1

cnd Fwnclions
w.ere visiting anthro-
virtually all of the founding fathcrs of caribbe:rn fan.rilv studies
lvorkers f'rotn Britain and tl-re United States'
nolosists, sociologists zrncl social lvelfare
in which the co-resiclential nuclear iamill' structure
i;;;;;;i.o-'t ".t
g.ouncls
clear di'ision of iabour be-
h;;i#;;;;-; ;;;'t.secl on stable ,arriage, ir.ith a
firm in, their belicf that the fam-
tween husband and wife, was the norm. They iverc
*hi.h thc rvhole moral and sociai fab.c
iiy-.orrrtitrtecl the basic buil<ling block or-,
'lo'wer-ciass Negro mat-
of society was constructecl. All oi them wcre concerncd u'ith
and clismay *'hen' o.
ing and iamily patterns' ancl onc can imagine their confr-rsion
mtlst ha,e appeared to be an utl-
arrival in the Caribbezrn, thev were facecl r,'Iith r'vhat
familv forms' What the'v fo11$ c9ui5t
."af"S variety of oclci ancl ever-chansins As Michaei G
hardly have been more cliflerent from ri'hat thev knew aL
l?t"
Srr# tf SZO(1957): i), himself aJamaican, explained their problem:
ir numbcr of
The familv life of \\rest Indiau 'lo$'cr class' Nes-roes or lblk presenls
resion fan'rih' 1iIc is highlr'
equallv irnpor[rnt acaclemic iu-id practicirl problerns. h-r this
phases ot:rclult lite':rrlci
unstable, marriage rates are lorv, especlallY ciuring tl're carlier
sil-rgle individuals'
illegitimacy ."t.. h"u" alrvays becn iigh. Mor'ru households coutain
consist of rvomen, their childrcn, anci/or their grand-
rvhile others rvith female heads
children. The pictr.rre is further complicatecl b,v variations in the t1'pe arld local distri-
cliffering communities' sr'-
bution of alternative conjugal forms; and, chirracteristically,
of them l'xclud-
cial classes ancl ethnic g-iipt institrttion:rlize cliflering combinations
in form .Ind consensLral in base amon--
ing legal marri:rge, -"iir]g is brittlc. diver.se
these Creole or Negroid populations

yery diffcrent in the Caribbear''

Gender role definition and performance rvas zrlso
their_function of providins ec( -
Flusbands and fathers rr"r" .r""r, as nol fulfilling
'marginal" Cor-riugai relations were co1'-
nomic maintenance and rvet-e clescribecl zrs
,100sc,and families'matrif,crcal'. it is harcllv surprising Lhat rno.st ''
sidered to be
the divcrsity ancl flrii''-
these early investigators founcl grcat clifficuln' ir-r intcrpl'eting
thern' Tht
in'of Caribbean lan-ril',' patterni ln some cases this rvas c1e:rrh'beyor-rcl
nol up '
.t.* ti-re {amily, that
rnockecl thai fbunclzrtional socizrl institution' \\'as
"L-
Orlgins and Functions
 FA[/|ILY lN THE CARIBBEAN

standard; that is, of course, not up to their own standards at home. Guided bv the
theories ancl assumptions cleveloped for the study of their own societies, they not
only souuht t<-r maki sense of lvhat appeared to thern as chaotic family structure in
the'Caribbean, but also in sorre cases to devise prescriptions for its reconstruction
I and moral upliftment. Their attempts to make sensc of famil,v forms in the Carib-
bean were laier describecl as exploratorv and impressionistic and the policies based
on their conclusions as ethnocentric and misconceived. They nevertheless gener-
ated a profusion of stuclies that laid the groundwork for contemporary research'
I For these early researchers, unclerstanding Claribbean fiamil,v patterns involved
trivo major proccsses. Their first task, thaL of constntcting concepts and q'pologies,
rve r,vill"expiore in Cl-rapter III. Their second task entailed providing an explanation
for the .*i.t.rr.. in inc Caribbean of familv strtlctures other than that of the
nuclear family based on marriage and co-residence. In other words, the early investi-
garors were searching for on urrderctonding of family forms other than the norm in
ih.i. o*r, societies, an explanation for families which existed among those they re-
ferred to as 'lolver-class Negroes' in the Caribbean. Their interprefations revolved
aroun<l two major perspectives, thc first was concerned u'ith oigi,ns as the,v sought to
find out horv ilaribbcin family forrns had come Lo be as they rvere; the scconcl
focussed on Junction,s as they asked: Horv does thc f:rrnily rvork in contemporary so-
ciety? This .hupt". expiores and comments on these two approaches in earlt'investi-
gations of family in the Caribbean and, in the process, introduces rcpresenLati\-e
case-st udies.

Origins
fhe study of the family in the Caribbean began as an offshoot of the heated debate
over how the New Worlcl Negro family in the Unitecl States had come to assume its
contemporary form. The nvo protagonists rvere Melville Herskovits and E' Franklin
Frazier. Both notecl that Negro {hmilies were 'matcrnal' and extended, that com-
mon-law unions ('keepir' unions according to Herskovits and 'irregular' unions ac-
cording to Frazier) oicurrecl tiequentlv ancl that rates of illegitimacy ('outlarved
motheihoocl' accorcling to Frazier-) rvere high. Both u,ere concerned that farnily
form amonq the Negroes of the Nerv World differed from the co-residential nuclear
units of the mainstream culture of the Unitecl States. Both sought to provide an ex-
planaLion for these unfamiliar family forms and both rooted their analyses in the
past" But there the resemblance encled. [or Herskovits. the origins of the Negro
iamiiy were ro be found in the African cultural heritage rvhich had srrruived. albcrt
not completely intact, while Frazier dismissecl this arsurnent bv clairning that the
disruptive effects of slaverl ancl the plantation s)'stem were rcsponsible. Mintz and
Price (1976: 33) contrasted their viervs:

In one vierv, Afro-Americalts \\rcre esser-rtiall1,,Africans. nhose commitmellt.s to their an-

ccstral past made them culturallv cliffcrent fiom otl'rer Americans; ir-r the other vieu'.
they u,ere merel_v Americans, u,ho had not been able to accultrlratc fi.rll,v because o1
their oppressror-r. Clearlv, this contror,crsv is far from deird, and a great deal of argr.r-
ment continues as to rvhether Afro-Americans have a differet-rt culture or diff'erent ctll-
tures, or are simplv thc victirns of deprivation.

From the perspcctivc of Ar-rerican culturai anthropoiow, Helskovits (see Arti-

cle,/Extracil aiencl of chaptcr) iclcntificd a 'scale of intensir of Africanisms' rvhich
persistecl amons Alio-,{llteiican peoples of the New \Vorlcl. \'\'hirt ire refcrt-ed to as
.survivals,resembleascloselyaspossible.theoriginalAfrican-forms'forexample' phnting a fruit
of U,r.yn.,g';:" .ora oi"u"."i,,r""-tl cnif! 11a from thetr
the pracdce "h[fff[.i lta her young baby
ree over it or the ritiral appeara"t"
.Syncredsms'
"^,r 11n;tt'"'
result from a p.99t* of identi$ring ele-
home nine days after ,rr"
uirirr. fo' example' Catholic
parallet
Jld'
ments in the new culture with ::tl#i;;;i;h";;; t9'"Pt11*:'old and the new'
African atitrct' 'Reinterpre-tati";J 'in subs*nce
saints with is less obvioui' ociurrins
but in circumstanc""it'""'tr"- eltua
-va]ue (fierskovis 1973
rarher than [orm, psychologicalis the d#";;;'-i"'11T"' within Lhe Caribbean of
(19a5): 265-266)' 'tlr"*t*fift
:piogt""ive "i"'i"tp"otion
;; t;;ttssive rather than simulmne-
African polygamy " 1o1o31;;i without bo*r-
ous plural madngs, *tiittiott"
*ht' *u'Jt;;;;;l;t ttparate'and'

:it^iliffi f r*",$;";;ix#*i";;xJ'l'""J"-3;:t;]'"Ji::"'JtrH]#
;ruUn';:,.;::fi'it:ji.Tiu_ydi{#il*,=:t'ii*:Newworrdwhich' to
and according
he claimed, varied .;;G;*,tfr"
lusp.tt oi-tt'ttl'rgl-lq gu-estion and interestrng
io. tt-,. r"t-.r, it is imporunt
geographical locutior,llv;tho..f".".r." not totally
rn arguing the point, fr"r.noi*"ifiiiSti%Sl"ZO,-ZOZ)aia
ro nore rhar,
denY the influence of slavery:
more of their African
religion' :" tlt whole' have retained
Music, folklore, magic and while lang,age and social struc-
tt'u" ttoll'iit rirt''o' t"tt'''otogy' ot art'
character mrougt' J"gt""t of intensity
..,res based on kinship or
free ur.o.iutio.,,t".;; ;; ;".y
that are noted'

Slave owners were Pn-

Thesedifferencesareprobablyduetothecircumstancesofslavelife,andconfirm
,rrud" during the period of slavery'
common .".r." ob.rririiorr. of the lives of their
marily concer^"d ;;";;. t..hnological u.rd ..o.ro-ic asPects warped whatever
slaves, while tttt to"aitions
of life t' ;-;h* also of nlcessity
tht ielt impelled t'o preserve' on the
N"'g;t
patterns or ertitui-toii'i 'i*tt"t"' sung made lit'tle difference
to
o. th..o,,g,.thatwere
other hand, *t,", *r". were told retention' In the
blocks *"tt'piu;; t: 'nt'*'-:t-:h-eir
the masters, u"d ft*-t*tt'nal were responded to in varying
case of religio", "'i"'
t""trols were of 'uryi"g kinds and element' Magic'
it" l"t"'"diti;";ttiti;n of this
degree, i' :l'j:*'
" '"n"?'-"ii"
whichtendstogoundergroundunde.rp...,..,."andcanmosteasilybepractisedwith-
o,,,ii,..,io"-#;;:;i1t"'n'*;oy,5'"+.$"'ffiJ:l";.t::;.Hif"::':t";
:::'::iiJffi :li"*;i'"J'" g'"'1 tlal n e e curturar sff am
on e

:'ll,#,fiH: ;^ff ifre failule of African art to survive

except
musr haveop"ru,.Jio ."irrfo.." ttr. otn".. ,rrderstandable when the life of the slave
in Guiana ,o?f";."". ;;;.". i" S^.oriii, for t}e production of art in
""a u.,a orr...a .i,si;' .i,-"r":
which permi*.d ;;;1;i;J in anylther stvleis recalled'
the aboriginal Ail;;; ili;'"t' indeed'

