did exist, orily a short time must have elapsed before cult practices
were resumed at the site. This is evident from the MB II-III shallow bowls with inverted rims deposited
in Debris 407 as well as from the strong Middle Bronze Age traditions reflected in other types of vessels
(e.g. shallow plain-rim bowls, pedestal bowls, kraters, cooking-pots and lamps). We would therefore
date the revival of Shiloh as a cult site to the later phase of the LB IA, namely, to the end of the 16th or
beginning of the 15th century B.C.E. at the latest.
The majority of vessels found in Debris 407 belong to the LB I period. This conclusion is supported by
the fact that certain LB IIA pottery types are missing from the Shiloh assemblage (cf. especially the
assemblages ofNahlat Ahim and Tell Jedur Amiran 1960; Ben-Arieh 1981) while other types appear
only modestly (e.g. shallow bowls with bevelled rim, upright-rim kraters, cooking-pots with triangular
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
rim, biconical jugs, etc.). The local LB pottery from Debris 407 testifies therefore to the termination of
cult activity at the site during the early part of LB IIA, i.e., in the first half of the 14th century B.C.E.
The above conclusions seem to be confirmed by the chronological range of the imported pottery
found in or around Debris 407. In spite of the fragmentary condition of the Cypriot pottery, it can be
determined that most of it belongs to the LB IB-early LB IIA period; notably, only a few sherds could be
definitly identified as BR II. The Cypriot pottery assemblage of Shiloh is one of the largest LB IB
collections of such pottery in the country, and its disturbed and fragmentary condition is lamentable.
The Mycenaean pottery is of a similar horizon although it may have arrived at the site later than the
Cypriot pottery, during the first phase of the LB IIA.16
16. For a few well-dated LB II objects found at the site see Chapter 9.
135
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To sum up, both the local and the imported pottery of Stratum VI indicate that for about a century
and a half, from the end ofthe 16th century to mid-14th century B.C.E., the site was visited by pilgrims
who left behind their offerings (see Chapter 19). Shiloh was deserted for the remainder of the Late
Bronze Age until the revival of activity at the site in Iron Age I.
136
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 6.30:
~~
a~7
17
137
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138
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 6.31:
"~
.~
,~\7
,~ 1_7
, ~ I .7
v "
~
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1;7 .- --
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139
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
13
w
18
.20
140
~
Fig. 6.32:
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141
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
10
13
16
142
Fig. 6.33:
5
17
14
',
12
18
0
-=-=-----'==--
10cm
7
~7
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
6
3
Fig. 6.34:
8
10
~ I
. mJD
0
---
""'-==-
10cm
--
~-
143
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
8
4
10
(
144
Fig. 6.35:
?
12
14
13
I
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10cm
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FIGURE 6.38: STRATUM VI (LB) POTTERY FROM DEBRIS 407- IMPORTED WARES
145
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
17
(
146
I
Fig. 6.36:
?
;=
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\
10
\
~
"
'--=~~~10cm.
r
7
12
16
16
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
7
4
9
1
(
Fig. 6.37:
I
)=rf
IT1
r
5
2
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8I
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147
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
148
0
(
Fig. 6.38:
"""""--=--=
(~I
---::=JiiiiiiiiOII
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8.
imported wares.
c
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0
I
)
J
FIGURE 6.39: STRATUM VI (LB) POTTERY FROM DEBRIS 407: IMPORTED WARES (cont.)
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149
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
9
6
150
Fig. 6.39:
II
0
0
10
8
5
3
)
D---
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
11
~
Fig. 6.40:
\
)
3\eI
I
1--~~
]
--==-
5
7
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151
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
8
7
152
Fig. 6.41:
9
2
10cm.
6
3
10
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The Iron I assemblage from Shiloh is the richest found in any hill country site. Iron I pottery was found
in each area excavated, in clean loci and in almost every mixed locus unearthed at the site.
The most important finds were uncovered in Area C. This area revealed a rich collection of dozens of
vessels and thousands of sherds. The complete vessels and a large quantity of sherds were found in
Buildings 312 and 335 (Chapter 2). An abundance of Iron I sherds (but no complete vessels) were
retrieved from Debris 623 which overlay Building 335. Undisturbed Iron I material was also retrieved
from silos found around the site, especially in Area D and also from an installation in Area E. Our
discussion concentrates on this material (Tables 6.1-6. 7). Since Iron I assemblages have recently been
treated in detail by one of the authors (Finkelstein 1986; 1988:270-291; 1990), we will deal here only with
the most important types and issues, with the emphasis on comparison with other Iron I sites from
which detailed quantitative data are available.
QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS
Table 6.12 and Fig. 6.42 present the complete and nearly complete vessels found in Area C by the Bar
Ilan expedition and by the Danish excavators (Shiloh 1969):
Total 46 6 9 60
The preservation of such an impressive quantity of vessels is due to the fact that the site was destroyed
by fire and the fleeing population had to leave their belongings behind. Suffice to say that cizbet Sartah,
Giloh, Mount Ebal and Kh. ed-Dawwara together, all abandoned rather than destroyed, yielded about
35 complete or nearly complete vessels compared with 60 vessels at Shiloh. Over half the vessels found in
Area C (54%) are storage jars and pithoi, a fact which supports the assumption that the pillared
buildings served as store-houses.
Table 6.13 summarizes the quantitative analysis of sherds from all undisturbed Iron I loci: in the
pillared buildings of Area C, in Debris 623 of Area C and in the silos of Area D:
153
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B. Cooking- Pots
Cooking-pots with everted rim 41 14 3 58
Cooking-pots with erect rim 222 394 26 642
Cooking-pots with ridged rim 1 2 3
Other cooking-pots 22 8 2 32
D. Other Vessels
Juglets 7 6 14
Lamps 12 5 17
Stands 13 13
Other vessels 24 33* 2 59
E. Bases
Flattened bases 33 32 3 68
Disc bases 26 16 43
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Thickened bases 1 1 2
Ring bases 130 158 10 298
Rounded and pointed bases 21 9 2 32
F. Decorated Sherds
Painted sherds 13** 7 21
Sherds with red slip 3 3
Handles with incisions and holes*** 10 5 15
*One painted and burnished;** One Philistine sherd; ***For a complete list, including handles from mixed loci, see Table 6.19.
154
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Quantitative data on Iron I assemblages have been provided from four hill country sites: Giloh- an
early 12th century site south of Jerusalem (Mazar 1981); cizbet Sartah- a 12th-11th century three-
stratum site on the western margin of the Samaria foothills (Finkelstein 1986); Kh. ed-Dawwara a
late-11th-10th century site northeast of Jerusalem (Finkelstein 1990); Mt. Ebal- a 12th-early 11th
century two-stratum site near Shechem (Zertal1986-87). Tables 6.14-18 and Figs. 6.43-45 compare the
results of the quantitative analysis of the Shiloh material with the results of these four sites:
TABLE 6.14: MAIN VESSEL TYPES IN FIVE IRON I SITES(% OF ALL SHERDS)
TYPOLOGICAL DISCUSSION
'Manassite bowls' (e.g. Fig. 6.57: 1). This is a typical vessel of Iron I sites in the northeastern part of the
central hill country. Manassite bowls were found in large quantities in the Manasseh survey (Zertal
1988:295), while in the Land of Ephraim survey they are known almost only from the area immediately
to the south and east of Shechem. In Shiloh they constitute ca. 7% of the bowl sherds. Manassite bowls
were found in both strata at Mt. Ebal (Zertal1986-87:125-126). In Stratum II they make up 82% of the
bowls. Zertal has surveyed all the comparisons and has convincingly shown that this type is more
frequent in the early Iron Age I than in the later phases of that period.
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Bowls with incised decoration on their rims (Figs. 6.52:5; 6.60:3). A krater with somewhat similar
decoration was found at Tel Harashim in the Upper Galilee (Aharoni 1957:22). Another was unearthed
at Beth-shan (James 1966 Fig. 20:4).
Multi-handled kraters. Two kraters of this type were found at Shiloh (Figs. 6.46:7; 6.60:4). Multi-handled
kraters were widespread throughout the country during the Iron Age I, especially in the hill country. A
krater from Dothan has 16 handles (Free 1954: 17-18) and the Raddana krater apparently had the same
number. A fragment with 8 handles was unearthed at Tell en-Nasbeh (Wampler 1947: Pl. 65:1480).
Multi-handled kraters of a somewhat similar type and of other types were found at lowland sites as. well
(Finkelstein 1988: 288, n. 28).
155
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Kraters of the type shown in Fig. 6.46:3 were also found in Stratum II at Mt. Ebal (Zertal1986-87
Fig. 13:2) and in Stratum VI at Beth-shan (Yadin and Geva 1986 Fig. 2;3:1).
B. COOKING-POTS
Cooking-pots with everted rim. The share of this Late Bronze-tradition type at Shiloh (8%) is smaller
than at early Iron I sites such as Giloh (56%), clzbet Sartah III (14%) and Mt. Ebal (41% and 19% in
Strata II and I respectively), but larger than its share in later Iron I strata like Kh. ed-Dawwara (2%) and
clzbet Sartah II-I (4% and 2% respectively- Table 6.15; Fig. 6.43). It is worth noting that their share in
Buildings 312 and 335 is much higher than in Debris 623.
Cooking-pots with erect rim. The share of this type at Shiloh is the largest in all Iron I sites, relatively
close to that of Stratum I at Mt. Ebal.
STORAGE JARS
8 OTHER VESSELS
3
PITHOI
20
Fig. 6.42: Complete Iron I vessels from Area C (including finds from the Danish excavations).
56
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0/WV+AA 1.8. Ill 1.8. II 1.8. I GILOH EBAL II EBAI.. I 8H.BLOO 8H.62S
Fig. 6.43: Ratio of cooking-pots with everted rims to total number of cooking-pots at five Iron I sites (%).
156
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Cooking-pots with thickened ridge near the rim. This cooking-pot, typical of the early Iron II, is almost
absent at Shiloh. Only three sherds of this type were found - one il). the pillared buildings and two in
Debris 623 (0.5% of total number of cooking-pots)- compared to 40% in Kh. ed-Dawwara (see figures
there).
Cooking-pots with plain rim. These cooking-pots are best known from the Negev sites of the late
11th-early lOth centuries B.C.E. (Finkelstein 1986:66-69).
96
54
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27
0/W'MR
[][]L]
1.8. Ill 1.8. II 1.8. I GILOH EBAL II EBAL I SH.BLD. SH.628
D Series A
Fig. 6.44: Ratio of collared-rim pithoi to total number of jars at five Iron I sites(%).
157
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Storage jars with three handles. Two jars of this type were found at Shiloh. They have trefoil rims and a
handle which connects the shoulder of the vessel with the rim (Fig. 6.53:10). Vessels of this type were
found at two other Iron I sites: one at Tel Qasile Stratum X (Mazar 1985 Fig 49:1) and six in the two
strata of Mt. Ebal (Zertal 1986-87:132, Figs 14:1, 17:1). The fact that they appear in 11th century
contexts at Tel Qasile and Shiloh is one of the reasons for suggesting a lower date for the Mt. Ebal site
than that given by the excavator.
Collared-rim pithoi. This type has been treated at length elsewhere (Finkelstein 1986:77-84;
1988:275-285). Additional data which support the time framework suggested there now come from Tel
Nami, where collared-rim pithoi were found in a 'Late Bronze liB' cemetery (Artzi 1990:76), and from
Tel Qiri, where these pithoi continued to be in use in the lOth century B.C.E. (Hunt 1987:200).
The share of the collared-rim pithoi in the Shiloh assemblage is smaller than their share in those from
Giloh and Mt. Ebal and larger than their portion in cizbet Sartah and Kh. ed-Dawwara (Table 6.14; Fig.
6.44). Two trends are traceable: sites in the heart of the hill country produced more collared-rim pithoi
than sites near the coastal plain; collared-rim pithoi were more popular in the later phases of the Iron I
than in the very early stages of the period, with their number decreasing again in the early 1Oth century
B.C.E. The share of the collared-rim pithoi in the total number of storage,jars at Shiloh is the highest in
all Iron I sites. The reason might be the function of the Area C buildings as storerooms.
Fig. 6.45: Flattened, thickened and disc bases vs. ring bases at three Iron I sites (%).
158
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The collared-rim pithoi have numerous variants and subtypes, such as thick and thin rims, long and
short necks, etc. At Shiloh the rims of the collared-rim pithoi were classified only according to their
thickness. The ratio between thick and thin rims was found to be 41:59 and 13:87 in the pillared
buildings and Debris 623 respectively. In cizbet Sartah the ratio was found to be 62.5:37.5, and 20:80 in
Strata III and I respectively (Finkelstein 1986:77-78).1 7 Possibly this is another clue that the pithoi with
thickened rims are relatively earlier than those with thin rims.
Some rims of collared-rim pithoi found at Shiloh are decorated. Seven rims, including sherds from
mixed loci, have reed impressions (Fig. 6.67:3).18 An almost complete rim found in Area J (Fig 6.60:6,
6.67:4) has three impressions of rosettes, or stars, of the type found at Sahab in Transjordan (Ibrahim
1978:117, 120-121; 1983:48-50). Some ofthe handles ofthe intact collared-rim pithoi are decorated with
designs of small punctures (see below). The outer surface of a thickened rim which was found in L. 407
in Area D was white slipped.
Other storage jars. The storage jar with thickened base (Fig. 6.51:3) is in the tradition of the Late Bronze
'Canaanite jar' (Amiran 1969:140-142) and is therefore one ofthe earliest vessel types found in the Iron I
assemblage of Shiloh.
The storage jar in Fig 6.49:2 was found in the row of collared-rim pithoi in L. 335. Its two handles are
stamped with a 'Hyksos' scarab with geometric design (Chapter 8) and its neck is decorated with rope
decoration. There are no parallels for this jar in Iron I assemblages nor is there any exact parallel from
earlier periods. Yet the above features resemble Middle Bronze vessels. Stamped handles of this type
were found in several Middle Bronze hill country sites: Tell el-Farcah (Mallet 1988 Pl. LXXXIV:3, 10),
Dothan (Free 1953:20) and Bethel (Kelso 1968 Pl. 119), as well as Razor (Y adin et al. 1961 Pl.
CCXLV:3). It is not unlikely therefore, that the people of Iron I Shiloh had found an intact Middle
Bronze jar and reused it.
Later types of pithoi. These appear in Shiloh in small quantities and only in Debris 623. Only four
sherds of pithoi with slanted shoulder and I"l:eck (Finkelstein 1988: Fig. 53:8) and three sherds of neckless
pithoi appeared. The latter constitutes 14% of the storage jars in lOth century Kh. ed-Dawwara. These
types do not appear at all in early Iron I strata, such as Giloh, Mt. Ebal and Stratum III at cizbet Sartah.
D. OTHER VESSELS
Pyxides (Fig. 6.50:8) were found in several Iron I sites, both in the hill country and in the lowlands:
Tacanach Stratum liB (Rast 1978 Fig. 92:7); Tell el-Farcah VIID-VIIA (Chambon 1984 Pl. 60:12); Mt.
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Ebal (Zertall986:_87 Fig. 19:3); Megiddo VIIB-VI (Loud 1948 Pl. 64:6, 84:9), etc.
Strainers of the type found at Shiloh (Fig. 6.47:6) were uncovered in Strata VIIA-VI at Megiddo (Loud
1948 Pis. 70:4, 85:8, 9).
E. BASES
The ratio of flattened and disc bases at Shiloh is smaller than at cizbet Sartah III of the 12th century but
larger than at Kh. ed-Dawwara and cizbet Sartah II-I, both of the late 11th-lOth century B.C.E. (Table
17. Note that the number of rims checked in cizbet Sartah was limited.
18. For this phenomenon see Finkelstein 1988:278-280. For an additional rim from Tel Qiri see Ben-Tor et al. 1987:91.
159
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6.17; Fig. 6.45). The ring bases take the same chronological place: their number in Shiloh is larger than
in the earlier strata (e.g. cizbet Sartah III) and smaller than in the later strata (Kh. ed-Dawwara and
cizbet Sartah II-I). The fact that the number of thickened bases in the later strata of clzbet Sartah is
larger than at Shiloh is probably due to the proximity of the former site to the coastal plain.
160
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* Complete vessel
161
Slipped and burnished sherds. In this case too the situation in the western foothills differs from that in
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the heart of the hill country. At cizbet Sartah there is a relatively significant number of slipped and
burnished sherds, increasing with time. In the heart of the hill country slipped and burnished material is
non-existent in the early sites, and at Shiloh it appears in limited numbers, and only in Debris 623. The
number of slipped and burnished sherds is still limited at lOth century Kh. ed-Dawwara.
Handles with incisions and punctures. This topic has been thoroughly treated elsewhere (Finkelstein
1988:285-287). Handles with incisions and punctures arefound in the hill country from the Jezreel valley
in the north to the Judean hills in the south, with the main concentration in Samaria. Chronologically
they range from the 12th to the lOth centuries B.C.E., although none were found at Kh. ed..:Dawwara.
New material has recently been published from Mt. Ebal (Zertal1986-87:136-137 and figures). The rich
Shiloh collection (Table 6.19 and Fig. 6.61) shows that incisions and punctures were done on different
types of vessels small Qugs), medium (storage jars) and large (collared-rim pithoi). The Shiloh finds,
which are dated to the 11th century B.C.E., contradict Zertal's assumption (1986-87:136-137) that these
handles can be used as a tool for dating early Iron I sites in the hill country. Three complete vessels with
punctures on their handles were found at Shiloh. It seems that the handles were punctured for decoration;
if there was a functional purpose, it has not been traced yet.
Figures in relief. Sherds of a cooking pot, a krater and a cult stand decorated with figures in relief (Figs.
6.54-55) have been discussed elsewhere (Finkelstein 1988:287-291). 19
CONCLUSIONS
Chronologically the Shiloh assemblage falls between the early Iron I strata of cizbet Sartah III, Giloh
and Mt. Ebal and the late 11th-lOth century strata of cizbet Sartah II-I and Kh. ed-Dawwara. It still has
some of the features of the 12th century sites, such as cooking-pots with everted rims and the 'Canaanite
jar', but the proportion of the early types in the assemblage is relatively small compared to the early Iron
I sites. In dating the Shiloh assemblage one should consider both the existence of late Iron I vessels and
the absence (or limited number) of typical late 11th-lOth century types, such as cooking-pots with
thickened ridge, Philistine sherds, slipped and burnished material, baseless round cooking jugs (of the
type shown in Finkelstein 1986 Fig. 19:8), etc.
Within the Iron I material in Shiloh, Debris 623 seems to be slightly later than the assemblage found
in the pillared buildings. Stratigraphically this is clear, although one could claim that the material which
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was dumped on the slope came from an earlier source, such as afavissa of offerings which were brought
to a temple. However, the somewhat later date for Debris 623 seems to be confirmed by the quantitative
analysis of the Shiloh material. Especially important is the proportion of cooking-pots with everted rim,
and the fact that the two types of later pithoi and slipped sherds were found only in this debris (see also
Chapter 11). Nevertheless, the time difference between the two assemblages seems to be very limited and
neither has the types typical of the lOth century B.C.E.
To sum up, the ceramic date for the Shiloh assemblage, late 12th century and first half of the 11th
century B.C.E., seems to correspond with the 'historical' date suggested by Albright (1929:4) and Kjaer
(1930: 105) for the destruction of Shiloh.
162
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FIGURE 6.47: STRATUM V (IRON I) POTTERY FROM AREA C- BUILDING 335 (cont.)
FIGURE 6.48: STRATUM V (IRON I) POTTERY FROM AREA C- BUILDING 335 (cont.)
FIGURE 6.49: STRATUM V (IRON I) POTTERY FROM AREA C- BUILDING 335 (cont.)
163
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10 '
164
Fig. 6.46:
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165
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
166
c
Fig. 6.48:
Stratum V (Iron I) pottery from Area C
Building 335 (cont.).
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
3
J1
Fig. 6.49:
Stratum V (Iron I) pottery from Area C
0
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10cm
167
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FIGURE 6.50: STRATUM V (IRON I) POTTERY FROM AREA C- BUILDING 312 AND HALL 306
FIGURE 6.51: STRATUM V (IRON I) POTTERY FROM AREA C- BUILDING 312 AND HALL 306 (cont.)
168
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8
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169
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
170
Fig. 6.51:
6
2
3
jo
I -\
Stratum V (Iron I) pottery from Area C- building 312 and Hal!306 (cont.).
4
7
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 6.52:
3
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171
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• Fl
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
FIGURE 6.53: STRATUM V (IRON I) POTTERY FROM AREA C- DEBRIS 623 (cont.)
172
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I
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Fig. 6.54: Fragments of cult stand (1-4) and sherds decorated with animal heads from Debris 623.
FIGURE 6.54: FRAGMENTS OF CULT STAND (1-4) AND SHERDS DECORATED WITH ANIMAL HEADS FROM
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DEBRIS 623
173
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174
Fig. 6.55:
0
Fragments of cult stand ( l-2) and sherds decorated with animal heads from Debris 623.
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FIGURE 6.55: FRAGMENTS OF CULT STAND AND SHERDS DECORATED WITH ANIMAL HEADS FROM
DEBRIS 623
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175
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
5
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9
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177
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178
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
9
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179
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C'§gJ I _,
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Fig. 6.61: Schematic drawings of punctured and incised handles (see Table 6.19).
181
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
182
1
Fig. 6.62:
1
8
2
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 6.63:
Stratum V (Iron I) vessels from Area C (cont.).
183
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
184
EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 1/26/2018 8:46 AM via BEN GURION UNIV
AN: 1537790 ; ISRAEL FINKELSTEIN, SHLOMO BUNIMOVITZ, ZVI LEDERMA.; Shiloh : The Archaeology of a Biblical Site
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 6.65:
o
185
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Pottery from the Iron Age II, Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine occupations and two Persian sherds are
presented in Figs. 6.68-70. While these sparse finds allow us to date the strata, a thorough discussion of
the pottery assemblages will not be undertaken here. The Iron II assemblage is dated to the late Iron II
on the basis of some of the cooking-pots, bowls and storage jars (Fig. 6.68). Of special interest is a rim of
a holemouth pithos with two Hebrew letters an cayin and a yod incised on it before firing (Figs.
6.66:14; 6.67:4).
186
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FIGURE 6.66: STRATUM IV (IRON II) POTTERY FROM AREAS E (l-15) AND C (16-19)
187
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
n
4.
18
10
188
Fig. 6.66:
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 6.67:
0
189
r
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4 + 5
'
Fig. 6.68: Miscellaneous- MB (1), Iron I (2-4) and Persian (5-7).
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190
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
7
4
12
16
14
10
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Fig. 6.69:
flJ
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Stratum II pottery and stone vessels from Buildings 804 and 810 in Area F (1-ll); L. 1I 12 in Area J (12-23).
-@
191
r
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
13
15
~
192
Fig. 6.70:
I
17
m
~
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Stratum II pottery from various loci in Area E (l-12). Stratum I pottery from the upper terrace of Area C (13-21).
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REFERENCES
Aharoni, Y. 1957. The Settlement of the Israelite Tribes in Upper Galilee. Jerusalem. (Hebrew)
Albright, W.F. 1929. New Israelite and Pre-Israelite Sites: the Spring Trip of 1929. BASOR 35:1-14.
Amiran, R. 1960. A Late Bronze Age II Pottery Group from a Tomb in Jerusalem. Eretz-Israe/6:23-37.
(Hebrew)
Amiran, R. 1969. Ancient Pottery of the Holy Land. Jerusalem.
Artzi, M. 1990. Notes and News: Nami Land and Sea Project, 1985-1988. IEJ40:73-76.
Astrom, P. 1966. Excavations at Kalopsidha and Ayios Iakovos in Cyprus. SIMA 2.
Astrom, P. 1969. A Red Lustrous Wheel-made Spindle Bottle and Its Contents. Medelhavsmuseet
Bulletin 12:16-21.
Astrom, P. 1972a. The Middle Cypriote Bronze Age. SCEIV:lB.
Astrom, P. 1972b. The Late Cypriote Bronze Age. SCEIV:lC,D.
Beck, P. 1990. The Taanach Cult Stands: Iconographic Traditions in the Iron I Cult Vessels. In:
Na'aman, N. and Finkelstein, I., eds. From Nomadism to Monarchy: Archaeological and Historical
Aspects of Early Israel. Jerusalem. pp. 417-446. (Hebrew)
Ben-Arieh, S. 1981. A Late Bronze Age Tomb from Tell Jedur. Bretz Israel15:115-128. (Hebrew)
Ben-Dor, I. 1950. Middle Bronze Age Temple at Nahariya. QDAP 14:1-41.
Ben-Tor, A. eta!. 1987. Tell Qiri: A Village in the Jezreel Valley. Qedem 24. Jerusalem.
Bienkowski, P. 1986. Jericho in the Late Bronze Age. Warminster.
Bunimovitz, S. 1990. Cultural Processes and Socio-Political Change in the Central Hill Country in the
Late Bronze-Iron I Transition. In: Na'aman, N. and Finkelstein, I., eds. From Nomadism to
Monarchy. Archaeological and Historical Aspects of Early Israel. Jerusalem. pp. 257-283.
(Hebrew)
Chambon, A. 1984. Tell el-Farcah 1: L'age du Fer. Editions recherche sur les civilisations 31. Paris.
Cole, D.F. 1984. Shechem I: The Middle Bronze Pottery. Winona Lake.
Dajani, A.K. 1960. Middle Bronze Age Pottery. ADAJ 4-5:99-113.
Dever, W.G. 1974. The M:e IIC Stratification in the Northwest Gate Area at Shechem. BASOR
216:31-52.
Dothan, T. 1982. The Philistines and their Material Culture. Jerusalem.
Eisenberg, E. 1977. The Temples at Tell Kittan. BA 40:77-81.
Finkelstein, I. 1986. cIzbet Sartah: An Early Iron Age Site Near Rosh Hacayin, Israel. BAR S299.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Oxford.
Finkelstein, I. 1988. The Archaeology of the Israelite Settlement. Jerusalem
Finkelstein, I. 1990. Excavations at Kh. ed-Dawwara- An Iron Age Site Northeast of Jerusalem. Tel
Aviv 17:163-208.
Free, J.P. 1953. The First Season of Excavation at Dothan. BASOR 131:16-20.
Free, J.P. 1954. The Second Season at Dothan. BASOR 135:14-20.
Funk, R.W. 1968. The Bronze Age-Iron Age Pottery. In: Sellers, O.R. et al. The 1957 Excavation at
Beth-Zur. AASOR 38:35-53.
Gezer II. Dever, W.G. et al. 1974. Gezer II: Report of the 1967-1970 Seasons in Fields I and II. Annual
NGSBAJ II.
Gezer V. Seger, J.D. and Lance, H.D., eds. Gezer V: The Field I Caves. Annual NGSBAJ V.
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Gittlen, B.M. 1977. Studies in the Late Cypriote Pottery Found in Palestine (Microfilmed Ph.D. thesis).
Ann Arbor.
Guz-Zilberstein, B. 1984. The Pottery of the Late Bronze Age. L The Local Pottery. In: Stern, E.
Excavations at Tell Mevorakh. Part Two: The Bronze Age. Qedem 18. Jerusalem. pp. 10-16.
Hankey, V. 1977. The Aegean Pottery. In: Ben-Arieh, S. and Edelstein, G. Akko. Tombs Near the
Persian Garden. cAtiqot 12 (English Series):45-51.
Hazor I. Yadin, Y. et al. 1958. Hazor I: An Account of the First Season of Excavations, 1955.
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Hazor II. Yadin, Y. et al. 1960. Hazor II: An Account of the Second Season of Excavations, 1956.
Jerusalem.
Hazor III-IV. Yadin, Y. et al. 1989. Hazor III-IV: An Account of the Third and Fourth Seasons of
Excavations, 1957-1958 (Text). Jerusalem.
Hennessy, J.B. 1985. Chocolate-on-White Ware at Pella. In: Tubb, J., ed. Palestine in the Bronze and
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Jerusalem. pp. 139-223.
Ibrahim, M. 1978. The Collared-rim Jar of the Early Iron Age. In: Moorey, R. and Parr, P., eds.
Archaeology in the Levant. Warminster. pp. 116-126.
Ibrahim, M. 1983. Siegel und Siegelabdrlicke aus Sahab. ZDPV99:43-53.
James, F. 1966. The Iron Age at Beth-Shan. Philadelphia.
Jericho I. Kenyon, K.M. 1960. Excavations at Jericho I: The Tombs Excavated in 1952-4. London.
Jericho IV. Kenyon, K.M. and Holland, T.A. 1982. Excavations at Jericho IV: The Pottery Type Series
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Jericho V. Kenyon, K.M. and Holland, T.A. 1983. Excavations at Jericho V: The Pottery Phases of the
Tell and Other Finds. London.
Johnson, P. 1982. The Middle Cypriote Pottery Found in Palestine. Opuscula Atheniensia 14:49-72.
Kjaer, H. 1930. The Excavation of Shiloh 1929. JPOS 10:87-174.
Kelso, J.L. 1968. The Excavation of Bethel (1934-1960). AASOR 39.
Kempinski, A. 1983. Syrien und Paliistina (Kanaan) in der letzten Phase der Mittelbronze liB-Zeit
(1650-1550 v. Chr). Wiesbaden.
Kenyon, K.M. 1973. Palestine in the Time of the Eighteenth Dynasty. CAH II/ 1:526-556.
Knapp, A.B. 1987. Pots, PIXE, and Data Processing at Pella in Jordan. BASOR 266:1-30.
Knapp, A.B. 1989. Complexity and Collapse in the North Jordan Valley: Archaeometry and Society in
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Mazar, A. 1980. Excavations at Tell Qasile. Part One: The Philistine Sanctuary: Architecture and Cult
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RB 54:573-589.
de Vaux, R. and Steve, A.M. 1949. La deuxieme campagne de fouilles a Tell el-Farcah, pres Naplouse.
Rapport preliminaire. RB 56: 102-138.
Wampler, J.C. 1947. Tell en-Nasbeh II· The Pottery. Berkeley.
Weinstein, J. 1981. The Egyptian Empire in Palestine: A Reassessment. BASOR 241:1-28.
Wright, G.E. 1961. The Archaeology of Palestine. In: Wright, G.E., ed. The Bible and the Near East.
Essays in Honor of William Foxwell Albright. Garden City. pp. 73-112.
Yadin, Y. 1975. Razor. The Rediscovery of A Great Citadel of the Bible. Tel Aviv.
Yadin, Y. and Geva, S. 1986. Investigations at Beth Shean: The Early Iron Age Strata. Qedem 23.
Jerusalem.
195
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196
Aviv 13-14:105-165.
Zertal, A. 1988. The Israelite Settlement in the Hill Country of Manasseh. Haifa. (Hebrew)
Zertal, A. 1986-87. An Early Iron Age Cultic Site on Mount Ebal: Excavation Seasons 1982-1987. Tel
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CHAPTER 7
FLINT TOOLS
Erich Friedmann*
The 46 tools studied are made of flint of various shades of brown and grey. The source of the flint is
uncertain but flint pebbles have been collected in the proximity of the site.
Three groups of tools can be defined. The major group consists of 30 sickle blades!; the second group
consists of 2 'Canaanean' blades; the third group is made up of flakes and miscellaneous tools.2
Reg. No. 7256 I 2 (L. 723). Wide, rectangular sickle blade with fine denticulation and sheen on working
edge, and abrupt retouch on back and narrow ends (Fig. 7.2:2).
Reg. No. 7067 I 3 (L. 707); Reg. No. 8123 (L. 809); Reg. No. 14165 (L. 1426); Reg. No. 7259 (L. 723);
Reg. No. 8063 (L. 805). Narrow, rectangular sickle blades with fine denticulation and sheen on working
edges. The backs and narrow ends are shaped by abrupt retouch (Fig. 7.2:3).
Reg. No. 7276 (L. 723); Reg. No. 8041 I 1 (L. 805); Reg. No. 8041 I 2 (L. 805). Narrow, rectangular sickle
blades with fine denticulation and sheen on working edges. The backs are flat and unretouched, the
truncations are shaped by abrupt retouch.
Reg. No. 7128, (L. 714). Narrow, rectangular sickle blade with fine denticulation and sheen on working
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Reg. No. 8029 (L. 805); Reg. No. 1416112 (L. 1417). Narrow, triangular sickle blades with fine
denticulation and sheen on working edges. The backs and truncations are shaped by abrupt retouch
(Fig. 7.2:4).
197
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198
Fig. 7.1:
Flint tools.
1
5
4
2
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Reg. No. 14095 (L. 1418). Narrow, triangular sickle blade with fine denticulation and sheen on working
edge. The back is flat and unretouched, the truncations are shaped by abrupt retouch.
Reg. No. 15052/2 (L. 805). 'Canaanean' blade with fine denticualtion, without sheen. One end is
truncated by abrupt retouch, the other end still carries the bulb.
Reg. No. 14067I 2 (L. 723). 'Canaanean' blade with denticulation on working edge, without sheen. Both
ends are broken (Fig. 7.2:5).
Reg. No. 14258 (L. 1427). Blade with cortex, and notch shaped by retouch (Fig. 7.2:6).
Reg. No. 10083 (L. 1019); Reg. No. 1700811 (L. 1704). Narrow, rectangular sickle blades. with fine
denticulation and sheen on working edges, backs and truncations formed by abrupt retouch (Fig. 7.1 :6;
Fig. 7.2:1).
Reg. No. 17008 I 2 (L. 1704). Wide, rectangular sickle blade with fine denticulation and sheen on
working edge. The unretouched striking platform and the bulb can be seen on the back. The narrow
ends are flat, with fine flat retouch.
Reg. No. 15110 (L. 1527). Blade with fine denticulation and sheen on working edge. The bulb can be
seen on one end, the other end is broken.
Reg. No. 14254 (L. 1440). Wide, rectangular sickle blade (over 3 em. wide) with fine denticulation and
sheen on working edge, semi-abrupt retouch on back and two truncations shaped by abrupt retouch
(Fig. 7.1:4).
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Reg. No. 14144 (L. 1415). Narrow, rectangular sii;kle blade with very fine denticulation and semi-abrupt
retouch on back. One narrow end is truncated by abrupt retouch, the other end is the unretouched base
of the blade with the bulb still in place (Fig. 7.1 :5).
Reg. No. 7298 (L. 1415). Narrow, rectangular sickle blade with fine denticulation on working edge, the
other edge is unretouched. One narrow end is broken, the other is truncated by abrupt retouch.
Reg. No. 14251 (L. 1415). Blade with one truncation shaped by abrupt retouch, the other end is broken
on the side of the working edge. There are four notches shaped by retouch.
Reg. No. 4113 (L. 407). Flake with signs of retouch (appears to belong to an earlier period).
199
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200
Fig. 7.2:
Flint tools (cont.)
1
5
6
2
4
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Reg. No. 3093 (L. 312). Wide, rectangular sickle blade with fine denticulation and sheen on working
edge, semi-abrupt retouch on back and two truncations shaped by abrupt retouch (Fig. 7.1:1).
Reg. No. 13028/2 (L. 1301). Wide, rectangular sickle blade with fine denticulation and sheen on
working edge, a flat unretouched back and two truncations shaped by abrupt retouch.
Reg. No. 6255 (L. 627). Wide, rectangular sickle blade (broken) with fine denticulation and sheen on
working edge and semi-abrupt retouch on the back. The existing truncation is shaped by abrupt
retouch.
Reg. No. 7246 (L. 1415); Reg. No. 13067 (L. 1309); Reg. No. 6287 (L. 623); Reg. No. 7195 (L. 731); Reg.
No. 7207/2 (L. 731). Narrow sickle blades with fine denticulation and sheen on working edges, three
with abrupt retouch on backs, two with semi-abrupt retouch on backs. All truncations shaped by abrupt
retouch (Fig. 7.1:2).
Reg. No. 14194 (L. 1430); Reg. No. 6358 (L. 623); Reg. No. 3372 (L. 335). Narrow, triangular sickle
blades with fine denticulation and sheen on working edges. The backs and truncations shaped by abrupt
retouch (Fig. 7.1:3).
Reg. No. 6181 (L. 623); Reg. No. 6250 (L. 623); Reg. No. 13088 (L. 1301); Reg. No. 6380 (L. 623).
Narrow, rectangular blades (broken) with fine denticulation and sheen on working edges, two with
abrupt retouch on backs and two with flat unretouched backs.
Reg. No. 12063 (L. 1207); Reg. No. 6256 (L. 306); Reg. No. 6272 (L. 312). Broken blades with fine
denticulation and sheen on working edges.
Reg. No. 13007 (L. 1301). Retouched flake with two notches shaped by retouch.
Reg. No. 13073 (L. 1301); Reg. No. 6336 (L. 623). Flakes with signs of retouch and sheen.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
DISCUSSION
Rectangular and triangular sickle blades can be assigned to the period from the Middle Bronze to the
Iron Age I (Rosen 1983). It should be noted that sickle blades resembling those from Shiloh were found
at other sites, such as Gezer, Lachish and Tel Harasim (Rosen 1986; Mozel1985; Friedmann 1991). In
this assemblage the fine denticulation on the cutting edge was always worked from the ventral to the
dorsal side. On 38 of the 46 tools sickle sheen was clearly discerned, attesting to extensive activity,
probably agricultural.
The sickle blades were inserted into a haft of bone or wood, or into the jawbone of an animal. A
triangular blade was inserted at the upper end of the sickle haft, furthest from the hand.
201
The widespread use of flint sickle blades even into the Iron Age was probably due to their relative
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REFERENCES
Friedmann, E. 1991. The Flint Tools of Area E/3. In: Givon,S., ed. The First Season of Excavation at
'Tel Harasim' 1990: Preliminary Report 1. Tel Aviv. pp. 34-37. (Hebrew)
Mozel, I. 1983. A Reconstructed Sickle from Lachish. Tel Aviv 10:182-185.
Rosen, S.A. 1983. The Canaanean Blade and the Early Bronze Age./EJ 33:15-29.
Rosen, S.A. 1986. Note on the Gezer Flint Caches. In: Dever, W.G. eta/., eds. Gezer IV. Jerusalem. pp.
259-263.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
202
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CHAPTER 8
The seventeen new glyptic finds described in this chapter join those previously found by the Danish
Expedition (Shiloh 1969: Nos. 58, 118, 194-196, 202). They are presented here in chronological order. In
conformity with editorial policy regarding chronological divisions the following terminology is used:
Middle Bronze I, Middle Bronze II and Middle Bronze III (MB I, MB II and MB III- Albright's MB
IIA, MB IIB and MB IIC respecti\rely).
Identifying data of each object include the field number, locus number, Area, Israel Antiquities
Authority registration number (IAA). Technical details include dimensions (L. length; W. width;
H.- height; D. -diameter; T.- thickness), material, general description, state of preservation and
quality of workmanship.
Typological details of the backs and sides of the scarabs are only given in unusmtl cases. Reference to
Tufnell's Design Classification (Brandll986:247, n. 4) is limited to the base. An attempt has been made
to list all excavated parallels from sites in the Levant as a basis for future studies. Parallels from
collections have been used when this has been the only comparative material available.
STRATUM VIII
1. Sea/impression (Fig. 8.1)
Reg. No. 14285; Locus 723; Area D; L~A No. Kl2800.
L. 17 mm., W. 11 mm.
Scarab impression in high relief made before firing on the upper part of handle of storage jar. Complete.
Mediocre workmanship.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Description. Two motifs are enclosed in a vertical oval frame. The lower is the Sm3 t3wi symbol which is
composed of lotus and papyrus plants tied around the hieroglyph Sm3 = 'to unite' (Gardiner
1973:465[F36]). This composite symbol means "Union of Upper and Lower Egypt".! The upper motif is
a horizontal oval, possibly the determinative for 'round' (Gardiner 1973:538[Z8]), containing an unclear
element. The element in the oval can perhaps be compared with that on a scarab from Qau in Egypt
* Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem. The photographs were taken by Ilan Sztulman, Nahum Slapak and Yoram
Weinberg. The drawings were made by Carmen Hersch under the author's guidance. Refer to text for measurements where
no scale is given in the figures. The raw materials of the two seals found in Iron I loci of Stratum V were identified by
J'laomi Porat and Liora Kolska Horwitz (See Chapter 9: Appendices 1, 2).
1. For comprehensive bibliography see Brandll985:182.
203
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(Brunton 1930: Pl. 19:61) which has two vertical lines near the edges and two horizontal curved lines in
the central zone.
Typology. The scarab from which this impression was made belongs to Tufnell's Design Class 3Al
(Ward 1978:72-74, Fig 16; Tufnell 1984:117, Pl. 7).
Date. The scarab can be dated to the MB III on the basis of design and excavated parallels.
The Sm3 t3wi symbol has a long duration in Egypt, from the First Intermediate Period to the 18th
Dynasty (Ward 1978:72-74; Tufnell1984:117).
The Shiloh impression has a shorter duration. It post-dates the First Intermediate Period since it has
an additional element- the oval (Ward 1978:72-74).
Ovals appear on Egyptian scarabs from the end of the 12th Dynasty and during the Second
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Intermediate Period (Ward 1978:72-73, Fig. 16:9-10). They enclose various motifs: a spiral from Kahun
(Petrie 1890:Pl. 10:37 = Ward 1978:73), Uronarti (Reisner and Wheeler 1930:Fig. 8:15[X-45] and
Dendera (Petrie 1900:Pl. 20); an inner 'H' from Uronarti (Reisner 1955:Fig. 11:271[53]; the hieroglyph
njrfrom the Cairo Museum (Newberry 1907:101, Pl. 11:36402).
Levantine parallels seem to exist only in the MB III. Ovals enclosing four semicircles were found at
Tell el cAjjul (Petrie 1934: Pl. 5:93) and Byblos (Dunand 1950, 1954 and 1958:175, Pl. 200[No. 8166]).
The hieroglyph Cn~ in the oval comes from Tomb 4021 at Hazor (Hazar III-IV: Pls. 236:13, 318:4 =
Hazar III-IV text: 128).
Therefore it seems to me that the Shiloh seal impression was made from a contemporary MB III
scarab.
Context. The handle was found in a clear Stratum VIII context.
204
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STRATUM VII
2. Scarab (Fig. 8.2)
Reg. No. 7257; Locus 723; Area D; IAA No. Kll279.
L. 26 mm.; W. 17 mm.; H. 10 mm.
Steatite. Carved, drilled, glazed and mounted on a bronze ring. Complete but only a fragment of the
ring remains. Good workmanship.
Description. The decoration on the base can be divided into three components:
1. Rope border.
2. Symmetrical design composed of two twisted ropes connected at four points by short bars and
baseless triangles.
3. A central X design flanked by a stroke in each of the other two areas created by the rope intersections.
Typology. The scarab belongs to Tufnell's Design Classes 6B2a and 8A (1984:126, Pl. 24 and ibid.:13l,
Pl. 34 respectively) and reflects the Hyksos style. It seems to me that the Shiloh scarab does not fall
precisely within the former design class since it has two X crosses instead of one. These create, together
with the two vertical bars, an hexagon in the centre which is a very dominant feature. I suggest
classifying this pattern as a third sub-group of Design Class 6B2. The duration of this new class would
be limited to the beginning of the MB II-HI (Tufnell 1984: 125-126).
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
_ _ _ _...;1cm.
205
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Date. The Shiloh scarab can be dated to the MB II-III, or the beginning of the MB III both by design
and excavated parallels.
The design belongs to the early period of Hyksos scarabs.
Egyptian parallels are of little value since all are unprovenanced. They are in collections in London
(Petrie 1925:PL 8:145-146), Basel (Hornung and Staehelin 1976:358, Pl. 95[No. 855]) and Moscow
(Hodjache 1979:301, 304, Pls. 17-18[No. 22]).
Ten excavated parallels are known from Canaan; they differ in some small details. Three were found
at Gezer (Macalister 1905:188-189, Pl. 1:1; Gezer l/:316 [No. 100], 328 [No. 368]). One comes from
Shechem (Sellin 1927:208, Pl. 20a), one from Tell el-Farcah (S) (Petrie 1930: Pl. 22:214 [T. 580]), two
from Tell el-cAjjul (Petrie 1931: Pl. 13:62; Petrie 1934:Pl. 9:296), two from Jericho Tomb 9 (Garstang
1932: Pl. 37:48) and Tomb B47 (Kirkbride 1965:653-654, Fig. 303:6) and one from Tel Michal (Giveon
1988:98-99, Pl. 8:117).
Most of these scarabs were found in MB II-III contexts and the others attributed to that period. The
Shiloh scarab should be dated early in the MB III on the basis of the complexity of its design. This fits
well with the excavator's observations.
Context. The Shiloh scarab was found in the white layer (Layer 4) of the glacis.2
______ ......1cm.
Fig. 8.3: Scarab 15126.
2. (Editor's note) A large quantity of pottery and bones found in the tower layer of the glacis was identified as refuse of the
pre-walled settlement at the site (Chapter 13). No other finds, not even sherds, were retrieved from the upper four layers of
the glacis except for Scarab 7257. Hence it is reasonable to assume that it belonged to one of the people who laid the glacis
rather than to the inhabitants of the earlier settlement.
206
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Typology. The scarab belongs to Tufnell's Design Class 3A3. At the same time it joins a relatively small
group of scarabs with decorated backs (Tufnell 1970: esp. 97, Fig. 1: 17).
Date. The closest parallels with lotus flowers on the back come from Tell el-cAjjul Tomb 1410 of the
'Courtyard Cemetery' (Petrie 1932: Pl. 7:106), Lachish Cave 4004 (Lachish IV:120, Pl. 36:215) and Tell
Nagila Tomb DT 2 (Amiran and Eitan 1965:120, Pl. 15:6).
Parallels with hieroglyphs as part of a symmetric design are numerous, the most recently published is
from Tel Halif (Seger et al. 1990:26, Fig. 19).
Such designs and type of back are unquestionably in the Hyksos style.
Context. The scarab was found in a clear MB III context.
Date. According to Tufnell, the side and back indicate a MB II-III date.
No exact parallels are known but two scarabs which contain the same hieroglyphs with additions
point to a MB III date. One was found in Tomb 3070 of Stratum X at Megiddo (Megiddo II: Pl.
151:121) and the other was uncovered in Tomb J14 at Jericho (Kirkbride 1965:610-611, Fig. 288:7).
Context. The scarab was found in a clear MB III context.
207
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I
I
I
I
I
,,,);
y Fig. 8.5: Seal impression 15367.
Description. A vertical oval encircles a scene depicting a kneeling woman with a knee-length full skirt
and long hair. Her left hand is free while from her right hand an uraeus emerges, below which is another.
The two uraei create a vertical symmetry with the woman (cf. Lachish IV:Pl. 39:325). At the bottom is
the hieroglyph nb that serves as an exergue. The woman's dress and the nb sign are hatched, while the
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
208
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____
...__ 1cm
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3. These signs give the impression of an inscription but it is clear from the many parallels that their use was purely decorative.
209
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'Lower Egypt' or the Delta (Gardiner 1973:48l[M15,Ml6]; Leibovitch 1955:14, Fig. 6:6; Kirkbride
1965:618,620, Fig. 291:5). This combination is common and appears on scarabs from Jericho (Kirkbride
1965:Fig. 291:5), Ruweise (Tufnell 1984: Pl. 7;1299), Tell el-cAjjul (Tufnell 1984:Pl. 7: 1307, 1309,
1312-1313) and Nazareth (Bagatti 1969:260, 315, Figs. 209:1, 211:14).
Typology. The sealing was impressed by a scarab of Tufnell's Design Classes IE3, 3C and 3El (Tufnell
1984:116, Pl. 3; 121, Pl. 16; 122, Pl. 19 respectively). It belongs to the type that was used to seal doors or
boxes. 4 Unlike Aegean (Wieneke 1976: Fig. 1) or Iranian sealings (Marcus 1989:Fig. 6a-c), it did not
cover the whole peg or button but was only attached to one of its sides like that in the tomb of Meket-Re
at Thebes (Winlock 1955: Fig. 69:c) and other tombs (Freed 1982:201 [No. 233]). It seems that this
tradition of sealing doors or boxes was still practised in Iron Age II Judah (Avigad 1990:265-266, Pl.
28:C-E).
Date. The central column of hieroglyphs belongs to the large group of scarabs containing the an ra
formula, typical of the Hyksos period (Murray 1949:95-97, Pl. 12; Tufnell 1984: 121). The additions to
the t3 ml}w motif are also typical of Hyksos scarabs.
The orthography of then in the shape of a comb is characteristic of the Hyksos an ra formula (TufneH
1984:121).
All the parallels mentioned above were from well-dated MB III contexts.
Context. The sealing was found in Room 1526, adjoining that in which Objects 3, 4 and 5 were found.
4. The reconstruction of the box was based on contemporary material from Jericho (Ricketts !960) and the reconstruction of
the method of sealing is based on the material from the tomb of Meket-Re at Thebes (Winlock 1955: Fig. 69:C).
210
Description. The scarab which was used to make this impression had no inner border line (cf. Tufnell
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1984:Pl. 27:2197). A vertical twisted rope pattern in the centre is flanked on each side by two semicircles.
Typology. The scarab from which this seal impression was made belongs to Tufnell's Design Class 6C3
(1984:127, Pl. 27).
Date. This seal impression could be dated on the basis of design only. Two close parallels are known,
one from Tell el-Yehudiyeh and the other from Gezer (Brandll986:247, No. 1). Both are related to the
Hyksos period, although they do not come from well-dated contexts.
Context. The impression was found in a clear MB III context, which confirms the dating of the above
parallels.
Typology. This scarab belongs to Tufnell 's Design Classes 9E and 1OA 1 (1984: 133-134, Pl. 40 and 135,
Pl. 43 respectively).
Date. The design is typical of the later part of the Hyksos period (Tufnell 1984: 133).
The hatching and cross-hatching on the lion's body and the hatching on the female's dress are in
typical Hyksos style.
Parallels were found at Tell el-Farcah (S) (Petrie 1930: Pl. 7:54), Tell el-cAjjul (Petrie 1933: Pl. 35),
Jericho Tombs 21 and 30 (Rowe 1936:82, Pl. 8:317; 20, Pl. 2:69 respectively) and Tomb B47 (Kirkbride
1965:653,655, Fig. 303:16) and Lachish Cave 4004 (Lachish IV:l20, Pl. 36:215; see discussion Object 3).
5. Only a photograph and a drawing of this impression were seen by the author.
6. (Editor's note) Such storage jars are not known in the Iron I but its shape and the rope decoration on the shoulder resemble
Middle Bronze vessels. It seems therefore that a Middle Bronze storage jar was found intact and reused in the Iron I.
211
Context. This scarab was found in a section outside the wall. It should however be related to the MB III
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stratum.
____
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
jar 3398.
......_ lcm
2
7. Seen. 5 above.
212
Description. The impression depicts a naked female with palm branches on each side, assuming the
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STRATUM VI
12. Seal impression (Fig. 8.12)
Reg. No. 14001; Locus 1440; Area D; IAA No. K11276.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
L. 34 mm.; H. 20 mm.
Cylinder-seal impression on the upper part of a handle of krater (cf. Mallet 1988:301, Pl. 84:10). The
seal, possibly made of faience (Collon 1987:61), was rolled from left to right. There is duplication of a
short section due to aborted start. Lower part of the scene missing. Mediocre workmanship.
Description. Between two horizontal lines a ritual scene (Teissier 1984:92) depicts a standing worshipper
with a long robe (for the robe cf. Hazor III-IV: Pl. 319:3-4; Schaeffer-Forrer et al. 1983:99, 113 [R.S.
8.349 and 14.115]), a sacred tree, recumbent antelope and a floral panel.
Typology. The style of the elements and their combination as well as the ample use of the drill (Collon
1987:65) are characteristic of the Mitannian 'Popular Style' (Frankfort 1939:279-280).8
8. Also known as Porada's 'Common Style'(l947:ll-13) or Kantor's 'Depleted Style'(see Beck 1967:2; Mazar 1978:10).
213
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
214
I
\
\
/
Fig. 8.12:
Cylinder-seal impression 14001.
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Date. The Shiloh impression can be dated to the LB II and specifically to the 13th century B.C. E. on the
basis of style and excavated parallels.
Mitannian-style seals of this type were still being produced in the west even after the fall of Mitanni
(Mazar 1978:11; cf. Beck 1967:72, 116).
Parallels are known only from Canaan and the Syrian coast (Mazar 1971; Beck 1967: Fig. 168) from
13th century B.C.E. contexts. The closest parallel to the Shiloh impression comes from Ugarit
(Schaeffer-Forrer et al. 1983:145[R.S. 2.167]).
Context. The clear Stratum VI context corroborates the above dating.
___
...._ 1cm.
STRATUMV
14. Seal impression (Fig. 8.14)
Reg. No. 13187; Locus 1322; Area C; IAA No. K11274.
L. 15.5 mm.; W. 11.5 mm.
Impression of a scarab, probably mounted in metal, made before firing on the lower part of handle of
storage jar. Partial. Mediocre workmanship.
Description. Within a horizontal oval is a marching lion or sphinx with its tail curled over its back. The
head is indistinct.
Typology. This is a common motif in New Kingdom scarabs.
215
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Date. The motif itself has a long life (for the Iron II see, for instance, Hazor II: Pls. 89:5, 102:23, 142:5).
This impression can be dated to the Iron I since the handle is that of a collared-rim pithos.
Context. The handle was found in a mixed context.
Two quadrupeds, most probably ibex, form a central cross. The rest of the space is occupied by two
recumbent horned quadrupeds, a head and neck of an ibex and another of a young gazelle, and a
triangle.
Typology. This seal resembles two smaller conical seals from Tell el-Farcah (N) (de Vaux 1955:581-582,
Fig, 18:F3086; de Vaux 1955:581-582, Fig. 18:F2939).9
Date. de Vaux dated the above seals to the Iron Age I.
Context. The Shiloh seal was found in a clear Iron I context. It thus strengthens the original dating of
the Tell el-Farcah (N) parallels.
216
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
217
Description. On the base is a chariot scene. It seems that the engraver prepared a panel with two
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horizontal lines, but because of bad planning the figure's head and the horse's ears protrude above the
upper border. The sides are pierced and decorated with two pairs of lines. It seems that after being
broken, the break was polished and a semicircle drilled to stabilize the string to which the seal was
attached.
Typology. The Shiloh seal joins a small group of bone seals from Beth-shemesh (Grant 1932:82-83, Pl.
48:1108; 1934:43, 51, Fig. 3:19).
Date. The Beth-shemesh seals were dated to the Iron Age I.
Context. The seal was found in a clear Iron I context. It therefore corroborates the date of the
Beth-shemesh seals.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
218
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CONCLUSIONS
The number of glyptic finds from Shiloh has increased four-fold. Additional Middle and Late Bronze
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Age items augment the variety from those periods and new finds from the Iron Age I can now be added
to the corpus. In all cases they represent a local industry.
In many instances the Shiloh objects are accura1ely dated by their context and thus reinforce the
dating of their parallels.
REFERENCES
Amiran, R. and Eitan, A. 1965. A Canaanite-Hyksos City at Tell Nagila. Archaeology 18:113-123.
Avigad, N. 1990. Two Hebrew 'Fiscal' Bullae. IEJ 40:262-266.
Bagatti, B. 1969. Excavations in Nazareth. Jerusalem.
219
Copyright © 1993. The Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair
Beck, P. 1967. Problems in the Glyptic Art of Palestine (Ph.D. thesis). Ann Arbor.
Ben-Tor, D. 1989. The Scarab: A Reflection of Ancient Egypt. Israel Museum Catalogue 303. Jerusalem.
Brandl, B. 1984. A Scarab, Two Seal Impressions and a Cowroid. In: Stern, E. Excavations at Tel
Mevorakh (1973-1976). Part Two: The Bronze Age. Qedem 18. Jerusalem. pp. 60-61.
Brandl, B. 1985. Appendix E: An Egyptian Clay Sealing from En Shadud. In Braun, E. et al. En Shadud
Salvage Excavations at a Farming Community in the Jezreel Valley, Israel. BAR S249. Oxford.
pp. 182-186.
Brandl, B. 1986. Appendix B: The Scarabs from Field VI at Gezer. In: Dever, W.G., ed. Gezer IV: The
1969-1971 Seasons in Field VI, The "Acropolis'~ Jerusalem. pp. 247-257.
Brunton, G. 1930. Qau and Badari Ill. London.
Chambon, A. 1984. Tell el-Farcah I: L'age du Fer. Editions recherche sur les civilizations 31. Paris.
Collon, D. 1987. First Impressions. Cylinder Seals in the Ancient Near East British Museum
Publications. London.
Dothan, M. 1973. The Foundation of Tel Morand Tel Ashdod. A Chapter in the Relationship between
a,Metropolis and its Harbour. IEJ23:1-17.
Dothan, M. 1976. Akko: Interim Excavation Report First Season, 1973/4. BASOR 224:1-48.
Dunand, M. 1950, 1954 and 1958. Fouilles de Byblos, Tome II. 1933-1938. Paris.
Faulkner, R.O. 1962. A Concise Dictionary of Middle Egyptian. Oxford.
Frankfort, H. 1939. Cylinder Seals. London.
Freed, R.E. 1992. Trinket Box. In: Brovarski, E., Doll, S.K. and Freed, R.E., eds. Egypt's Golden Age:
The Art of Living in the New Kingdom 1558-1085 B.C. Museum of Fine Arts Catalogue. Boston.
pp. 201 (No. 233).
Gardiner, A. 1973. Egyptian Grammar. London.
Garstang, J. 1932. Jericho: City and Necropolis. Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology 19:3-22,
35-54.
Gezer I-III. Macalister, R.A.S. 1912. The Excavations of Gezer, 1902-1905 and 1907-1909. Vols. I-III.
London.
Giveon, R. 1985. Egyptian Scarabsfrom Western Asiafrom the Collections of the British Museum.
OB03.
Giveon, R. 1988. Scarabs from Recent Excavations in Israel. OBO 83.
Grant, E. 1932. Ain Shems Excavations (Palestine) 1928-1929-1930-1931. Part II. Haverford.
Grant, E. 1934. Rumeileh being Ain Shems Excavations (Palestine). Part Ill. Haverford.
Hazor II. Yadin, Y. et al. 1960. Hazor II. An Account of the Second Season of Excavations, 1956.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Jerusalem.
Hazor III-IV. Yadin, Y. et al. 1961. Hazor III-IV: An Account of the Third and Fourth Seasons of
Excavations, 1957-1958 (Plates). Jerusalem.
Hazor III-IV text. Yadin et al. 1989. Hazor III-IV: An Account of the Third and Fourth Seasons of
Excavations, 1957-1958 (Text). Jerusalem.
Hodjache, S.I. 1979. Principes fondamentaux dans l'etude des scarabees egyptiens ornementes. In:
Reinecke, W.F. ed. Acts, First International Congress of Egyptology, Cairo, October 2-10, 1976.
Berlin. pp. 279-305.
Hornung, E. and Staehelin, E. 1976. Skarabiien und andere Siegelamulette aus Basler Sammlungen.
Mainz.
Keel, 0. 1985. Bildtrager aus Palastina/ Israel und die besondere Bedeutung der Miniaturkunst. In:
220
Copyright © 1993. The Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair
Keel, 0. and Schroer, S. Studien zu den Stempelsiegeln aus Paliistinaj Israel Band I. OBO 67. pp.
7-47.
Kirkbride, D. 1965. Appendix E: Scarabs. In: Kenyon, K.M. et al. Excavations at Jericho. Vol. II' The
Tombs Excavated in 1955-8. London. pp. 580-655.
Lachish IV. Tufnell, 0. et al. 1958. Lachish IV, (Tell ed-Duweir): The Bronze Age. London.
Leibovitch, J. 1955. Description of the Scarabs Found in a Cemetery near Tel Aviv. Atiqot 1:13-18
(English Series).
Macalister, R.A.S. 1905. Twelfth Quarterly Report on the Excavation of Gezer. PEFQSt 37:183-199.
Mallet, J. 1988. Tell el-Farcah, 2: Le Bronze moyen. Editions recherche sur les civilisations 66. Paris.
Marcus, M.I. 1989. Emblems of Authority, The Seals and Sealings from Hasanlu IV B. Expedition
31:53-63.
Mazar, A. 1971. Cylinder Seals from Bretz-Israel in the Second Millennium BC (unpublished M.A.
thesis). The Hebrew University, Jerusalem. (Hebrew)
Mazar, A. 1978. Cylinder-Seals ofthe Middle and Late Bronze Ages in Bretz-Israel. Qadmoniot 9:6-14.
(Hebrew)
Megiddo /!.Loud. G. 1948. Megiddo IL Seasons of 1935-39. Chicago.
Murray, M.A. 1949. Some Canaanite Scarabs. PEQ 81:92-99.
Newberry, P.E. 1907. Scarab-shaped Seals. Catalogue general des antiquites egyptiennes du Musee du
Caire Nos. 36001-37521. London.
Petrie, W.M.F. 1890. Kahun, Garob and Hawara. London.
Petrie, W.M.F. 1900. Dendereh, 1898. London.
Petrie, W.M.F. 1925. Buttons and Design Scarabs. London.
Petrie, W.M.F. 1930. Beth Pelet /(Tell Para). London.
Petrie, W.M.F. 1931. Ancient Gaza /. Tell el Ajjul. London.
Petrie, W.M.F. 1932. Ancient Gaza II. Tell el Ajjul. London.
Petrie, W.M.F. 1933. Ancient Gaza Ill. Tell el Ajjul. London.
Petrie, W.M.F. 1934. Ancient Gaza IV. Tell el Ajjul. London.
Porada, E. 1947. Seal Impressions ofNuzi. AASOR 24. New Haven.
Reisner, G.A. 1955. Clay Sealings of Dynasty XIII from Uronarti Fort. Kush 3:26-69.
Reisner, G.A. and Wheeler, N.F. 1930. The Art of Seal Carving in Egypt in the Middle Kingdom.
Bulletin of the Boston Museum of Fine Arts 28:47-55.
Ricketts, M. 1960. Appendix B: Furniture from the Middle Bronze Age Tombs. In: Kenyon, K.M. et al.
Excavations at Jericho I: The Tombs Excavated in 1952-4. London. pp. 527-534.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Rowe, A. 1936. A Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs, Scaraboids, Seals and Amulets in the Palestine
Archaeological Museum. Cairo.
Schaeffer-Forrer, C.F.-A. et al. 1983. Corpus des cylindres-Sceaux de Ras Shamra- Ugarit et d'Enkomi-
Alasia. Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations 13. Paris.
Schroer, S. 1989. Die Gottin auf den Stempelsiege1n aus Palastina/Israel. In: Keel, 0., Keel-Leu, H. and
Schroer, S. 1989. Studien zu den Stempelsiegeln Aus Paliistinaj Israel Band II. OBO 88. pp. 1-38.
Seger, J.D. et al. 1990. The Bronze Age Settlements at Tell Halif: Phase II Excavations, 1983-1987.
BASOR Supplement 26:1-32.
Sellin, E. 1927. Die Ausgrabung von Sichem. Kurze vorlaufige Mitteilung tiber die Arbeit im Frlihjahr
1927. ZDPV 50:205-211, 265-274.
221
Copyright © 1993. The Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair
Shiloh 1969. Buhl, M.-L. and Holm-Nielsen, S. 1969. Shiloh, The Danish Excavations at Tall Sailun,
Palestine in 1926, 1929, 1932 and 1963. Copenhagen.
Starkey, J.L. and Harding, G.L. 1932. Beth Pelet Cemetery. In: Macdonald, E., Starkey, J.L. and
Harding, G.L. Beth Pelet II. London.
Teissier, B. 1984. Ancient Near Eastern Cylinder Seals from the Marcopoli Collection. Berkeley.
Tufnell, 0. 1970. Archaeological Notes A: Some Scarabs with Decorated Backs. Levant 2:95-99.
Tufnell, 0. 1973. The Middle Bronze Age Scarab-Seals from Burials on the Mound at Megiddo. Levant
5:69-82.
Tufnell, 0. 1984. Studies on Scarab Seals. Vol. II: Scarab Seals and Their Contribution to History in
the Early Second Millennium B. C. Warminster.
de Vaux, R. 1955. Les fouilles de Tell el-Farca pres Naplouse. Cinquieme campagne. Raport preliminaire.
RB 62:541-589.
Ward, W.A. 1978. Studies on Scarab Seals. Vol. I: Pre-12th Dynasty Scarab Amulets. Warminster.
Wieneke, M.H. 1976. Clay Sealings from Shechem, the Sudan, and the Aegean. JNES 35:127-130.
Winlock, H.E. 1955. Models of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt: From the Tomb of Meket-Re at Thebes.
Cambridge, Mass.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
222
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CHAPTER9
This chapter treats 53 objects. They are grouped by raw materials and within these by strata. The reader
is referred to the appendices to this chapter which deal with the identification of the bones and stones.
In conformity with editorial policy regarding chronological divisions for this report the following
terminology is used: Middle Bronze I, Middle Bronze II and Middle Bronze III (MB I, MB II and MB
III= Albright's MB IIA, MB liB and MB IIC respectively).
Identifying data of each object include the field number, locus number, Area, Israel Antiquities
Authority registration number (IAA). Technical details include dimensions (L. -length; W. width;
H.- height; D.- diameter; T.- thickness), description of the material, manufacturing technique and
state of preservation.
CLAY OBJECTS
STRATUM VIII
1./bex-shapedjug spout (Figs. 9.1; 9.7:1-2)
Reg. No. 14186/2; Locus 1428; Area D; IAA No. K11292.
L. 8.8 em.
Hand-made; incised and shaved. Well-fired clay with a reddish-pink surface. No traces of slip.
Fragmentary.
Description. The fragment was found in four sections and joined together. It represents the head and
neck of an ibex. The mouth and nose are missing and the eyes, ears and horns are broken. All are
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
applied. One of the bulges of each horn has survived, allowing the animal to be identified. The ears are
tense and the eyes are open; the eyebrows are stretched around the eyeballs. The pupil is elongated and
thus the angle of the neck could be determined.
Typology. On the basis of the angle of the neck and the long horns the hollow fragment can be identified
as part of a decorated spout of a jug rather than as part of a zoomorphic vessel.
Very few vessels of this type are known from Middle Bronze Age Canaan. One was found at Megiddo
(Megiddo II: Pls. 51:11, 133:23) and the other was apparently unearthed in Garstang's excavations at
* Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem. Most of the photographs of the Shiloh objects were taken by Han Sztulman. The
drawings were made by Carmen Hersch under the author's guidance. Yuval Goren prepared the thin sections for microscopic
analysis. I am indebted to Orit Shamir for valuable discussions on the subject of textile technology.
223
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2 4
Fig. 9.1: Ibex-shaped jug spout 14186: 1-4)- different views; 5) reconstruction.
Jericho (Vincent 1935:592, Pl. 26:4). A similar vessel from a private collection has recently been exhibited
in Tel Aviv (Ziffer 1990:88*, Fig. 44*).