*re two extremes

Alongwitheconomiclife,techno.logyandart,Afric.alpoliticalandlegalinstitutions
stood little .t "^.J'o'f'*"rriiirrg
,5,!;gh tlr"ery. frliara'iy between
pttt"ttted a tabulation
,rr" ri*dl'ij';tk;;'ulo
were social i.r.,i,,rriln.l;;|-i, ro'eeographical location
showing ttut *,. lJui. oier.i.urri.rr,.'uiriJ";;;t;i"g
N-egrolt;-"i,rt" Guianis weie di'rned
as the most
New w".ra. r*Bush African end
within the
African and the #; ,r^oirrr J.n" r{rri.i sr,* *^ pr''t9.ut the least
rti"iaad andJamaica rell be-
of the .o,'i""'*'Tt't i"!ii;*ptuki";;;'i;;t' "f
( Ig45 ) : 260-261) '
tween the *o
"*t'"*".'
iii?;;il;;t''ie7"3
-he
concluded:
In terms'of tht i'*iiy'ttt"tefore'

Origins and Functions

 FAMILY IN THE CARIBBEAN

It goes without saying that the plantation svstem rendered the survival of African family
types impossible, as it did their underlying moral and supernatural sanctions, except in
dilute forrn. Only where Negroes escaped soon enough after the beginning of their en-
slavement, and retained their freedom for sufficiently lone periods, could institutions
of larger scope such as the extended family or the clan persist at all: and even in these
situations the mere breakup in personnel made it unlikely that some manifestation of
European influence should not be felt. In Dutch Guiana alone has the clan persisted;
rvhat forms the social structures of present-day Negro communities of Brazil take is un-
knorvn, but in Haiti andJamaica larser sroupings go no further than a kincl of loosely
knit extended family. Yet, on the otl-rer hand, slavew by no means completel,v sup-
pressed rough :rpproximations of certain forms of African family lifc. Even in the
United States, where Afiicar-risms persisted rvith the sreatest clifficulW, such family or-
ganization as existecl during slave times in terms of the relationship between parcnts
and children, and betlvcen parents themselves, did not lack African sanctions
(Herskovits 1958(1941) : 139).

I
In the study that Herskovits undertook along rvith his rvife, Frances Herskovits, in a .1,

rural Trinidadian r''illage callecl Toco, little in the way of family culture representing l:

pure African forms was to be founcl. Thoush a few sunivals persisted, thc heritage E
was found to be 'functioning beneath the surface' (Herskovits and Herskovits 1947: .E

287), expressed in the form of reinterpretations, more in substance than in acrual

form. Several family characteristics, including the looseness of the conjugal bond,
the close nucleus of mother and child, the importance of family support to the indi-
vidual, the peripheral status of the father ancl the rituals of courting, birth and child
socialisation, are not, they contendecl, pathological manifestations of the European
family, but constitutc retentions and subsequent reinterpretations of African custom
(Herskovits and Herskovits 1947: 296).
Frazier's counter-argument was basecl on his obser-vations of the Nesro family in
the United States. He claimed that 'the manner of the Negro's enslavement tended
to destroy so completely his Afiican culture' that only insignificant, soon [o be for-
gotten memories remained.

These scraps of memories, which form only an insignificant part of the growing bodv
of traditions in Negro families, are what remains of the African heritage. Probably
never before in history has a people been so nearly completely stripped of its social
heritage as the Negroes rvho were brought to America. Other conquered races have
continued to worship their household gods rvithin the intimate circle of their kinsmen.
But American slavery destroyed household gods and dissolved the bonds of sympathv
and affection betr,veen men of the same blood and household. Old men and women
might have brooded over memories of their African hon'reland, but thev could not
change the worlcl about them. Through force of circumstances, thei, had to acquire a
nerv langrrage, aclopt new habits of labour, and take over, however imperfectly, the
folkrvays of the American environment. Their children, who knerv only the American
environment, soon forgot the few memories that hacl been passecl on to them ancl cle-
veloped motivations and modes of behaviour in harmony rvith tire Nerv World. Their
children's children have often recalled rvith skepticism the fragments of stories cor-r-
cerning Africa rvhich have been preserv'ed in their families. But, of the habits and cus-
toms as rvell as the hopes and fears that characterized the life of their forbearers in Af-
rica, nothing remains (Frazier 1966(1939): 15).

At every stage in the process of forced migrzltion, slaves were systematically stripped
of their culture.
 to inflr'rences
Stirtes' slaves hacl often been subjectecl
Even before reaching the United
thattendedtodestroythesignificanqezrndmeaningoftheirAfricanheriteee.Otrcein 'broken
from frienis and acquaintanccs and
the New World, thq' ;;;;";"Parated to.face the clisdain' if not the
Finally' thev hacl
in' to the regimen "f tf* pft"'ittion
hostiiity,ofthes]aves.rvhohadbicomeaccommodateclandaccustomedtothenerven-
vironment (Frazier 196b(1939): 7) "

,.]HG';t;:
TheculturalvacuumleftbythedestructionoiAfricanfamilyCustomsandbelietis
ideologies as.'th; slave tended to .uke
was rrlled by attempts i;;;;:;
of irl. -ut*i tow?rcl religion,-sex and
marriage'
over the attiudes o.ra-r.r-rti*"nts clid, however' adrnit
(Frazier rso6iigggl' 27). Fralier
and the orher relario;r;ilifc larger concentrations of
that the caribbean ;.;;;";.es in rvhich ,r-r"." were He noted'
f^.iti-tri"a,Utican cultrrial s,n'i'al'
staves on tne ptar-rtoUoni:;i;;;h^.," (Fra-
fo. 1t?.",.r-r,ion of polvgam1,inJamaica,'even todav'
for example,.r,id"r-r.l
)i..ls66irg39): 5-6, see also Frazier 1957: r'ii) ii f"gto f"t'i1-Li::"rns in the Unitecl
Frazier proceecled io trace the changes
fc.orclir-rg to his-interpretati.n, in the
early days
States from the days "f ,i"r,"ry. famitv relauons lvere reduceci
where male slaves lvere by iar the
nunencal -!1"tiq"
to animal lust.

\Alrenthesexualimpulsesofthenralesweren<llongercontro]ledb,vAfricanCLlStomS Utrder
and mores, ,lr"y b"J";;-r"ir"., ;,;i;
,. the perioci"ic urge of sexr-ral hunser'
lvho hap-
is generally true' seized Llpon the woman
such circums,o'-"t' it-t" ^"1"i' ot into closest contact (Frazier
pened to be at hand and with $,hom il-r"u l-roi been throlvn
1966(1939): 19)'

Associalanclmoralcocleswereder.elopecl,familiesbecam'e.progressiveiystableand
morepermanent.Favoureclslavesmanageclmoresuccessfuliytoassimilate.westell-
nuclear families'
mores' ancl 'rvhite t*iri'"ii""' ancl to "ttiblith
e*u'-"lpation' the Civil War and mass migration
tc
Subsequent
"""';t;;;-"t
theNorth,disrupteclfamilyorganisation.o,-',tn"plantationsandamongtheirnpor- h'
ciries *"""f rtladonships were characterised
erishecl slum clrvelle;;-i; i-";.an 'mar;;;al', reiatronship^s loose a1a cnttlr.ll
oromiscuiry, famil_v srrucr*res were
stable nuctear fa.rily life, based .n
^
ma.riase, Pat,ar'
:i;;'o;:i",*.i. r"".L""*t,
,-"b;;d;ation' to be founcl amons those u'fr
of rvom"r"t,,io.
chal authority ancl ,h" skilted artisan cla:
managed to acquire land or gain
somc
'"t;i -"nliq'into the albeit n'ith limitecl str
and to aclopt rhe .;il;; u.i..ligi,)r,
oiA*".l.an rvhiles,
CCSS.
Frazier,smainpointthen,isthattanril,vpatternslrctoblexplirinednotbvtl.
reference to lhe changing s.c''
it-t" African heritage, ttit
or rerenrion ot: 'viLt' life '
America, specihcally the exigencies of
Ioss
and economic conclit-Jn, or tir" within ,h" impact of the white culltr:
the plantatio.r, ,iur. u.a ir"", ur-rd
in thecities r.r-rd

natterns which trr. .i*. ancl cx-slave, ,o.,gi]r,,' imitate. The slave s,vstem totalll.c-
the tr.rnsfer' sut,.
X;:;.;";il;';;i*." anrt there ,i. ,',o &iclence to sr'rpport
Therefore, to 6it" an explanation on l:
and retention of African family pa[terns. tr, for Frazier (1957: vii-viii) th'
o1l1 it-,i.,
is speculative ancl unscientific. Not
seemstobelittlepointintheexercise,.i,.'..tlre.realprobiemisnot...thcclisc of the )'
er-r of African surriiv:rls, but rzrther
ti-'" ttt'a'' tf tn" orginisation and role
into exisrctt''
sot ierv.,..in ,, n.,,rsocierv *hich
is conrinu
;iL;;fi,r;';;;;;ilg Froin rh. c,,rinn"lin \\'e.c soci.loqisls
p."ri"'l:i.iEws Fernando H-
Echoing (1973(1949): '-
ques, Micha"I c;. im;;-^'rrrJ oo,11
r".ii-itoiii-,"rvs. Henriq.ues
made his positior.r tt"ot f'1' col.rtrast rvith that of Herskovits'

Origins and Functions

 frllli.'

FAMILY IN THE CARIBBEAN

professor Herskovits' vierv is that the orisinal West African forms of the familv sun'ived
in the Caribbean ancl in the Nert World generally. My owr-I contention is that the
forms of the family in the West Indies are sui genuis. They are in fact a product of the
peculiar conditions of slavery. To some extent these forms may have heeu influenced
ty the fact that slaves rvere largely dra'tvn from polvgamous groups, but the dominant
influence has undoubtedly been that of slaverv.