Date. The jug fragment from Megiddo was an isolated find in Tomb 2107, which is ascribed to Stratum
IX (Megiddo Il:164). The tomb is located on the edge of the excavation of Area BB [Sq. Nl4] (Megiddo
/I: Fig. 401), hence its stratigraphic setting is not clear (cf. Megiddo II: Figs. 390-405). Therefore the
date of the jug may be pushed back to Stratum X or even earlier. The Jericho jug was found in one of the
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
storerooms and can be dated to the MB III on typological grounds, as can the third vessel mentioned
above.
Context: Found in the MB III glacis.
STRATUM VII
2. Bull-shaped zoomorphic vessel (Figs. 9.2, 9.3, 9.7:3-7)
Reg. No. 15177; Locus 1522; Area F; IAA No. Kl2331.
L. ca. 21 em.; W. 7.4 em.; H. 19.5 em.
Combination wheel made and hand-made. Slipped, burnished and painted. Plastic additions. Broken.
Description. Cylindrical wheel-made body. The chest was hand-made. The legs are solid and hand-made;
the hooves were not preserved. After the legs were attached to the body, they were shaved. Of the
224
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
I
I
I
I
l
I
i
I
//
Fig. 9.2:
____________________________
I
I
/
I
3cm.
\
---------------------------~
"--~-/
\
,I
I
I.J
II
\
I
d
I
I
I
i
I
I
I
\
I
I
I
I
I
/
l__j
I I I
,,
\
\
I
\
lI __ _jI
\
225
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animal's sexual organs only the scrotum survived (cf. Dunand 1950 and 1958:805, Pl. 173[15848]). The
tail was not preserved. The neck was made of two laye~s; the inner one is a wheel-made cylinder, while
the outer is hand-made. In contrast to the schematic body, the neck is naturalistic, expressing the power
of the animal. The head is hand-made and hollow. The mouth is open and serves as the end of the spout.
The nostrils are indicated by two punctures. The eyes are plastic, each made of two buttons, the smaller
representing the eyeballs and the larger depicting the eyebrows. The horns are solid; their pointed ends
have been broken off. The ridge-shaped dewlap is hand-made as are the upright ears. The vessel has a
heavy yellowish-white slip that was well burnished. The entire vessel is painted in brownish-red stripes.
The symmetrical pattern resembles basketwork (cf. Dunand 1937 and 1939:276, Pl. 164[3932], wrongly
identified as a horse with a rider).
Typology. The object had one opening in the mouth and probably another in the back (see
reconstruction) and hence can be classified as a zoomorphic vessel.
Several bull-shaped vessels are known from Middle Bronze Canaan. A fragmentary vessel of an
unidentified animal with a 'vertical spout' on its back was found at Tell Beit Mirsim (TBM /:31, Pl. 8:3).
It is white slipped with remnants of red line painting. Albright suggested that the lines were part of a
harness, and that the animal may be identified as a horse and the 'vertical spout' as its rider. A head
fragment was found in Stratum XI at Megiddo (Megiddo II: Pl. 247:2); its dewlap can be recognized; the
eyes are plastic. A small bull-shaped vessel was found in a tomb at Amman (Harding 1953:18, Fig. 9:10,
Pl. 2: 105). That object too has a cream slip and traces of red painted decoration. Its dewlap was pierced
and the hole used for suspension. An almost complete zoomorphic vessel was found in a burial cave on
the Mount of Olives (Lemaire 1955:283-285, Figs. 9:5, 13:14; Saller 1964:158-159, Fig. 58:2, Pl. 34:6a-b).
The body is cylindrical with a funnel-shaped mouth close to the neck. It is white slipped. Both Lemaire
and Saller dated it to the Late Bronze Age, but its shape (see below) and decoration point to a Middle
~--·---·---- ----,,
I
, _________ - ,.-J
I
I
I
I
I
I
\_ ---------,
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
.,
I
226
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Bronze Age date. Three fragments of zoomorphic vessels were found at Hazor (Hazar I:84, Pl. 93: 11,24;
Hazar II: Pl. 260:25; Hazar III-IV:223). All three belong to bull-shaped vessels, since their dewlaps are
prominent. An almost complete bull-shaped vessel was found at Tell Nagila (Amiran and Eitan 1964:198,
Pl. 18:4; 1965:121, Fig. 9). Its technical treatment seems to be the same as that of the Shiloh object. It
has an opening on the back, close to the tail, and its legs end in split hooves. It is red slipped and
burnished with black and white painting. A fragment of a zoomorphic vessel was found at Shechem
(Kerkhof 1969:80-81, Fig. 24:15). It should be identified as the head of a bull since the dewlap is
prominent. Like the Shiloh vessel, its neck was made of two layers and its eyes are plastic. Two
additional bull-shaped vessels may be added to the list. In both only the legs survived, the hooves
making it possible to identify the animal. The first leg was found at Hazor (Hazar III-IV: Pl. 244:8). It
was unearthed in surface soil and therefore dated to the MB II/ LB I Period. The second was found at
Tell el-Farcah (N) (Mallet 1988: Fig. 23:8, Pl. 81:8).
Discussion. It seems that there is a technical-typological difference between the Middle Bronze and later
zoomorphic vessels. Unlike the earlier ones, the later vessels always have a handle.
Bull-shaped vessels should be regarded as cult vessels. The two openings indicate that liquids were
poured into one and out of the other. Their shape suggests a connection with a Canaanite deity, most
probably a weather god. The limited number of animal types represented on such vessels negates
Macalister's suggestion that they served as lamps or feeding bottles ( Gezer II:239, Fig. 391 ).
The well-burnished white slip with brownish-red painting that appears on several of the above-
mentioned vessels intimates that perhaps they may be ascribed to the 'Chocolate-on-White' ware. It
should be noted that another Middle Bronze Age family - that of Tell el-Yehudiyeh - also has
zoomorphic vessels in its repertoire, although not bulls.
The modelling and shaving, the lack of handles, the red-burnishing on the Tell Nagila vessel and the
painting on others point to a possible northern origin, very probably in the Hittite lands. This was
already suggested by the publishers of the Tell Nagila vessel. Several lion and bull-shaped vessels with
two openings and no handle were found at two sites of the Karum Kanesh II period - Kiiltepe itself
(Akurgal and Hirmer 1962:39, Pl. 34) and Btiyiikkale (Hattusha) (Bittel1970:46, Pl.9).
Date. All the above items were found in well-dated MB II-III contexts.
Description. Oval with an incised border. A perforated handle is attached longitudinally to its upper
suface and a mark (x) is incised the base.
Typology. Clay lids are known as early as the Early Bronze Age. In many cases they are identical to
hemispherical bowls, but provided with a handle on the 'base' (Guy 1938: Pl. 60:25; Megiddo I: 170, Pis.
35:1-4, 64:2-4; Megiddo II: Pl. 255:6,8-9). Flat lids seem to appear later.
Parallels are known from Gezer (Gezer II:146; Gezer III: Pl. 144:6), Megiddo (Megiddo II: Pls.
255:7,10-11, 288:3), Shechem (Kerkhof 1969: Fig. 29:17) and Shiloh (Shiloh 1969:50, 81 Pl. 28:227).
Since no appropriate vessels to be covered by such lids were found at Shiloh, I it is possible that this type
of lid was used to cover the asymmetric mouth of gourds serving as vessels (cf. Schaeffer 1949: Fig.
227
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76:1). It is feasible that the lid covered the vessel with the handle inside (cf. Gezer II: 140, Fig. 310) so that
the incised border was attached to the vessel's mouth, making the mark on its base visible.
Date. The above parallels cover a long period of time, from the Middle Bronze to the Iron Age. Two of
the Megiddo finds come from Middle Bronze Strata XII and XI (Megiddo II: Pls. 255:7, 288:3). The
Shiloh lids (see also No. 4 below) were found in the same MB III context and are well-dated both
typologically and archaeologically. It therefore seems that the date of a similar lid from the Danish
excavations (Shiloh 1969: 50, 81, Pl. 28:227) should be corrected.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
3cm.
228
5. Kiln stopper (Figs. 9.5:1, 9.8:2)
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//.................
------------ .................................
/
/ ' ',
// '\
;' '\
(I
I
,
I
\
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\ I
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/
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/
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r/ \
I I
I I
I I
I I
\ I
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.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
3cm.
Fig. 9.5: Clay objects: 1) Kiln stopper 15107; 2) Relief plaque 7214; 3)- Votive ear 3030.
229
mud bricks was shaped into a cone. It is not a loom weight since it lacks the typical perforation near the
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STRATUM VI
Two objects should be attributed to this stratum on the basis of their typology despite the fact that they
were not found in Late Bronze loci.
1969:80-81, Fig. 24:10) and Hazor (Hazar II: PI. 195:7; Hazar III-IV: Pl. 242:4).
Date. This type of figurine is well dated to the Late Bronze Age. Although the Shiloh specimen was
found in a mixed context, it should undoubtedly be ascribed to Stratum VI, or more specifically, to the
LB II Period.
230
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determinative of ear msrjr (Gardiner 1973:452[D18]). These have been found in Egypt and in the
territories that were under direct Egyptian influence.
Most of the Egyptian parallels are known from collections in London (Petrie 1914: 10, Pl. 1:5a-b),
Cairo (Reisner 1958: Pl. 25:12822), Geneva (Chappaz 1983:110-111, 122 [No. 082]) and Freibourg
(Herrmann 1985:65 [252BIF 171]).
Parallels have been excavated at Deir el Medineh (Nagel1929:68, Fig. 20:9) and Paras (Karkowski
1981:110-111 [No.ll]) and a right ear made of glazed pottery, broken in the same way as the Shiloh
item, at Serabit el-Khadem in Sinai (Petrie 1906:150, Fig. 155:15). Two votive right ears made of clay
were found at Byblos (Dunand 1954:83, Fig. 66 [7262]; 212, Fig. 225 (8684]). One was unearthed in
Palestine but never identified as such. It was found in Cave 28 II at Gezer ( Gezer I: 124; Gezer Ill: Pl.
36: 19) and might have been made of faience which lost its glaze.
Date. All the above ears are dated to the period of the New Kingdom in Egypt. Even Cave 28 II at
Gezer, dated mainly to the MB II-III, yielded some Late Bronze finds including a Mycenaean sherd
( Gezer Ill:43:2), a wall bracket ( Gezer I: Fig. 17) and a scarab with the prenomen of Ramesses II written
in rebus form, typical of the 19th Dynasty (cf. Brandl 1982:372-375). Therefore, although the Shiloh
object was found in an Iron I context, it seems safe to suggest that originally it came from Stratum VI.
STRATUMV
8. Polisher (Figs. 9.6:1, 9.8:4)
Reg. No. 6220; Locus 613; Area C; IAA No. K11285.
L. 6.3 em., estimated full L. 10.7 em.; W. 2.9 em., estimated full W. 6.1 em.; T. 0.9 em.
Brown surface. Wheel-made, slipped and burnished. Secondary chiselling, perforated and polished.
Broken.
Description. Originally a sherd of a closed vessel, probably a jug, the exposed core along the outline
shows that it was reshaped after the vessel broke.
Typology. The oval shape with the perforation in the centre relates it to a well-known group of pottery
polishers named 'feluccas' (boat-shaped) by the Egyptian workers at Megiddo (Guy 1938:7). These are
also found without perforation in the centre.
Parallels for unperforated polishers come from Megiddo (Guy 1938: Pl. 158:4; Megiddo II: Pl.
257:10), Lachish (Lachish IV: Pl. 49:15), Tell Keisan (Briend, Humbert et al. 1980: Pl. 82:7-10) and Tell
el-Farcah (N) (Mallet 1988: Fig. 23:4). In the neigbouring countries they were found at Tell Tabara
el-Akrad (Hood 1951:145-146, Figs. 12:18, 19) and El Amarna (Kemp et al. 1989:88-89, Fig. 4.5.).
Parallels for perforated polishers come from Gezer (Gezer III: Pl. 191:5), Megiddo (Guy 1938: Pl.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
158:1, 18, 20), Lachish (Lachish III: Pis. 41:12, 14; 58:2) and Me~ad I;lashavyahu (Naveh 1962: Fig.
4:20). In the neighbouring countries they were found at Ugarit (Schaeffer 1949: Fig. 98:1-12), Sarepta
(Pritchard eta/. 1975: Fig. 62:9-10; Pritchard 1978: Fig. 49) and Tell Abu al-Kharaz in JordaJ:l (Fischer
1991:82-83, Fig.7:17).
Date. The perforated type was in use at least from the Late Bronze Age until the end of the Iron age.
This polisher as well as Nos. 9 11, all from Stratum V, seem to confirm the presence of a local ceramic
industry during the Iron I period.
231
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Pinkish surface. Wheel-made, slipped and burnished. Secondary chiselling, perforated and polished.
Broken.
For discussion see Object 8.
I
/
---- , \ \\
// ......
\
I
I \\ '
\ I I
I \
I
II '\
\ I\
I
I
I '
\
\
lI
I LJ
2
I
r\
\ \
\\
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
I \
\ i
\ \
I I
~
I
I
I
I
I I
I I
I I
I I
I I
I I
I I
I
L~
I 4 5
Fig. 9.6: Clay objects: 1)- Polisher 6220; 2) Polisher 13001; 3)- Polisher 3102; 4) Polisher 13075; 5)- Loom weight
9073.
232
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 9.7:
different scale].
2
6
0
4cm.
1-2): Ibex-shaped jug spout 14186; 3-7): Bull-shaped zoomorphic vessell5!77 [scale of 3) and 5) = 1:2.5; 7) is on a
233
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
234
Clay objects: I) Fig. 9.8:
13001, 3102 and 13075; 5)
5
3
0
STRATUM VIII
1. Carved object (Fig. 9.9:1-3)
Reg. No. 7273; Locus 723; Area D; IAA No. K11282.
L. 16.3 em.; W. of proximal epiphysis 5.2x4.9 em.
Sawn and incised. Complete.
Description: A bovine leg bone cut at one end and decorated with an incised zigzag design.
Typology. Several explanations could be suggested for this object. It might have been the haft of an
implement (cf. Levy et al. 1987:360,689 Pl. 14.5.7, 716-717 Fig. 15.18.1), 2 a needle-case (cf. Gezer II: 87,
Fig. 276a; Hazor III-IV: Pl. 343:10) or a flute (cf. Ariel et al. 1990:142-144, Fig. 24). Similar objects
found in other excavations (cf. Dunand 1939:429, Pl. 146:6605; Megiddo II: Pl. 287:1) were not even
tentatively identified.
Date. This was found in the fill of the glacis and can thus be dated to the MB III.
STRATUM VII
2. Needle shuttle (Fig. 9.9:4)
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
235
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(Megiddo II: Pl. 165:1; Mallon 1934:77, Fig. 31:6-7, 12-15; Hennessy 1969:21, Fig. 11:13; Bar-Adon
1971:185; 1980:177).
Date. Comparable objects were found in assemblages of various dates, from the Chalcolithic period to
the Iron Age and later. The Shiloh specimen was found in a MB III context. A parallel that seems to
come from the same period was found in the City of David, Jerusalem (Ariel et al. 1990:124 Fig. lO:BI
26).
·~
2 4
J
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 9.9:
5
0~ .
.
--~~
6
3cm.
......
- '
.
Bone objects: 1-2)- Carved Object 7273; 3)- Reconstruction of carved object 7273; 4)- Shuttle 15173; 5)-
Inlay 15253; 6)- Spindle whorls 15165/ l-2; 7)- Spatula 10099.
236
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In addition to parallels from Jericho and Gibeon, comparable petals were found at Gezer ( Gezer I:98,
122; Gezer II:248; Gezer III: Pl. 26:11, Pl. 34:26), Megiddo Tomb 3175 (Megiddo II: Pl. 193:10), in
another tomb at Gibeon (Pritchard 1963:35, Fig. 26:15) and Jericho (Jericho I:294, 302, Figs. 11:7b,c,
478, Figs. 217:5,7).
Date. All these parallels come from MB II-III contexts. Six more petals which were found in Pit 176 at
Lachish (associated with Structure Ill ofthe Fosse Temple- Lachish II:62, 89-90, Pl. 21:43) may have
originated in the Middle Bronze Age as well.
STRATUM IV
6. Spatula (Fig. 9.9:7)
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
3. Orit Shamir (personal communication) is of the opinion that the heavy whorls were used only for linen.
4. Only the top and third examples are made of bone. Petrie also published four bone spacers in the same plate (No.6)
overlooking their relationship to the spindle.
237
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Date. Spatulae of this shape are common in the Iron Age II and later. The archaeological context of
Object 6 contained Middle Bronze and Iron II pottery. The spatula can therefore safely be assigned to
Stratum IV.
A group of bronze and silver objects was found in the Stratum VII (MB III) rooms in Area F. The bulk
of the bronze objects seems to be weapons 5 and the silver objects can be classified as jewellery. Most of
these metal objects were found together in L. 1713, on the floor in the northwestern corner of Room
1527.
The jewellery was a part of a silver scrap hoard that was wrapped in textile (some of the objects had
remains of cloth adhering to them) in order to be reworked. Only three of the silver objects are described
here (for other objects see Fig. 9.12:5).
The objects from Room 1527 have been published elsewhere (Finkelstein and Brandl 1985). The
following descriptions are based on that article, with some amendments based on later information. The
metallurgy of the bronze objects is discussed in Chapter 12.
BRONZE WEAPONS
1. Shaft-hole axe with lugs (Figs. 9.10:1, 9.11:1)
Reg. No. 17320; Locus 1713 (=1527); Area F; IAA No. Kl2319.
L. 19.2 em.; W. on cutting edge 6.4 em.; T. 1.0 em.
Cast in a bivalve mould, hammered. Complete.
Description. Four horizontal ribs surround the shaft-hole and terminate in lug-shapes. A rectangular
tongue-support butt stems from the lower part of the area joining the shaft-hole and the blade. Both
upper and lower edges of the blade are thickened.
Typology. This axe is of a very rare type. Exact parallels were found in excavations at Nimrud (Handcock
1912: Pl. 28) and at Chagar Bazar (Mallowan 1947:81, 85, 187-88, 218, Pis. 41:1, 55:15), while the
provenance of a third example is unknown (Kashan:15, No. 23; Curtis 1983:79). The limited number of
specimens and the difficulty in dating them has prevented their proper typological and chronological
attribution. Maxwell-Hyslop (1949: 107-8 Pl. 39:3), following Mallowan (1947:187) despite his
reservations, included axes from Ugarit and Alalakh under her 'Type 18', while Mallowan himself
(1956:20-21; 1966:346-47, n. 36), followed by Erkanal (1977:16), related our type to the axes from
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Ktiltepe and Acemhiiytik. Curtis (1983:73-74) quite rightly rejected Mallowan's attempts to relate the
axes from Nimrud and Chagar Bazar to the axe from Ktiltepe as it lacks the supporting tongue
stemming from the base of the blade. He emphasized that the Ktiltepe axe belongs to a specific
Anatolian group, but at the same time, like Maxwell-Hyslop, related the axes from Nimrud and Chagar
Bazar to those found at Ugarit, Alalakh, Bogazkoy and Beth-shan.
This approach seems questionable since all the last-mentioned axes, as noted by Mallowan (1947:187),
differ from the Chagar Bazar type in several details: the blade is straight; there is no thickening at the
edges of the blade; the tongue is shorter; these axes have a lug above the point of the upper joint of the
5. (Editor's note) For bronze toggle pins see Chapter lO. An additional needle was found in L. 1522 and another two, which
are not discussed here, were found in L. 1718 (Stratum VIII) and 1537 (mixed material).
238
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 9.10:
5)
Metal objects: 1)
\
6
-®
-o
Shaft-hole axe 17320;2)- Flat axe 17322;3)- Flat axe 17318;4)- Spear or lance butt 15181;
239
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
240
3
Fig. 9.11:
5)
5
Metal objects: 1)- Shaft-hole axe 17320; 2)- Flat axe 17322; 3)
0
shaft-hole is quite open (Schaeffer 1932:21, Fig. 14; Curtis 1983:80, Fig. 3). In conclusion, the two
groups of axes should be regarded separately, as already pointed out by Deshayes (1960: Vol I:187-91,
Vol II:78, Pls. 22:12, 24:1,4,6 [Types F 1 a-c]).
Date. The Chagar Bazar axe was found in Tomb J.200, dug into a brick platform built over the ruins of
the palace which contained inscribed tablets from the days of Shamshi-Adad I and Hammurabi.
Accordingly, Mallowan dated the tomb to the period between 1750 and 1600 B.C. E. (the end of activity
on the site), fixing its date, and thus that of the axe, in the first fifty years of that period (Mallowan
1947:187-188). This dating was later supported by what Mallowan regarded as a parallel from Kiiltepe
(Mallowan 1956:20-21; 1966:346-47, n. 36). Mallowan dated the Nimrud axe to the same period. The
date proposed was accepted by Maxwell-Hyslop, Deshayes, Erkanal, Yadin (1963:77-78) and others.
According to Curtis, the two types were not contemporaneous, but the parallels which he regarded as
the best (Ugarit, Alalakh and Bogazkoy) are later than our type by some two hundred years. Thus, he ·
re-examined the assemblages from Nimrud and Chagar Bazar. At Nimrud he fixed the date of the
assemblage to 1550 B.C. E. and onward, on the basis of a dagger and nine spacer-beads of glass, while in
his opinion at Chagar Bazar activity continued until about 1500 B.C.E. since pottery of Nuzi type was
found there. In any event, Curtis did not find a clear solution for Tomb G.200, which contained a toggle
pin whose period of use could not have extended as late as the 17th century B.C.E. (Curtis 1983:74-78).
Hence the obvious importance of the axe from Shiloh, found in a well-dated MB III context. These
axes thus appear from c. 1750 to 1500 B.C.E., and our axe is an intermediate link between the Nimrud
axe and that from Chagar Bazar. Another possibility would be to date the other two to the more limited
period of the Shiloh example.
Although Miron accepted the different dates of these three axes (Finkelstein and Brandll985:22), he
rejects without qualification the suggestion that the Shiloh axe is a chronological link (Miron 1985: 134).
between their cutting edge and their back. Till now no real parallel for this axe has been found in
excavations. The closest parallels, including dimensions, are from Ugarit (Schaeffer 1956:261; Figs.
234:1-3, 236, 278, Fig. 240, Pl. 10).
Date. The axe from Ugarit is dated to the LB II. The axe from Shiloh indicates thatthis type already
appeared in the MB III.
241
Description. Flat axe broadening towards the flattened convex cutting edge. One edge is straight, the
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1969:94-95, Fig 28.13) and cAin Samiya (Miron 1985:38, No. 150, Pl. 3:3).
Date. Precise contexts of the parallels are not given, but it seems that they can be dated to the MB III.
242
Typology. This dagger belongs to Type 27a in Maxwell-Hyslop's classification (1946:27-28). According
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to Shalev (1986:16-18) more than 90 such daggers date to the Middle Bronze Age as against 70 which
date to the Late Bronze Age. Shalev assigns the flat daggers from both periods to one class (Type 2)
despite the differences in their size and proportions, and considers the later ones to be the development
of the earlier daggers. In my opinion these are different types. Moreover, even the classification of
Maxwell-Hyslop is too general, and combines what seem to be different types (cf. Lachish IV: Pl.
22:11-20 where at least 6 different types are classed in Maxwell-Hyslop's 'Type 27a').
This type of dagger was found in Tomb I at Gezer ( Gezer III: Pl. 60:3,5), Cemetery 500 at Tell
el-Farcah (S) (Petrie 1930: Pls. 6:14,9:47, 11:67,75) and T. 1021 at that site (Starkey and Harding 1932:
Pl. 43:1), Tomb 9 at Jericho (Garstang 1932: Pl. 37:1), Tell Beit Mirsim Stratum D (TBM II: Pl. 41:11),
el-Jisr (Ory 1945:37, Pl. 13:1- No 49), Tomb 6 at the Tel Aviv harbour (Kaplan 1955:5, 12 Fig. 5:1, Pl.
2:1, and Table of Finds), Lachish (Lachish IV: Pls. 22:11, 13-14, 18 = 50:25-26, 51:19), Barqai (Gophna
and Sussman 1966:1*, 10-11, Fig. 9:6, Pl. 2.2:1) and Tomb 2/3 at Ginossar (Epstein 1974:21-22,31 Fig.
12:4, Pl. 9:11, 5*).
Date. All the parallels date to the MB II-III.
SILVER JEWELLERY
7. Pendant (Fig. 9.12:1-2)
Reg. No. 17321 (incl. part of 17316); Locus 1713 (=1527); Area F; IAA No. K12339.
D. 11.8 em.; T. 0.07 em. (the tube: L. 2.8 em.; D. 1.4 em.)
Pressed into a die like that from Megiddo (Megiddo I: Pl.105:6). Folded, tubular loop detached.
Description. Disc with tubular loop at the top. Judging by its condition it is clear that it had been
discarded for reworking (cf. Guy 1938: Pl. 166:8).
Typology. The pendant bears the motif commonly denoted 'marque royale hittite' (de Genouillac
1926:33-34, Pls. 24, 24 bis, 25), 'Blitzsymbol' (Bittel 1932: Abb. 11), 'Thunderbolt symbol' (Guy
1938:162-163, Fig. 169, Pl. 166:8) or 'Cappadocian symbol' (Schmidt 1932:146-147, Fig. 184). This
motif, which appears in several variations, has been much discussed (Wainwright 1956; 1958:287;
Bossert 1957:97). Our form is of the fullest type: a cruciform made up of four straight horns with a disc
at the centre and between them four wavy horns. Between each wavy and straight horn there is a small
circle.
Date. The source of this motif is in Anatolia and it appears from the 19-18th century B.C.E. (the Karum
Period). It has been discovered at every site of that period - Kiiltepe, Alishar Hoyiik, Alaca Hoyiik and
others. It is found on seals (Schmidt 1931:89, Fig. 136; von der Osten 1937:228-229, Fig. 257) or as an
applique on pottery vessels (von der Osten 1937:228-229, Fig. 257; Ozgii~ 1959:51, Fig. 59, Pl. 32:1). It
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
was very widespread under the Hittite empire (Ko~ay 1951: Pl. 77:1a-b; Ozgii~ 1982:153, Fig. 164a-b, Pl.
87:2-3), and hence reached Syria, Canaan and even Egypt. In Syria it is known at Ugarit on a bronze
standard (Schaeffer 1931:2, Pl. 13:4) and as an ornament on the head of the goddess Anat in the 'Bed
Ivory' (Schaeffer 1954:488, Fig. 6), as well as on an ivory disc from Alalakh (Barnett 1957:230, Fig. 91
[No. X.6]). In Canaan it is known in a die from Megiddo (Megiddo 1: Pl. 105:6). At Tel el-Amarna, a
pottery mould for making this symbol in faience was found (Petrie 1894: Pl. 18- Nos. 439-440). After
the period of the Hittite empire this motif disappeared in Anatolia (Guy 1938:163, n. 146) but continued
to appear in Canaan and Syria. In Canaan it is known on a pendant from Megiddo, dated to the Iron
Age I (Guy 1938:162-163, Fig. 169, Pl. 166:8), while in Syria it is known in a slightly different form on
the 'Angels Relief' from Aleppo, dated to the lOth century B.C.E. (Dussaud 1931:95-96).
243
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Fig. 9.12:
n~····
.
' .
-0
.
.,
.•
5
Silver jewellery: l-2)- Pendant 1732; 3)- Pin 17316; 4)- Pendant 17319; 5)- Part of the silver scrap hoard.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Our medallion is the largest of its type, and it undoubtedly originated in Anatolia. It constitutes a link
between the symbols of the Karum period and those of the period of the empire.
244
Pl. 3:29; 1933:8, Pl. 14:29-33; 1934:6, Pls. 12, 13, 14:11-12; 8, Pls. 19, 20:128-129) and Megiddo (Megiddo
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STONE OBJECTS
The excavations at Shiloh yielded 26 stone objects made of seven different types of stone: basalt 13
objects; chalk- 3; limestone- 3; hematite- 2; serpentine 1; speleothem with calcite crystals -1;
onyx-banded calcite (alabaster)- 3 objects.
The description of the stone objects referred to in this report as 'pestles' must be prefaced with a
comment on their function. Eight such artefacts were found in the Stratum VII (MB III) rooms in Area
F, six in Room 1527, one in Room 1526 and one in Room 1522. Two additional pestles were found in
Area D. These objects have been described in the past as pounders (Garstang 1932: Pl. 30:16b),
hammers (Megiddo /:Pl. 106:4-11) or hammer-rubbers (Guy 1938: Pl. 158:22-23). Pestles were found
together with tripod basalt mortars at Jericho (Garstang 1932: Pl. 30:16a-b; Jericho /:325-326, Fig.
125:1-2, Pl. 15:2; Jericho //:428, Fig. 123:7-8), Tell el-Farcah (N) (de Vaux 1951:400-401, Fig. 4:7-8, Pl.
14:1 = Mallet 1988:28-9, Fig. 8:9-10, Pl. 28:9-10), Lachish (Lachish IV: Pl. 26:19, 21-23), Matza
(Sussman 1966:41-42, Fig. 2:20-21) and Barqai (Gophna and Sussman 1969:10, Pl. 3:7). The fact that
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
the Shiloh pestles were found without mortars,6 their concentration in the Area F rooms and their
diversity in size and shape raises the possibility that they were used as weights.? This suggestion is
supported by the observation that three pestles found in Room 1527 have a small drilling on their lower
part, that might have served as marks. s
6. One basalt tripod was found in the Danish excavations and dated to the Iron II (Shiloh 1969:74; Pis. 12, XVI[No. 125]).
7. For metrological discussion see Eran forthcoming.
8. Avraham Eran was the first to notice these on two pestles and suggested that they might have served as a mark. A third
specimen from the same location was later noticed by this author. Dr. Naomi Porat confirmed that all three drillings were
man-made. Parallels for such perforated basalt pestles were found at Tell Abu Hawwam (Hamilton 1935:17, Pl. 31:34),
Megiddo (Guy l938:Pl. 158:23), Lachish (Lachish II: PI. 29: 17-19) and Hazor (Hazar III-IV: Pl. 334: 10). The last-mentioned
comes from the LB I stratum in the temple of Area H (Hazar IJJ-/Vtext:223-25).
245
STRATUM VII
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246
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 9.13:
2
Stone objects: I)- Pestle 15193; 2)- Pestle 15194; 3)- Pestle 15100; 4)- Pestle 15323; 5)- Pestle 15424; 6)-
247
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0 3cm.
-----~
6 7 8
0. ,.
.
.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
0
.
f)
.
.
.
9 11 12
Fig. 9.14: Stone objects: I)- Pestle 15271; 2)- Dagger pommel 13042; 3)- Spindle whorll3171; 4)- Rubber/Weight
14368; 5) Weight 3144; 6)- Perforated object 15325; 7) Weight(?) 17323; 8) Weight(?) 14147; 9)- Stopper
14027; 10)- Pestle 14044; II) Weight 17011; 12)- Stopper/Weight 5068.
248
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 9.15:
base Fragment 15233.
---------
____ )
I
..........,\
I
II
i
I
I
II
\
Axe 15145; 3)- Adze 12032; 4)- Alabaster vase 1I I 16; 5)- Alabaster
249
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Typology. This is a typical example of the MBII form of pestle. For parallels see Jericho (Garstang
1932: Pl. 30:16b; Jericho I:325-326, Fig. 125:2, Pl. 15:2 [centre]; Jericho II: 285, Fig. 123:5) and Lachish
(Lachish IV: PI. 26:22).
Date. All the above parallels come from well-dated MBII-III contexts.
3cm. 10cm
250
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1 0 3cm.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
10
0 4cm.
11 12
Fig. 9.17: Stone objects: 1)- Pestle 15193; 2) Pestle 15194; 3)- Pestle 15323; 4) Pestle 15100; 5)- Pestle 15315; 6)-
Pestle 15153; 7)- Pestle 15271; 8) Perforated object 15325; 9) Dagger pomme113042; 10)- Weight 17011;
11) Axe 15145; 12)- Adze 12032.
251
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0 4cm.
1 4
Fig. 9.18: Stone objects: 1)- Mortar 14141; 2) Alabaster vase llll6; 3) Fragment of alabaster pilgrim flask 14540; 4)
Alabaster base Fragment 15233.
252
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curve towards the pointed cutting edge. A ridge divides the object asymmetrically. In horizontal cross
section the straight sides flare towards the cutting edge.
Typology. This artefact may be regarded as an adze because of its asymmetric transverse section. A
similar artefact is known from Jericho (Garstang 1932: Pl. 19:c [left]).
Date. The object was found in a mixed locus, but on the basis of the parallel from Jericho, which was
dated to the MB II-III, it would seem reasonable to attribute it to Stratum VII.
253
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Description. A cube with rounded corners, perforated by drilling from both directions. the perforation
is highly polished.
Typology. Although resembling a mace head and of sufficient weight (266.6 gr.), the small diameter of
the perforation (0.9 em.) makes this unlikely. 9 It could conceivably have been used as a polisher. Other
unidentified objects which were perforated in the same way are known from Tell el-c Ajjul (Petrie 1933:
Pl. 27:41), Megiddo (Megiddo II: Pl. 290:3) and Hazor (Hazor II: Pl. 152:16; Hazor III-IV:Pl. 278:3).
Date. This object is dated by its context to the MB III.
STRATUM VI
15. Pebble/Weight(?) (Fig. 9.14:8)
Reg. No. 14147/2; Locus 1431; Area D; IAA No. K12795.
H. 3.95 em.; maximal D. 4.75-5 em.
Limestone. Complete.
Description. Polished(?) pebble.
Typology. Possibly used as a weight.
Date. This object is dated by its context to the LB II.
254
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Typology. Comparable bowls with red paint or ground hematite were identified as mortars. They were
found at Megiddo (Megiddo II: Pls. 262:14, 263:17), Tell el Farcah (S) (Petrie et al. 1952:18, Pl. 21:108)
and Deir el-Balah (unpublished).
Date. The parallels come from LB II contexts.
Haller 1954:63, Fig. 79a, 139-140, Fig. 164a-e, Pls. 31-32; Klengel-Brandt 1992:153; Wartke
1992:120-121, Ill. 4-5).10
A similar vessel made of serpentine was found at the Amman temple (Hankey 1974:162-171, Pl. 32:D
[S. 7]).
Date. All the above-mentioned parallels were found in LB II contexts. Therefore the Shiloh object,
which was found in a Stratum II context, should be attributed to Stratum VI.
10. Crystal beads of the same shape were also found (Haller 1954:145-146, Pl. 36:g-gl; Wartke 1992:118, Ill. 13).
255
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STRATUM Vor IV
21. Spindle whorl (Fig. 9.14:3)
Reg. No. 13171; Locus 1322; Area C; IAA No. K11288.
H. 0.95 em.; maximal D. 2.1 em.
Basalt. Complete.
Description. Domed trapezoid with a groove on the upper part and a convex base.
Typology. For parallels see Tell Beit Mirsim (TBM II:56, Pl. 38:21; 1943:84, Pl. 63:3) and Samaria
(Crowfoot et al. 1957:398-399, 401, Fig. 92a:5).
Date. The above parallels come from Iron Age contexts. The object was found in a mixed context, but it
seems reasonable to attribute it to either Stratum V or Stratum IV.
STRATUM IV
22. Weight (Fig. 9.14:5)
Reg. No. 3144; Locus 315; Area C; IAA No. K12796.
L. 2.5 em.; W. 1.85 em.; T. 1.15 em.
Hematite. CompletP-.
Description. A flattish oval highly polished pebble.
Typology. Apparently a weight (cf. Megiddo I: Pl. 104:6-8, 11-12, 15, 17-21,25, 28, 34, 38-41, 51).
Date. Found in a pit containing Iron II material, and thus can confidently be attributed to this period.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
256
NOT DATED
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CONCLUSIONS
The clay, bone, metal and stone artefacts discovered at Shiloh provide considerable insight into the
foreign contacts of the inhabitants of the site and on the various industries in which they engaged.
Several metal and clay objects found in Stratum VII (MB III) indicate strong connections with the
north, especially with Anatolia. Some of the stone and clay objects of Stratum VI (Late Bronze Age)
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
257
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REFERENCES
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Elliot, C. 1983. Kissonerga Mylouthkia: An Outline of the Ground Stone Industry. Levant 15:11-37.
Emre, K. 1978. Yanarlar. A Hittite Cemetery near Afyon. Ankara.
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Epstein, C. 1974. Middle Bronze Age Tombs at Kefar Szold and Ginosar. Atiqot 7:13-39. (Hebrew)
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Jerusalem.
Hazor II. Yadin, Y. eta!. 1960. Hazor II: An Account of the Second Season of Excavations, 1956.
Jerusalem.
Hazor III-IV. Yadin, Y. et al. 1961. Hazor III-IV: An Account of the Third and Fourth Seasons of
Excavations, 1957-1958 (Plates). Jerusalem.
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Excavations, 1957-1958 (Text). Jerusalem.
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Hood, S. 1951. Excavations at Tabara el Akrad, 1948-49. AS 1:113-147.
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Irvin, D. 1977. Spinnen. In: Galling, K. ed. Biblisches Reallexikon (2nd. edition). Tiibingen. pp. 311-313.
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Klengel-Brandt, E. 1992. Deckelgefass mit Ritzzeichnung. In: Jakob-Rost, L. eta/. Staatliche Museen
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
262
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APPENDIX 1
Seven worked bone artefacts from Shiloh (six described above and one described in Chapter 8) were
examined in order to determine the raw material used in their manufacture. All pieces appear to be
made on mammalian bone. No species identifications were possible, but some of the bones could be
assigned to size classes; either large mammals, i.e., cattle/ donkey, or medium-sized mammals, i.e.,
sheep I goat.
Reg. No. 7273: This item is a right metatarsal of Bas taurus with the proximal epiphysis still present and
unworked, while the distal epiphysis has been removed by sawing horizontally relative to the bone shaft.
Deep incisions are visible on the volar surface of the bone, while a short but quite deep incision is visible
at midshaft, on the plantar surface. This incision does not penetrate the medullary cavity. This inner
(medullar cavity) surface of the long bone is unworked. Similarly, the distal, sawn edge of the bone is
not worked. These two features suggest that the piece is unfinished and was either in the process of being
worked or else had been discarded.
Brandl (this chapter) has suggested that this piece may have served as a handle for a hafted implement
much in the same way as the sheep I goat metapodials served as handles for copper awls in the Chalcolithic
period (Ilan and Sebbane 1989). However, my examination of these Chalcolithic bone handles indicates
that they have rounded and worked distal ends whereas the piece from Shiloh is unworked, with the
original saw marks still visible. In addition, the Chalcolithic pieces lack the short, deep groove present
on the plantar surface of the Shiloh bone. The Chalcolithic artefacts and the metatarsal from Shiloh
therefore differ in the degree and pattern of modification.
Reg. No. 15173/2: A shuttle manufactured on a fragment of a halved mammalian long bone shaft. The
edges and both inner (medullary cavity) and outer surfaces of the bone are smoothed.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Reg. Nos. 15165 I 1 and 15165 I 2: One large and one smaller spindle whorl, both manufactured on
mammalian bone. Both have been blackened by fire.
Reg. No. 10099: A spatula manufactured on a rib of a large mammal. Mammalian ribs appear to be
favoured for the manufacture of spatulas due to their shape, size and thickness (Horwitz 1990).
263
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Reg. No. 6189 (L. 623) (see Chapter 8). A seal made on a shaft fragment of mammalian bone, probably a
tibia shaft of a medium-sized mammal. The object has been fashioned on a section of lQ!lg bon~ shaft
that has had both epiphyses and excess shaft removed by cutting them horizontally relative to the shaft
of the bone. Both ends of the shaft and its inner and outer surfaces exhibit smoothing and polish and a
perforation.
REFERENCES
Horwitz, L.K. 1990. Archaeozoological Analysis of Raw Materials Used in the Manufacture of Bone
Artifacts. In: Ariel, D.T. Excavations at the City of David 1978-1985 Vol. II (Qedem 30).
Jerusalem: 144-145.
Ilan, 0. and Sebbane, M. 1989. Copper Metallurgy, Trade and the Urbanization of Southern Canaan in
the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age. In: de Miroschedji, P. (ed.). L'urbanisation de Ia Palestine
a !'age du bronze ancien (BAR International Series 527). Oxford: 139-162.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
264
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APPENDIX2
Twenty seven objects were analyzed. Twenty six are described in Chapter 9, while the last object (Seal
4083) is dealt with in Chapter 8. Most samples were examined without any treatment under a stereoscopic
microscope (binocular). Thus the rock description is macroscopic. Thin sections were made from three
samples (Objects 9, 13, and 17 below), hence their description is more detailed. The sequential numbers
below correspond to Brandl's descriptions.
1. Reg. No. 15193 Basalt; abundant weathered olivine
2. Reg. No. 15194 Basalt; abundant weathered olivine
3. Reg. No. 15323 Basalt
4. Reg. No. 15424 Basalt
5. Reg. No. 15100 Basalt, slightly vesicular
6. Reg. No. 15315 Basalt
7. Reg. No. 4010 Basalt
8. Reg. No. 15153 Limestone; reddish
9. Reg. No. 15271 Silicious limestone; micritic pellets/ intraclasts, rimmed and cemented
with quartz
10. Reg. No. 13042 Chalk
11. Reg. No. 15145 Basalt; massive, very finely crystalline
12. Reg. No. 12032 Basalt; massive, coarsely crystalline, with phenocrysts
13. Reg. No. 15325 Basalt; porphyritic (olivine), trachytic texture, with pyroxene xenoliths
14. Reg. No. 17323 Speleothem; a stalagmite or stalactite with huge calcite crystals
15. Reg. No. 14147/2 Limestone; very fine grained (lithographic)
16. Reg. No. 14027/3 Chalk
17. Reg. No. 14141/2 Basalt; porphyritic (olivine), coarsely crystalline, with ophitic texture,
abundant calcite
18. Reg. No. 14540 Onyx-banded calcite
19. Reg. No. 11116 Onyx-banded calcite
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265
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CHAPTER 10
THE FINDS
Toggle pins (Fig. 10.1:1)
The two toggle pins are of an MB-early LB type (Henschel-Simon 1938, Type II.6), and indeed one of
them, a fragment now 4.5 em. long (Reg. No. 17291), was found in L. 1522, a storeroom of MB III
Stratum VII. The other, 8.5 em. long (Reg. No. 18008) is unstratified.
266
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0 1cm.
3 4 5
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0 3cm.
Fig. 10.1: Personal accessories and ornamems: IJ - nronze toggle pins; 2) - Gold ornament 14239; 3) Late Bronze
pendant from Kamid el-Loz; 4) - Carnelian beads; 5) - Limestone pendant or weight; 6) Shells; 7) -
Mother-of-pearl ring; 8) Shell lips (from left to right, Reg. Nos. 3171, 14023 and 14338).
267
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c.) The MB III storerooms (Stratum VII, L. 1522, 1526 and 1527) yielded a quantity of shells (Fig.
10.1:6).1 These include an unpierced freshwater mollusc, Melanopsis praemorsa buccinoidea, probably
from a nearby spring; a pierced Mediterranean rustic dove-shell, Columbella rustica; and 26 pierced
Mediterranean cone shells, Conus mediterraneus, as well as an unpierced one. A pierced Red Sea
bloody nerite, Nerita sanguinolenta, comes from L. 1447 of Iron Age I.
d.) Mother of pearl ring (Reg. No. 14066, Fig. 10.1:7), perhaps a hair or garment ornament. It was found
in a mixed locus (L. 1404) that contained MB, Iron I, Iron II and later pottery.
DISCUSSION
The only coherent assemblage of personal ornaments and accessories found at Shiloh forms part of the
stock-in-trade of a Middle Bronze Age merchant or metalsmith (see Chapter 9). As to the shell
ornaments, the chief point of interest is the ratio of 28:1 of Mediterranean to Red Sea shells. The single
freshwater mollusc, possibly coming from the vicinity of Shiloh, is unpierced and may not have served
as an ornament at all. Otherwise, not much can be said about this small mixed lot.
REFERENCES
Mainz.
Henschel-Simon, E. 1938. The 'Toggle Pins' in the Palestine Archaeological Museum. QDAP6:169-209.
Kamid el-Loz 10. Miron, R. 1990. Das 'Schatzhaus' im Palastbereich. Die Funde. Bonn.
Kamid el~Loz 12. Bokonyi, S. 1990. Tierhaltung und Jagd. Tierknochenfunde der Ausgrabungen 1964
bis 1981. Bonn.
Reese, D.S. 1989. On Cassid Lips and Helmet Shells. BASOR 275:33-39.
Rowe, A. 1940. The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth Shan. Philadelphia.
Tubb, J.N. 1990. Excavations at the Early Bronze Age Cemetery of Tiwal esh-Sharqi. London.
1. The shells were identified by Henk K. Mienis, Curator of the Mollusc Collection, Zoological Museum, Hebrew University,
Jerusalem.
268
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PART THREE
PHYSICAL AND CHEMICAL ANALYSES
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CHAPTER 11
The results of a comprehensive petrographic study of selected wares from Shiloh are presented in this
chapter. Three assemblages were sampled: MB III (Stratum VII), Late Bronze Age (Stratum VI) and
Iron Age I (Stratum V).
The study was oriented towards the following targets:
1. To locate the provenance of the pottery discovered in the MB III storerooms, LB Debris 407 and the
Iron I pillared buildings. A special effort has been made to trace the provenance and technological
affinities of collared-rim pithoi, the most ubiquitous vessels in Iron I sites of the central hill country
(Finkelstein 1988: 275-285; see Chapter 6). 1
2. To trace the nature and standard of ceramic technology in each of the assemblages in terms of
correlation between the raw materials and the possible function of each vessel type.
3. To study the development of pottery technology during the time span represented by the three
assemblages.
The chief raw material used to manufacture pottery is clay, which occurs in nature as a weathering
product of aluminous rocks. To this is generally added a non-plastic component, commonly called
temper (Shepard 1965:6-54), which may be either natural (e.g. wadi sand) or artificial (i.e., grog).
Many techniques are employed for analyzing the composition of pottery, the simplest of which is the
use of a magnifying glass or stereoscopic microscope. Such analyses aim at a general determination of
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
clay and temper categories and of the overall texture of the sherd (Bishop et al. 1982:277-281; Stienstra
1986). Petrography is a most effective tool when large assemblages are investigated, especially when
coarsely tempered, low-fired pottery is examined (Goren and Porat 1989). The simplicity and low cost
facilitate investigation of a large number of samples thus providing valuable information relatively
quickly. For these reasons it was the preferred analytical method for the study ofthe Shiloh assemblages.
During petrographic analysis the samples were classified into petrographic groups. A 'petrographic
group' encompasses vessels which share similar petrographic affinities in both clay and temper. This
* Research Division, Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem and Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University.
1. For the dispute over their function, chronology and origin see also Ibrahim 1978; Zertal l988a; Biran 1989; Yellin and
Gunneweg 1989.
271
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classification is defined solely by the nature of the raw materials regardless of variables such as typology,
chronology and geographic location of the site. Therefore, it may serve as an independent technical
criterion for a comparative assortment of ceramic assemblages.
However, classifying archaeological material by petrographic group presents several problems. Pottery
vessels represent a varied selection of materials and shapes, which are dictated by the personal taste of
the potter. As a result there are considerable difficulties in defining the control group to which the data
of the studied group may be compared. The question is what degree of similarity is sufficient for
including two different cases in one group. A second problem results from the fact that ceramic raw
materials are sediments which vary in their provenance, nature and mineralogy. Hence, it is difficult to
stipulate the petrological criteria for defining petrographic groups.
METHOD
The study was carried out in three stages. First the entire assemblage was examined with the aid of a
magnifying glass and divided into general groups according to the characteristics of both clay and
temper. This is common procedure prior to mineralogical and chemical analysis (Bishop et al.
1982:278-281; Rothenberg and Glass 1983:102-105; Stienstra 1986). The samples for petrographic
examination were then chosen both by typology and raw materials of the vessels. In the second stage,
thin-sections were prepared and examined under a petrographic (polarizing) microscope at
magnifications ranging between x40 and x400. An inventory of the thin-sections is presented in Tables
11.1-2. Finally, the Shiloh samples were compared with a control range of clays, soils and common
tempering materials (Goren 1991: Appendix 1).2
RESULTS
The Shiloh material includes a limited number of petrographic groups. Their provenance was determined
according to the typical lithological 'fingerprint' of each individual group on the basis of comparison
with a data-bank of about 2,500 thin-sections of vessels from different periods and regions
The following petrographic groups were observed in the three assemblages from Shiloh:
country and its vicinity. It is a dominant component in the ceramic assemblages of the Judaean Desert
Chalcolithic sites, as well as of sites in the Judaean hills (Goren 1987, 1991). In the EB I it is recorded
from sites in central Israel, from the Beer-sheba Valley in the south to Aphek in the north. It has
however not been discerned at any EB II-III site (Porat 1989a; 1989b; Gilead and Goren 1989; Meir et
al. 1992). In the Intermediate Bronze and Middle Bronze Ages it again becomes one of the common raw
materials of the ceramic assemblages in the Judaean hills and the northern Negev and is also known
from the Iron I assemblages of Tell en-Nasbeh, Raddana and Giloh (all unpublished). Coarse dolomitic
2. Clay samples were moistened and formed into small briquettes, and then fired at temperatures of 6oooc and 800°C.
Thin-sections were prepared from these briquettes following the method of Courty et al. (1989).
272
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Fig. ll.l: Collared-rim pithos of Group A. Quartz grains (rounded, light) and shale fragments in a silty
clay-rich ground mass (magnification x 25, crossed nicols).
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Fig. 11.2 Collared-rim pithos of Group A. Large silty shale fragments with peripheral shrinkage cavities;
quartz grains (rounded, light) embedded in a silty clay-rich ground mass (magnification x 25,
crossed nicols).
273
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Fig. 11.3: Collared-rim pithos of Group A. A well-rounded quartz grain derived from a Lower Cretaceous
sand formation, embedded in an isotropic silty clay-rich ground mass (magnification x 25,
crossed nicols ).
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Fig. 11.4: Collared-rim pithos of Group A. Oolitic structures in fine limestone fragments (magnification x
100, plane-polarized light).
274
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Fig. 11.5: Collared-rim pithos of Group A. A large oolitic limestone fragment with spheroidal iron oxide-
rich matrix, most probably formed by replacement of calcitic oolites; also some isolated iron
oxide-rich spheroids exhibiting peripheral cavities (magnification x 25, crossed nicols).
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Fig. 11.6: Collared-rim pithos of Group A. Ferruginous sandstone fragment embedded in an isotropic,
silty clay-rich ground mass (magnification x 25, crossed nicols).
275
sand is a common tempering material in the Iron Age II assemblage from the City of David in Jerusalem
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(Franken 1990:79-85).
Recently an ancient quarry of dolomitic sand was discovered near the Intermediate Bronze-Middle
Bronze Age site of Emeq Refaim (E. Eizenberg, personal communication). The quarry is located in an
outcrop that forms the lowermost stratum of the Aminadav formation, directly overlying the uppermost
layer of the Moza clay. Indeed, both macroscopic and microscopic examinations confirmed that the
pottery of the above-mentioned site was made from a mixture of Moza clay and dolomitic sand.
The addition of calcite to the paste strengthens the thermal-shock resistance of a vessel (Arnold 1985:
24). Under firing conditions dolomite alters to calcite (Graf and Goldsmith 1955) and it is very probable
that the more accessible and friable dolomite sand was frequently used instead of calcite. At sites
located near outcrops of dolomitic sand, this temper was commonly utilized in the production of
thin-walled or other fine wares, whereas cooking-pots and basins incorporated crushed calcite. The
method was probably dictated by the availability of the raw material, namely, proximity to the
Cenomanian formations of the central highlands.
To sum up, the origin of vessels belonging to this petrographic group is those places in the central hill
country where the Moza-Aminadav formations are exposed.
The most relevant localities in the case of Shiloh are those of eastern Samaria and Transjordan. A
detailed petrological description of the Lower Cretaceous formations in Wadi Farcah and Wadi Malih
was presented by Mimran (1969) and Shaliv (1972) and a profile of the Jordanian outcrops was given by
Bender (1974). A distinctive characteristic of the Lower Cretaceous shales (Hatira formation), and even
more so of the upper formations (Faria and Tammun), are the limonitic oolites, which are not known
from any other part of the lithostratigraphic column of the southern Levant. Both ferruginous shales
and quartzitic sandstones are very rare in other parts of that column.
On the basis of these affinities it is possible to trace the origin of the ceramic raw materials of each
vessel. The presence of tuff as one of the main tempering components points to the Tayasir formation
shales, whereas the presence of diversified shales, siltstones, quartzitic sands and ferruginous oolites
points to the Hatira shales. The utilization of the Faria-Tammun marls can be determined from the
276
presence of marly clays with vast limonitic rhombs, which represent pseudomorphs after dolomite,
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pellets and fossil shell fragments together with abundant ferruginous oolites.
The use of Lower Cretaceous shales and highly ferruginous marls for the production of pottery has
been recorded in several other cases. The utilization of this superior quality raw material enabled the
potter to achieve a high degree of sintering of the clay at relatively low firing temperatures, due to the
fluxing activity of the iron. Therefore, Lower Cretaceous ferruginous shales and marls were used in
several instances in order to produce vessels of greater strength, especially pithoi, jugs and storage jars
intended to hold liquids. At the Chalco lithic site of Tuleilat el-Ghassul most of the locally-made pottery
was formed of this iron-rich clay (Goren 1987:48-53), the typical pithoi having been sintered to
surprisingly high quality (Edwards and Segnit 1982). The same raw materials were used during the EB II
for the production of the high quality 'Metallic Ware', as well as other fine vessels (Porat 1989a). Recent
examinations of Iron I collared-rim pithoi from several sites in the Galilee (unpublished) have revealed
the use of this clay. Its adoption for the manufacture of pithoi demanded careful selection of a layer of
shales rich in clay minerals and poor in carbonates; the latter may cause mechanical damage to the
highly-fired pottery due to the process of decalcination which occurs at 7000C and above. Nonetheless,
this clay was used for producing most of the ceramic repertoire at sites located near outcrops of these
formations (Goren 1990; 1991).
277
different in composition from the body of the sherd. The former are dark, poor in carbonate and rich in
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silty quartz. They have a rounded outline, and there is no doubt that they were reshaped by the firing.
Some of the samples contain fragments of fossils. Also frequent are plant particles, which in most cases
produced a characteristic grey core.
Under low-grade oxidizing firing conditions the clay matrix burnt to very light colours. The matrix is
a marl and contains numerous microscopic rhombohedral calcite crystals as well as minute crystals of
ore minerals.
The absence of coarsely crystalline carbonates derived from dolomite indicates that this group does
not come from the vicinity of Shiloh. Its lithic assemblage points to a geological environment which is
dominated by marl, chalk, chalky limestone, cryptocrystalline limestone, flint and gypsum. Such an
assemblage matches that of the Eocene limestone formations and the Taqia marls and shales which are
exposed in vast areas on the margins of the Shechem syncline, a minimum distance of ca. 10 km. to the
northwest of Shiloh.
It is important to note that although the geological environments of the 'Lower Cretaceous' and
'Calcareous Sand' groups are completely different, they can be found in close proximity in the upper
course of Wadi Farcah.
of the Lower Cretaceous, on the other hand, although closer in their distribution to Shiloh than the
Neogene-Pleistocene basalts, are characterized by trachytic textures ~:md alteration of the olivine to
chlorite (Mimran 1972). Therefore, the provenance of this vessel (LB trumpet-base carinated bowl) is
possibly in the Galilee.
The provenance of the other two vessels of this group, one of which is a sealed collared-rim pithos
(No. 49), cannot be resolved on the basis of their petrography alone.
DISCUSSION
The Development of Pottery Technology
Comparison of the technology and typology of the three ceramic assemblages discussed here
demonstrates that no significant changes occurred during the time sp<).n which they represent. Almost
278
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the same raw materials were utilized for similar pottery types, reflecting a well-established ceramic
tradition. The use of crushed calcite for example, with the addition of either Moza clay or terra rossa,
for the production of cooking-pots is traceable in all three periods. The same holds true for the
utilization of Lower Cretaceous clays. Nevertheless some minor changes can be discerned. For instance,
the use of Lower Cretaceous raw materials becomes more common during the Iron Age. These minor
changes might point to some development in ceramic technology, but they could also reflect the
influence of specific workshops. Another possibility is that the different functions of the three features
(javissae in the Late Bronze Age; storerooms in the MB III and the Iron I) generated a certain bias.
Hence the data from Shiloh is insufficient for drafting a broader socio-economic model.
vessels from the site were made in its vicinity (Table 11.1) suggests that collared-rim pithoi were
produced in central workshops, rather than by local or travelling potters. The case of Dan is somewhat
different: 30% of the pithoi analyzed were locally made while the rest were imported from seven different
geographic regions none of which was in the vicinity of Shiloh (Yellin and Gunneweg 1989). It is also
interesting to note that one of the workshops which produced some of the Shiloh collared-rim jars (the
'Calcareous Sand' group) is not represented in the MB III and Late Bronze assemblages.
The distribution of the two groups in Area C reveals a possible chronological and qualitative difference
between them (Figs. 11.8-10). Most of the rims of Group A were found in the Iron I pillared buildings
while most rims of Group B were retrieved from Debris 623, an Iron I deposit containing much pottery
and animal bones, which was laid over pillared Building 335 (Chapter 2). 27 rims of Group A were
retrieved from the pillared buildings compared to 3 from Debris 623 (90% vs. 10%; 87% of the rims from
279
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
9
7
11
13
15
j
)
280
j
j
cl
Fig. 11.7:
l
)
I
I
I
,
\
)
2
'
\
(5
)
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I
12
10
16
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./
)
)
5
3
j
t)
( s ,;---
l
~I
I
I
l
,
\
\
l.
~
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37
F F
m /RON AGEl
Fig. 11.8: Distribution of Group A and Group B collared-rim pithoi in the Area C pillared buildings and in Debris 623.
the pillared buildings belong to Group A). 14 rims of Group B were uncovered in Debris 623 compared
to 4 in the pillared buildings (77% vs. 23%; 82% of the rims in Debris 623 belong to Group B).
It is worth noting that the three intact vessels in the sample, all found in the pillared buildings, belong
to Group A. Typologically, of the 17 restored collared-rim jars which were found in Area C by the
Danish expedition (Shiloh 1969) and by present excavations, 10 have thick rims, 4 have thin rims and 3
are difficult to classify.
The quantitative analysis of the Area C pottery (Chapter 6) hints that the Debris 623 assemblage is
slightly later than the assemblage of the pillared buildings. It seems that the material of Debris 623 was
cleared from an Iron I deposit on the summit of the mound a short while after the destruction of the
pillared buildings and dumped on the western slope.3
The group of vessels which dominates the pillared buildings' assemblage represents the floruit of
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Shiloh. They were made by a sophisticated manufacturing centre and placed in an important section of
the site. The pillared buildings of Area C were apparently storerooms and formed part of the auxiliary
installations of the temple compound of Iron I Shiloh. It is reasonable to assume that they were
managed by the temple administration and connected with redistribution of commodities.
Debris 623 represents a brief continuation of activity at Shiloh within the Iron I after the destruction
of the pillared buildings. Most of the vessels were made in a less sophisticated workshop, possibly
because they were not intended to be associated with the site's administration.
3. There is no intermediate level between the destruction layer of Building 335 and Debris 623 and there are no post-Iron I
sherds in Debris 623.
281
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Summing up, Group A apparently predates Group B with a certain overlap of the two. The pillared
buildings contained better quality ware, whereas Debris 623 originated in a place which accommodated
jars of lesser quality.
Additional information regarding chronology, manufacturing technology and trade of the collared-rim
jars from the central hill country will hopefully be forthcoming from examination of sherds collected
from scores of Iron I sites surveyed in the region. 4
Fig. 11.9: Proportion of the two groups of pithoi in the pillared buildings and in Debris 623 (%).
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
GR:)IJP A (H)UP B
Fig. 11.10: Distribution of the Group A and Group B pithoi in Area C (pillared buildings vs. Debris 623; %).
4. The present study is the first stage in a broader project to examine collared-rim pithoi collected from Iron I sites in the
course of the Land of Ephraim survey.
282
TABLE 11.1: INVENTORY OF THIN-SECTIONS (EXCLUDING COLLARED-RIM PITHOI)
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283
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284
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REFERENCES
285
Oppenheim, M. 1959. The Vulcanological Phenomena of South-Eastern Lower Galilee (unpublished
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286
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CHAPTER 12
A group of copper-alloy objects was discovered on the floor of Room 1527 in Area F. They were dated,
with other finds from the storerooms of Area F, to the Middle Bronze Age III. Some of the items were
published preliminarily (Finkelstein and Brandl 1985; Chapter 9). The aim of this chapter is to add
metallurgical data to the typological analyses already carried out (op. cit.), as well as to those presented
here for the first time, and to discuss their impact on the archaeological interpretation.
METHOD
In order to collect metallurgical and metallographical data on the technical properties of the copper-alloy
objects from Shiloh, 12 samples were taken from 11 items, Axe 17320 being sampled twice. The samples
were taken by using either a fine piercing saw or a 1 mm. drill. Seven of the items were mounted in a
copper-filled acrylic resin, ground and polished to lJ.!. They were etched for metallographic examination
with ammonical hydrogen peroxide, or ferric chloride/hydrochloric acid/water/ethanol. The samples
were then repolished for electron probe microanalysis.
Analyses were made using the CAMEBAX electron probe microanalyser in the Department of
Materials, Oxford University. The analyses were made over three 50!1 squares on each sample; the
accelerating voltage was 25kV, the beam current lOOnA and the counting time per element 10 sec. The
elements analyzed, lines used and limits of detection are presented in Table 12.1.
Five drilled samples were weighed and dissolved in aqua regia (3 parts concentrated HCl to 1 part
concentrated HN0 3), and diluted to volume. They were then analyzed by N. Halperin using an IL-157
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atomic absorption spectrometer in the Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University. All determinations
were made using the technical conditions specified in Table 12.1.
* Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University and Department of Materials, Oxford University respectively.
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Table 12.2 specifies the items which were sampled for metallurgical and metallographical analyses:
No. Object Reg. No. Leng. Wid. Thick. Reference Sample Area
3. Tanged dagger 15091 15.6 3.9 0.5 first pub. cutting edge
4. Socketed point 15181 9.1 2.1 2.1 1985: No.4 edge of socket
5. Flat axe 17318 +6.5 4.2 0.9 1985: No.3 middle fracture
6. Flat axe 17322 20.2 6.1 1.7 1985: No.2 (drilling)
7. Flat axe 15111 19.9 6.0 first pub. (drilling)
8. Toggle-pin 17291 +3.9 1.1 0.7 first pub. (drilling)
9. Broken pin 17283 +5.0 0.4 0.3 first pub. (drilling)
10. Broken pin 17075/2 +4.9 0.4 0.3 first pub. (drilling)
11. Broken pin 15321 +5.9 0.2 0.2 first pub. (drilling)
12. Folded plaque 17139 2x2.5 3.0 0.1 first pub. (drilling)
288
METALLURGY
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The chemical composition results are shown in Table 12.3. They represent the average of three analyses
for EPMA and more than 10 mgs. for AAS. Hence it is possible for results to be obtained which are less
than the detection limits given above for individual analyses.
No. Method Sn% As% Sb% Pb% Co% Ni% Fe% Ag% Au% Zn% Bi% Cu%
1. EPMA 10.00 n.d. n.d. 0.16 0.01 0.01 0.15 0.01 tr. 0.03 0.03 89.56
2. EPMA 10.83 n.d. tr. 0.21 n.d. 0.01 0.15 0.03 tr. 0.04 tr. 88.70
3. EPMA 0.07 1.78 0.06 0.10 0.01 0.01 0.25 0.03 tr. tr. n.d. 97.65
4. EPMA 0.03 0.58 0.02 0.13 n.d. 0.04 0.15 0.04 tr. tr. 0.01 98.96
5. EPMA 0.63 2.96 0.08 0.16 0.01 0.03 1.01 0.03 tr. 0.08 0.02 95.08
6. EPMA 7.07 1.18 0.05 0.24 0.01 0.02 0.49 0.04 n.d. tr. 0.02 90.86
7. EPMA 5.26 0.56 0.03 0.39 0.01 0.03 0.21 0.03 n.d. 0.07 tr. 93.38
8. AAS 5.58 0.19 n.d. 0.05 0.01 0.01 0.17 0.05 n.d. 0.04 n.d. 70.2*
9. AAS 0.22 1.97 0.04 0.01 n.d. 0.01 0.46 0.06 0.01 0.05 n.d. 71.9*
10. AAS 0.13 1.48 0.05 0.17 tr. 0.01 2.48 0.45 n.d, 0.04 0.03 62.2*
11. AAS 3.44 0.25 n.d. 0.57 0.02 0.06 2.00 0.15 0.04 0.25 n.d. 74.6#
12. AAS 2.84 0.32 0.09 1.20 0.01 0.06 0.30 0.15 n.d. 0.08 n.d. 70.0*
* corrosion
# sample of less than 10 mg.
METALLOGRAPHY
1. Shaft-hole axe with lugs (Reg. No. 17320). Sample from junction of tang and socket. Pitted surface;
intergranular corrosion network with large grain size and branching along widely spaced slip traces;
towards core of sample intergranular corrosion appears to outline homogenized structure, few inclusions.
Etching confirms structure revealed by corrosion; recrystallized grain structure with annealing twins and
very large grain size(> lOOj.t); a few slip traces; towards core of sample irregular grain outlines typical of
an homogenized structure begin to appear. No coring or a+8 eutectoid.
Object in sample area has been worked and annealed; annealing temperatures have been sufficient for
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homogenization. The large grain size probably results from the effect of heat due to further annealing of
other parts of the axe and from limited prior cold work in the sample area.
2. Shaft-hole axe with lugs (Reg. No. 17320). Second sample, drilling.
3. Tanged dagger (Reg. No. 15091). Sample from cutting-edge at about mid-length of blade. General
corrosion over pitted surface; corrosion penetration in parallel bands; parallel lines of widely spaced
inclusions. Heavily deformed recrystallized grain structure with annealing twins and numerous deformed
slip traces superimposed on deformed cored dendritic. structure; structure too deformed for determination
of grain size. Structure indicates 40-50% final cold reduction after limited number of working/ annealing
cycles; annealing temperature was sufficient for recrystallization but not for homogenization.
289
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4. Socketed point (Reg. No. 15181). Sample from edge of folded socket. General corrosion over pitted
surface with some islands of a-solid solution remaining in corrosion product; parallel lines of elongated
inclusions; fully recrystallized equiaxed grain structure with annealing twins superimposed on deformed
cored structure; grain size = 20-30!-L; no slip traces etched and structure is not deformed. Fully
recrystallized structure with little if any final cold work; substantial reduction during previous
working/ annealing cycles; annealing temperature was sufficient for recrystallization but not for
homogenization.