While certain components of slave clrlture such as 'verbal' reiigiotls traditions may
have persisted, this was not the case with family fbrrns which were controllecl bv the
masters and forced into nelv shapes.
patterns of family life coulcl not sur-vive as a verbal tradition. Whereas the slave
could, and did, practise his magic and divination in secret' he could not perpetuate
his ancestral famity forms in ,".."t. The patt.ern of his farnily life was governed by
(]uiana
the will of his masrer. With rhe exception of the 'bush Nesro' of Dr,rtch
*,ho has, through isolation, evolved a matrilineal family pattern rvhich owes little to
slavery, the con*temporary family structure among the_ Ne\v Wo^rld Negroes call be
distinguishecl as a pi..o-e.ron clue mainly to the influence of slavery (Henriques
1973(19a9):322).
Smitn 1iOs7:34-46, see Article,/trxtri1ct 2 at end of chapter) provided a morc de-
tailecl critique of thc 'Afro-American research' of Helskovits and proceeded to con-
clude that the system of plantation slavery accounts for famili, fcrrm irmong the
lorver class in the Caribbean.

The persistence of hielt illegitimacv rates, unstable unions, and :rnomalorrs forms of
domestic groups in the \Vest Indies are all dr-re to the same conditions. These condi-
tions had tl-reir historical orisin irr slavery,. especiatllv in rhe mating orsauisatiotl of
slaves. West It-rdian slavcs rvcre not ailorvecl to marrv- but they rvci-e frcc to cohabit con-
sensually or to mate exti:aresiclentiallv, as tl-ie,v pleasccl, exccpt thzrt slavcs havirlg rliflcr-
ent owners coulcl scarceiv est.ablish 21 common home. Mzrrrv oid accounls of West In-
dian slaverv describe these conditions. Slave children n'ere the ProPertv of their
mother's o\{ner. Slaves coulcl contract or dissolve unions informall,v, at r'r'ill. Occzrsiotlal
references indicate that slave headmcn oftcn h:rcl two or mole mzrtes. living rvith one
and r.isiting the others (Smith I9{r2: 260).

Under the s,vstem, the authority of males as husbands and f:rthcrs was eroded arid
family composition continually clisruptcd by the sale and relno\ral of members. Thc
resuli was the reduction of the firmily unit to tnother i,rncl depcndent children'
From the moral pcrspccrive of a Catholic sociolosist, Matthcws acloptecl a sirnilar
position by claiming thirt the pltrnlation institution and not rhe Aliican past is
r-csponsible for famiiy lorm in the Caribbcan. Attitudes and practiccs. r,vitfi thcir
ior-ildation in the 'evils' of the plirntirtion system. rvere establishecl cluring slavely,
producing a 'lorv grade mentalitv' u'hich \{as carried fonvard, reinlbrced b,v the
poo, coiditions and moral ancl social ills of the frec plantation era and
".oionric
ciemonstrated most significantll, in the persistence of 'randorn' and 'irresponsible'
concubinage.

T1-re plantation in ficedom is the heir and repositor-r ol zr vast Nel'\\Iorld traclitic-rn' a
liring tradition of customs anci :rttitucles. adopted or adapted, established at-rd dcvel-
opeJ rvithin the institution of slaverv ancl as a part. of the institution (Matthervs 1953:
30).
 Thusthefreeplantationbecame,inisownright,thematrixofacomplexofideasand
into the system of slavery'
practices concerning -u.Jug. the roots of
wliich went back
of the non-legal union as a social institu-
The free plantation is indeeJ the inaugurator
tion (Matthews 1953: 31-32)'

BesidesbeingofitsverynatureafavourablebreedinggroundlgrthenonJegalunion, in
from slavery a traditi,on of indifference to marriage
the free plantation carried over
sofarastheservileclasswasconcerned.Andso,theplantation_symbolofthesocial
orderofitsauy_.u.,beseenquiteclearlytopresideatthe.formltYofpublicopin.
(Matthews 1953: 32)
ion in the matter of nonJegal for the populace '
"tio"t flffi
lre
ThedebatebetweenHerskovitsandFrazierandthosewhofollowedtheirleadswas re
task of identiffing the origins of Negro
nor confined to the relativeiy straightforward
famrly patterns, b.rt wu, to"d"ttdt also at
the level of ideology' producing heated
arguments.orr...rr.rgmeiaenttyandpersonalityofNewWorldNegroes'TheFra-
replaced-African culture and that
zier following claimei *u.-Ju* irri-ai instincts
the patterns of life which a"'"f"pta subsequently
u*o'g \egroes in the New World
unsucc6ssful attemPls to !9py *re
were artificial and second-rate, no more than
and rhose supporting his-posirion ex-
s*ndards of white .";;;i;;;. Herskovits
African beliefs and practices had taken a batter-
pressed the view tlr.t,'uimo.rgh the
ing during slavery r"d;;d;a y.r., that followed, suffrcient had been retained to
New World Negro- culture'
make a valuable contribution to contemporary are 'not pathological
stated that contempo.ury famiiy patterns
Herskovits explicitly,.";;;; conrexr of caribbean
resilience u.rd muil.abitityr-rn rhe
ar ar,, but reflect of the dangero,s
He concluded by warning
circumstances (Hersktvits 1g47:2g6).
implicationsorrr.,l..',viewsforAfro-Americanidentityandracialtensioninthe
United States.
by tnt *nl::tl regard as 'culture'
To accept as 'moral' only those values held l"tl ':
onlythosepracticesthathavethesanctionsofaEuropeanPastisacontributoryfactor
intheprocessofdelaluation,ifonlybecausetodrawcontinuallysuchconclusionshas
so cumulative an effect' A people without
a past are a Pe:p-le Yh:,t*k an anchor in
the present. And recognitio., oi trri. is essential
if the psychological foundations of the
situation in this country are ro be probed ior
their fullest significance, and
interracial
proPerandeffectivecorrectivesforis,,,"..".aretobeachieved(Herskovits
1958(1941): 185-186) '

and sociologists
It is unfortunate, therefore, that the generation of anthropologists
the Caribbean were inflw
who carried ro.*uri1r,. rariity and kinship-ry
""ay "r i950s and 1960s' the views of
enced more by rr.ri"tt pt'Jp"tti*s'-buring -the revival of i+
that there has been a
Herskovits *"r. air...Eted.nh it is only."."irly work of sidney
exampl_.: F.
rerest in and an upp*i*i"" for his position.'For
Price, which we examine in more detait in Chapter- Y'^d*
Mintz and Richard which thev claimed 'refiner
approach,
adopted u., urrth.opoi"gi.rl ."lt"re-hisrorv 197&
and Price
rather than discards or disprov.. - .;iilIt^p"p-;.h;;1io,rt"; their
-43). They acknowledged ih.i.'d.bt^to Herskovits^atttrougfr, instead definingexplicit
of
forms and
..sk as the identific.f,"" ""a classification of
overt socio=-cultural
were ;;;;;;.J *ur.cutrure ar rhe level of 'cognitive orienta
beliefs, they
and undersl-andings, and sought to i.r
tions,, that is cultural principles, assumpuons Afiican ideas as ther
peoples.
rerpret the social proJ.t' wirtreby ensl'aved \".p' 1i':
social institutions and communitiq
created and remodeir"J..rrrr." and estabtsfred
in the Caribbean.

Origins and Functions

 FAI\,,IILY IN THE CARIBBEAN

Functions
The period of family studies starting from the end of the Second World War was
dominated first by social tvelfare workers and then by social anthropoloeists. They
shifted the focus of attention from origins to functions, to a concern rvith the func-
tioning family or, from their perspectives, rvith the malfunctioning family. Within
this general approach, trvo major trends can be identified; the first has become gen-
erally known as social pathology, the second, as structural functionalism. We exam-
ine them in turn.

Social pathology
The objective of the investigators who viewed family in the Caribbean from the per-
spective of social pathology was not to provide a theoretical explanation, but to in-
vestigate Caribbean family srructure as a social problem. In this, they were
prompted by the conciusions of thc West Inclia Royal Commission (Moyne Commis-
sion) of 1938-1939, which travelled through the British Caribbean colonies collect-
ing evidence on social and econornic conditions. As M. G. Smith (1970(1957): iv)
explainecl:

The numerous practical or social problems presented by the characteristic patterns of

West Indian (Creole) mating and lorver clzrss family life have attractcd continlrolrs at-
tention ever since 1938 rvhen a Royal Commissior-r appoir-rted bv the British Parliament
to suryey the social and economic conditions of this region and to recommend appro-
priate programmes for action, drvelt or-r t1-re evident'disoreanisation' of familv life and
on the aPparent increase of 'promiscuity' as against faithful concubinage, the 'com-
mon iaw' or consensual cohabitatior-r rvhich has hitherto been accepted as the Negro
peasant's eqtiivalent of marriage zrnd the basis of his family life.

The language of the commissioners is significant. Concerninq the family, for exam-
ple, their report stated,

the argument that the man is the head of the household and is responsible for the fi-
nancial upkeep of the family has less fbrce in the West Inclies, rvhere promiscuity and
illegitimacy are so prevalent zrnd the rvornan so often is the supporter of the home
(Great Britain, \{,'est India Royal Commission 1945: 21 t'-220).

To remedy the situation, a band of social welfare workers was sent from London bi,
ire colonial Development and welfare oflice, perhaps the mosr well-known oi
".irom is Thomas Simey.
From the perspective of social welfare and administration, Simey's main task was
,-, devise a prosramme to deal with the sclcial problems of Caribbean sociery. For
:.rm. these problems had their roots in contemporary farnily life which, in turn, was
:r.ofoundly affectecl by the prevailing economic situation, specifically by the poverry
:e described as the 'most striking fact about West Indian peoples' and the 'first fac-
- r'rlhich moulrls the wesr Inclian personality' (Simey 1946: 91). Frorn this perspec-
-re. Simey (1946: 17-48,53) criticised the work of Herskovits as an irnpossible foun-
-.:uon for social policy, while identifyinr with that of Frazier. He described Frazier's
-.-.'ok. The llegro Family in the United Slates, as a 'rvork so penetrating that it is not only
-.rt indispensable guide to the social problems of the West Indies, but also ranks as a
:-ajor contribution to the general science of socioioprv-' (Simey 1946: 49).
 Sinrel'(sceArriclc/Extract3aterrclofchaptcrtlounclkinshippatternsinthe
caribbean ro be se\er.elv lacking in
rnanv."rp"i,.. He clescribcdfamilv lile as'lootc'
'casual'. bonjugal ties were occasionally faithful
and unstable ancl relationships as 'prornis.cuou:'if ':*l:i::-T:,Fathers mav hale
ancl enduring, but -ot" of-tt'-' resui:
their children were irregular and' as a
done their besr, bur rh;;;;..8'r,vith support' Children' though loved
of poverg', ttr.y *ett-tt"'l;;;1; provicle "tor'o-it u"a sr.rbject to 'severe" erratit
rvere illegitimate, eitectively fatLerle.r,
,tr.h.rol.a
at.ipti.,"..ui.";;.iJffit;:i""-"i.. r""ncl that ma"nv b,',,,. of betr'veen 1:
parental
and 16 vears ot age rrad left home tojoin
,,;";;;;r 1ii-"y i946:'15-16, 84, 88, 89-
90) For him anc
"