5. Fracture of flat axe (Reg. No. 17318). Sample from fracture edge. Pitted surface; patches of
intergranular corrosion; numerous irregular oxide inclusions; possible small area of Cu3As. Fully
recrystallized equiaxed grain structure with annealing twins; grain size = 20-30!-L; some slip traces etched;
homogeneous. Limited cold work after final anneal. Annealing temperature was sufficient for
homogenization.
DISCUSSION
The shaft-hole axe with lugs has already been described in detail (Finkelstein and Bra:tidll985:21-22). It
seems that its main shape-characteristic is the imitation of a human fist with a thumb projecting
downward (op. cit.) or upward (Chavane 1987:360-364). This item was found in an accurately-dated
MB III archaeological context. Its date fits nicely with the typological parallels from Chagar Bazar and
Nimrud and differs from the Late Bronze Age types mainly in the socket-blade angle and the number of
ribs (Chavane 1987:363; see Figs. 9, 10, 12 and compare Figs. 13-18).
The specimen from Shiloh is the only axe of this type analyzed to date. Its chemical composition
shows a product of a controlled tin-bronze alloying process. The tin content (over 10%) is higher than all
the other items analyzed here, while the rest of the metal composition is distinguishably cleaner with a
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290
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group consists mainly of low arsenic alloy (less than 3%) and the minute presence of tin as one of the
impurities. During the Late Bronze Age tin becomes the major alloy (Shalev 1988:307) while arsenic
decreases to less than 0. 7%. The chemical composition represents a manufacturing technique based
mainly on the remelting of scrap. It is probably the change in the scrap composition that enabled the
local metalsmiths to slightly change the shape of their end-product between the MB II-III and the Late
Bronze Age.
The medium size of the dagger from Shiloh as well as its concave blade with wide shoulders and
rounded tip fits nicely with a well-defined sub-type. Daggers with the same typological characteristic
features were found in MB II-III contexts, mainly in southern Israel. Of the 40 objects known to date, 20
were unearthed at Tell el-c Ajjul and only one was found in a tomb at Megiddo; 5 daggers were found at
Tell el-Farcah South, 5 at Lachish and one at Barkai. Single finds (1-2 objects) are known also from Tell
Beit Mirsim, Jericho, Gibeon, Gezer and the Tel Aviv harbour.
The metal composition of the dagger from Shiloh conforms well with the above technological
interpretation, namely low arsenic alloying (less than 2%) and tin only as an impurity among others such
as antimony and iron. The metallographic analysis of this item presents a 'history' similar to many
others in this class, with perhaps rather more cold work. The estimated hardness according to the
metallographic structure is around 175Hv2.5.
The socketed point has already been described as a spear or lance butt by Finkelstein and Brandl
(1985:23) in the category of weapons. This item might also be interpreted as a working tool and be
described as a point of a digging stick or a hand pick (Lechtman 1981:96-7; Todd and Charles 1977:206,
Fig.3; Conrad and Rothenberg 1980:84, Fig.73). This type of object is probably a product of a local
workshop and has a long history, reaching the Iron Age as a copper-based alloy and continuing into the
Hellenistic and Roman periods as an iron product.
The metal composition of the MB III socketed point from Shiloh represents, as in the case of the
aforementioned dagger, represents a simple scrap-based industry. It consists of a very low amount of
arsenic (0.6%) accompanied by other elements, including tin, at the impurity level only. The point was
cast into an open mould and then shaped into its final form through cycles of cold work and annealing.
The socket was flattened and folded according to the metallographic analysis and Buchholz and
Drescher's reconstruction (1987: Fig. 7A-C).
Two flat axes and a fracture of a third were found at Shiloh. The simple shape of two of the three
items has already been described in detail (Finkelstein and Brandl 1985:22-23). These objects are the
typological descendants of a long tradition of utilitarian items that already began to appear in the 4th
millennium B.C.E. and reached its peak during the 3rd millennium B.C.E. Approximately 30 objects
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from these periods were analyzed by the authors. With the exception of one from the Chalcolithic period
and one from the Early Bronze Age, all were made of unalloyed copper with 0%-0.8% arsenic (and 2.3%
in the two exceptions). The amount of tin in all those sampled objects does not exceed 0.03% and is,
more or less, at the same level as most other elements.
Although the MB III flat axes from Shiloh resemble in shape various items from earlier periods, their
metallurgical analyses show a marked differentiation. Not only are the levels of most impurities higher
than the comparable values in earlier periods, there are significant quantities of arsenic (0.6-3%) and tin
(0.6-7%) which reach alloy level. There is an inverse correlation between arsenic and tin; when the tin is
low the arsenic is high and vice versa. The same metallurgical situation is reflected in the analyses of
some MB-LB flat axes from Tell el-cAjjul and Lachish.
Flat axes were traditionally made by being cast into an open mould (like those found in MB II-III
291
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Shechem and Tell Beit Mirsim) and then shaped and hardened by cycles of hammering and annealing. It
appears that the fluctuation in the composition of the alloys as well as the significant amount of
impurities, combined with the manufacturing technique, evidence a simple local industry based on
secondary resources.
The same chemical composition phenomena as those discussed above for the flat axes could be
detected in all the copper-based small finds from MB III Shiloh. Here the fluctuation between arsenic
(0.2%-2%) and tin (0.1%-5.6%), although slightly lower, also veers from one element concentration to
the other. This, with the impurities level, also represents a simple technology based on the remelting of
scrap.
Differentiation between types could also be aided by their impurity patterns. The three broken thin
wire-shaped pieces (Items 9-11, called here 'broken pins') have a higher level of iron, like the group of
flat axes.
The folded plaque (Item 12) has a higher level of lead. This would facilitate hammering and thinning
the object by increasing flexibility and ductility. The chemical composition of this object, as well as its
shape, indicates that it could have served originally as an edge of a belt or harness. It was probably sawn
or riveted through the two parallel holes onto a strip of leather or some other perishable material.
Although it is only partially preserved, the typological affinities of the broken toggle-pin (Item 8) are
clear. This fragment belongs to the late MB group of thick and short toggle-pins (Shalev 1989 for details
and bibliography). Its metal composition (low traces of arsenic and a significant amount of tin) is
appropriate to its typological group, and probably reflects changes in the local scrap market rather than
a deliberate improvement in the manufacturing techniques of toggle-pins (op. cit.).
CONCLUSIONS
Two main copper-based industries could be distinguished in the finds from Shiloh:
With the exception of the silver jewellery (Finkelstein and Brandl 1985:23-25), the only identified
prestige item that could serve both as a weapon or a cult object was the shaft-hole axe. Its complex
shape and its metal composition reflect a well-controlled tin bronze industry. According to its
technological uniqueness as well as its typological parallels, this item was a product of a non-local
metal-working centre and was probably imported to the site.
All the other objects found at Shiloh (the tanged dagger, the socketed point, the flat axes, the pins and
the plaque) are less complex in both shape and manufacturing technology. Their metal composition
consists of variations between arsenic and low tin alloying, with a significant amount of impurities. They
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are products of a simple metal-working industry based on the remelting of scrap. These items represent,
in shape as well as in metal content, a well-defined link in a long chain of a local tradition of tools,
simple weapons and other utilitarian objects.
The analytical data presented here, although based only on a fraction of the total of metal objects
known from this period, enriches our knowledge of the metal industry of Canaan. The end of the Middle
Bronze Age is the last phase before the general use of tin bronze during the Late Bronze Age. The
alloying systems during the Middle Bronze Age are known to be a mixture of arsenical copper and tin
bronze (Khalil 1980; Gerstenblith 1983: Ch. VI). The metal objects from Shiloh make a noteworthy
contribution towards understanding the reasons behind this mixture.
In this small group we could identify one 'clean' tin-bronze prestige item alongside various simple
objects made from alloys of arsenic and tin in differing amounts. This would occur when scrap was used
292
as the primary metal source. Therefore, it appears that the increasing import of tin bronze objects was a
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contributing factor towards the presence of tin in the local scrap-based products, whereas the decrease in
the amount of arsenic might well be the result of repeated remelting cycles.
REFERENCES
Buchholz, H.G. and Drescher, H. 1987. Einige friihe Metallgera.te aus Anatolien. Acta Praehistorica et
Archaeologica 19: 37-70.
Chavane, M.J. 1987. Instruments de bronze. In: Yon, M., ed. Le centre de Ia ville. Ras Shamra-
Ougarit Ill. Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations 72. Paris. pp. 357-374.
Conrad, H.G. and Rothenberg, B. 1980. Antikes Kupfer im Timna-Tal. Der Anschnitt 1. Bochum.
Finkelstein, I. and Brandl, B. 1985. A Group of Metal Objects from Shiloh. The Israel Museum Journal
4:17-26.
Gerstenblith, P. 1983. The Levant at the Beginning of the Middle Bronze Age. American Schools of
Oriental Research Dissertation Series, 5.
Khalil, L.A. H. 1980. The Composition and Technology of Copper Artifacts from Jericho and Some
Related Sites (unpublished Ph.D. thesis). London.
Lechtman, H. 1981. Copper-Arsenic Bronzes from the North Coast of Peru. Annals of the New York
Academy of Sciences 376:77-122.
Shalev, S. 1988. Redating the 'Philistine Sword' at the British Museum: A Case Study in Typology and
Technology. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 7(3):303-311.
Shalev, S. 1989. Middle Bronze Age Toggle-pins from Kabri. In: Kempinski, A., ed. Excavations at
Kabri: Preliminary Report of 1988 Season. T~l Aviv. pp. 42-45.
Todd, J.A. and Charles, J.A. 1977. The Analysis of Non-metallic Inclusions in Ancient Iron. PACT
1:204-220.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
293
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CHAPTER 13
Middle Bronze Age earthworks have been unearthed at numerous site~ in the southern Levant. Their
function and method of construction have been treated in several studies (e.g. Parr 1968; Kaplan 1975;
Pennells 1983; Finkelstein 1992) but never from the morphological and pedological points of view.
Soil micromorphology has recently been applied in various fields of archaeology, such as the study of
cave depositions (e.g. Goldberg 1979; Wattez et al. 1990), landscape history (Schuldrein and Goldberg
1981) and pottery provenance (Adan-Bayewitz and Wieder 1992). In this paper analyses of soil
micromorphology and particle size distribution are used in order to investigate the nature and
characteristics of a Middle Bronze Age glacis.
The MB III glacis at Shiloh was examined at five places around the site (Chapters 2, 3, 5). Its most
impressive portion was uncovered in a deep sectional trench which was cut down to bedrock at right-
angles to the outer face of the fortification wall in Area D (Chapter 3).
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Fig. 13.1: Schematic section of the glacis, looking south. The numbers indicate the Layers mentioned in the article.
* Department of Geography, Bar-Ilan University and Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University.
294
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 13.2:
Fig. 13.3:
Detail of the southern section of the glacis. The numbers indicate the different layers.
Detail of the southern section of the glacis. The numbers indicate the different layers.
295
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Fig. 13.4: Burnt organic remnants from Layer 2 (crossed Fig. 13.5: Dolomite grains in the microfabric of Layer 3
nicols). (crossed nicols).
Fig. 13.6: Mosaic-like mosepic fabric in Layer 3 (crossed Fig. 13.7: Skew planes (cracks) characteristic of the mi-
nicols). crofabric of Layer 3 (plane-polarized light).
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Fig. 13.8: Dolomitic porous structure characteristic of Fig. 13.9: Cross section of a partly decomposed root from
Layer 4 (crossed nicols). Layer 5 (plane-polarized light).
296
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The base of the glacis from the fortification wall to the foot of the slope can be reconstructed at ca.
25 m. and its maximum depth, next to the city wall, is 6.3 m. The gradient of the surface of the glacis is
28°.
In Area D the glacis is composed of five main elements. From bottom to top, these are (Figs. 13.1-3):
1. At the base a thick layer of yellowish-grey material containing a large quantity of MB II sherds and
animal bones. Between the bottom of this layer and the bedrock surface there was a mud-brown layer
about 80 em. thick (sub-Layer lA) in which no sherds were encountered;
2. A grey ash layer, about 0.2-0.3 m. thick;
3. A long 'lens', about 0.9 m. thick, made up of thin sub-layers each a few centimetres thick, formed
alternately of reddish-brown earth and a friable white material. They were laid at an angle opposite to
that of the slope. This element does not appear along the entire length of the glacis.
4. A crumbly white material containing numerous small stones. This appears along the entire length of
the glacis and seems to be its predominant element. It varies from 0.7-1.8 m. in depth.
5. A muddy-brown soil that makes up the surface of the glacis, with white 'fingers' of Layer 4 penetrating
into it.
Wall M291, about 0.9 m. thick and 3.2 m. high, was discovered buried in Layer 1 of the glacis. It was
built of medium-sized stones and founded on bedrock. Large boulders were found buried at the bottom
of Layer 1 in two places on the downslope part of the glacis.
There are several indications that the glacis was laid within a relatively short period of time:
1. The similarity of the debris on both sides of retaining Wall M291 shows that it was constructed
together with the deposition of the material;
2. There are no traces of plaster on retaining Wall M291 or on the outer face of the fortification wall, a
fact which indicates that neither at any time served as free-standing walls;
3. The pottery found in Layer 1 of the glacis is dated to the MB II/ early MB III (Chapter 6);
4. Excavation in other areas proved beyond any doubt that the fortification wall was constructed during
the Middle Bronze Age III, and that there was no settlement activity at the site in the Late Bronze Age I.
In other words, both construction of the glacis and destruction of the site took place during the former
period.
METHOD
Representative samples were taken from each characteristic layer of the glacis for thin-section and
mechanical composition analysis. The samples were impregnated with Araldite epoxy resin. The
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micromorphological analysis follows the terminology of Brewer (1964), together with additional terms
used in descriptions of carbonates (Wieder and Yaalon 1974; 1982). Particle size distribution of the
earthy material (< 2 mm.) was determined by Wright's sedimentation method (1939).
MICROMORPHOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS
Layer 1. The sample is a heterogeneous mixed material. About 30-40% of it consists of rock fragments
2-8 mm. in size. The remaining material displays a soil microfabric. Some pottery remains and burnt
woods are also discernible. The rock fabric is mainly micritic (4j.t or less in size), without fossil inclusions.
It represents the softer components of a dolomitic marl. The microfabric of the soil is as follows: the
297
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skeleton grains (the large stable minerals) are quartz grains, about 50!1 in size. The plasma (carbonate
and non-carbonate clay) is yellowish-brown and consists of microcalcites which form a calciasepic
fabric. The plasma contains many organic inclusions. Numerous voids occur as vugs and short craze
planes. The microfabric is that of a rendzina-type soil.
The distribution of rock fragments and soil in sub-Layer IA is similar to that of Layer' I. However,
there are no pottery remains in this sub-layer and it is browner than the latter. The plasmic fabric is
mainly calciasepic, with a few local mosepic (mosaic-like) inclusions. A red mosaic fabric is characteristic
of terra rossa.
A sample was also taken from a pocket of reddish material in the rock surface below sub-Layer lA
(sub-Layer IB). Some large dolomite crystals are present as well as micritic rock fragments. The plasma
is reddish-brown and mosepic, typical of terra rossa.
Layer 2. The material resembles that of Layer 1, namely rock fragments and soil with similar distribution.
It differs from Layer 1 in that it is greyer, contains no pottery remains and includes many burnt organic
remnants (Fig. 13.4). The voids appear as many small to large vugs.
Layer 3. This soil displays a terra rossa microfabric. The skeleton is made up of many silt-size quartz
grains and large rhombohedral dolomite crystals (Fig. 13.5). The plasmic fabric is mosepic (Fig. 13.6).
Post-depositional argillans occur, indicating a relatively high stability of the material. The argillans are
the result of water leaching from the above layers rather than of pedogenic illuviation. Many skew
planes occur (Fig. 13. 7), an indication of shrinking and swelling processes. Such soils are highly
impermeable.
Layer 4. The microfabric is that of a dolomite with small to medium-sized crystals (Fig. 13.8). Some
small voids occur. There are no biogenic fossils present.
Layer 5. This is terra rossa. The microfabric is similar to that of Layer 3, but with fewer argillans. Fresh
roots can be recognized in this soil, a result of exposure to the surface (Fig. 13.9). The relative stability of
this layer can be explained by the mosepic fabric and the presence of planes which indicate shrinking
and swelling processes typical of soils in which smectite is the dominant clay mineral.
GRANULOMETRIC CHARACTERISTICS
The grain size distribution of the earthy material of the different layers is presented in Fig. 13.10.
Layerl. The soil microfabric is a silt loam with 18.5% clay, 57% silt (43% fine silt) and 24.5% sand. Most
of the latter (11 %) is coarse sand (500-2000 1-t) and only 5.5% is fine sand (50-125Jl). This composition is
characteristic of rendzina. Sub-Layer 1A is similar to Layer 1, i.e., silt loam soil with 25% clay, 53.5%
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silt (43% fine silt) and 21.5% sand. Sub-Layer 1B is composed, like typical terra rossa, mainly of clay
( 46.5%) and smaller quantities of silt (35%) and sand (18.5%). Most of the sandy fraction is fine sand
(H%) of aeolian origin.
Layer 2. This is a silt loam similar to that of Layer 1 but with slightly less clay ( 14%) and a little more silt
(60%; fine silt 42%) and sand (26%).
Layer 3. This is a typical compact clayey red terra rossa with 53% clay, 31% silt and 16% sand. Within
the sandy fraction most of the material (13%) is fine sand.
Layer 4. Very porous silt loam (almost sandy loam) with 5% clay, 53% silt (only 18% fine silt) and 42%
sand.
Layer 5. Similar to Layer 3, this is a typical compact and stable terra rossa. It is composed of 51% clay,
31% silt and only 18% sand. Most of the sandy fraction ( 11 %) is fine sand.
298
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..... 80
s::
CD
CJ
I..
CD
Q, 60
•• 1a
-o- 1b
CD
> ... 2
..... 40 --a- 3
m 4
:J
~ 5
E 20
:J
CJ
o;-~~,7TI~~~~~m-_,~,~m-~~~~
Fig. 13.10: Grain size distribution of the earthy material of the different layers (see legend).
This analysis indicates that the main and most important parameter which differs between the layers
is the clay content, The amount of clay and silt together is fairly similJLr in all five layers (74-84%), except
for Layer 4, which contains less silt+ clay (58%), but a high proportion (42%) of sand composed mainly
of dolomitic grains. Drainage is good in Layers 1, 1A and 2 since the high percentage of fine silt (a result
of the large amount of micritic crystals) is compensated for by the high percentage (30-40%) of rock
fragments larger than 2 mm. which are an integral part of these layers.
The layers of the glacis can therefore be divided into two groups:
1. The silt-loamy layers (1, lA, 2 and 4) which are characterized by relatively porous material and better
drainage conditions;
2. The clayey layers (lB, 3 and 5) which are more compact, heavy and stable, and less permeable.
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DISCUSSION
The country rock in the area is a dolomitic marl which varies in hardness. This, together with its
porosity, determines the type of soil which develops on it. Rendzina and calcrete (at different stages of
development) are formed on the soft porous rocks. On the hard less porous rocks with large cracks, terra
rossa develops. These two soil types are partially eroded into the gulleys surrounding the site forming
colluvial-alluvial deposits. All these materials, together with anthropogenic artefacts, are found i.n the
glacis. In other words;;all the material deposited in the glacis was brought from the proximity of the site.
A similali ,situation w~s observed at Tel Gezer, where the components of the glacis -chalk, quarry
material and occupational debris - where all taken from the immediate vicinity of the site (Bullard
1970:118).
299
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Layer 1 is a mixture of soil, rock fragments and settlement debris of the first occupation of the site in
the Middle Bronze Age II (Stratum VIII). Sub-Layer lA is from the same provenance, without pottery
and bones. Layer 1 is not in situ. There are clear indications that in the initial phase of construction the
surface material in the area was removed down to bedrock. Moreover, there is no trace of foundation
trenches for the fortification wall and Wall M291 in Layer 1. Sub-Layer lA, which is very heterogeneous,
is also not in situ. Material lB, found in pockets in the bedrock, is a local soil formed in situ.
Layer 2 was made of soil with small burnt organic particles. Apparently this was also taken from the
debris of the previous settlement, but with no pottery sherds or bones.
Layer 3 is a mixture of terra rossa and chalky elements. Therefore, it seems that the material for it was
taken from the hilly slopes around the valley (see Figs. 1.3-4).
The material for Layer 4 was apparently taken from a quarry. A large quarry, which seems to have
been the source of the boulders used in the construction of the MB III fortification wall, is located on the
natural terrace immediately to the north of the mound (see Fig. 1.6). It is large enough to have supplied
the enormous number of stones needed for the wall. Many of the stones in the wall and the material
found in the glacis are the dolomitic marl which is found in the quarry. The Layer 4 material was
probably taken from the debris of a chalky layer in the quarry.
The material for Layer 5 was apparently brought from the gulley a few hundred metres to the east of
Area D (see Fig. 1.3).
The purpose of the glacis was to support the fortification wall, and to serve as a counterbalance to the
pressure of the stone fill that was laid on its inner side (Figs. 3.3, 3.8). The builders were faced with three
problems. They had to support the wall in the most effective way, prevent the glacis from sliding and
prevent water from being trapped in the body of the glacis. Water could penetrate into the glacis
horizontally from Stone Fill417 and from the fortification wall, and vertically from the surface of the
glacis. A glacis made of impermeable soil would stop vertical penetration of water but would be
destroyed by the pressure of the water which would be trapped within the fortification wall and in the
fills behind it.
In order to solve the first problem the builders needed weight. To fulfil the other two requirements
they needed a combination of porous and impermeable layers. Indeed, the materials laid in the glacis
can be divided into two categories: clayey, heavy layers (3 and 5) and porous, light layers (1, 2 and 4).
Each of these served a different purpose. The clayey layers were used for their weight, which provided
good support for the fortification wall and lent stability to the glacis, and in the case of Layer 5 the
clayey material served to seal the surface of the glacis. The porous layers were employed for their good
drainage properties. The two types of layers were deposited alternately.
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Before laying the glacis the builders removed the surface soil down to bedrock. They then started
constructing the fortification wall and retaining Wall M291. The first element deposited was sub-Layer
lA a porous material composed of a mixture of soil and settlement debris. This was the 'make-up' of
the glacis. It replaced the natural terra rossa which when wet would become a muddy viscous stratum
that could cause the entire construction to slide downhill.
The next two layers (the main body of Layer 1 and Layer 2) are porous, light and cheap to prepare.
They allowed the water trapped in Stone Fill417 and in the fortification wall to be drained down the
slope of the mound. Because they are light, they had to be stabilized. This was done by constructing
retaining Wall M291 and depositing boulders at the lower, downslope part of the glacis. Both the
retaining wall and the boulders were found in Layer 1 only.
Layer 3 was laid on top of the two light layers in order to give them weight and thus extra stability. It
300
was further stabilized by the sophisticated method of deposition at an angle opposite to that of the slope.
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The chalky elements balanced the clay of the terra rossa. However, burying such a clayey layer in the
glacis could be dangerous since it might trap water. To prevent this, Layer 3 was deposited as random
'lenses'; in other words, it was not continuous along the entire length of the glacis.
Layer 4 is the dominant feature of the glacis. Its main purpose was to drain water which penetrated
from the surface or from the wall as rapidly as possible without allowing it to percolate into the lower
layers.
Because of its porosity, Layer 4 could not serve as the cover of the glacis. It was therefore protected by
Layer 5, which formed the surface and sealed the glacis. Layer 5 gave the glacis extra weight and greater
stability. Since it is relatively impermeable, it also prevented vertical infiltration of water. 1 The material
was easy to find and thus the surface of the glacis could be simply repaired after erosion damage during
the winter. Proof of its strength and durability lies in the fact that it was found relatively well-preserved
after 3500 years. Moreover, the top of the fortification wall still only projects 1-1.5 m. above the surface
of the glacis, indicating that erosion of the latter was limited. Since the clayey material in Layer 5 might
have caused slippage, it was anchored into Layer 4 by interfingering. There is some indication that, like
the other clayey layer (3), Layer 5 was also deposited at an angle opposite to that of the slope.
The Shiloh glacis demonst1ates the great engineering skill of its builders. Middle Bronze earthworks
in other regions of the country should now be analyzed by the same methods in order to carry out an
overall evaluation of the public construction projects of the period.
REFERENCES
Adan-Bayewitz, D. and Wieder, M. 1992. Ceramics from Roman Galilee: A Comparison of Several
Techniques for Fabric Characterization. Journal of Field Archaeology 19(2):189-205.
Brewer, R. 1964. Fabric and Mineral Analysis of Soils. New York.
Bullard, R.G. 1970. Geological Studies in Field Archaeology. BA 33:98-132.
Finkelstein, I. 1992. The Middle Bronze 'Fortifications': Reflection of Social Organization and Political
Formations. Tel Aviv 19(2):201-220.
Goldberg, P. 1979. Micromorphology of Sediments from Hayonim Cave, Israel. Catena 6:167-181.
Kaplan, J. 1975. Further Aspects of the Middle Bronze Age II Fortifications in Palestine. ZDPV
91:1-17.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Parr, P. 1968. The Origin of the Rampart Fortification of Middle Bronze Age Palestine and Syria.
ZDPV84:18-45.
Pennells, E. 1983. Middle Bronze Age Earthworks: A Contemporary Engineering Evaluation. BA
46(1):57-61.
Schuldrein, J. and Goldberg, P. 1981. Late Quaternary Paleoenvironments and Prehistoric Site
Distribution in the Lower Jordan Valley: A Preliminary Report. Paleorient 7:57-71.
Wattez, J., Courty, M. and Macphail, R.I. 1990. Burnt Organo-mineral Deposits Related to Animal
and Human Activities in Prehistoric Caves. In: Douglas, L.A., ed. Soil Micromorphology: A
Basic and Applied Science. Amsterdam. pp. 431-439.
301
Wieder, M. and Yaalon, D.H. 1974. Effect of Matrix on Carbonate Nodule Crystallization. Geoderma
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11:95-121.
Wieder, M. and Yaalon, D.H. 1982. Micromorphological Fabrics and Developmental Stages of
Carbonate Nodular Forms Related to Soil Characteristics. Geoderma 28:203-220.
Wright, C.H. 1939. Soil Analysis (6th Edition). London.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
302
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CHAPTER 14
Electron Spin Resonance (ESR) spectroscopy is a sensitive, nondestructive analytical technique which
can provide otherwise unavailable information on the thermal history of cereal grains derived from
archaeological investigations (Hillman et al. 1983).
The purpose of this study is to evaluate the thermal history of carbonized wheat grains found in two
stone-lined silos (L. 1400 and 1462) in Area D (Chapter 3).
The carbonized grains (predominantly wheat) were brought to the laboratory where they were stored
in a closed container in a cool place. Whole seeds were manually selected for ESR analysis using
stainless steel tweezers. No additional treatment was given to the samples. They were not ground in
order to avoid possible interference from mechanically created lattice defects, which may occasionally
be expressed as ESR signals. Measurements were performed on a Varian E 12, X-band ESR
spectrometer, equipped with a TE 102 cavity. The ESR signal was normalized to the weight of the test
portion taken for analysis. The g-factors were measured relative to Fermi's salt (g=2.00550±0.00005).
Grain samples found at Shiloh were blackened in appearance but retained morphological
characteristics which identified them as wheat. Compositional analysis of several samples from a number
of locations in the silos gave the following results:
Moisture (loss of mass to constant weight at atmospheric pressure at 100 °C) -12-14%;
Protein (by the Kjeldhal method, %Nx5.7)- 14.6-20%; 1
Ash (material remaining after incineration at 5500C in an air rich environment)- 5.1-10%.
Fig. 14.1 shows a typical ESR signal of a Shiloh wheat sample. The signal is isotropic, has a value for
the g-factor of 2.0032 characteristic of a carbon radical, and in view of the circumstances, it was
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associated with radicals created by heating. The signal was remarkably stable. We found that a 5 gm.
sample of grains extracted for several days with over 10 litres of water (7°C) and then redried at room
temperature retained the original ESR signal.
In addition to the carbon radical, the wheat contains paramagnetic elements of inorganic origin.
Thus, in the inorganic residue left after ashing, the presence of manganese ion (Mn2+) can be easily
detected. This ion has five unpaired electrons which produce a characteristic ESR spectrum with six
303
peaks (Meirovitch and Poupko 1978). Nevertheless this signal cannot be detected in integral grains.
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Val'Ues.for manganese content in modern wheat are between 1.2 to 8.0, and mean of 4 mg. per 100 gm. of
wheat (Kent-Jones and Amos 1967).
Using contemporary hard wheat of local, Israeli origin (moisture 5-7%, protein 11.4-13.1%, ash
1.7-1.9%), we determined the dependence of the carbon signal's g-value on the maximum temperature
of past carbonization of wheat. Samples of whole grain were heated to a specific temperature and were
retained at this temperature for 4 hours. Heating to the desired temperature was at the rate of 1°C per
minute. For heating the wheat grains were placed in pre-ashed ceramic crucibles (2 em. in diameter and
4 em. deep). The crucibles were placed in a ceramic dish which contained a mixture of sea sand and local
fine limestone gravel. The crucibles and their contents were then covered with a layer of the same
mixture, 5 em. deep, before being placed in the oven. The heating conditions were designed to simulate
the airless conditions under which the archaeologically derived sample was carbonized. The 4 hr.
heating period was considered minimal for reproducible, stable effects. After heating, the oven was
switched off and the wheat was allowed to cool overnight to room temperature. The cold carbonized
wheat sample, which visually resembled the ancient samples, was placed in a closed glass vial.
The results (Fig. 14.2) confirm the findings of Hillman et al. (1983) that heating at higher temperatures
shifts the signal at lower g-values, approaching the g-value of free electrons. If a sample was exposed to
successive heating treatments at different temperatures, the final g-value was still determined by the
highest temperature applied, independent of the other thermal treatments.
The measured g-value of 2.0032 for the Shiloh grains indicates a maximum temperature of past
heating of 250-300°C. This assessment was also supported by the observation that ESR signals generated
by heating of contemporary wheat were more isotropic for temperatures higher than 20ooc, like the
isotropic signal recorded for the Shiloh wheaL
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304
It is expected that the number of unpaired electrons, that is the radical concentration, increases with
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heating temperature. Indeed, the signal intensities of once heated contemporary wheat samples increased
after additional heating treatments at temperatures higher than the original ones (Fig 14.3).
In accord with the presumed heating at a temperature of approximately 250-300°C, the radical
concentration of the Shiloh grains began to change significantly only after additional heating at
temperatures higher than 3oooc.
The study provides additional evidence that the wheat found in Shiloh was incinerated. This may
indicate the fate of other parts of the site at that period. We believe that a chemical examination of the
Iron I carbonized wheat from Shiloh may yield novel inside information on farming practices during
that period. However, it is clear that before any such chemical investigation can be undertaken, a
well-defined thermal history of the sample must be available in order to account for the changes brought
about by the heat. Now that such information is at hand, further chemical studies of this wheat are
possible.
2.004
100 200 300 400 500 600 100 200 300 400 500 600
Heating temperature (OC) Heating temperature (OC)
Fig. !4.2: The relationship between the g-value and Fig. 14.3: The relative spin concentration as a function
heating temperature of wheat grains. of temperature of a second heating treatment.
Wheat samples were initially heated for four
hours at: l)- JOOOC; 2)- 2000C; 3)- 3000C;
and 4) 400°C. The Shiloh sample behaved
like curve 3.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
REFERENCES
Hillman, G.C., Robins, G.V., Oduwole, D., Sales, K.D. and McNeil, D.A.C. 1983. Determination of
Thermal Histories of Archaeological Cereal Grains with Electron Spin Resonance Spectroscopy.
Science 222:1235-1236.
Ikeya, M. and Miki, T. 1979. Electron Spin Resonance Dating of Animal and Human Bones. Science
207:977-979.
Kent-Jones, D.W. and Amos, A.J. 1967. Modern Cereal Chemistry. London. p. 35.
Meirovitch, E. and Poupko, R. 1978. Line Shape Studies of the Electron Spin Resonance Spectra of
Manganese Protein Complexes. Journal of Physical Chemistry 82:1920-1925.
305
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PART FOUR
ENVIRONMENT AND ECONOMY
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CHAPTER 15
FAUNAL REMAINS
Shlomo Hellwing, Moshe Sade and Vered Kishon*
The faunal material includes 6137 identified bone fragments, derived from 644 baskets and 179loci, with
a total weight of 55 kg. (Table 15.1). It spans over two millennia, from the Middle Bronze Age II to the
Roman period (Strata VIII-II). The bulk of the material came from Late Bronze and Iron I loci (48.4%
and 22% respectively), followed by the MB III and MB II (10.4% and 10.6% respectively) (Table 15.2).
METHOD
Bones were identified according to the osteological collections in the Institute of Archaeology and the
Zoological Museum of the Tel Aviv University and according to pertinent literature (Cornwall 1968;
Schmidt 1972; Hesse and Wapnish 1985; Davis 1987).
Relative frequencies of animal species were calculated according to Watson (1979). Sheep and goats
were generally treated as a single group Ovis/ Capra, or caprovines. Whenever possible, an attempt
was made to distinguish between them (according to Boessneck 1969; Prummel and Frisch 1986).
Standard measurements, as well as right and left differentiations, were carried out according to Von den
309
Driesch (1976). Ages were estimated according to the criteria of Silver (1969) and Habermehl (1975). In
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the body-part breakdown we followed Horwitz and Tchernov (1987). The metapodia and phalanges of
Cervidae were identified according to the Besold's criteria (1966).