Simey pursuecl the argumeni

f1onl th1 familv to the lvicler societv'
to"'itu i"il; ;;;;ai"gly t*ryY::::t:I']::
for others who follorvea f;it r"oa' tn" certaln stanc'
family failcd to,live up to
stitution of the *".. l.ai.ri, -.o thrt if thett-t.r-, tt rvhole fabric of society lvould sr'rl-
ards, t5at is wesrern, i:irriJ"- st,rrrcl:rrc{s, " in Caribbean family life' there'
fer the consequenc"r t.ii*"1, 1946: 79). The crisis juvenile delinquency in particula:
fore, brought rvith it a;;g; of _social problems, to the inadequ:
In other rvords, the proble"ms of socieiv zrre ultidatel,v attributable created the'-
cies and w"uk.t"r."r-;i;h" familv' It is po'erw' in iurn' rvhich has
in an effort to pro'''
families. Resorting to a level of crucle economic determinism
hispoint,Simeytrg+o:91-92)linkedthelzrckoffood,theabsenceofasharedfal:
iil;;;I;"J rn" tu.t or airilg t"t t., ancl chairs *1th familv looseness (For furth"
discussion of aff.""ln
sir-rrevi, fro.-r the perspecrives of social policy, see R' '
Smith X982)
Themanclateofthesecolonialofficials,associalrvelfarewo-rkers,lvasnotmefi
poor in the Caribbean' but also
to identi!, the problems of famill' life among the
Their ceitrai iot-t.""-t was how to persuade pt
do something about the situation.
pletoacloptthesuperiorco-residential,nuclearfamilrsancllSledbymarriageai
were set in train in an effort
'

producing legitimate childre n. Several social policies

alter the structlrre "ii.*"..f"ss Nesro farnilies and.
in the process' to ,plift tl
sictor of Caribbean societies Perhaps the m'
moral and social rvell-being of that
ofJamaica.
notorious of these efforts w"as the Mass Marriage N{ovement

Tohaltthisprestrmedspreaclof.promiscuit-v''inlg44.SLaclvHr.rggins.rvifeoftl-tc
thenGovernorolJamaica'lalrncheclanislancl.lvidccirmpaigntC)marryoffconsenslr. tc
status and relations seemed
ally cohabiting .oJ,pi", and anv orhers lvhose matine
\{arrant this. This N{ass Marriage Mor,ement rvas iniliatecl itl response to the Rol'a.
,a, and ecc'-
Jrganizecl campaigr-r agirinst the social, moral
commission,s demand for
nomic e,,.ils of promiscuitv'. Ho*"-u"., being bisert on ignorance ofJamaican fblk soci-
eryandfamilylife,themovementlvasequallymisconceivedin.itsmethodsandgoals
andproveclut.tslrccesslirl.Atitsgreatestimpactthemovementliftedtlre}amaicanmar.
riageratefrom,i.44perthotlsanclinlg43to5.S2inlg46.Bvig5Ithemarriageratt
to their earlie:
birtl-rs l-racl rcverted
and the correlated illegitimac,v ratio among anntlal
Marriage Movement l'rad petered out'
level. Bv I955 the Mass

Mass Mzrrriage Movement, despite the e r-.

Several conditions ensurecl the failure of this
ergyandskillrvithrvhichitsdirector,LaclyHr-rggins,marshalled.thechurches,school.
,l.ratiotral, associations behincl it. Above ali, the car:...
\n,.]fure agencies irnd
press, radio,
paignwasbasedontheerroneousllotionthatbecarrsetheelite:lrrdlorverclassesen.
ployedasinglervorcl,marriage,todenote:rpar.tictrlarconjtrgalinstitrrtion'thishl.
social strata \\':
identical or very similar -"nrrirg., value ancl sigr-rificance
o-1"{ these

now knorv that this vierv is oilv correct " ' U:1"* thus conceived r:'
"p"'fitially sr-rcce ecl; and its earlv signs of faihrl
error, the Mass Marriage Movement could harclly

10 Origins and Functions

 FAMILY IN THE CARIBBEAN

indicated the need for svstematic sociological studies of those unfamiliar familial insti-
tutions rvith rvhich the problems of 'promiscuin,', marital instability, defcctive paternih,
and child socializatior-r, high illegitirnucv were al1 evidently linkecl, tl-rough in obscure
and problematic rvays (M. G. Smith 1970(1957): iv-r,).

M. G. Smith (1970(1957): vii) concluded his discussion of the campaien on a

note of caution concerning the lessons to be learnt from the fiasco.

if the Mass M:rrrizrge Movcment dicl little else, it should surely have servecl to demon-
stratc this vital r-reed fbr adequurte knorvleclge of lVest Lrcli:rn social conditions in acl-
vance olc the 'organized campaigns' mount.cd Lo rcmedy or rcducc tl-rem. Intensive so-
ciological researcl-r clesigncd to clucidate thc forrns, 'canses' and implications of \Vest
L-rdian family organizatior-r sl'rould thus rank ven high on the list of essential ste ps to-
l'ards the reconstruction and developmer-rt of local societl,; and the verv limitecl and
costly advances achieved by various schemes ol social development launched during
the past twenry years merely demonstr2lte tl-re firndamcntal charactc'r of this need for
scientific kno'rvleclgc of these social conditions befble proceecling ivith furthcr schemes
cf this sort.

i.s rr'e shall see in the next section, the challenge was taken up by a numl:cr of re-
i-rirchers, as they embarkecl on intensive stuclies of Czrribbean lorver-class farnih'lifc.

S tructural functionalism
lhe structural functional perspective rvas introduced into the Caribbean in the earl-v
,r50s and marks the next stage in the clevelopment of family str.rdies in the region.
t -'r-ith this new phase, the conccntration on 'lorver-class, Negro ,amily and mating
l ,-,trerns' continlred, but the approach'rvas differcnt. It r.vzrs donrinaied by anthro-
e : ,logists trained in the Rritish structural funct.ional tradition. Fol example. Edith
it -arke, Fernanclo Flcnriques ancl .Judith Blake conducted research inJamaica, Rar-
-rr1ci T. Smith in British (l'uiana (norv
'.'- ()uvana), Sidnev Greenfielcl in tsarbaclos and
lchael G. Smith in Crenada, Carriacou ancl Jamaica. The nvo classic ethnogra-

Bntish Guian.a b1, llaymoncl Smith, provide the basis for detailed discussion in this
::apter. This is prececled ll,v sorne general points concerning thc rncthodologl'and
r'--oretical assumptions of structlrral functionalisni that. influenced the rvork of
:t.e researchers.
True to their anthropological training, the stnrctural functionalists investigating
,::riiv in the Caribbcan conducted detailecl, risorous fieldrvork. Their meticulous
.':rloach to data collcction constitutecl an important aclvance over the previous su-
' .rjlcial social patholos\'' investieations, rvhich, as we have seen, wcrc ioaded lvith
.:-lisguised ethnocentrism and ivhich provided the basis not only for an assumcd
.:--ierstanding of family form, but for some vera misguidcd attempts to renledl'
:artere seen as its serious shortcomings. As Sir Hugh Foot (1970(1957):9), Gor.
: l1lr ofJamaica, wro[c in the preface to Clarke's book,
'..e are constantly reminded of horv littlc rve krrorv of the attitudes and suspicions and
-.,eaknesses and aspirations and all the fine qualities of the country people. In hor-rsittg
-...-tten rve came to carn,orit the big progralnme of reconstruction {illorvins t.l-re 1951

:r,-rrricane, again r've discovercd l-rorv little rve kneu'alrout the w2ry the orclinan.|amaicar-r
::miiies 1ive. It has been the same in carrvir-rg out all brar-rches of Governmertt polic\'-

11
 TTs il
in our health services, in our education and in industry. We build the super-structure
without a real knowledge of the foundations.

iff:,ffi:'i::.1:i,1il:,Tx"'l'"?;l3lJ:$J"r::':i"'l:i,'"f."1.i.ffi;;;T:J'J:.
Herskovits, and the prior task of sociology in this fielcl is the elucidation of thc socr-
:
structure of a functioning system rvithin a g;eneral theoretical framervork rvhich pernr.
of comparative study at a higher level of abstraction than the purelv dcscriptilc.

12 Origins and Functions

 FAMILY IN THE CARIBBEAN

Essentially' the structural functionalists

were asking how the interrelated parts
of a
sysrem funcrioned to meer rhe needs
or ,funcdon"i p.;;";;j.ii"., rhe roral srruc-
ture' The necessary integralion be*veen tr,. "rro maintain the
crder and stabiliw br tr,&not" i, p."ri.r"a
puri.:i;;;;;m
by';;";;;;"#
The.emphasis of the moiel ir'or', .crnrerrsus ancr pa*erned rela_
:"":ltrt
conflicr. seen in this right, thefamily is srilr and soricrarity, nor srrain ancl
an i"Ji.pl".rrrtJir.,r,irr,iorr, the impor-
rance of which lies in its contriburion
ro the integraio" r;J;;oth working
iociery' Towards rhis end. rh.e r-amiry of the
Smith (1957: 67-tj8)(see ardcle 4 ar end of
p",{".;;:;;;;i ilililnr R. T.
chaprer) iclentified six such^rncrions.
luncrions ro
rnclude child care, sexual services, clomestic
tuncrions and srar,s-cr^efi!]"g funcrions.
,"*r..r, managerial
As regards".;;;;;rpporr,
.hiiJ ;";.,
*;; tbr exampre, a
major function of the family is the socialisation
Jr trr. y";;g instl social norms
a.d values so that they wiil.beco*" irr"grrtecr
aclult -"-rr"r'.'olsociety. In orcler to
:roperly and efficiently fulfill these fun?dons,
male ancl female roles ancl relation-
'hips ought to be separate, complemenary ancl
:"ife and mother involve househoid asymmetrical. women,s roles as
.tro... anct chili .u.. rr., it domesric domain,
r\ an extension of biological reprocluction, whire men, in tt-r"i." .ot",
.:rd fathers, earn ec as husbands
. u th o ri ty ; i; ;;:p ili : XXX,?,:"?il
ronalism, "i,h :i:"31,J: JJ:$ : m: "# i,:*,Tii,?;f.:
the sociew comes before the r'naiviaud arrh
re family, are there to create, moulcl and control their ,oiiur-ir.,i,.rrions, especialrr,
The structural fi.rnctional moclel .r."rr.. stabiliq,, members,
rnsiderable ancl the researchcrs went to
' lengths to point out the distinction betr.veen
i the. earlier investigatois' clarke, for insrance, condemnerl,h"irr ,pp..roch and that
,ricai roors of the Caribbean the search for the his-
family either in slavery o. i,, nu.oi;;;a
- -Llrure as 'dangerous' ancl 'sterile'.
:];r:l;
dn. .tui"a her poiitiorru, rotto.,ur,
far. as the family is concernecl there are
.So still profouncl class differences in form. in
household struct.re, ir-r the basis of the
union in marriage o..or-r.ru],rn-.'r"a r"';il
rarental roles And it is our thesis that these
differen..! or" ,"i.r.pri."rrre citl-rer bv
reference to the different inherited culturar
parrerns or sorely o" ,n. n,r..r.r;;':,:
...rrerJ. :i