GENERAL RESULTS
The bone fragments belong to eight domesticated mammalian species and to four species of wild
mammals. A few bones of domestic birds and fish remains, as well as several mollusc shells, were also
present (Table 15.3). Most of the bone fragments (98.2% of the total number of bones analyzed)
belonged to domestic animals (Table 15.4).
The following animal species were identified:
Domestic Mammals (Mammalia): sheep ( Ovis aries); goat (Capra hircus); cattle (Bos taurus); pig (Sus
scrofa); dog (Canis familiaris); donkey (Equus asinus); horse (Equus caballus); camel ( Camelus
dromedarius).
Wild Mammals: mountain gazelle (Gazella gazella); fallow deer (Dama dama mesopotamica); red deer
( Cervus elaphus); mole-rat (Spa/ax ehrenbergz).
Birds (Aves): domestic chicken (Gallus domesticus); goose species (Anser sp.); pigeon (Columba Iivia).
Fish (Pisces): Unidentified.
Molluscs (Mollusca): Unidentified
Table 15.3 shows the distribution of identified bone fragments according to species and stratum. The
most abundant mammals at the site were caprovines (82.9% of the total of bone fragments identified).
Cattle were the second most common mammals (13.7%). All other mammals and birds, domestic and
wild, were poorly represented. Mollusc shells were also very rare.
The Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) is given in Table 15.5. The total MNI for all periods
concerned was 273 animals representing at least 184 caprovines and 39 cattle. Pigs were represented by
only 6 individuals and dogs by 9 individuals.
310
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% 0.1 0.02
Avessp. No. 2
% 0.7 0.03
Pisces No. 2 2 5
% 0.3 O.Q3 0.15 0.1
Mollusca No. 1 ~
% 0.15 0.03 0.03
Total No. 651 644 2973 1350 147 100 153 119 6137
% 10.6 10.5 48.5 22 2.4 1.6 2.5 1.9
Total no. species
in assemblage 5 10 13 12 5 5 6 5
311
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This chapter deals in detail with the four dominant strata from both the archaeological and faunal
points of view: the MB II, MB III, Late Bronze and Iron I. The assemblages of the three later periods -
Iron II, Hellenistic and Roman were too small to allow firm conclusions. They are therefore discussed
briefly, with the numerical data incorporated in Tables 15.1-5 above and in Tables 15.37, 39, 40 and 41
below (the intrasite discussion).
15.4% respectively). There was, however, an over-representation of humeri (21) and radii (17) in
comparison to other bones of the forelimbs. There were also more femora and metatarsi with hindlimbs
(Table 15.11). The data suggest a selection by the people for meat-rich bones; it might have also been the
result of an active transport into or out of the site (Schlepp effect).
312
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dominance of trunk bones (35.9%) and cranial elements (32.8%), with very few foot bones (3.1 %). There
were 13 hindlimb bones, as opposed to 5 forelimb bones. Only 4 bones out of 75 were unfused.
to adult or old individuals. The most frequent Bos bones recovered were phalanges (15), followed by
tibiae (10) and vertebrae (10). Horn cores were entirely absent and so were skull fragments, suggesting
that the skulls were not brought to the site, or that they were smashed into small, unidentifiable pieces.
As for sheep 1goat, there was an over-representation of right-sided bones (65.2%). There were also more
proximal (53.0%) than distal bones (Tables 15.16, 17).
The body-part breakdown (Table 15.19) shows a rather unusual distribution pattern: a normal one for
the cranial, hindlimb and trunk parts, a striking under-representation of the forelimbs (only 2.9% of the
total) and an over-representation of foot bones (18.8%).
313
predominance of right skeletal elements; continuity in dressing procedures based on the presence of
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Changed features: species composition increases from 6 to 11; absence of pig in the subsistence system of
the MB III; in cattle, left bone predominance in the MB II, shifting to right bone dominance in the MB
III.
The measurements on 13 diagnostic bones belonging to sheep/ goat (Table 15.26) apparently indicate
that some of the individuals were relatively bigger compared to previous and later periods. Alternatively,
as the sample is mixed comprising both sheep and goats as well as animals of both sexes, it is possible
that the size change reflects a shift in the composition of the sample rather than increasing size per se.
314
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were more bones of the right side of the body (53.2%- Table 15.23). Five bones out of thirteen were
unfused (38.4%- Tables 15.20, 21). There were more proximal parts than distal ones (Table 15.24).
The body-part distribution showed that the trunk had the highest representation (37.0%), followed by
the cranial part. There were many more hindlimbs (17.0%) than forelimbs (8.5%- Table 15.25).
Other Animals
There were 49 bone fragments of fallow deer in the Late Bronze Age assemblage (1.6% ofthe total), with
an MNI of 2. Other cervids, probably red dear ( Cervus elaphus) were represented by 16 fragments with
an MNI of 2. Horse and donkey were represented by 3 bones each. Only 1 camel phalanx and 1 gazelle
phalanx were found. Seven bones of domestic fowl apparently belonged to the same specimen. A single
fish vertebra and one mollusca shell concluded the sample.
previous periods. The results of the Shiloh measurements are similar to those of Iron I Mount Ebal
(Horwitz 1986-87).
315
specific pattern in the manner in which cattle were butchered (Table 15.31). As for the body-part
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distribution: cranial parts had the highest representation (28.8%) followed by hindlimbs (25.4%) and
trunk elements (18.6%). Foot bones were present in very high frequencies (16.3%) compared to
caprovines (6.5% Table 15.32). Judging from the measurements (Table 15.33), it seems that the Iron I
cattle were smaller than those of the Late Bronze Age.
Other Animals
Ten dog bones were retrieved (4 tibiae, 2 phalanx III, 2 mandibular fragments, 1 humerus and 1 femur).
They represent an MNI of 4 dogs. Cervidae (red deer and fallow deer) were represented by 7 fragments
(astragali, metapodials and phalanges), with an MNI of 2. The pig was represented by a single mandible
and the donkey by two metapodia.
Only four bones of birds- domestic chicken, a goose and a pigeon- were identified. From this it
can be concluded that domestic birds did not play a major role in the economy of the Iron I inhabitants.
A single fish bone was found in the sample.
bones belonged to adult individuals. There were 7 right and 3 left bones. All the bone fragments were
from the proximal side. As for the body-part breakdown, the cranial part had the highest representation
(48.3%), while fore and hindlimbs had the lowest frequencies (6.4% and 9.6% respectively). Trunk and
foot parts showed relatively high frequencies (22.5% and 12.9% respectively).
Other Animals
Three pig bones were represented: two mandibulae and one metapodial, representing an MNI of 2.
Cervidae were represented by one metapodial, one phalanx I and one phalanx II.
The tibiotarsus of an unidentified bird was also found in the faunal assemblage.
316
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Other Animals
Donkey was represented by a single metapodial, pig by a mandibular fragment and cervids by four
bones: a radius, a calcaneum, a metapodial and a phalanx I.
Other Animals
Pigs were represented by one mandible and three molars; dogs by one metapodial; cervids by two
metapodials and domestic fowl by a femur and a tarso-metatarsus.
317
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Mortality Profiles
The Shiloh assemblage points to interesting differences in cull patterns. A higher frequency of young
sheep, goats and cattle were killed during the Middle and Late Bronze Ages than in later periods, while
there was increased exploitation of adult animals during the Iron Age and after (Table 15.36).
Specifically, for cattle the change in mortality profile occurs in the Iron II period. A higher frequency of
adult animals is present from this period onwards until in the Roman period all of the cattle remains are
those of adults. For caprovines there is a trend towards decreasing frequencies of immature animals
from the MB II to the Iron I period. Thereafter there are no striking changes until the Roman period,
when all sheep I goat remains represent adult animals. It can be concluded that in the earlier periods
small and large-sized ruminants were kept mainly for their meat, whereas the importance of the secondary
products milk, wool, hides or the reproductive potential - increased from the Iron Age onward.
Dressing procedures. 50 - 66% of the bones retrieved from Shiloh were proximal fragments (Table
15.38). No major change in dressing procedures can be observed over time. In both the small and large
ruminants there is a higher frequency of proximal ends in all periods, with the exception of the Iron I
and II periods for cattle. Here distal ends are slightly more numerous. It is possible that butchering and
consumption patterns are responsible for this pattern rather than preservation differences.
Left and right separation. There was a general dominance of bones from the right side (Table 15.39),
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Body-part breakdown (Table 15.40). Caprovine body-part distribution was different between the Middle
Bronze and Late Bronze Age on one hand and the Iron Age on the other. In the former periods the
trunk of the animal was mainly represented (about 40%) although it has a low meat value. In the latter,
the representation of the fore and hindlimbs, which have a very high meat value, increased. For
sheep/ goat, there is a trend towards increased numbers of hindlimbs relative to forelimbs in the Iron
Age, especially in the Iron II period, relative to the preceeding periods. In the Hellenistic period this
pattern is reversed, with a much higher frequency of forelimbs. Cranial parts (mostly well preserved
teeth) showed no marked fluctuations. Foot bones in sheep/ goat had the poorest representation
( 1.1 %-6.8%), but showed interesting quantitative fluctuations: the highest distribution of foot bones was
318
found in the MB III, Late Bronze and Iron I, while the lowest was found in the Iron Age II. The
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relatively high representation of foot bones in cattle (compared to sheep/ goat) is remarkable. Cattle foot
bones are notably scarce in the MB II period, but increase over time. Trunk elements reflect a general
decrease in frequency from the MB II onwards, while cranial elements are on the whole well represented,
with an especially high frequency in the Iron II. Cattle hindlimbs dominate all periods, with the
exception of the Hellenistic period, where the situation is reversed. In the Iron II period fore and
hindlimbs are almost equal in representation, thereby differing from sheep/ goat.
120%r------------------------------------------,
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- SHEEP/GOAT - QA.TTLE
Fig. 15.1: Ratio of sheep/goat and cattle in the four main strata(%).
319
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SHILOH VIII SHILOH Vii LACHISH (CA.) TEL MICHAL TEL APHEK
- SHEEP/GOAT M Qb.TTLE
Fig. 15.2: Ratio of sheep/ goat and cattle in four Middle Bronze sites(%).
320
hindlimbs, with the highest meat value, were present in high frequencies at Tel Aphek and Tel Michal
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(37.0% and 29.5%). Trunk elements were absent in Tel Lachish (Seasons I-VI).
Representation of fore and hindlimbs of cattle ranged from a minimum of 2.9% at MB III Shiloh to a
maximum of 26.8% at Tel Aphek. Cattle trunk elements were absent at Tel Lachish and Tel Michal.
Foot bones were present in low frequencies for both cattle and sheep/ goat, but exceptionally high for
cattle at Tel Michal (56.5% Table 15.45).
More adult animals were kept at the Middle Bronze sites (68-98%) relative to juveniles and subadults
(Table 15.46). Only at Shiloh (both MB II and III) was the mortality rate of young animals very high:
26.0% and 31.8% for small ruminants and 40% for cattle.
The presence of large numbers of adult animals is a good indication that they were exploited not only
for their meat but also for milk, wool, plough and reproduction. Only at Shiloh did the inhabitants
favour the tender meat of young caprovines and cattle.
- SHEEP/GOAT B QA..TTLE
Fig. 15.3: Ratio of sheep/ goat and cattle in three Late Bronze sites(%).
321
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Trunk elements were absent for sheep/ goat and cattle at both Tel Michal and Tel Lachish. Cranial
remains were rather high (over 25%), the only exception being the frequency of cattle cranials at Lachish
(10.7%). Fore and hindlimb representation was variable but relatively high at Tel Michal for both cattle
and caprovines. In the Late Bronze, as in the previous period, a very high proportion of foot bones
(phalanges) were found at Lachish (24.2% in sheep/ goat and 46.4% in cattle). In general foot bones are
present in lower frequencies.
There is a difference in the killing patterns between Tel Michal and Shiloh. In the former, 95% of
caprovines and cattle remains were those of adult animals (with fused bones). At Shiloh more sheep/ goat
and cattle were slaughtered when still immature (29.4% and 38.4% respectively). This indicates that
many young animals were slaughtered at Shiloh for their meat. Examination of the sheep/ goat cull
profiles from the Middle Bronze and Late Bronze Age strata at Shiloh indicates a similar pattern, with a
relatively high juvenile cull. However the mortality profile for the Bronze Age strata at the site as a
whole differ markedly from that found at other contemporary sites. This may be related to the possible
cultic nature of the Bronze Age deposits at Shiloh.
Iron Agel
The faunal assemblages of 8 Iron Age I sites are discussed here: Shiloh and Mt. Ebal in the hill country
(Horwitz 1986-87), clzbet Sartah in the foothills overlooking the coastal plain (Hellwing and Adjeman
1986), Beer-sheba (Hellwing 1984), Tel Masos (Tchernov and Drori 1983) and Arad (Sade 1988) in the
Beer-sheba-Arad Valley, Tel Miqne in the Shephelah (Hesse 1986) and Hesban on the Transjordanian
plateau (Weiler 1981). Caprovines dominate these faunal assemblages, with a maximum of 81.4% at
Arad and a minimum of 45.0% at Tel Miqne. This animal economy was supplemented mainly by cattle.
The highest representation of cattle is found at Tel Miqne (37.0%) and clzbet Sartah (34.3%), and the
lowest in Arad and Beer-sheba- both located in the arid zone of the northern Negev. Pigs form less
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SHILOH IZBET BART BEER-SHEB TEL MASOS ARAD XII MT. EBAL
- SHEEP/GOAT M CATTLE
Fig. 15.4: Ratio of sheep/ goat and cattle in six Iron I sites(%).
322
than 1% of the total assemblage at Shiloh, clzbet Sartah, Beer-sheba and Tel Masos. They were entirely
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absent at Arad and Mt. Ebal, but were found in high frequencies at Tel Miqne and Hesban (18.0% and
4.8% respectively). Camels were found only at clzbet Sartah (8.4%), where they may have been intrusive,
and at Hesban (Weiler 1981). The paucity of dogs, equids and gazelles is remarkable. Cervids (red deer,
fallow deer) form less than 3% of the total in four of the 8 sites analyzed, but at Mt. Ebal fallow deer
constituted 10% of the assemblage. The highest concentration of domestic chicken was at Tel Masos
(6.5%). Mollusc shells were unearthed at only two sites - 0.1% at Tel Masos and 4.8% at Beer-sheba.
Caprovine body part representation shows a marked selectivity for cranial parts and fore and
hindlimbs. The highest representation of fore and hindlimbs was noted at Tel Miqne (41.0% and 47.0%).
Trunk elements of both cattle and caprovines were absent at Tel Masos and Tel Miqne. However trunk
elements were exceptionally high (both cattle and sheep/goat) in the main structure of Mt. Ebal. The
lowest proportion of trunk elements was found at Tel Masos. Foot bones were present at all 8 sites
(from 1% at Hesban to 35% for cattle at Tel Miqne).
The people of the Iron I sites raised cattle and caprovines to adulthood. Only at Arad and Shiloh was
the percentage of young sheep/ goat relatively high (14.0% and 12.0% respectively). The highest
percentage of unfused cattle bones was noted at Tel Masos and Shiloh (27.9% and 38.4% respectively).
DISCUSSION
Substantial changes in animal exploitation strategies took place during Shiloh's time-span of occupation.
The number of animal species in the faunal assemblages increased from 5 species during the MB II to
13 species in the Late Bronze Age. Although Weiler (1981) identified as many as 11 domestic and at least
31 different wild mammals at Hesban, the economic systems of both sites were broadly based on the
same domestic mammals. Differences in the technique of fa)lnal recovery (i.e., hand picked versus sieved
material) at the two sites may account for the reduced variety of species found at Shiloh.
The ratio between domestic and wild animals throughout the ages indicates a decrease in the frequency
of hunting activity. However during the Late Bronze and Iron Age I deer were still hunted, and served as
a meat supplement.
When the data from Shiloh are compared to the information derived from other sites in Israel and
Jordan (Hellwing and Feig 1989; Hellwing, forthcoming; Drori 1979; Tchernov and Drori 1983; Hellwing
1984; Horwitz 1986-1987; 1989; Horwitz and Tchernov 1987; Weiler 1981; Sade 1988), it can be seen
that in all periods sheep and goats were the dominant species in the economy. Cattle played an
important but secondary role in the subsistence systems. This confirms the theory proposed by Zeder
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(1988) that the selection of animals in the Levant focused on a limited number of species, sheep and
goats being the primary herd animals with cattle being the third most important domesticate in the Near
East. Cattle breeding is a demanding task which requires an abundant water supply and adequate
pasture, but cattle contribute a large quantity of meat (Horwitz and Tchernov 1987).
At Shiloh the ratio between caprovines and cattle was in constant change: the highest percentage of
sheep I goat and lowest percentage of cattle was found in the Late Bronze stratum. During the Iron Age
the importance of cattle herding increased significantly. Horwitz (1989) described a similar phenomenon
in the Refaim Valley sites near Jerusalem; there was a significantly higher representation of cattle (and
equids) in the MB II compared to the EB IV, which may indicate a more widespread or intensive use of
the plough in agriculture (for the correlation between high bovine frequencies and ploughing see Rosen
1986).
323
There was a gradual decrease in the representation of pigs from the MB II to the Iron I at Shiloh
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(from 23 bones to a single pig bone). This decrease may reflect religious taboos. Indeed, in Iron I Tel
Miqne there was a significant number of pig remnants. The number of pig bones increased again during
the Roman period.
When animals were utilized for purposes other than their meat, they became too valuable to be killed
when still immature. At Late and Middle Bronze Tel Michal and Iron I Beer-sheba only a minority of
the ruminants were young (3% and 4.3-6.3% respectively- Hellwing and Feig 1989; Hellwing 1984). In
Shiloh of the Middle and Late Bronze Ages, however, the percentage of young animals was strikingly
high (20-31%). At this site in the Iron Age I adult animals were valued again (only 12% slaughtered
young).
A good example of diachronic fluctuating bone representation element at the site was the phalanx III
of Ovis/ Capra. This small foot bone was entirely absent during the MB II, Iron II, Hellenistic and
Roman periods at Shiloh, but during the Late Bronze and Iron Age I, phalanx III had a rather good
representation (9 and 21 specimens, respectively). This may indicate changes in butchering techniques
and offal disposal or else may be related to the nature of the deposits examined for each period i.e.,
dumps versus floors. Foot bones are often removed together with the skin, so that a change in tanning
techniques may be responsible.
About 727 measurements have been carried out on some diagnostic bones of caprovines and bovines.
The most significant result was that the Late Bronze Age animals seem to be larger than in the other
periods. It is possible that new animal species were introduced into the site, changing the local fauna by
interbreeding. Another possibility is that environmental factors were responsible for this change.
CONCLUSIONS
Three main features of the Shiloh economy have persisted unchanged throughout the ages:
1. The percentage of domestic animals was high from the beginning of the settlement (MB II) until the
Roman period.
2. The subsistence economy was based mainly on the raising of sheep and goats. Cattle breeding took
second place.
3. Sheep appear to have been more common than goats. This suggests that wool was an important
by-product of domestication.
Other features suggest economic and behavioural innovations:
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1. A relatively high percentage of young caprovines were slaughtered during the Middle and Late
Bronze Ages. However, during Iron Age I the inhabitants of Shiloh favoured adult and old animals.
This means that animals were now exploited for their wool, milk or traction power.
2. A preferential shift towards bones of the left side can be observed in the Iron Age I.
3. During the transition from the Late Bronze to the Iron Age I, basic changes in carcass dressing took
place: in the Iron Age, more bones were cut at the distal part.
4. There was a clear trend of favouring the trunk parts during the Middle and Late Bronze Ages. In the
Iron Age I, the fore and hind limbs of ruminants, with their meat-rich bones, were more highly valued.
5. The high percentage of sheep/ goat and the low percentage of cattle in the Late Bronze Age may
reflect a certain deterioration in the state of the economy. The Iron Age I can, on the other hand, be
regarded as a period of economic stability with greater interest in raising cattle.
324
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It can be concluded that the faunal remains from Shiloh represent several different economic systems.
Most important is the shift in animal husbandry during the Late Bronze-Iron I transition which
apparently reflects the expansion of cattle raising for meat, milk, traction and transport.
325
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326
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TABLE 15.7: RATIO OF RIGHT AND LEFT BONES IN FOUR DOMESTIC SPECIES
(STRA:TUM VIII, MB II)
Metatarsus D 100.0
Femur P 33.3 2 66.7
Femur D 5 62.5 3 37.5
Tibia P 50.0 50.0
Tibia D 4 80.0 1 20.0
Metacarpus P 4 66.7 2 33.3
Metacarpus D 100.0
UlnaP 4 80.0 20.0
*P - proximal; D distal
327
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Humerus P
Humerus D 2 7
Radius P 2 8
Radius D 2 3
Metatarsus P 3 6
Metatarsus D
Femur P 2 1
FemurD 3 5
TibiaP
TibiaD 4
Metacarpus P 2 4
Metacarpus D
UlnaP 4
Total fused 45 68.2
Total unfused 5 4 2 2 2 5 31.8
328
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329
TABLE 15.13: RATIO OF FUSED AND UNFUSED BONES IN SHEEP/GOAT (STRATUM VII,
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MB III)
Fused Unfused
No. % No. %
Humerus P 50.0 1 50.0
Humerus D 7 77.8 2 22.2
Metatarsus P 10 83.3 2 16.7
FemurP 2 28.6 5 71.4
Phalanx I P 22 88.0 3 12.0
Metacarpus P 2 100.0
Calcaneum D 6 75.0 2 25.0
Tibia P 3 75.0 25.0
Total 51 73.9 18 26.1
Humerus P
Humerus D 21 7
Metatarsus P 2 10
Femur P 5 2
Phalanx I P 3 22
Metacarpus P 2
Calcaneus D 2 6
TibiaP 3
Total fused 51 73.9
Total unfused 7 2 7 2 26.1
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330
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331
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TABLE 15.16: RATIO OF RIGHT (R) AND LEFT (L) BONES IN SHEEP/GOAT AND CATTLE
(STRATUM VII, MB III)
332
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333
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TABLE 15.20: RATIO OF FUSED AND UNFUSED BONES IN SHEEP/ GOAT AND CATTLE
(STRATUM VI, LB)
TABLE 15.21: AGE GROUPS OF SHEEP/GOAT AND CATTLE (STRATUM VI, LB)
Humerus P 3 19
Humerus D 11 32
Radius P 4 27
Radius D 5 ll
Metatarsus P 1 14 2 2
Metatarsus D 3 15
Femur P 8 22
FemurD 2 19
Tibia P lO 20 2 5
Tibia D 9 23
Phalanx I P 9 60
Phalanx II P 6 15
334
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Species: Ovis aries/ Bostaurus Sus scrofa Canis Cervus sp. Damadama
Capra hircus familiaris mesopotamica
No. % No. % No. % No. % No. % No. %
Mandible !39 5.3 10 3.9 10.0 2 12.5 2.0
Maxilla 4 0.1 2 40.0
Cranium frag. 161 6.1 19 7.5 20.0
Horn core 19 0.7 4 1.6
Antler 13 26.5
Molars 219 8.3 28 11.1 2 20.0 10 20.4
Incisors 7 0.3 5 10.2
'Premolars 67 2.5 l 0.4 6.2 3 6.1
Scapula 92 3.5 3 1.2 10.0 2 4.1
Humerus 70 2.7 4 1.6 10.0 2 12.5 2 4.1
Ulna 48 1.8 5 2.0 10.0 2 4.1
Radius 55 2.1 7 2.8 2 4.1
Pelvis 153 5.8 ' 6 2.4 2.0
Metacarpus 28 1.0 1 0.4
Femur 51 1.9 6 2.4 6.2 1 2.0
Tibia 66 2.5 II 4.3 2 20.0 3 6.1
Fibula 3 0.1
Astragalus 34 1.3 6 2.4 6.2
Calcaneus 32 1.2 5 2.0 6.2
Metatarsus 33 1.2 4 1.6 10.0 3 18.8
Metapodials 173 6.7 18 7.1 6.2
Phalanx I 97 3.7 13 5.2 4 25.0
Phalanx II 21 0.8 10 3.9 2.0
Phalanx III 9 0.3 3 1.2 2.0
Os centrale 5 0.2 2 0.8 20.0
Vertebrae 341 3.0 41 16.2 2 2.0
Costae 695 26.5 46 18.2 20.0 10.0
Total 2623 88.2 253 8.5 5 0.2 10 0.3 16 0.5 49 1.6
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335
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TABLE 15.23: RATIO OF RIGHT AND LEFT BONES IN SHEEP/GOAT AND CATTLE
(STRATUM VI, LB)
TABLE 15.24: PROXIMAL AND DISTAL BONE FRAGMENT IN SHEEP/GOAT AND CATTLE
(STRATUM VI, LB)
336
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TABLE 15.25: BODY-PART BREAKDOWN IN SHEEP/GOAT AND CATTLE (STRATUM VI; LB)
Species: Msr. Ovis aries/ Capra hircus Bos taurus Cervus sp.
No. Min. Max. Mean No. Min. Max. Mean No. Min. Max. Mean
Calcaneum GB 16 1l.IO 21.30 17.00 3 41.00 42.70 41.85 22.80
GL 9 44.00 66.30 60.00 l 133.90 67.70
Astragalus Bd 26 10.50 28.40 19.25 3 25.10 45.40 44.00 20.30
Gli 26 22.10 41.30 33.55 4 43.40 71.40 69.00 34.37
Glm 26 20.40 41.30 29.50 2 4l.l0 65.10 53.0 1 33.51
Phalanx I Bd 73 08.40 14.40 12.50 12 23.20 32.10 28.50 3 10.59 23.65 23.00
Bp 69 08.40 15.20 12.50 13 24.50 32.70 29.00 3 17.94 23.94 23.00
GL 72 17.50 43.98 38.00 12 50.10 64.74 59.00 3 49.92 54.33 52.00
Phalanx II Bd 21 08.00 24.07 09.60 7 20.20 26.40 23.90
Bp 21 09.10 27.65 11.50 7 25.60 30.50 30.00
GL 21 10.50 39.94 22.15 7 29.50 41.10 39.25
Phalanx III Ld 6 22.00 28.30 25.15 4 48.40 51.60 51.00 34.78
Metatarsus Bd 15 16.90 27.90 26.00 2 46.80 61.30 54.50
Bp 14 17.20 27.40 25.00
GL 8 62.30 153.40 135.00
Metacarpus Bd 4 23.48 28.33 26.00 2 42.60 50.70 47.00
Bp 2 22.12 25.96 24.00
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TABLE 15.28: RATIO OF RIGHT AND LEFT BONES IN SHEEP/GOAT AND CATTLE
(STRATUM V, IA I)
TABLE 15.29: RATIO OF FUSED AND UNFUSED BONES IN SHEEP/GOAT AND CATTLE
(STRATUM V, IA I)
339
TABLE 15.30: AGE GROUPS OF SHEEP/GOAT AND CATTLE (STRATUM V, IA I)
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340
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Astragalus
Metatarsus
Phalanx I
Phalanx II
Metapodia 2
Costa
TOTAL 3 3 2 2
341
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TOTAL 2 9 7 2
342
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TABLE 15.36: RATIO OF FUSED AND UNFUSED BONES IN SHEEP/GOAT AND CATTLE
ACCORDING TO PERIODS (IN %)*
* The horizontal line separates periods with large quantities of bones from those with small assemblages
Total sample
size of S/G 549 549 2623 1014 99 62 113
Total sample
size of C 75 76 253 306 41 32 31
(IN %)
343
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TABLE 15.39: RIGHT AND LEFT SEPARATION IN SHEEP/GOAT AND CATTLE BONES
(IN%)
TABLE 15.41: THE RATIO BETWEEN SMALL AND LARGE RUMINANTS ACCORDING TO
PERIODS
344
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LB Iron Age I
Sample size 2973 1350
No. of species 13 12
%Domestic 97.7 91}.1
% Ovis /Capra 88.2 75.1
%Cattle 8.5 22.7
%Right side 0/ C 63.6 48.3
% Unfused (0/C) 20.4 12.1
% Unfused (Bos) 38.5 27.9
%Trunk elements (0/C) 42.3 26.2
%Trunk elements (Bos) 37.0 18.6
%Proximal limb elements (0/C) 65.8 50.8
%Proximal limb elements (Bos) 75.0 35.8
Body size (Bos + 0 I C) Bigger Smaller
No. Phalanx III (OIC) 9 18
0 I C: Bos proportions 92:8 77:23
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345
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TABLE lp.44: THE FAUNAL ASSEMBLAGE AT FOUR MIDDLE BRONZE SITES (IN%)
346
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TABLE 15.47: THE FAUNAL ASSEMBLAGE AT THREE LATE BRONZE SITES (IN%)
347
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TABLE 15.48: BODY PART BREAKDOWN IN SHEEP/GOAT AND CATTLE IN THREE LATE
BRONZE SITES (IN %)
TABLE 15.49: LONG-BONE FUSION OF SMALL AND LARGE RUMINANTS IN TWO LATE
BRONZE SITES (IN %)
TABLE 15.50: THE FAUNAL ASSEMBLAGE OF EIGHT IRON AGE I SITES (IN%)
348
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TABLE 15.51: THE BODY PART BREAKDOWN IN SMALL AND LARGE RUMINANTS IN
EIGHT IRON I SITES (IN%)
Site: Shiloh Mt. Ebal Beer-sheba Miqneh Masos Arad cizbet Hesban
v (Main IX-VI B III-I XII Sartah E04
structure) ll/-1 E05
TABLE 15.52: LONG BONE FUSION OF SMALL AND LARGE RUMINANTS AT FIVE IRON I
SITES (IN%)
REFERENCES
Boessneck, J. 1969. Osteological differences between Sheep ( Ovis aries Linne) and Goats (Capra hi'rcus
Linne). In: Brothwell, D. and Higgs, E., eds. Science in Archaeology. Bristol. pp. 331-358.
Cornwall, I.W. 1968. Bones for the Archaeologist. London.
Davis, S.J.M. 1987. The Archaeology of Animals. London.
Driesch, von den A. 1976. A Guide to the Measurement of Animal Bones from Archaeological Sites.
Peabody Museum Bulletin I. Cambridge.
Drori, I. 1979. Tel Lachish: Subsistence and Natural Environment during the Middle, Late Bronze and
Iron Age Periods (unpublished M.A. thesis). Tel Aviv University. (Hebrew)
Habermehl, K.H. 1975. Die Altersbestimmung bei Haus- und Labortieren 2. Berlin.
Hellwing, S. 1984. Human Exploitation of Animal Resources in the Early Iron Age Strata at Tel
Beer-Sheba. In: Herzog, Z. Beer-sheba II: The Early Iron Age Settlements. Tel Aviv.
349
Hellwing, S. forthcoming. Animal Remains from the Early and Middle Bronze Ages at Tel Aphek. In:
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350
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CHAPTER 16
PALAEOBOTANICAL REMAINS
Nili Liphschitz*
The excavations at Shiloh yielded 52 carbonized wood fragments from five strata (VIII-IV; MB II to
Iron I I - Table 16.1). Analysis ofthis palaeobotanical material provides valuable information regarding
the past vegetation and macroclimate of the region.
METHOD
Charred pieces of wood 1-1.5 cu. em. were aspirated in absolute ethyl alcohol for 90 min., dipped in
methyl-benzoate-celloidin for 24 hrs., transferred to benzene for 20 min. and finally to 50-55°C paraffin
for 96 hrs. Blocks were prepared and cross-sections, as well as longitudinal, tangential and radial
sections of 10-12 Jl thickness were made with a rotary microtome. After deparaffination the sections
were mounted in Canada balsam. Anatomical identification of the wood was made from these sections.
Samples taken from live trees of known species were used for reference.
Galilee and the northern district of the Golan Heights in the north to the Hebron hills in the south
(Zohary 1959). The Shiloh remains confirm palaeobotanical data from other sites in the hill country of
Samaria! which show that this was the dominant plant association in the Mediterranean hilly zone of
Israel also in antiquity. The question as to whether the climax vegetation of Quercus calliprinos in the
Mediterranean territory was that of a forest or of a maquis is still disputed (Zohary 1960; Schmida
1980).
351
TABLE 16.1: WOOD REMAINS FROM SHILOH
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On the western flank of the hill country of Samaria, from an elevation of 250-300 m., numerous
stands of Quercus calliprinos and Pistacia palaestina exist today, for example along Wadi Qana. Several
large-sized Quercus calliprinos trees appear above the 500 m. elevation (Zohary and Hartman 1983).
However, despite favourable ecological conditions of elevation and precipitation (over 700 mm .. mean
annual rainfall), central Samaria has been deforested in recent generations and is characterized by a
batha formation. This is due to overusage of the woody vegetation by man, rather than to climatic
changes.
Olea europaea is also a typical Mediterranean tree species. Single trees growing naturally and groves
of olives occur all over the Mediterranean hilly region of the country, most of the trees being either
cultivated or escapes. Dendroarchaeological investigations show that this was the most common species
in antiquity, the highest percentages of wood remains gathered in excavations in the Mediterranean
region being olive (Liphschitz 1987a). This probably resulted from the fact that aged groves ceased to be
of economic value as fruit trees. Olives were most probably cultivated in the environs of the site, as can
be seen from their abundance in the wood assemblage especially in Middle Bronze and Late Bronze Age
strata.
REFERENCES
Liphschitz, N. 1986-7. Paleobotanical Remains from Mount Ebal. Tel Aviv 13-14:190-191.
Liphschitz, N. 1987a. Olives in Ancient Israel in View of Dendroarchaeological Investigations. In:
Heltzer, M. and Eitam, D., eds. Olive Oil in Antiquity. Haifa. pp. 139-145.