The important point for an.l-n'lcrstanding

of the contemporarl situatio. is that condi-
'ior-rs rvhich make it impossible for'.men t.i'p..fo.r,
th" role, oifoth.. and h,sbancl as
hese roles are defined in rhe society,o *,hi.h thei, belong, p.."i;t;
maica and it is in conditions as rve find present_dayJa_
them tocray rhat w; Jhar most protirablv
-rr the explanation of the ,unstable, look
f.earures of family life to rvl,rich
rlrrrLrr JLrL
such prominence is
-eing eiven (Clarke 1970 (1957): 2i
) (Emphasi. i,,
".l*i".ii
. -rke manner, R. T. Smith (1971(1956):
228) macle the follorving claim:
-"''r-iti'rgs
on Nerv worrd Negro family oreanization
have tencrecr to concentrate to somc
.xient on the controversv as to thethei tl-re form of. the Ner.r, wortcl
::e result of the peculiar conclitions obtainine Negr, famill. i5
on tl.re plantatior_r. d,r.ir_rg tir;';i.,.i ;;
'''-r-en' or rvhether it can be seen as a moaifiea ,rrvirur of a, ,Africa,, family pattern.
:ilallv plausible theories.supportecl by historical evidence have been adva,ced on
'::ner side, and tl-re polemical discussions have brought to right n.-rria.r"trte body of
::rormation and have been prod*ctir.,e of
ma,y profouncr insights. It *,ourcl seem,
:r rr'rgh, that there is a need for
synchronic analvsis, *t-ri.t-, ott"'-f t. to ,-,rrci....ar_r.i
r-t rr'orking of the system rvithout anv prc-conceptior-rs
as to its prcvious states. .fhere is

13
 ei\e\salanser'^';l:;lil:;,:-,:i':::I'j:':'101I:l::l'i:'l:':'n''s'leppcdrrhen
historical factors are P

r :l,l .J ii'L::,l.l; hf :*
.i.",,, ^. r,'"':lntroctr I
Ji:l i**i t*- :'xli!\:I
R.T.Smithrr.asoftheviertthat.irlv.estigati()11S(]\('lllirnitt.d.timespatt\\.CrCSuF[l-

rlid. therefore'
:::,,;:';;,i;g rhe rirc
:l:'.,. t; a,irprer IIl ?:,,"r:HlJirIlt:1.ffi;::"lll'1,::::l'l';::I,:';-T""';
hor^-
,;;'.*'i;i;rn,untr. Most importarrtlv'
he'r hccn'l]e
:tl:r+:iifr:::;[r :x{I I:'Hir: tiiili:#l*ri he *a: stttdrinq'
th" t"'nunitier:lcrc
,vct lltt't".J'''"-t
change in lamrlr ;;;';';i
real approach: his
He provided t5til"t"'*'it'*it'tati..'" tbr
'n"
ii.. : Pil]:.lr uf drstributiurt
Weareperiect\arvzrreofthefactthatrveareinsomesensestr:rns{b-rn.ringaPat-ternof
oi,.,.0.. ot h.u.elrolct.*,o..p.
j,r,ii,'. thi* i'., rh.,r thc:rgt o[ thc hottsc-
sr.nchrotiit. ai.t.lu.,tion .r,.,,. i,,.tifi,
a rime exis. r]jl"n"r",l ul):( ralrio.{ erc he'
kt'd trp h\ rn-
along 'isc:rle t;;; "t''
hold he:rd i' i" ;;' ;" t timc,,",n,.",I0,.,"*
{acr it provecl.extr.emeiy difficult' to ge t

historicsl [",]". ^-.*,

dil.idual life
:l:'ll ll:l:::
f, . L"it.a
felt to be more
rr i*'l or'l *
sat: :li:l lI lll"il l;,1;:l*:"'l;,lXilli'ii'
p"..i."'..,t relatirrg to the ir child-
and did ,.'o. a"p.,-,,J]il;;;;;;''". ", '"i1,',il",].,, ;""nt of movetnent from house-
hood' In a system ffi
;t;.it' 'ut-'"t" th"t"l'';;;;;
]rold to ct :t"'-1jili**:::::":.,Xj':'l':1[t -*:':t
the
to be seiective remembe'nggrt'tto tuhet' thc intbrman',.,r.r-r,.
''o""t'ota''"o''''a'""*t'"",^"1 \r'zrs zr cl-riid or-r
'n"tt '"'-'at irou.choicl ol rnf,rmants
who rvere -.-0...'"irn" indivirt'ii;;::lJl'1,,-,ilI1;.:.:l'01,,'i''"i o"'.'.""',.
orher ha.d. ,n" .ll.'n"''rics't
there \\rs:rn\ *t"'u",1i],liili,.',,, horrscholrls rs
do nor suggesr ther scem' ittstillrblc ,..1".i'"*ll'i,.,o
t" r'tqerd "-;,;'i,;"
rr thcrclo'e a.ruellu oh-
Ii[e sav filiv ieers*eeo. tle*lopmeirt tlrortqh il is
less:tt cttt
o'utl1i ''";t .,l
reoresenting
Lq,,",,.. ,r", ,,';.;,;;iJr.),t"r: )l:.n':]I.,lt]::,,:: x.::::J',,';:
sening , d.r.lopm",,t.r ob:ervcd distributr.us
rr
clear a picture ^t"t"""q;i'combining
(sn"'itir le71(1e56): Il2)'
;;;
thc structurar t'fi:':l:li:l: 'J;:it"':li[':?Ti;f'ljjt{j
But hon exactrr did a ntotc detatlc we the:
ture? \A'e procet'd ',ith r at tht'trtnc'
a,,"R,.,",i,J)ijl .lj j*:il' h
a* h ic er e
imirh
-n,nr-tii*rtt
the nouort
iffli".-;ilfil{i:i:i',,.r.',
rts att "itnporratrr un''
"r Iil,ll::::tI":'lil;"'t;a","
has sttt"'tved 'r.'t patterns'
Io the pteset
Presenr
alier much'tt"'-'ilJn"o"a't'i'itit'n' o1 Caribbean familv
lytic concept i' th;;;;;t"o'lai''tg

Moth-er \.Uho Falhcrcd

Edith Clarke: My
For crarke. ,t,. .-*ptunirion
Me
of tu,.,-,itu pit'.'rns
\\'as ro he lorrn!;.:,::.:Tt:"rt;t:l:f
,cl in cornmunin.orsrL:

ll':::. T: Tx.1 :' i: I :[ti'i""'; fl i

:']l x['x'':"-:'il ii i : [x : I
and it is to th ] ] [i:*li'' ll
fi I
showed lilc' , tllif::''*"'ncantll
,'"iur,"a'o*-''X'i'
variadons in larnilv hr. rhe srrqur i.drrstrr rrhich
lornrcd the e'
lq6,t ;5 : :' iil J l$[:
[
l: ;;, : :?i #lJ':#l, m rhe st'asunalitr ot \tr{itr" 1[1,".:Ili li*;
:
;..l
intp"t'ihl" rI;
rvell-being 'll iil"..,,'ti ''''-ty-''-'"
".H "iir.' of rlecent home li1e *nt
i;;''i';; '
i
crowdecl .'n"t*tltii""'tt"g*

14 Origins and Functions

 FAMILY IN THE CARIBBEAN

the majority of the population' (clarke 1970(1957): 23). Mocca was a small'
mixed
farmin! community in which members survived in extreme poverty year round.
Most oT the villagers could, however, trace ancestrzrl roots back for many genera-
tiom urrd kinshifsolidariry was strong as 'family and kindred ^cli_n^g togetlier,^united
j in the struggle ro flnd a means oflivelihood' (Clarke 1970(1957): 23). Orange
relatively
I Grove was a rrtore prosperous villaSe of citms farmers in which income was
high and steacly. gcor-tomic activity in Mocca and Orange Clrove, in contrast to Sug-
and entailed 'constant, intimate coop-
]l u.io*r, was based on the householcl group
183). Only in orange Grove, horvever, was there coop-
.ratiorr' (clarke 1970(1957):
: eration at village level as meerinss ancl activities were organised and local commit-
tees establisheZl to provide cornmunity senices. In Mocca, on the other hand,
'neighbourliness is r.rt ot operative' (Clarke 1970 (1957): 183), and in Sugartown
'urrr-.o-p."hensive forms of cooperation embracing the cornrrrr'rnily ull rvhole
:--==
- -9A
,r.rr, *orrr.r-r ancl children hai no part' (Clarke 1970(1957): 186). The popula-
-
rion of Sugartown rvas cliverse and highiy mobile with patterns of behaviour and val-
ues contra"sting between the permanent residents and the immigrants'

where Mocca anci orar]ge Grove werc integrated bv kinship bonds and a comnlon pat:
tern of life, and organizecl to perrnit. of constant intercommutrication, exchange of
ideas and the transmission of approvccl modes of conduct, Sugartorvl-t presented itself
as a collection of disparate un-assimilated and opposinEi aggregates (clarke
1970(1957):188).