Liphschitz, N. 1987b. The Landscape of Vegetation and Weather Conditions in Judah and Samaria in
Ancient Times. Rotem 22:21-26, 114. (Hebrew)
Liphschitz, N. and Biger, G. 1989. Dominance of Quercus calliprinos (Kermes oak)-Pistacia palaestina
(terebinth) Association in the Mediterranean Territory of Eretz Israel during Antiquity. Hasadeh
69: 1087-1090. (Hebrew)
Schmida, A. 1980. On the Problems of Forest and Maquis of Quercus calliprinos in Eretz Israel. Teva
Vaaretz 22:52-57. (Hebrew)
Zohary, M. 1959. Geobotany. Merhavia, Israel. (Hebrew)
Zohary, M. 1960. The Maquis of Quercus calliprinos in Israel and Jordan. Bulletin of Research Council,
Israel9D:51-72.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Zohary, M. and Hartman, M. 1983. The Arboreal Vegetation Units of Western Samaria. Rotem
9:30-36, 68. (Hebrew)
353
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CHAPTER 17
FOOD REMAINS
Mordechai E. Kislev*
Charred plant remnants from Shiloh were processed in our laboratory in order to evaluate their possible
economic role in the different strata unearthed at the site. Part of the food remains was retrieved from
Stratum VII, dated to the MB III, and a smaller amount from Stratum VIII (MB II) (Table 17.1).
However, most of the food material comes from Stratum V, dated to the Iron Age I (Tables 17.2-3).
CEREALS
The only cereals found at Shiloh are a particular kind of naked wheat (Triticum parvicoccum) and
two-rowed barley (Hordeum distichon) (Tables 17.1-3). The largest quantity, 74litres, was unearthed in
Stratum V Silo 1462 in Area D. It contained mainly wheat, with a considerable quantity (about 28%) of
barley. No insect damage was observed. An attempt was made to check whether the. crops were grown as
a mixture in one field, or as separate species. This was done by examining 10 samples of 100 cc. each in
order to trace differences in the wheat/barley ratio, as well as to reveal the weed composition in various
parts of the lot. The results showed no significant differences between the sub-samples. It is worth noting
that in the Mishnah (Roman period) there is literary evidence for sowing two crops in one field
(Mishnah, Peah, 2, 5).
Altogether 2000 cc. were examined. In order to facilitate microscopic examination, the charred
material was sieved through a series of sieves of 2.0, 1.0 and 0.5 mm. mesh; only 60% of the fraction
smaller than 1 mm. was examined. The wheat grains are similar in shape and dimensions to those found
at other sites in the ancient Near East (Table 17.4; Kislev 1980). There were also a considerable number
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of rachis fragments of both wheat and barley (Figs. 17 .1-2). The dimensions of barley kernels were also
measured (Table 17.5) and may be compared with those of Kadesh-Barnea (Kislev 1989).
RAISINS
The outstanding archaeobotanical find from Shiloh is the considerable quantity of charred raisins
(Tables 17.1-2, Figs. 17.3-5). Although raisins can be preserved over the ages in dry form, they are
recorded only once in ancient Egypt (in the tomb of Tutankhamun- Germer 1989:49; Hepper 1990:67),
* Department of Life Sciences, Bar-Han University. Special thanks are due to Mrs. M. Marmorstein for technical help. The
photographs were prepared by Y. Langsam and T. Ankar.
354
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apparently because vines were not commonly grown in that country. The grape fruits from Pompeii,
exhibited in the National Museum in Naples (Meyer 1980), should be interpreted as charred raisins.
Raisin remnants were probably not found elsewhere. The find of empty grape skins together with pips
and stalks at Early Minoan Myrtos in Crete may possibly represent the residues of wine-making
(Renfrew 1973:131).
Experiments to artificially char grapes and raisins, even at a relatively low temperature (2sooq, show
considerable balloon-like puffing of the fruits (Kislev, unpublished). This is mainly due to the high sugar
content which decomposes during heating to water and carbon dioxide, as well as to the water in the
berry itself, which rapidly vaporizes, stretching and usually splitting the fruit skin. In this state the
charred fruit is very fragile and therefore likely to have been crushed in the ruins or during excavation.
This is probably the reason why raisin finds are rare in archaeological excavations. Only extremely dry
raisins may survive charring without ballooning.
Raisins were frequently prepared in ancient times, as today, because of their high sugar content
(rather rare in primitive fruit cultivars), their pleasant taste and the long shelf life ofthe dry berries. The
Stratum
Plant name Plant organ VIII* VII**
Cereals
Triticum parvicoccum grain 20
Hordeum distichon kernel 92
Legumes
Lens culinaris seed 6
Vicia ervilia seed 26
Fruits
Ficus carica nutlet 31
Olea europaea kernel 5 108
Pistacia palaestina nutlet 1
Punica granatum kernel 2
Rubus sanguineus nutlet 1
Vitis vinifera pip 13
Vitis vinifera raisin 32
Weeds
Galium tricornutum mericarp 2
Lathyrus sp. seed
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Total 6 357
* L. 1710
** L. 1522, 1525, 1526, 1527, 1532, 1533 and 1736
355
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amount of sugar in the grapes rises with time; among other reasons, late-ripening varieties and grapes
that remain longer on the vine are sweeter since they contain less water.
Raisins are prepared by various methods, three of which are briefly described here:
1. The cluster is left to dry on the vine, the vascular connection to the plant being reduced by a small cut.
2. Clusters of ripe grapes are arranged in a layer, 8-10 em. thick, on special platforms in the vineyard.
Each night they are covered with a cloth to prevent moistening by dew. The raisins are ready after
two-three weeks. 100 kg. of grapes produces 35 kg. of raisins.
3. Fully-ripe grapes are immersed for a few seconds or more in a (usually hot) solution of soda water and
oil, and then spread in the sun to dry. The preparation is as follows: About 3 kg. of lye is added to 20
litres of water. Wood of oak or vine is generally used to make the lye, as they are readily available in the
vineyard or its vicinity. The mixture is boiled for some time, water being added to maintain the original
quantity, and then left overnight to cool and for the lye to sink. Olive oil, 20-33% (sometimes only 5%),
is added to the clear solution. The soda removes the wax covering the grape skin, perforates it, and
permits faster drying. Olive oil gives the raisins a glossy appearance and prevents damage by insects.
Nowadays a 5-10% solution of sodium bicarbonate is used instead of lye. The raisins are ready after
several days of drying. 4 kg. of grapes produce 1 kg. of raisins. The raisins are dried down to 10%
moisture (Chizik 1952:600-:602).
Locus
Plant name Plant organ 308 335 336 610 1301 1318 1323 Total
Cereals
Triticum parvicoccum grain 8 8
Triticum parvicoccum glume base 17 17
Hordeum distichon Kernel 3 5 9
Legumes
Lens culinaris seed 91 3 96
Vicia ervilia seed 8 9
Fruits
Ficus carica nutlet 4 5
Olea europaea kernel
Vitis vinifera pip 86 245 332
Vitis vinifera undeveloped pip 2 28 30
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356
TABLE 17.3: PLANT LIST- AREA D, SILO 1462 (IRON I)*
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* 2000 cc. sample of 74\itres; only 60% of the 0.5-l.O·mm. fraction was examined.
357
In some cases classical authors did not distinguish clearly between half-dried grapes, grapes preserved
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in jars, and raisins. This is because of the various methods for preserving grapes, only one of which
involves drying in the sun. The following passages illustrate this situation:
Some grapes will last all through the winter if the clusters are hung by a string from the ceiling,
and others will keep merely in their own natural vigor by being stored in earthenware jars with
casks put over them, and packed round with fermenting grape skins; others can be given a flavor
by smoke ... Moreover, raisins are called 'passi' from having 'endured' the sun (Pliny, Natural
History, XIV, 3, 16).
Fig. 17.1: Triticum parvicoccum, base of rachis Fig. 17.2: Hordeum distichon, rachis fragment (x15;
(xl5; SEM micrograph). SEM micrograph).
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The Greeks and the Romans knew how to make a special kind of wine from raisins.
Psithian and black psithian are kinds of raisin-wine with a peculiar flavor which is not that of
wine ... Next after the raisin-wine of Crete those of Cilicia and Africa are held in esteem. Raisin-wine
is known to be made in Italy and in the neighboring provinces from the grape called by the Greeks
psithia and by us 'muscatel', and also scripula, the grapes being left on the vine longer than usual
to ripen in the sun, or else being ripened in boiling oil. Some people make this wine from any sweet
white grape that ripens early, drying them in the sun till little more than half their weight remains,
and then they beat them and gently press out the juice (Pliny, Natural History, XIV, 11, 80-81).
Every grape which is but new-gathered, disturbs the belly and puffs up the stomach, but that
which has hanged for some time does partake but little of these qualities (because that much of the
moisture is dried up), and it is good for the stomach and a recaller of the appetite and fit for such
as are weak; but they, taken out of their own rubbish and out of earthen pots, are pleasing to the
mouth, good for the stomach, binding the belly ... But of the uva passa (raisins), the white is the
more binding, and the flesh of them being eaten is good for the arteries (windpipes), and coughs,
and the kidneys, and the bladder, and for the dysentery being eating by itself with the stones, as
also being mixed with meal of milium and of barley and an egg and fried with honey, and so
taken ... But that passum (wine made of raisins) which is made of the sun-dried grape, or dried on
the branch is nourishing (Dioscorides, Book V, Chapters 3, 4, 9).
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Fig. 17.4: Vitis vinifera, raisin with a stalk (xlO; SEM Fig. 17.5: Vi tis vinifera, Broken raisin showing the
micrograph). pips (xl5; SEM micrograph).
360
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Wine made from grapes that had been dried for 15 days is already mentioned by Hesiod:
But when Orion and Sirius are come into mid-heaven, and rosy-fingered Dawn sees Arcturus
(September), then cut off all the grape-clusters, Perses, and bring them home. Show them to the
sun ten days and ten nights; then cover them over for five, and on the sixth day draw off into
vessels the gift of joyful Dionysus (Hesiod, Works and Days, Lines 609-614).
The Hebrew word '~immuqim' in its two meanings, as dried separate grapes and as clusters of raisins
or cakes made of them (from the root ~mk to dry up), appears four times in the Bible, always in the
plural (I Sam. 25: 18; I Sam. 30: 12; II Sam. 16: 1; I Chr. 12: 40). Ugaritic texts also mention ~mq (raisin)
(Sasson 1972). The word '~immuqim' (in the narrow meaning - dried grapes) is found also in the
Rabbinic literature as well as in modern Hebrew.
Due to the fragmentary nature of the archaeological and literary evidence, it is difficult to evaluate the
importance of raisins in the ancient economy. However, it might be possible to compare the frequency
of the mention of raisins to that of a fruit similar in sweetness as well as in the regions where it grows. In
the Bible, the frequency of 'devela' (cake made of dried figs, pressed together in lumps - 5 times) is
more or less equal to that of '~immuqim' (4 times). However, in the Mishnah 'gerogeret' (dry fig) and
'devela' are much more common (mentioned 21 and 22 times respectively) than '~immuqim' (mentioned
3 times only). The conclusion should be that in Roman Palestine dry figs were more common than
raisins. The word for dry figs also comes first when they are both mentioned (e.g. Mishnah, Bikkurim 3,
3). One of the obvious reasons for this is that most grapes were pressed for making wine, rather than
turned into raisins.
The few remains or'grape stalks and the absence of sprigs of grape-cluster in the Shiloh raisins reveal
that separate raisins were brought to the site and kept there rather than clusters or a cake made of them.
The presence of raisins is not surprising as vineyards are mentioned in the Bible in connection with
Shiloh (Jud. 21: 19-21).
REFERENCES
Hepper, F.N. 1990. Pharaoh's Flowers: The Botanical Treasures of Tutankhamun. London.
Kislev, M.E. 1980. Triticum parvicoccum sp. nov., the Oldest Naked Wheat. Israel Journal of Botany
28:95-107.
Kislev, M.E. 1989. Multiformity in Barley from an Iron Age Store in Sinai. Dissertationes Botanicae
133:67-80.
Meyer, F.G. 1980. Carbonized food plants of Pompeii, Herculaneum, and the Villa at Torre Annunziata.
Economic Botany 34:401-437.
Renfrew, J.M. 1973. Palaeoethnobotany: The Prehistoric Food Plants of the Near East and Europe.
New York.
Sasson, J.M. 1972. Flora, Fauna and Minerals. In: Fisher, L.R., ed. Ras Shamra Parallels, Vol. I.
Rome. pp. 383-452.
361
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CHAPTER 18
The economic role of Shiloh in the surrounding hill country and the mode of subsistence of its population
can be reconstructed from three sources of information: archaeological data derived from the e*cavation,
results of the survey in the vicinity of the site and the environmental conditions in the region.
362
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In the hilly areas there are many small and medium-sized plots of cultivable red mountain soil which
support olive groves or vinyards. Remnants of degraded natural vegetation grow on other patches,
which were perhaps more extensive in periods when human activity in the region was limited. Such
nuclear areas of pristine, unspoiled land may be seen as reservoirs of plants and animals for repopulating
the area when the human pressure on the environment declined. It is possible that at times of dramatic
• 0
0
160 160
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+----L---------------L------~L---~--.---~~~----------~--------~~~~150
180 190
363
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population decrease the whole area, even the best arable land of the central valley, was 'conquered' by
this natural vegetation.
Practically all the soils of the area, especially uncultivated land, provide pasture for almost a full
annual cycle.
The area has an annual rainfall of from over 600 to 500 mm. (the hills to the west and to the east ofthe
valley respectively), an amount sufficient for all forms of traditional Mediterranean agriculture. A
permanent spring Ein Seilun - is only 900 m. northeast of the mound and must have been one of the
crucial factors in establishing Shiloh in this location. Scores of water cisterns are found on the mound
and in the surrounding area and several small springs are located in the vicinity. During the winter
drinking water for man and beast may also be found in temporary pools all over the area.
The mean annual temperature is 17-l90C. The mean temperature of the hottest month (August) is
24-26°C and that ofthe coldest month (January) 8-lloc. For at least three months (January to March)
human habitation without shelter and some heating is not comfortable and may at times be dangerous
for less sturdy members of the human population and for some domestic animals (Sohar 1980:122).
At present, and in the recorded past, the area has been under typical Mediterranean mixed agriculture
(Grigg 1974:123-151). This is reflected in the 16th century C.E. Ottoman taxation lists (Htitteroth and
Abdulfattah 1977) and in the Village Statistics of the 1930's and 1940's (Government of Palestine 1945).
Under pre-modern subsistence farming the valley of Shiloh could support 100-300 families, i.e.,
450-1500 people, depending on the intensity of land utilization .. An average estimate is based on the
assumption that a nuclear family of 4-5 needs approximately 25 acres of cereals as a subsistence base.
Accordingly, the 3750 acres of the valley could support 150 families, i.e., ca. 600-750 souls. Land
utilization might have been as follows: fallow-cereal-fallow in the ploughable cereal-growing soils;
cultivation of olives, grape and minor arboreal crops such as figs and pomegranates on all other soils;
and maintenance of ovine herds on rocky marginal areas and on the fallow and the stubble. A larger
population could have been reached by better crop rotation, i.e., summer crops in place of the fallow
and soil improvement on the neighbouring hills. Another way to increase the carrying capacity of the
area might have been intensive animal husbandry. Such a system would include a seasonal routine of
herding in the desert fringe areas to the east of the valley during the winter, on the stubble in the arable
areas after the harvest, and in the cool, wet parts of the central range during the summer.
The pattern of settlement and the subsistence economy of the population in the valley in the 16th
century C. E. may be reconstructed from the Ottoman deftar (Hiitteroth and Abdulfattah 1977:114, 130,
133). The village of Seilun, located on the mound, had 25-30 inhabitants (calculating 4-5 people per
family respectively), 20-25 people lived in the village of Istuna (Kh. Kafr Istuna, on the eastern margin
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ofthe valley- G.R. 18041599), 170-215 people dwelt in the village ofTurmus cAiya in the southwest of
the valley and the village of Sinjil, located on the slopes to the west of the valley, had 220-275
inhabitants. Altogether the valley supported 435-545 people who practised the type of dry Mediterranean
agriculture described above. I The first two villages were later abandoned. In the 19th century C.E. about
1700-1900 people are recorded in the the two villages of Turmus cAiya and Sinjil (Ben Arieh 1985:99). If
nomadic elements are added to the sedentary population, a possible number of ca. 2000 souls derived
sustenance from the valley and its surroundings. The population of these villages in the middle of this
century was about the same (Government of Palestine 1945).
1. Wheat, barley, summer crops, olives, vineyards, minor fruit trees and ovines are all recorded in the taxation lists.
364
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Comparing the economic patterns of the Middle Bronze-Iron I periods to those of recent generations
is a complicated task. One reason is that it is not certain that land utilization in the earlier periods was as
intensive as described above. However, the results of the Land of Ephraim Survey afford a reliable
reconstruction of the pattern of settlement in the valley in both the Middle Bronze Age and the Iron Age
I, the two main periods of occupation at Shiloh (Finkelstein 1988-89). The survey recorded three small
Middle Bronze Age sites near the central site of Shiloh. The built-up area of all four sites reached about
5.5 acres. In the Iron Age I there were seven small sites around the valley, in addition to the large site of
Shiloh; the built-up area of all eight sites is again estimated at ca. 5.5 acres. Using a density coefficient of
80-100 persons per one built-up acre, it can be calculated that 450-550 people lived around the valley in
both the Middle Bronze Age and the Iron Age I.
is also marked by other finds in the faunal assemblage: an increase in bones of undomesticated species;
the appearance of horse bones (which are generally not found before the Late Bronze Age); and the
increase in the size of all domestic ruminants (Table 15.47). Intensive sedentary agriculture was resumed
in Iron Age I and reached its peak in the Iron Age II.
365
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that in the Iron I, as in other periods, the arable valleys were the focus of settlement activity. The
economic potential of the surrounding hills was probably not neglected. In order to increase the carrying
capacity of the area, the hills served as grazing areas for ovines. As the intensity of human exploitation
increased, terraces were constructed and plots of arable soils in the hills were used for cereals and
especially for orchards.
The hills were also the source for building stones and other materials, such as burned and slaked lime.
Local timber was used for the production of the lime from the dolomite and limestone formations.
Liphschitz (Chapter 16) indicates that local Mediterranean timber could easily serve the needs of the
population. The substantial quantities of Olea europea found at Shiloh hint that much of the natural
vegetation around the site was cleared as early as the Middle Bronze Age and that the hilly areas were
already under intensive Mediterranean arboriculture. Thus later appearances of maquis or forest, if not
representing limited enclaves, indicate a decline in human activity followed by outgrowth and spread of
secondary maquis-forest from pockets of uncleared remnants. Burned raisins found in both Middle
Bronze and Iron Age I strata (Chapter 17) show that the people of Shiloh grew grape vines.
The dominant role of cereals as the chief element of Mediterranean polyculture is demonstrated by
the large number of Iron I silos, two of which were found full of burned wheat (Chapter 3). The cardinal
role of the plough in this period is underscored by the pronounced presence of cattle, man's partner at
the yoke. The ratio of bovines to caprovines in Iron Age I Shiloh (Chapter 15) is typical of a cereal-
growing population using a cattle-drawn plough (Rosen 1986).
remains indicate the presence of vinyards and olive groves, the products of which must have been
converted into storable and trl:].nsportable long-shelf-life commodities.
The possibility that Shiloh served ,as a redistribution centre indicated by the archaeological I finds is
supported by biblical sources. The economic role of temple sites as centres for the collection, storage and
distribution of agricultural commodities in pre-market societies is well known. In fact, ancient Near
Eastern economies were dominated by palace or temple complexes:
From the point of view of social structure and economic potentials, there was a symbiosis between
a city organized, at least originally, along village-community lines, and the palace or temple. This
2. The proximity of Ein Seilun seems to lessen the possibility that they were used for drinking water (contra Zertall988).
366
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fostered the accumulation of staples in the royal or divine household, compelling it to evolve
bureaucratic methods to deal with those accumulations by stock-taking, budgeting, and assigning
income and expenditures on a large scale (Oppenheim 1957:31; see also Finley 1973:28).
The case of Shiloh demonstrates the importance of temple sites in the emergence of complex political
systems (Child 1950). The destruction of Shiloh by the Philistines may therefore be seen as an attempt to
eliminate the economic roots of the growing Israelite political power.
REFERENCES
Ben-Arieh, Y. 1985. The Sanjak of Jerusalem in the 1870s. Cathedra 36:73-122. (Hebrew)
Broshi, M. and Gophna, R. 1984. The Settlement and Population of Palestine in the Early Bronze Age
II-III. BASOR 253:4- 53.
Child, G.V. 1950. The Urban Revolution. Town Planning Review 21:3-17.
Dan, J. and Raz, Z. 1970. The Soil Association Map of Israel. Tel Aviv. (Hebrew)
Finkelstein, I., ed. 1985. Excavations at Shiloh 1981-1984: Preliminary Report. Tel Aviv 12:123-180.
Finkelstein, I. 1988. The Archaeology of the Israelite Settlement. Jerusalem.
Finkelstein, I. 1988-89. The Land of Ephraim Survey 1980-1987: Prel~minary Report. Tel Aviv
15-16:117-183.
Finley, M.I. 1973. The Ancient Economy. Berkeley.
Government of Palestine 1945. Village Statistics. Jerusalem.
Grigg, D.B. 1974. The Agricultural Systems of the World. Cambridge.
Horwitz, L. 1986-87. Faunal Remains from the Early Iron Age Site on Mount Ebal. Tel Aviv 13-14:
173-189.
Hutteroth, W.D. and Abdulfattah, K. 1977. Historical Geography of Palestine, Transjordan and
Southern Syria in the Late Sixteenth Century. Erlangen.
Oppenheim, A.L. 1957. A Bird's Eye View of Mesopotamian Economic History. In: Polany, K. et al.,
eds. Trade and Markets in the Early Empires. Chicago. pp. 27-37.
Rosen, B. 1986. Subsistence Economy of Stratum II. In: Finkelstein, I. cIzbet Sartah An Early Iron Age
Site near Rosh Hacayin, Israel. BAR S299. Oxford. pp. 156-185.
Sohar, E. 1980. Man and Climate. Jerusalem. (Hebrew)
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Zertal, A. 1988. The Water Factor during the Israelite Settlement Process in Canaan. In: Heltzer, M.
and Lipinski, E., eds. Society and Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean (c. 1500-1000 B.C.).
Leuven. pp.34lc.-352.
367
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uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
PART FIVE
CONCLUSION
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CHAPTER 19
The results of the Bar-Han excavations, combined with the results of the Danish expedition (Shiloh
1969) and with information collected in the course of the Land of Ephraim Survey (Finkelstein 1988-89),
provide enough data for a reliable reconstruction of the history of Shiloh and its environs.
(Dever 1971). Large Intermediate Bronze Age cemeteries and a few settlement sites were investigated
around cEin Samiya, 8 km. to the southeast of Shiloh (Finkelstein 1990a). The settlement pattern of the
Intermediate Bronze Age in southern Samaria reflects a dimorphic society with few sedentary sites, most
of them in the desert fringe, and with large pastoral groups who buried their dead in central cemeteries
(Finkelstein 1991).
Very few Middle Bronze I sedentary sites have been recorded in the central hill country, none in
southern Samaria. However in almost all Intermediate Bronze Age cemeteries, including cEin Samiya
and Sinjil, there was reuse of tombs in this period (Dever 1975). It seems therefore that the southern part
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of the central hill country is characterized by a certain degree of continuity in the settlement pattern in
the transition from the Intermediate Bronze Age to the MB I.
evidence for this settlement is the large quantity of pottery found in the lowest layer of the glacis in Area
D, in the Middle Bronze fills uncovered in Areas F, H, K and M, and in the fill underneath the floors of
the Stratum VII rooms in Areas F and H.
Stratigraphically, it is important to note that the ceramic material of Stratum VIII was found in Areas
F and H in fills laid between the MB III floors and bedrock. Typological analysis of this pottery
(Chapter 6) indicates that it is earlier than the assemblage uncovered in the Stratum VII rooms adjoining
the fortification wall in Area F. According to the pottery (Chapter 6), seal impression 14285 (Chapter 8)
and ibex-shaped jug spout 14186 (Chapter 9), the Stratum VIII settlement should be dated to ca.
1750/1700-1650/1600B.C.E.
Since no architectural remains from this early stage have been discovered, it is not possible to
reconstruct the nature or extent of the settlement but only to assume that it was unfortified and of
372
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limited size. It was probably confined mainly to the summit of the mound, although even if it had
extended down to the perimeter it is obvious that the extensive building and filling activity there during
the MB III would have removed all traces of it. It seems that material taken from the ruins of the first
settlement was used in the construction of the glacis and fills of Stratum VII. The nature of the fills
(chalky material packed with many sherds, some of them large pieces, and numerous bones) is indeed
typical of occupational waste (see Chapter 13).
The ceramic finds of Stratum VIII resemble material collected during the survey from several nearby
sites, whereas only a few of the types characteristic of the MB III assemblage found in Area F (Stratum
VII) have been retrieved at these sites. Especially noteworthy is the abundance at the latter of the
hand-made erect cooking-pot with flat bottom, and the absence of the holemouth cooking-pot (Table
19.1; compare Table 6.1 in Chapter 6). In fact, it seems that some of these sites were established
somewhat earlier than the Stratum VIII settlement at Shiloh. If this observation is correct, it means that
in the first phase of the Middle Bronze wave of settlement small unfortified sites were founded in and
around the fertile valley; some of them may have been not more than seasonal encampments of pastoral
groups. In a later phase one of these settlements - Shiloh - developed into the main centre for the
local population, while many of the other sites were abandoned. The Middle Bronze settlement pattern
around Bethel was apparently similar (Finkelstein 1988-89: 141-142).
6 1737 1469 1 3 1 6
7 1737 1484 3 6 4 5 3 21
8 1746 1479 6 3 2 2 5 5 23
9 1744 1497 1 13 2 1 4 1 23
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I - bowls; 2 - flat bottomed cooking-pot with rope decoration; 3 --- holemouth cooking-pot; 4 -
storage jar with thickened rim; 5 -storage jar with ridge under rim; 6- storage jars with plain, everted
rim; 7 - other storage jars; 8 - sherds with rope decoration; 9 - bases; 10- other types.
373
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the glacis on its outer side leaves only a limited section ( 1-1.5 m.) of the wall exposed. Most ofthe wall
was therefore buried in stone and earth debris on both its sides.
The fact that the northern terrace of the hill was left outside the site is further proof that the builders
did not intend to create a formidable stronghold. Correct strategy for deriving maximum defense benefit
from the topography would be to establish the peripheral stone wall on the edge of this terrace which is
protected to the north by a steep slope and a deep ravine. Instead, the wall was constructed on a flat area
to the south, missing the defensive advantage.
The Glacis
The glacis was checked at five locations around the site (Areas C, D, Hand J) which made it possible to
investigate its method of construction and its adaptation to the topography. It was found that the
374
different components of the stone and earthworks were not uniformly combined in all places. This is
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especially true for the glacis (see also Biran 1990 for Dan; Kempinski and Dunayevsky 1990:26 for
Hazor). The most elaborate segment was laid in the eastern, steepest side of the mound, where heavy
stone fills were deposited inside the peripheral stone wall (Chapter 13). On the western and southern
sides of the site the glacis was less impressively built, despite the fact that in the south the slope is
moderate and the site more vulnerable. Furthermore, in the north where there is no natural topographic
barrier to stop an aggressor, there was no trace of a glacis nor were there fills leaning on the inner face of
the wall, but a row of sunken storage rooms.
These observations are of great significance when debating the long-disputed question of the reason
for constructing such glacis and of their role in fortification systems. Naturally, our conclusions are
applicable mainly to the hill country sites, since in the lowlands the topographic and lithological
conditions are completely different.
Most scholars believed that the function of the glacis was to protect the city wall by distancing the
enemy from its foundations, and preventing them from employing battering rams in order to breech or
undermine it (Kenyon 1952:71; Yadin 1955; Kaplan 1975:2-3). Others have postulated that the glacis
protected the slope of the mound (and consequently also the city wall) from erosion (Parr 1968:43-44;
Kaplan 1975:2; Pennells 1983). At Shiloh, however, the purpose of the glacis is completely different.
Four points should be stressed here:
1. The peripheral stone wall did not project much above the surface of the glacis, that is, there was no
real wall to protect;
2. Since the peripheral stone wall was founded on bedrock, it was not possible to undermine it;
3. The gradient of the glacis in Area D seems to be more or less identical to that of the bedrock, and in
some places it is even more moderate than the gradient of the dumps that form the surface of the slope
today. In other words, the glacis facilitates an easy approach to the wall;
4. The stone and earth fills which were laid inside the site created enormous pressure on the peripheral
stone wall. Therefore, places where the slope was steep obliged the builders to lay a counterweight to the
inner fills. Thus the glacis served as an outer reinforcement to the peripheral stone walL A similar
situation can apparently be detected at Shechem and other hill country sites {see below).
In Area C, earth fills were laid just inside the peripheral stone wall (the fills were unearthed in Square
G38, on the upper terrace, whereas the peripheral wall E381 was uncovered on the lower terrace).
Extensive fills of light-coloured earth were laid inside the peripheral stone wall in the southern part of
Area F. In Area D Stone Fill417, in which several supporting walls were embedded, was deposited
inside the peripheral stone wall. In Square N35, in the southern part of Area D, we reached earth fills
similar to those found in Area F.
Between Wall H312 in Area Fin the west to beyond Area Min the east a row of rooms was built
against the inner face of the peripheral stone wall. A long stretch of these rooms was uncovered in Area
F, and (by the Danish expedition) in Area H. Our probes in Areas K and M show a similar layout. On
the inward side of the site, these rooms are bounded by a wall, which is backed by fills of light-coloured
earth (with stone fills at several spots- in Squares K31 and N31 in Area F). These fills, deposited on
375
bedrock, reached the top of the closure wall of the rooms (J314). The latter is well finished on the side
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facing the interior of the rooms, but was left rough on the side against the fills. In Areas K and M the
fills were laid sloping obliquely up the mound. They were apparently intended to shape the slope of the
mound.
It is thus clear that there was a standard building plan along the northern edge of the mound, in a strip
about 115 m. long. The elements of this plan (Fig. 19.2) consisted of a row of rooms, varying from
2.5-4.0 m. in width, adjoining the solid peripheral stone wall and bounded on their inner side by a wall
that also served as a support for earthen fills deposited toward the centre and summit of the mound.
These fills were stabilized by stone walls incorporated into them (such as Wall U281 in Area K and Wall
G383 uncovered on the upper terrace of Area C) which ran parallel to the peripheral stone wall.
In this construction plan the hilly topography of the mound was efficiently exploited and the V-shaped
'pockets' formed between the peripheral stone wall and the sloping bedrock surface were utilized for fills
or rooms. In the case of the latter, further fills were deposited on the bedrock in order to create an
under-floor bedding.
The rooms adjoining the peripheral stone wall were in fact cellars, which undoubtedly accounts for
their excellent state of preservation. In Area F their walls were preserved to a height of about 2.5 m.
Judging by the depth of the stone and brick debris which reached a height of about 1.2 m. above floor
level, it appears that the walls were originally even higher, or else (though less likely) there was a second
storey above the cellars. The finds from Areas F-H show that these cellars were used for storage; the
small rooms were found packed with vessels, mainly storage jars.
Apart from the rooms along the peripheral stone wall and the two walls that projected from the
earthen fill in Area F, no Middle Bronze architectural remains were found in any of the areas excavated.
Theoretically it is possible that the residential area of the site was located on the southern slope.
However, almost no Middle Bronze pottery was found in the mixed loci unearthed in the squares
excavated in this section of the mound.
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Fig. 19.2: Area Fin the MB III: schematic reconstruction of the main earth and stone elements.
376
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Two facts point to the presence of a cult place at Shiloh in the MB III:
1. The objects from the storerooms adjoining the peripheral stone wall in Area F included cult stands,
votive bowls and a bull-shaped zoomorphic vessel. Some of the metal objects from Room 1527 are also
of a cultic nature (Chapter 9), indicating that these storerooms may have been associated with a nearby
cultic building;
2. If there were no cultic installation at Shiloh in the MB III, it would be difficult to explain the existence
of a cult site there in the subsequent Late Bronze Age I when the site was apparently uninhabited. The
only possible explanation for the existence of an isolated Late Bronze Age cult place at Shiloh is that it
continued a Middle Bronze Age tradition.
Assuming that there was indeed a cult place at MB III Shiloh, it probably stood on or near the
summit of the mound. This hypothesis is supported by the evidence from the Area F storerooms, by the
earthen fills deposited toward the summit and by the Late Bronze I favissa debris found on the
northeastern slope (Area D). Regarding the location of this supposed cult place, the plans of
neighbouring Shechem and Bethel may be relevant, since they have much in common with Shiloh (see
below). At Shechem the sacred temenos stood in the northwestern sector (Wright 1965:100; Fig. 13).
The excavator of Bethel presumed that a shrine stood in the northwest of the site (Kelso 1968:13-14,
26-27). By analogy, we may postulate that at Shiloh too a MB III temple was located in the northern or
northwestern sector.
To sum up, MB III Shiloh was a relatively small site with enormous stone and earthworks. A row of
storerooms was built in the northern part of the site and a shrine (possibly also a palace?) was supposedly
erected on the summit of the mound. There is no evidence for dwellings in Middle Bronze Age Shiloh.
and against Wall D. The embankment was 38m. at its base. Wall C formed a battered stone footing for
its slope. The excavators argued that the embankment must have risen to a height of 15m. and that it
was crowned by a defense wall. The embankment continued to serve as Shechem's main fortification in
the two succeeding phases of the MB II. At the beginning of the MB III the 'cyclopean' WaH A was
added. Except for the uppermost courses, this wall was never free-standing; at the same stage the top of
the embankment was levelled and the displaced fill was dumped behind Wall A, in order to create a
'defensible plateau' inside the site. The Northwest Gate and the massive Migdal Temple were built at the
same time. The latter was constructed on a fill which covered the Courtyard Temple. In the closing
phase of the MB III, Wall B and the East Gate were added.