Clarke's interpretation of familv strllcture in these three communities \vas cotnpre-

.ensive. Here we surnmarise her conclusions in relation to conjugal Llnions, atti-
,iicles ancl practices in terms of sex irncl procreation, extendecl family households'
.llegitimacy and the residential se p:rration of parents and children.
i, o.u.rg. Grove marriage wai clearly the pref'erred forrn of conjugal union with
,re propoition of marriectlouples amounting to 75 per ccnt. Corresponding fig-
.,res'foi Mocczr and Sugartown were 35 and 26 per cent respectively (Clarke
,J70(1957): 90). Clarke attributecl these differences in rates to economic condi-
-,tns, social status and the stabiliq' o1'the
relationship between the couple, each of
irich was perceivecl as a function of community organisation. As she explained,
-

marriage cannot be considered at all unless the conditions ProPer to it are fulfilled or
l app.ai.upable of fulfi1lmcnt. Ancl some of these conditions pl:.rce marriage beyond
I rl-re reach of largc numbers of the population, r'vhile others mzrke it llecessary to post-
oone marriage until zrfrer a preliminarr period of cohabitatior.r (Clarke 1970(1957):
;s).

Economic preconditions were considered to be all-important'

.. is r-rot considered correct for a man to propose marriage unless he owns a house and.
.:
referably a bit of lanc1. 'A man shonlcl not marry ancl live in a renterl house.' The cost.
i the wedding itsclf rvrth thc extravaganr exper-rditure on clothes, iinen'ar-rd food for
:re u,eclding fiast often cxh2lusts all the man's savings. But rvhat is more significant is
.at he is expectcd to sLrpporr his rvife ir-r a higher status than that rvhich is accepted for
. concubine. Concubinage is recognized as a Partnership in which there is equal re-
.::,nsrbiliry betrveen both partners in practical affairs. It is considered right ancl proPer
:.the woman to clo anvform of rvork to assistin tl-re maintenattce of rhe home. \'{ar-
.-.1e, holever, is expected to bring about 'a change of life'. to releasc the t'omau
'fl-om :1 conlnlon
-: m the anxiety and drudgery of earnine her living, to transform her'
15
 .go olrt to rvork, (Clarke 1970(1957). herself. He really did
woman to a lady,.... lt is derogatory for a rvife to all the housework ar
78).
scoured the pots and 1

orangeGrovewastheonly-olg.ofthethreecommunitieswiththewealthand Another farmer's sifi

But economic factors were
economic stability required to fulfil these expectations. do; his in the field ar
rvith social status and
not the only importaJ, or-r.r, for marriage was also associated and she does not intrr
the ideals of respectability'
.o.iut *oUiiiry ;d with community pressure to reinforce
Again, Orange Grove was the exception' Parenting is a woman'r
onlyinorangeGroveamongourCetltresissocietysoorganizedthatpressurecanbe
has the sanction The man is sarrs-.'.
Here marriage
deliberatelv exercised on the"behaviour of inclivicluals. the obligations arr
mark ol A small farmer rvho acknorvledged
of respectability ancl is also the hall status.
responsibility and
havingbeenpromisctrousinl-risvouthrvhenhetravelledaborr[theIsl:rndsaidhe (Clarke i970(195;
wouldneverhavethoughtofmor.iag.inthoseclays,butrvlrenheretr"rrnedtoOrange
Grove ancl began to ror; n" married 'to sarisly the public - if he had not, discrimina-
individual behaviottr and also e\an----
tion would have come right in their mirist'. In Sugartown
-.-r'ke
vieilant criticism of kin or neighbours to any- r {Lral activitY rinr. :
personal reiations .""." ,o", subiect to the
Apart from the rcligious incentive, there rvas no sociai dis- ,-:rch of the sr-,,:r-,-
thing like the Same degree,
approbationof.or-r..,bi'-'"gt.""biastorvzrrdsmarriageamongthervorkersortheoidto. .\mong the upper
ptrb.Iic opinion lvas exerted
fami]ies. In Mocca, rvhere*family arrcl kin are stressed, cuss the subject o{
.rvards the maintenance of unions irncl the recognition of parer-rtal, conjugal and
kir-r-
(clarke 1970(1957): 82)' shocked surprise <
ship responsibilirv, without any particular stress on marriage comment made or
rhe rumour that u
Conjugal stability lvas also a prerequisite to marriage' n-e could not b€ sc

Marriageoccurs,therefore,asalatterstageinanassociationbegtlninconcubin;rge
h:rve been
regarded as obligatorv Sugartown $'her
ancl is an inclication thar the economic conciitions
have approved one anothe r sulnciently to risk rld hardly be mo
fulfilled and that the contracting Parties
respon"sitilities which ,oa..iage implies. It marks the end of a
the change in status and
of either partv " ' Mar-
free association rvhich can be dissolved at any time at the rvill
in other rvorcls' the affirmation of st21-
riage, occurring alter a periocl of cohabitation is,
(clarke 1970 (1957): 84).
bifry; rhe seal on a proven coniugal union

Clarkealsoidentifie<lgenderclistinctionsinconjugal.rolesandrelationships
make a good
Women gain respectutriiity throush marriage and'ceitain qualities
wile.
should *t*
Fidelity or the intention of being faithful is the first' A woman :Y::1: I
can be discreet and that she can justifi the higher degree of confidence and trust [ ffi contizsr in ]tocce
"Stre
strouta bear with if it comes their1a1, dlt emphasis rrzs plare
which a wife has a right to exPect' Poverty, I
**::f::i.*J*;.iffi,,:i;:::::;::;Xl';"i::fil'ii;#'*?',:;;i.'1ff; II h],occa*,rere,tuc
(1e57):83). I ffi:,$"TX;
experie".tt 5re illegir;mers has
By conrrast, maleness is enhanced by sexual pro]'vess^ and lgllf
in the circum- If sm of,ser and nm
it is not poisible, for. example
i{zoiiqb1l si,..ib5l. rhough always
labour'
srances of Sugarrow", .rr. ."ipre ideally *uiri#.r,
a clear division of
I ffisTi tr
*'*:t'itr: ::; :i ;T,Tffil:T#T5:i,'1"?:i:f;:"ffi;1L;i,'n:i:,T: I ffi
m+
Hffijbtranxe o{ t}te
custom they were delicaie, only if they were of a rough disposition
if -:lt.J:::^:: I
haveakitchengarden.Hemadeitbutshecalledithers,butshedidnotdotheworkl

16 Origins and Functions

 FAMILY IN THE CARIBBEAN

herself. He really did not like the idea of seeins his rvife rvorking ir.r the fie1ds. She did
all the houservork and looked after their six children. S}re cleaned the floor and
scoured the pots ancl pans (Clarke 1970(1957): 144).
d
e -$other farmer's rvife told us that she ancl her husband each have their own rvork to
d rio: his in the field and hers in the home rvith the children. She does not like fie1d rvork
ar.rd she does not interfere rvith it (Clarke i970(1957): 145).

?arenting is a woman's responsibility.

The man is satisfied bv the proof of his virility and does not necessarilv accept. any of
the obligations and duties of parentl-rood. These are generzrlly zrcceptecl :rs the woman's
lesponsibility and there is no public censure if he does not acknotvledgc or fr-rIfil them
iClarke 1970(1957) : 96).

larke also examined variations between the three villages in terms of attitudes to
).xual activity and procreation. In Orange (lrove extramarital affairs were a 'serious
r each of the social coclc' and sex \r'as not a topic for discr-rssion.

-\nong the upper class farmers and their rvivcs it rvas difficnlt" if nof impossible ro dis-
the subject of sex. Whenevcr it was introclr.rce d it rvas shiecl arvay frorn, eitl-rer rvith
cr-rss
shocked surprise or a refusal to admit that irregular sex relatiotts ever took place. The
comment made on our inquiry by one Orange Grove citizen was that 'rvhen hc hearcl
the rumour that we r,vere asking sex questions he did not credit it for he thought that
u.e could not be so out ofordcr' (Clarke 1970 (1957): 90).

,:: Sugartotvn where 'casual concubinage ancl promiscuitv' u,ere common, attitudes
, .,u1d hardly be more clifferent.

In Sugarto.rvn, by contrast, sex was a favor.rritc subject of conversation ivith both men
enc{ women. Men enjoycd taking a6out t(tei' sexual provt'ess, tlte num/ter o{cltr/c{ren
rhey hacl fathered ancl the number of their conquests, rcferring r'vith especial Pride to
rnv relarionship rvith :r r.irgin. Both men :rr-rd rvomet'r regarded sexual ectivitl as ll nol:
cs. nal part of adult and aclolescent life, ancl there l\,as never any attempt to temper the
od discussion if children were present. Childisl-r and adolescent precocity was or-r the con-
:rary, regardecl rvith tolcrant arnllsement and, in thc casc of bovs, rvith admiration
Clarke 1970(1957) : 9i).

-'. contrast, in Mocca stable farnily life ancl kinship solidaritv were lnost valued. l.it-
-: elnphasis was placed on respect2lbilit)'.
In Mocca, rvhcre the conjugal p:lttern is cor-rcubinage fbr lil'e, the famih, is al1 impor-
,ant and there *,as not the least hesitancy ir-r discussing the outside children in the
i-ror-rsehold nor anv ciifficultv in getting particlrlars in regarcl to their different fathers.
ike Here illegitimacv has no social significance. At the same time there is little open discr.rs-
';m- .ion of sex, and none before their rvc-rmenfolk. The stress here is or-r kinsl-rip and anv
extra-conjugal relationships rvl-rich [hreatcned to dismpt an existing union rvould bc
regarded as a serious matter bv the family o{ the ir-rjurecl p:rrtv. Here, as in Orange
Grove, promiscLrous or casual affairs rvere snrreptitious and fr.rrtive compared rvith Sug-
rrtown rvhere they r,vere carried on openlv and rvhcrc the,v l-rad Eireater social impor-
rence because of the numbe r of chiidrer-r born to couples who onlv came Logcther for

17
 the period during which work was to be had on the sugar estate (Clarke 1970(1gb7):
92-e3).

Another aspect that we examine here is the extended family household. Clarke,s
three communities also exhibited differences in the proportions of households con-
sisting of kin in addition to a man, his conjugal pu.t r.. and their biological or
adopted children. She related the prevalenc. -of tnei. households to conjugj union
type, kinship solidarity and economic security.

we are dealing with family groups with children or orher kin present. Among such
family households in Sugartown, two-thirds are of the simple family type containing
children and about two-thirds are based on concubinage; among those based on mar-
iage 43 Per cent are of the extended type and there is a much smaller proportion (27
per cent) of those based on concubinage that are extended by the inclusion of other
kin. In Mocca, the emphasis on concubinage,rather than marriage among these family
grouPs is again clear, but there is a greater tendency for them to be of the extendej
type than is the case in Sugartown, and this is true for.rhose based on concubinage as
well as for those based on marriage. This ties in with the greater solidarity of
the kIn in
Orange Grove and Mocca as compared with Sugartown. In both Centres, the extended
family households are approximately equally divided between marriage and concubi-
nage. In Orange Grove, almost as many households are of the extended family type as
l
are of the simple fam\ rype wrth children (Clarke 19?0(19bT): ,rr-rrl.

The frna} dimens\on to whrch'v'Je turn our atten\ron \s chl\d\ot

,., * .-o I
fu.-ily is that of rear-
other structu.d n .rctio.ralists, the most important taskof F," Successful perform-
to become prop.tlv socialised adults'
G;"d ;;ining children that is, on how closely the {amily
ance of this function a.p".ra. on ramily it..rlrrr.,
ideal. clarke therefore expre.ssed concern at illegitimacy
conforms to the n rcleai
*rrJtft. residential separation of parents and their children'(37.per cent) when com-
--nui"* of illegirimaff*... ,aultirely high in Sugartown
cent)^ (Clarke 1970(1957):
pared wirh Mocca (9;.;.""t1 ,"a O.."!" Grove"17 per
the proPoidons of children who were of
\gU) #(niii*OniOon*Ne'e apla'en] 1n 69 per
married parenrs ri.1t father u,id *ott.r. ln orange Grove both
""J;;i;;;1n_ ,h" 'advantag.e' of living with
cenr of children # ;;;i Ciurf.." described;t their marriei parents' Figures for
parents and, of ,h;t,'8; p"t tt"t n"i ;;h per cent
Mocca were 50 per cent uni +2ptl
ct-1t^'"tpectively and for Susart-own 50
128 ii'gr. a",ir"...ly, wtrile z3 per cent of the
and 44per cent tcr-r."lgio1t6r71: in from
children in Sugartoiv;"tir;J with ifreir
;;ii"^ only, that is households
orange Grove
ftgrr.s for.Mocca and
which fathers were absent, the compa.uai* distinctions correlated with the
were 17 per cent and 15 per cent r".p..tiu"iy.-ih...
of fJtherhood responsibilities:
following variadons in thl performance

TherewasnoadultPatternofmaleconjugalorparentalresponsibiliryintheSugar- by' on the

yo.r.rg Loy to imitate,or be influenced
town community as a whole for th. if not admiration'
contrary, hi. .'dy *u1 t"Suiqtg ilth'amused indifference'
';pfuyJar,, leained the general attitudes of his seniors that children
*"., urrJf.
by the otder
'womal's It was not part of the social ethic that he
are primarily it''* f*:1."i'
"ftfy children' t':l:t:^:ln Personal home life as
should provide r"''f'J8itf and fei-r 1"
wellasthatofthemajorityofhisplaymatesandcompanions,mightdemonstratethe
exactopposite.There"were,ofcourseexcePtions,andimPortantexceptions,among or-
oi s,rgu.,o*.r. But on the whole it is to
the old families and permanent residents lavishing care
have to turn t'o Ind examples of fathers
ange Grove and,Mocca that we

1B Origins and Functions

 FAMILY IN THE CARIBBEAN

.: r. II70(1957): and affection on their children ar-rd carrying out their conir-rgal and paternal dr-lties'
(Clarke 1970(I957) : 98).

' .'. -.:ehold. Clarke's As we examine the question of child socialisation in Chapter \IIII, we 'rvill revisit
:. .. ,r.eholdscon- Clarke's community studies ancl note her expressions of grave concern about n'hat
:-- -. .i--r'1r. biological or she sees as the ina<lequate pauerns of chilcl rearing and training, particularly in
. .: . L-':)IIjrlgal union terms of father absenteeism; hence thc title of her book' &I1' Nlother Who Fathered Me'

- : i: :-- -\::-iotlg suc1] Raymond T. Smith: The Negro family in British Guiana
: t c''ntait-tit-tg
Smith, conclucLing fielclrvork in a coastal resion of (iuyana, als-o_stuclied in thrce vil-
lage settings. Theie he narnecl Augrlst Torvn, Persever:rnce and Bettcr Hope. AugJust
: rftloll
TJwn wa.""stablishecl soon after imancipatioll 215 611--slaves bought land rvhich'tlirs
. \j/
: .:l ll ol other previously incorporatecl into cotton estates. PerseYerancc, a scmi-irquatic vi11zr8^e' \\'zrs
I : .:'.e se famil-v
- iounded ,o*"ruir"t later as settlers first established thcmseives on abiindoned estzrte
.-.1 e\tellded
iand as squatters ancl subsequently. tn the iatter 1800s, legalisecl thcir occr-lpzltion oi
:'.. .tbitlaqe as
the land. The origin of Beticr Hope as a posl-emancipadon village rs sin.riiar to thai
.:" -11-reklnin of August Tolvn, 6ut the nvo villages differ today in that Better Hope is nlore cioseh.
.,^.^l^l
: :: :--- eXtended
locate-cl to tl-re capital ciry, Georgetou,n, and thcrefcrre more subject to urban ancl
and concubi-
governmental influences.
fumi1y tYPe as " Fro* the time of establishment, the villirges rvere characterised bv corntnunitl co-
hesion, social homogenci6' and egalitarianism, birsed on ethnic iclentitv as 'black
people', common.Jt.rr", particulzlr place in the total social svstem and perlorm-
I ,r Clarke and -rr.. of 'tasks in the occupitional svstirn, being all-replaceable one bv another (a1-
..-- -'. 1) rhat of rear- for sex and agc clifl'erentiation of course)' (Smith 1971(1956): 219). As
.owing
Successful Perform- imith further explains:
-. .eir the iamilY
: r, -'.1 illegitimacv The main village group fitrms a localizecl snb-,cvst.etn of the totiil social svstem. but it is
itself differeltiated internallv. rvithout holt--ve r proclr.rcint anv significant social stratifl-
Der cent) when com- cation rvithin itself. Tl-re 'bancl' of sratus differentiatior-rs rvitl-rir-r this gloup is lLrlrro\\'
Clarke 1970(1957): ancl lon-ilstitutionalizecl, and in f:rct the main pressures are oPcrating to prcvent its
.- rtl tiho rvere of becoming u,ider, or ir-r other rvorcls Lo prevent significant status differer-rces {iom devel-
-: L,t'ove 69 Per ,rping bel,ond a point rvhich rrotrlcl destroy the solidaritv of the erouP, and conflict
'-'r o rvith both
'- _- '..irh tl-re major values ol the total svstcrn (Srnith 1971 ( 1956): 2I1-2 12) '
'' tigures lor
_ t . )t .10 per cent -iage soiiclaritv- rvas reinforced b1, firrnily rlctivilies and bv the ncecl to cooperate to
- :r'r cent of the ,,.i.,..,.i ancl maintain dams, sluice gates and trenches to deai with the ever pre-
. :..eholds from :.- : ihrear of floocling by seir u/ater, an ecological problem rvhich had the 'effect of
and Orange Grove r :,slng a pattern o1 .orpo.ote life almost as a condit.ion of existence' (Smith
correlated with the
^.o,"-''"-tiq'
' - I956) 23; . Ho*"u",, spirit u'as rvcakened bv hvo conditions of life
:.r '
qllages, namely the high levels of'male migrzrtion in search of emplo,vment
-. -:sh rr,Iges, rvhich made ii difficult for men to participatc in communal activiw,
- .:r rhe Sugar-
r 1\. On the
:
- .,-Le ir-rcieased dependence on thc local government system for administrative
.,rirriration,
: ," of drainage ind it'rigation, rvith the corollarf that volunrary co-oPeration
.:laced by ca"sh poy-.rri. Nevertheless, village uniq- continued to be expressed
:rs lhat children .-,:i,r ries,'r,illagd enclogamy and inforrnal ceretnonies, stlcir as the rvake, rather
- '.,c that he
.r:or-rgh the' instituiioni of village council. church or school (Srnith
rlome life as - -:,rr:204205).
.'.iifa[e the
--:. among
.
."llg structural functional assumptions that all social svstelris irave certain
is to Or- -.,. iequircments ancl rhat {arnilies fulhl some of these. thc central task
,:'ttlg care

19
 As he put rt'
whichR.T.Smithsetforhimselfwastoprovideanunclerstandingofhowfarr.rilyu.as
tn'""1i6;; orcler io cater to these needs'
structured i,-t tt-'"

weareinterestedinknolvirrg,firstly,the'kinclofformtakenbvthcsefamilyurritsin to other struc-

ir-'ternll't"r"ii""i'ipt' t"tn'-'aly' their relationship fam-
terms of their "'-'a lvay of asking ivhy the
Tie-lattet is' in this t^*';;;il;"other
tures in the sociery'
;;;;*;-.*.:' *1-'ifr[Jfi',"#;l;:\:S;",'.,:Xil""H'.]',:1:il:X]':iii:1":lt
fact that the domest ''lre concerned
f". &.." .,;; !iu.r-tr' as far as lve
ual satisfactio" ", i.;;;;irn,r].,-r,, thal i,',tet"ttt us as sociologists (Smith
ir.r which ;;;-;;";, are satisfiecl
is the.nay
i971 ( 1956) : 1 46) '