Upon rechecking the stratigraphic and architectural evidence from Tell Balatah, Lederman reached
the conclusion that all elements of the fortifications and the Migdal Temple were built in one phase.
377
According to his interpretation, Wall A served as the exterior defense line of the site, while an earthen
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fill was constructed inside its perimeter to create a raised platform for the Migdal Temple. Wall C served
as a supporting 'foot' for this fill (Lederman 1985; see also Wright 1985:44).
Recently Ussishkin (1989) has thoroughly investigated the issue of the Shechem fortifications. His
main conclusion is that the cyclopean wall is a stone revetment which was erected in order to support
constructional fills rather than as a proper city wall. Ussishkin pointed out that the cyclopean wall was
supported by a glacis-fill on its outer side as well. His conclusion is that "a single monumental
fortification system was built at one time and according to one scheme. That system included Wall A in
the northern side of the site, the Northwest Gate, and the huwwar fill ... the East Gate ... Wall B, Wall A
in the eastern side of the site ... and the glacis in the eastern section between Walls A and B" (Ussishkin
1989:49).
Thus, there is a great similarity in the layout of Middle Bronze Age Shiloh and Shechem. At both sites
a small unfortified MB I/ MB II settlement was buried under later fills. In the MB III both sites were
encircled by a huge stone wall, which retained earthen fills. In order to counterbalance the pressure of
these fills, a supporting glacis was laid outside the peripheral stone wall. The inner fills were stabilized by
retaining walls. The main structures, including cult places, were built on top of the fills, in the northern
section of the sites. At neither site is there evidence for Middle Bronze Age residential quarters. The few
dissimilarities between the two sites probably stem from the different topographic conditions of a
mound in the plain as opposed to one on a steep hill: the fills at Shechem were intended to create a
podium, whereas at Shiloh a natural podium existed and all that was needed was to smooth the surface
of the slope by covering it with white earth.
The large stone fortification of Middle Bronze Age Hebron is similar in its dimensions and
construction methods to the wall of Shiloh. The size of the site in this period is not clear, but according
to the plan published by Hammond (1968:254) it is doubtful whether it exceeded 1.5 hectares. 1 In one
place a glacis was traced adjacent to the wall, and in another, inside the site, a light earthen fill was
found.
Bethel was an unfortified, sprawling settlement in the Middle Bronze Age II (Kelso 1968:46).2 In the
Middle Bronze Age III Bethel was surrounded by a strong stone wall. The fortification resembles that of
Shiloh in appearance, but probably because of the type of rock available locally it was built of smaller
stones. In one place the excavators discerned an earth and stone glacis (Kelso 1968: 15-16). They
assumed that a shrine stood at the northwestern side ofthe mound (Kelso 1968:13-14; 26-27). The area
of MB III Bethel was apparently similar to that of Shiloh.
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1. Contra Ofer (1989:90) who argued that the size of Middle Bronze Age Hebron was 2.4-3 hectares.
2. According to Dever (1972) a small MB I village was abandoned in the MB II, to be reoccupied in the MB III.
:378
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a distinct socio-political organization. There is consensus on the definition of the main second millennium
B.C.E. lowland sites as city-states. The political formations of the highlands will be discussed below.
In order to understand the nature of these highland strongholds, one has to consider the manpower
needed for their construction. At Shiloh, the volume of earth dumped in the glacis in the 175 m. of the
eastern, steep slope of the mound is ca. 14000 cu. m. The entire volume of earth laid in the glacis can be
estimated at ca. 25000 cu. m. Adding the earth of the fills inside the mound, a total of 40000-45000 cu.
m. (ca. 75000 tons) seems to be a realistic assumption. Some of the earth may have come from the waste
material from the quarry on the terrace to the north of the mound; the rest must have come from farther
afield (Chapter 13). Assuming that the average height of the peripheral revetment wall was 5 m. we can
estimate that 55000 boulders were used in its construction. The overall weight of these stones may be
approximated to be ca. 20000 tons. The whole project required a minimum of 250000 workdays of
porters, builders and workers at the quarries (for manpower calculations see Cotterell and Kamminga
1990:194; Atkinson 1961; Ashbee and Cornwall 1961).
At Shiloh there is a sharp contrast between the work invested in construction activities and the limited
population of the site. If we use the generally accepted density coefficient for calculating population size,
about 250 persons per hectare (e.g. Broshi and Gophna 1986), we find that the entire site, even if filled
with dwelling units, would have accommodated only about 400 inhabitants. Since most of the area
lacked such dwellings, we must consider a much lower figure. In other words, there were probably not
more than a few dozen male adults at the site, most of them apparently dignitaries. It has been suggested
that in early political entities no more than 20% of the population could be enrolled in public works,
three months a year (Renfrew 1984:238).3 Accordingly, the people of Shiloh would have needed ca. 150
years in order to finish the project. The solution to the manpower problem should therefore be sought in
the population of a larger highland territory. A population of ca. 3000 people could allocate the people
needed for the completion of the work in five years.
However, according to the survey of the_close vicinity, Shiloh was not associated with an extensive
system of satellite villages at that time. Only eight other sites are known within a radius of 5 km. (only
three of them in the valley itself- Fig. 19.3), with an average size of about 0.3 hectares. As noted above,
some of these may already have been abandoned when Shiloh's peripheral stone wall was being
constructed. If so, it is doubtful whether the limited local population could have contributed much
towards solving the manpower problem. Was there some population in the region that has left no
archaeological traces? Perhaps we should somehow connect the massive building project of Shiloh with
the population of an extensive highland area and with Shechem, its neighbour to the north, or perhaps
even with Bethel, which is about the same distance to the south? In the absence of written material, these
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
3. See also Mendelssohn 1977:143, 192. According to the data published by Stanhill (1978), Palestinian peasants of the
beginning o~ this century also could not leave their farms for more than few months a year.
379
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have been found at the site. Thus in Shechem too, the manpower for the gigantic constructions must
have come from the surrounding countryside.
The fortified centres of Shechem, Shiloh, Bethel and Hebron (and possibly other places, such as
Jerusalem, Beth-Zur, Kh. curmeh and Tell Abu-Zarad) were apparently government strongholds for
chiefs who ruled over large territories with mixed sedentary and pastoral groups. These strongholds
were different from the conventional settlements of the lowlands. They served as the seats of the chiefs,
with storage facilities and central cult places but with almost no residential quarters. The impressive
stone and earth works which were undertaken by the population of large territories demonstrated the
power of the chief and the legitimacy of his rule. 4
It is extremely difficult to reconstruct the precise mechanisms which led to the emergence of large
political entities in the highlands of Canaan in the Middle Bronze Age, but some of the components seem
to be traceable. This was the first period in which the central hill country had a significant population as
there was a demand for the highland agricultural products in the prosperous lowland centres. As a
result, some of the groups expanded into inhospitable niches which were conducive only to the practice
of horticulture. This in turn led to the development of specialized agriculture which needed balancing
institutions to control the intra- and inter-regional flow of commodities. 5
At Shiloh, the content of the storage installations and the indications for contacts with the north
(Chapter 9) supply some archaeological evidence for the phenomenon of these regional political centres.
Were all these fortified strongholds centres of independent highland entities? The fact that historical
sources of both the Middle Bronze and Late Bronze Ages mention only two main political bodies in the
central hill country hints at another possibility. There were several chiefs, each ruling from a highland
stronghold, but organized under two main political entities a northern one with Shechem as its
centre, including the chiefs of Shiloh and Bethel, and a southern one with Jerusalem as its centre,
including the territory of Hebron. 6 Shechem and Jerusalem were therefore the supreme leaders among
the Middle Bronze highland strongholds.
The question remains as to how to describe the peculiar socio-political system of the highlands of
Canaan in the second millennium B.C.E. Alt was the first to distinguish between lowland city-states and
territorial formations of the highlands ( 1925). Kempinski referred to the Middle Bronze Age central hill
country "state of Shechem" (1989:62), and Na'aman viewed Late Bronze Age Shechem as a territorial
state rather than as a city-state (1982:216; 1986a:466).
This turns the discussion to Rowton's seminal works on the dimorphic society of the ancient Near
East, and especially on the phenomenon of a city in a nomadic environment (1973; 1976). In western
Asia the nomads operated either in pastoral enclaves in the sedentary lands or on their fringe. The
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combination of city-state, tribe and nomadism is typical to mountainous and steppe regions. Rowton
described four possible socio-political systems in these areas: feudal chiefdom, tribal chiefdom, dimorphic
chiefdom and dimorphic state. In the feudal chiefdom there is no nomadic component; in the tribal
chiefdom there is no non-tribal component. Dimorphic chiefdom is a political system based on a
government urban centre in a tribal territory; it is generally connected to areas of enclosed nomadism.
4. On the construction of fortifications as propaganda see Whitelam 1986. On Middle Bronze stone and earth works as
propaganda see Finkelstein 1992.
5. For similar processes in the same ecological niche in the Early Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron II see Finkelstein
and Gophna 1993; Finkelstein 1989 respectively.
6. Contra Bunimovitz (l990) who suggested that in the Middle Bronze Age the central hill country was politically fragmented.
380
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The population of a dimorphic chiefdom is therefore composed of both sedentary and nomadic groups.
The difference between a dimorphic chiefdom and a dimorphic state is that the former is autonomous
while the latter is sovereign. Dimorphic chiefdoms can be parts of larger political entities. When central
states deteriorate, the pastoral enclaves grow in size and the dimorphic chiefdoms can then redevelop
into a real state. Destruction of a dimorphic chiefdom may cause political turmoil and may even lead to
nomadization of the population (Rowton 1973; 1976).
Rowton presented examples of dimorphic chiefdoms in Iran and Turkey in the Middle Ages and in
recent generations. The ruling dynasties of these entities built forts from which they governed their
territories. The dimorphic chiefdom of Sadhandjan in southern Kurdistan "combined clans living in
tents with strongholds serving as treasuries and refuges in time of danger" (Minorsky 1960). Another
interesting example of a dimorphic chiefdom in the mountainous parts of western Asia in recent
generations is the Kalat Khanate of Pakistan (Swidler 1972). The population there comprised all
components of a dimorphic society, from villagers to nomads.
The socio-political formations in the central hill country in the second millennium B.C.E. fit Rowton's
description of dimorphic chiefdoms. Indeed, some of their characteristics, especially the government
strongholds, also match the definitions of feudal chiefdoms although their large pastoral component
rules out such interpretation. Possible exceptions may be Middle Bronze Age sites in sedentary northern
Samaria, such as Tell el-Farcah. The term dimorphic chiefdom is applied here to mountain enclaves with
both sedentary and pastoral elements, governed from central strongholds. In fact, if we look at the
details of Rowton's discussion of dimorphic entities, it is possible to describe Middle Bronze Age
Shechem as a dimorphic state encompassing several dimorphic chiefdoms.
381
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of the pottery retrieved here is of the LB I horizon, i.e., from the time immediately following the
destruction at the end of the Middle Bronze Age. Since stretches of the peripheral stone wall under the
Late Bronze Age debris were found to have been robbed, we may assume that quite some time had
passed following the destruction of the site and prior to the deposition of the material at this spot.
Secondly, no layering whatsoever was found within the Late Bronze dump and there were even
concentrations of stones in several places. Thirdly, although the sherds came from hundreds of vessels,
they were not grouped in concentrations that enabled easy reconstruction, but were scattered over a
wide area. The obvious conclusion is that the material was dumped here after the LB I. This occurred no
later than early in the Iron Age I, since the silos of this period were cut into the Late Bronze Age
deposits. The course of events may therefore be reconstructed as follows: Sometime in Late Bronze Age
II, but more likely in the early phase of Iron Age I, while preparing the ground for new buildings, a
favissa of the Late Bronze Age cult place (or perhaps the cult place itself) was cleared out and thrown
into a large robber pit of the stones of the MB III peripheral wall on the slope. Shortly afterward the
Iron Age silos were cut into these dumps.
The ceramic assemblage discovered in the deposit of Area D shows that activity at the site was
renewed in the LB I, a short time after the destruction of the MB III stronghold. This activity continued
until the first part of LB II (see Chapter 6 and some of the objects in Chapters 8-9), although it gradually
decreased and ceased completely before the end of the Late Bronze Age.
In the Late Bronze Age Shiloh was therefore occupied solely by a cult place. Possibly the population
from the surrounding area continued to visit a ruined Middle Bronze Age shrine, and perhaps they even
partially restored it. These visits gradually tapered off and finally stopped altogether. The data on the
animal bones retrieved form the Late Bronze Age deposit (Chapters 15, 18) plus the fact that the survey
did not record any sedentary site in the vicinity, hint at the possibility that the people who were active in
Shiloh at that time had a pastoral rather than a sedentary background.
The history of Shiloh during the transition from the Middle Bronze to the Late Bronze Age, as shown
by the excavation results, matches the settlement picture that emerges from the Land of Ephraim survey.
A strong wave of settlement took place in this area in the Middle Bronze Age, as it did in other parts of
the central hill country. Scores of Middle Bronze Age sites were recorded during the Land of Ephraim
survey, although not all of them were contemporary with each other. Most of them were apparently
established in the MB II, and many were abandoned in the MB III when the strongholds of Shiloh and
Shechem were constructed. At the end of the Middle Bronze Age the fortified sites were destroyed and
the few remaining rural sites were abandoned. In the Late Bronze Age we find only five sites in the entire
area, located on the major mounds, while the scattered, unfortified settlements have disappeared
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altogether. Moreover, even on the main mounds, the settlements were now smaller. At Shiloh there was
probably only a cult place and at Kh. el-cUrma (biblical Arumah; G.R. 180 172) and Tell Abu Zarad
(G.R. 171 167; the site of Tappuah- Abel 1936) only a few sherds of this period were found in the
survey, in contrast to the abundant Middle Bronze Age material. The situation at Kh. Marjama near
cEin Samiya is not sufficiently clear. It seems that only Bethel flourished during LB II, following a short
interval of abandonment (Kelso 1968:28-31).
The picture that emerges is one of drastic deterioration of the network of permanent settlements and a
reduction of activity to a few sites, some of which shrank considerably in size. A similar situation may be
observed in other parts of the hill country (Zertal 1988; Finkelstein 1991), and in fact almost all over
Canaan (Gonen 1979:185, 226-227; 1984; Na'aman 1982:174-175). The reasons for this process are still
obscure. It is very doubtful whether the responsibility can be attributed solely to Egyptian conquest of
382
the country (Bunimovitz 1989). It is more probable that it stemmed from local social and political
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affairs.
Finally, we should note that the phenomenon of isolated cult places, located far from urban centres or
just outside cities, is known in other parts of Late Bronze Age Canaan (Campbell and Wright 1969). To
the former type belongs the temple at Tell Deir cAlla, which Franken described as a central shrine for
the nomadic tribal population of this part of the Jordan Valley (Franken 1969:19-20; see also Mazar
1984). Examples ofthe second type include the building at the foot of Mount Gerizim (Boling 1969) and
the Fosse Temple at Lachish. It seems likely that this phenomenon reflects the settlement and social
systems of the period, namely that considerable numbers of people lived outside the urban system but
still remained in contact with the major centres. The phenomenon of burial grounds not connected to
sedentary sites (Gonen 1992; Ofer 1990) also points in the same direction.
belongs to the time of the destruction of this stratum, it cannot date the construction of the pillared
buildings. We have no alternative but to base the date of their foundation on architectural considerations.
In the light of the accumulated evidence from Iron Age I sites in the central hill country and its
environs, it is doubtful whether such sophisticated pillared buildings can be dated earlier than the
late-12th-early 11th century B.C.E. Without going into the complexities of the origins of the pillared
buildings, we shall merely note that in early Iron I sites such as cizbet Sartah Stratum III and Giloh
there are no elaborate pillared buildings. These structures, whose ground plan was gradually becoming
formalized in this period, probably reached their fully evolved form only in a more advanced phase of
the Iron Age I settlement process in the hill country, at sites such as Kh. Raddana, cAi, Shiloh and Kh.
ed-Dawwara (Finkelstein 1988:237 ff.; 1990b). Consequently, a date for the crystallization of this
architectural style in the second half of the 12th or the beginning of the 11th century B. C.E. accords well
383
with the presently available evidence. From the above, and from the fact that there are almost no
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indications for phases of construction in the Area C pillared buildings, it emerges that the period of
Shiloh's floruit was short lived - about fifty years or a little longer, possibly at the end of the 12th
century and mainly in the first half of the 11th century B. C.E.
east-west orientation suggest that they were associated with a larger building complex that extended
eastwards in the direction of the summit. This assumption naturally raises the question of the location of
the Iron Age sanctuary. The early explorer Wilson (1873:37-38; recently also Kaufman 1988) proposed
that the tabernacle was accommodated on the natural terrace extending outward from the north of the
mound, where traces of quarrying are visible. This theory must be rejected since recent excavation by
Yeivin revealed that activity at the spot did not start before the late Iron Age II (Had. Arch. 77
[1981]:19-20).
Although our excavations have not provided a definitive answer regarding the location of the
sanctuary, the negative evidence from the northern, eastern and western sectors is of considerable value.
Since it is inconceivable that the sacred place was anywhere except inside the settlement, this leaves only
the summit and southern slope as candidates. Two lines of evidence lead us to the first alternative:
384
1. The well-planned buildings on the western slope, which imply continuation of construction in the
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From the early days of biblical research scholars have been divided on the question of the early Israelite
shrines. One school has argued for the existence of central sanctuaries in pre-monarchic Israel (for 19th
century scholars such as Ewald and Kittel see summary in Schley 1989; Albright 1942:102; 1966:54-55;
Kraus 1966:126-127; Alt 1966:58, 193; Bright 1974: 158, 162). The maximalist view regarding the role of
Shiloh as an early Israelite sanctuary was stated by N oth, who saw Shiloh as the last in a chronological
series of central shrines of the amphictyonic league of the twelve tribes of Israel. According to Noth,
such a central shrine was one of the prerequisites for creating this amphictyony (Noth 1960:93 ff.). Other
scholars too were of the opinion that Shiloh was the only, or at least the principal, sacred centre in the
period of the Judges (Albright 1942:103-105; Cross 1947:56; Nielsen 1955:36; Woudstra 1965:127, 133;
Liver 1971:196; Bright 1974:162). Among the scholars who agree with Noth's chronological order of
these central shrines - Shechem, Bethel, Gilgal and Shiloh were Kraus (1966:127) and Kingsbury
385
(1967: 134-136). Other scholars follow a different chronological sequence for the sacred centres of the
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Israelites: Lemaire, for example, saw Shiloh as the first of the series rather than the last ( 1973:242-243).
A second school opposed the view of a central pre-monarchic shrine and argued that Shiloh was one
of several local, contemporaneous early Israelite cult places.?
Evidently, it is extremely difficult to solve this dispute with archaeological tools, but several points
stand out:
1. The high level of planning and construction at Shiloh, the public nature of the pillared buildings
unearthed in Area C and the fact that no living quarters were found at the site, all indicate that Iron I
Shiloh was not an ordinary village with a cult place but rather a religious temenos. In other words, of all
the hill country Iron I sites, Shiloh is the only one to exhibit definite evidence of public activity.
2. The importance of Shiloh in the Iron Age I is clearly reflected in the results of the survey of the
surrounding area (Fig. 19.3). The density of the neighbouring villages is double or treble that known in
other parts of southern Samaria. Of 115 sites of this period found throughout the survey area, 26 are
located within a radius of 5-6 km. of Shiloh. If we look to Bethel for comparative data (including the
results of the recent comprehensive surveys of the plateau of Benjamin- Finkelstein and Magen 1993),
we see that only 12 villages of this period are known in an area of roughly the same radius. Elsewhere in
the hill country the concentration of sites is even lower. The advantages of settling in the small fertile
valleys of Shiloh and Lubban esh-Sharqiyyeh are clear. However, Shiloh itself undoubtedly played an
important role in fostering settlement; more than half the sites in the vicinity were apparently founded in
an advanced phase of Iron Age I when Shiloh was at the height of its prosperity (for details see
Finkelstein 1988: 178-182).
3. The comprehensive surveys of recent years reveal that in the first half of the 11th century B.C.E., at
the peak of Shiloh's prosperity, the Israelite settlement process8 was still in its initial phases in many
parts of the country, such as the Upper Galilee, the Beer-sheba Valley and the Judean hills. In other
regions, such as the eastern Lower Galilee, it had not even begun. 9 No cult site in the Samaria hills could
possibly have served the isolated and remote populations of distant regions. On the other hand, most of
the proto-Israelite population (Dever 1992) lived in the area between Jerusalem and the Jezreel Valley.
Hence, we can still only remain non-committal on the subject of a central shrine in pre-monarchic
Israel. In the first half of the 11th century B.C.E. Shiloh was probably an important centre for the
population of the highlands of Samaria. Nevertheless the archaeological evidence does not answer the
cardinal question - whether it was the one and only shrine of this population, or whether there were
contemporaneous cult centres at sites such as Bethel and Shechem. It.is also impossible to determine
whether there were earlier shrines in the central hill country which served populations of large areas. In
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my opinion the Mt. Ebal finds do not furnish any information regarding the territorial influence of that
site. Therefore we still lack evidence for an inter-regional organization in the highlands in the 12th
century B.C.E.
Be that as it may, the concentration of sites around Shiloh, the public building activity and the
7. For the early scholars see summary in Schley 1989, especially Wellhausen 1957:40; for a variety of opinions on this subject,
see Basters 1965; Irwin 1965; Orlinsky 1962:375 ff.; Haran 1978:28-39; Mayes 1974:34-35; de Geus 1976:195199; de Vaux
1978:703-709; for a slightly different approach see de Vaux 1961:304; Lemche 1985:303; Miller and Hayes 1986:133; Schley
1989:187-188.
8. For my definition of the term 'Israelite' in the Iron Age I see Finkelstein 1988:27-28.
9. For details see Finkelstein 1988:324-330; for the Judaean hills see Ofer 1990; for the eastern Lower Galilee see Gal 1982.
386
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content of the Area C pillared buildings are clear evidence for intensive economic and administrative
activity at the site (for trade in collared-rim jars see Chapter 11 ). It seems safe to suggest that in the early
11th century B.C.E. Shiloh served as a redistribution centre for an extensive hinterl{tnd. This makes
Shiloh an important stage in the transition of the Iron Age I hill country population from a social
system concentrated around small, isolated groups into the formation of an early monarchic state
(Finkelstein 1989).
Another question that arises is why and how Shiloh acquired its special cultic and political role in the
history of early Israel. The absence of previous sacral associations related to the site perplexed a number
of scholars (e.g. Noth 1960:95) while others saw the transformation of a previously inconsequential site
~
......
())
0 U'l
@]
0 A
D
0
0
D @]
0
165 165
0
0 0
0
0
160
0 0
uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
Kh. et-Tello
0
D MB SITE
0 IRON AGE I SITE
0
- MODERN ROAD
~VALLEY
0
155 155
.....
.....:!
(J"'
Fig. 19.3: Middle Bronze and Iron Age I sites in the vicinity of Shiloh.
387
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into an early Israelite cult centre as the very reason for its subsequent importance (e.g. Bright 1974:162).
The recent excavations provide evidence for the existence of earlier sacred traditions associated with this
place (see also Schley 1989: 134-136). Although the site was deserted for two centuries before activity
recommenced in the Iron Age I, one cannot ignore the evidence for continuity of cult activity here from
the MB II to the LB IIA.
N a'aman ( 1985) opposed the notion of continuity of sacred tradition in the highlands from the Bronze
Age into the Iron Age. In his opinion, the cult places of pre-monarchic Israel were deliberately established
outside the ancient urban centres, testifying to the revolutionary nature of the Israelite religion in the
period of the Judges and the beginning of the Monarchy. This theory encounters two difficulties:
1. It does not explain why and by what process the open air cult centres were eventually transferred into
the cities of the monarchic period;
2. The central hill country has by now been almost completely explored and archaeological surveys have
revealed hundreds of Iron I sites. However, except for the Mt. Ebal site (Zertal 1986-87), not a single
cult installation has been found in the vicinity of the ancient Middle and Late Bronze Age centres.
The morphological differences between southern and northern Samaria (divided by the Shechem
area), the former rugged mountainous terrain while the latter typified by broad valleys .and relatively
benign rock formations, is also significant. It forms the background for the entirely different settlement
patterns in the two regions in the Late Bronze and Iron Age I. In southern Samaria dense Iron Age I
settlement has been recorded in an area that had been only sparsely inhabited in the Late Bronze Age
(only five sites of this period are known in the region) whereas in northern Samaria at least 25 Late
Bronze Age sites have been discovered (Zartal 1988). Both these factors- environmental conditions
and the density of settlement in the Late Bronze Age - are linked to a third difference between these
two areas. Some of the Iron I sites of northern Samaria, most of them already inhabited in the Late
Bronze Age, were much larger than those of southern Samaria and the other highland regions. The
obvious conclusion is that there was a certain degree of continuity of settlement in northern Samaria
from the Late Bronze to the Iron Age, that is, the region's population in the Iron Age I was composed of
an indigenous sedentary element alongside newly-settled groups. The existence of a strong Canaanite
population in northern Samaria is also reflected in the biblical description of the relationship of
Shechem and Manasseh (Noth 1960:145, 152-153) and in the inclusion of Shechem, Tirzah and Hepher
in the genealogical list of Manasseh (Alt 1932:28-29; Aharoni 1979:194; 1982:65-66; Weippert 1971:20).
There are even some hints of Canaanite influence in northern Samaria during the time of the Monarchy
(e.g. Albright 1942:160-161).
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388
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that influenced Pearce (1973) and Schley (1989:70-71) to revive the theory for Assyrian conquest of
Shiloh in the 8th century B.C.E. Schofield (1962:314) came to a similar conclusion based on biblical
considerations (for a different view see Day 1979).
The results of the recent excavations lay this problem to rest. First and foremost, Iron Age I Shiloh
was destroyed in a great conflagration whose traces were clearly visible everywhere in Area C as well as
in Area E and possibly in the burnt silos of Area D (Chapter 14). Furthermore, it is now clear that the
site was not occupied in the early phases of the Iron Age II, that in the late-Iron Age II it was a tiny,
insignificant settlement, and that this late-Iron II site was not destroyed by fire but was apparently
gradually abandoned. The ceramic evidence that Shiloh was already abandoned at the end of the 11th
century B. C.E. also rules out the theory that the site emerged as a sanctuary of national importance only
in the days of Saul (Miller and Hayes 1986:133; Schley 1989:163, 195-197).
Finally, dump Debris 623 which seems to date slightly later than the Area C pillared buildings
(Chapters 6 and 11) may hint that for a short time after the destruction of Iron I Shiloh people from the
vicinity continued to bring offerings to the ruined site, a practice which somewhat resembles the Late
Bronze Age activity at Shiloh.
Byzantine pottery was found in several locations on the mound (see Table 1.1 and Shiloh 1969; Shiloh
1985).
REFERENCES
389
Aharoni, Y., Fritz, V. and Kempinski, A. 1975. Excavations at Tel Masos (Khirbet el-Meshash):
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Cross, P.M. 1981. The Priestly Tabernacle in the Light of Recent Research. In: Biran, A., ed. Temples
and High Places in Biblical Times. Jerusalem. pp. 169-180.
Day, J. 1979. The Destruction of the Shiloh Sanctuary and Jeremiah VII 12, 14. VTSup 30:87-94.
Dever, W.G. 1971. An MB I Tomb Group from Sinjil. BASOR 204: 31-37.
Dever, W.G. 1972. Archaeological Methods and Results: A Review of Two Recent Publications.
Orientalia 40:459-471.
Dever, W.G. 1975. Middle Bronze IIA Cemeteries at cAin es-Samiyeh and Sinjil. BASOR 217:23-36.
Dever, W.G. 1992. How to Tell a Canaanite from an Israelite. In: Shanks, H. et al. The Rise of Ancient
Israel. Washington DC. pp 26-56.
Dunayevsky, I. and Kempinski, A. 1990. The Eastern Rampart of Hazor. Atiqot 10:23-28. (Hebrew)
Eissfeldt, 0. 1957. Silo und Jerusalem. VTSup 4:138-147.
390
Copyright © 1993. The Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair
Kaufman, A.S. 1988. Fixing the Site of the Tabernacle at Shiloh. BAR 14(6):46-52.
Kelso, J.L. 1968. The Excavation of Bethel (1934-1960). AASOR 39.
Kempinski, A. 1983. Syrien und Paliistina (Kanaan) in der letzten Phase der Mittelbronze JIB-Zeit
(1650-1570 v. Chr). Wiesbaden.
Kempinski, A. 1989. The Middle Bronze Age. In: The Archaeology of Ancient Israel in the Biblical
Period. Tel Aviv. (Hebrew)
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Reich, R., eds. The Architecture of Ancient Israel. Jerusalem. pp. 121-126.
Kenyon, K.M. 1952. Excavations at Jericho, 1952. PEQ:62-82.
Kingsbury, E.C. 1967. He Set Ephraim before Manasseh. Hebrew Union College Annua/38:129-136.
Kjaer, H. 1930. The Excavation of Shiloh 1929. JPOS 10:87-104.
391
Copyright © 1993. The Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair
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Copyright © 1993. The Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair
Shiloh 1969. Buhl, M.-L. and Holm-Nielsen, S. 1969. Shiloh, The Danish Excavations at Tall Sailun,
Palestine, in 1926, 1929, 1932 and 1963. Copenhagen.
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1929, 1932 and 1963 II: The Remains from the Hellenistic to the Mamluk Periods. Copenhagen.
Shiloh, Y. 1971. Reviews: M.-L. Buhl and S. Holm-Nielsen. Shiloh, The Danish Excavations at Tall
Sailun, Palestine in 1926, 1929, 1932 and 1963. IEJ 21:67-69.
Stanhill, G. 1978. The Fellah's Farm: An Autarkic Agro-Ecosystem. Agro-Ecosystems 4:433-448.
Swidler, N. 1972. The Development of the Kalat Khanate. In: Irons, W. and Dyson-Hudson, N., eds.
Perspectives on Nomadism. Leiden. pp. 115-121.
de Vaux, R. 1961. Ancient Israel, Its Life and Institutions. London.
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BASOR 276:29- 53.
Weippert, M. 1971. The Settlement of the Israelite Tribes in Palestine. London.
Wellhausen, J. 1957. Prolegomena to the History of Ancient Israel. New York.
Whitelam, K.W. 1986. The Symbols of Power: Aspects of Royal Propaganda in the United Monarchy.
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Wilson, C.W. 1873. Jerusalem. PEFQSt :37-38.
Woudstra, M.H. 1965. The Ark of the Covenantfrom Conquest to Kingship. Philadelphia.
Wright, G.E. 1965. Shechem: A Biography of a Biblical City. London.
Wright, G.R.H. 1985. Ancient Building in South Syria and Palestine. Leiden.
Yadin, Y. 1955. Hyksos Fortifications and the Battering-ram. BASOR 137:23-32.
Zertal, A. 1986-87. An Early Iron Age Cultic Site on Mount Ebal: Excavation Seasons 1982-1987. Tel
Aviv 13-14:105-165.
Zertal, A. 1988. The Israelite Settlement in the Hill Country of Manasseh. Haifa. (Hebrew)
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393
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LIST OF LOCI
* Stratum VIII/VII designates a Locus which contains Stratum VIII material, constructed in Stratum VII.
394
c
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617 C39 v Central longitudinal unit in Building 335; see also L. 1301
618 c D/E38 v Debris dumped over Building 335; upper part of Debris 623
621 c D40 I Installation
623 c DjE38 v Debris dumped over Building 335; see also L. 618
626 c C40 v Uncovering the continuation of Wall C423
705 D L33 VI Part of Debris 407
706 D M33 v Surface debris
707 D L33 VIII/VII Part of Stone Fill417
7!1 D M32 Mixed
712 D M33 Mixed
714 D M34 Mixed
716 D L33 Mixed
721 D M/N30,31 v Silo
723 D M-027-29 VIII/VII Glacis
724 D M34 VIII/VII Part of Stone Fill 417
727 D M30,3l v Continuation of L. 403
731 D K29 v Continuation of L. 403
733 D N35 Mixed
740 D M32 v Silo
741 D M33 v Silo
802 F K31 Mixed
804 F 131 II Building
805 F K31 Mixed
807 F K30 Mixed
809 F K31 VIII/VII Earthen fill
810 F K30 II Building
903 G T53 IV or III Building
907 G T54 IV Building
913 G U/T52 Mixed
1003 H M28 v Silo
1012 H L37 Mixed
1017 H L/M28,29 VII Floor of 'Room S' of Dani.sh excavations
1018 H 028 Mixed Cleaning of section of Danish excavations
1019 H L29 VII 'Room T' of the Danish excavations
1021 H N28 VIII/VII Earthen fill under floor of Stratum VII room
1023 H K/L29 Mixed
1102 1 157 Mixed Probe in Lower Area 1
1106 1 M59 II Probe in Lower Area 1
ll08 1 H57 v Probe; dumped debris
1109 1 152 II Building
1112 1 E/F53 II Walls
ll13 1 F53 Mixed Under L. 1112
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395
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396
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397
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
VT Vetus Testamentum
VTSup Supplement to the Vetus Testamentum
ZDPV Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins
398