h: *ut critical of those

ForSmithtopror'iclesuchaninterprcution'itrvasesscnlial'tor.icrt'thelamilvand
of ti" totui',tct;;' 3a"ta'
communiw rvithin tn" t<l^i"*t commrrnities zrnd investr-
,ur-ri.r-r.i.,rruterl village
srrucrural trr-r.,ior-rut''p:;il.ar,*
gatedthemu'uutt-,nt'[oulsocialunit'rvithrvell-dt'fincclboundarics'
to arrive at an
ThisbookdeaisprimarilyrvithccrtainaSPeCtSofthesociaist'1.Llct].rreofthreevillagc
u.,,isir Guiana, but in zlttemPtinc
communities," ,n:'::;.}.^i".r"^.i sma1l sections
relarivelv of the population rve are
adequate .rr1a"..,."ai"r1!'"r',n... ,o,"f .o.i.,n-of-British Guiirna' so interdependent
,rl Ur"
obliged ,o .or]ria".'i""i..". the total societv of rvhich
the'v
the lott'f tt'tJt'''liti"t ^"a
and funcdon^fr-u t"in*a are
4) '
u P.., (Smith 1971(1956):
^..
Thecomparativedimensionclrawnforlrisstuclywastherefore'betweencomtnuniN
th9 fr.ce:;H't"'t;;;:
*": the case rvith clarke'sof
and total sociery,
'"t;;;;;; a,.,i,-,.i-;;;;;;" the three 'illrrrles in 1s11ns
stucly. Ntho.,gr., s*Y,rr?"."-f*."a
,",-,a
rr.et.c nUl trealCd as theoreticallr
u]r,u,.I inflttent.es. tht'r to the others and
economic p'o,p".,.1 f''n' o"';ii;-::
signifitarrr. c'ontru'iol'
d'o*n ";;;;"';;'list'd sonre
villages. ,r-.'""1{l,, not rvithotrt 'esct.,allon'
extencled lo orher. :;r.,.iN;g,o lrn,ilu'";n-,ti;"';""''h.t" r'illaqes rvere iderrtifit'd'
A number .r.;;;;;;.l.ii?. "r
lnordertott'**"i'ethcmht""t'"'gtoupin"*arottncl'ruodistinctthoughovct-
i;pil;,,-r:t,:ui,rl[x]*hyffi ;[i::::.ffi :ii:::'.".Ti".:T;,1'":
dence of commol bonds'
',veak conjttgur t"']'f'li"'"'^tg"r"t",6"t"tl-"tt'to'ttother-chilcl clifferentiation' (Srnith
seen
common-larv unions were ^..'""i;;r:;;i;i-.i;*
tot']l"i:l"tugal union in thc villages' carry-
181)';';;;''"pit()p'i"'" from common law to mar-
olr"tgui'"^'^'-tttio'-t''ii" i*itiii""
1971(1956):
ins no ,ocial 'tgma ,sofrewhat village family
frotn rhe perspective of
riqge was d"..rlrrJ u, -"or-rjr-t,ql"t,
diffcren-c" ," ,ii:;;;"'"ui
int male' nor to the rights and
relationships. tt maJe no the relationship deterio-
.,r.rpi". I",i"J'*;':rc-t.at"t
responsibiliti". b;,;;;-in"
rated,promol,^,-r'l)ffi ,....*;llt"'$,:ilu-:.,Xii"H:L*."t;1,[:i:T}.{
is*ii1,'l97lit95o): l8l r. At :n rsmith lgTl( lgiri):
th.c.same
:
"# t ffi i x x.li,f , :i; " *'.{ * rs;i' til ll:li:: *} lli j'l'
I:
n
:
itotut"i it"* i1" il:':'*
*ll-",'^:f mainstream G'uyane r I lbrm cif
lase was tire t'nlv acceptirble
'-tt" and religiouslv ,or,.,ror"t"i'ilu;;i;;" "t
a&norvledgecl
coniugal union. pat'tncr rvho rt:rs
.-^,.p(.nred tltc r hoite ol a y,iil:;''l:1:
.L:-r- rept'escnr'erl
Similarly villacc endogaml '
,rrhich : l:'-':,;:l
'l': st'ttse iX"
ti;il;t hackgrotrnrl' made logir:tl
well-knorvn
"naL-f
PersPective'

Origins and Functions

 FAMILY IN THE CARIBBEAN

brdi"g of how family was
As he put it,
Fs.
i bF ,r,"r" family units in
ptionship to other struc-
ps of asking why the fam-
Fr:eh'es unduly with the
lneed tor shelter,
for sex-
a-r rve are concerned. ll
fr
(Smith
lus as sociologists
I
I
L-
IaI to riew the familv and
L h. .*r. crirical of ihose
Joommunities and invesri-
hrndaries.
e of three village
: -) :1ff1\,e at all
pulation we are
interdependent
n of rvhich they
rr*een communitv
ase with Clarke's
llages in terms of
=d
as theoretically
irc otl-iers and
-:(ta atiotl.
:: : i1'e identificd.
nct tlough over-
efers to the inci-
econd combines
' .,:.: 1\hicir is placed upon the desirability of marryins lvithin the village is ex-
. . .. .een in relation to the total social structure of the colony and the place
::---:r.!s \egro eroup rvithin it. For a person borr-r in one of ourvillages, the
.-:::enLi one of his rnair-r point.s of social reference; it is the place to which he
. ,.::i irr l.hich he feels secure. Since the majority of villagers are not con-
' :, rmproving their social status through marriage they clo not seek a partner
. - :r1p them improve thirt status. If the,v enter:r union r.vith someone from an-
-r : rI-re coior-r-v they will perforce have to fbrm nov ancl difficult relationships
:..1. ilersol-ls. an experience rvhich car-r bc a'n'oided bv marwrng sonteone rvhose
:-r rackground they knorv already. If onc marries a feliou,villaeer thert oue can
r .:r clo-se contact with one 's orvn family of ()rlentation and especrally onc's
.: 5rnith 1971(1956): I87).
: lerspecli\re of functionalism:
.:: .ridogamy results in a proliferation of intra-villaee kinship ties'r.vl-ricl'r actually
- . a,qair-rst internal status differentiation behveen families, irnd it thus contributes
- .,,iidariry* of the group and its unitary ch:rracter in the total social system (Smith
qlh): lu/).
,- ,rf the second familial complex, Smith sarv conjusal relationships as \vcak
' ..:rder roles as distinct. The famih'is essentiallv wontan's business in her roles
':r(r'. rrile ancl glancfmother.'The kitchen is thc prorince ol the woman'
' -:: 1971(1956): 57) and her daily routine is occupied rvith cooking, cleaning,
. :r,1, mending ancl collecting fircwood (Srnith 1971(1956): 75-77). For Srnith,
:'-:u are also carriers of respectability rvhich is evidcnced in rnarriage and church
: -,i:rnce (Smirh 1971(1956): 179,180). Men, on the otherhand, are'marginal'to
' -.inri1r,. Holever, althor.rgh women own propertl', including houses and land,
- ----n 1971(1956): 59) ancl there are income-senerating oppoltunities for thern,
- ierr'have jobs, for this reflects adverselv on their spouses'abilitl,tn provide eco-
--.ic support (Smith 1971(1951r): 75). Women
'cannot be economically selfsuffi-
..--: (Smith 1971(1956): 226) and tl'rey are for the most part clepenclent on their
.-e partners and subject to their authority and control. Male household heaclship
, ,crallv prescribecl:

rriation' (Smith Ihe role of husband-f:rther as heacl of the household, respor-rsible for the group anci
Le rillages, carry- :err-rg the chief pror.ider of cash and economic rcsources is rvell establishcd ir-r the sys-
mon law to mar- :em and those households which are headcd bv fcmales are :rlmost [r1' dcfinition r'vith-
,cf rillage family ,rr,rt a male head. Thus women nill often sav that thcy are poor and have to tork hard
r-:, the rights and 5ecause thev have no hr"rsband to take czrre of tl-rem. The absence of a male is thought
r,:nship deterio- ,rf as a deficiency in this sense (Smith 1971(1956): 79).
" tbr themselves
:f Enmon form of :nith assumed that thc familv is structurcd around the roies and relationships of
j& 1971(1e56): .:iorher, father and child ancl rhat the central problem lbr investigation is thc n,ay in
-rrag *rat the vil- .irich they fit togethcr.
::,-rthich legally
:stable form of There is a sense in rvhich we can take for gr':rnted t1-rc fact that the rnothcr-cl-riid rela-
tionship rvi11 be a close one in eny 'ocieh. end the real problem then begins to ccntre
:!a-:rrrrer who was on the way in rvhich masculine roles are integrated iuto tl're family systcm, and the rvav
,r-=^ed fiom this in rvhich the mother-child relationship is structnred to fit ir-r rvitl'r the eeneral st1'ttcture
including the masculine role pattern (Smith l97I (1956): 22+225).

ZI
 The 'marginal' male and the corresponding enhancement of the role of the mother -:r rhe 1c,',':'. .

were undirstoocl rvith reference to the minimal functions that the father or hus- :,-rsbanci-::. : .
band performed within the Negro family situated on the lowest runs of t.he laddcr rere is: '

of Glyanese society. The lather clid not have exclusive controi over land or alll' ,lmell:- :.--
orher means of family lir,elihood. Ncither clicl he function as the heacl ancl leader of :rr elop :, . .

a unit of production typically the case in peasant society. He played no part in so.cial ::rStlC l-e..-
placement by ciefining-thc social status of members of his farnily or in -the socialisa- .-.::--r:al .::--:
tion of his chilclren, often doins 'no more than jrrst existinp; zrs a father-figure'
(Smith 197i(1956): 258). The corollary of rnale marginality is matrifocality.

& Matrifocality
The existence and persistence of matrifocaliry in the lorver-class, black household
and family struct.ure is a question that has preoccupied virtualll' cverf investi€iation
in the Caribbean. The first scholars of iamily strucrture, rvhile the-v nlav not all have
lsed the term mzltrifocaliry, tvere essentiallv concerned [o understancl :incl explirin
the same phenomenon. Thc1, idendfiecl u,hat they describeci as tmncatecl and in-
adequate iamilv srructures in which males avoicicd their respor-rsibilities as faLhe|s
and conjugal partners and in which r'r'omen, as a rcsult, wcre ovcrburdened ancl
could not iingle-hanctedlv manage adcquately to socialise chiiclren and ensure eco-
nomic .uppoit for household ancl family members. We also saw that they put fbr-
ward .eviial clifferent ancl conflictine explanations. Matrifocalin' was varioush
attribr.rtecl to the African heritagc, the slave systeln, poverB', communiLl' organisa-
tion ancl contemporary socio-economic circumst'ances, specificallv thc inabiliry of
males to acquire ihe occupational status ancl the income necessal-v to fulfil the role
of husband ancl father. Nl of these perceptions, to a greater or lesser extenl, re-
flectecl the ethnocentrisrn of the scholars rvriting :rt the time by iclentifying matrifo-
cality as a pathoiogical or der,iant variant of the icleal nuclear household and famih
In a later work, R..T. Smirh (1973: 31) recognised the problem

The logical implication of the ergurnent rs that. the emphasis on "matrifocaiitv' and the
efforts to account for, or to explain it - ratl-rer than to shorv it as one of the sevcral rvaYs
of organisir-rg the clomest.ic arrangemellts represents the ethuocentric pro.jections of
scholars rvho appcar to be unable to break arva1, lrom tl're rcstrictions imposed tlpon
them bv their ot'n cultural traditior-r'

Accorclingll,, matrifocality lvas interpre ted as a characteristic fbrrn of lorver-class Ne-

gro family and household strLlcture u,hir:h deviated from the nt.rclear norm. It \{a:
found alongside male marginality.

The householcl group tends to be matri-focal in the sense that a woman in the status ol &&:f :r r::r:-t
'mother' is usuallv tl-re de facto leacler of thc group, and converselv the husband-ia-
ther. although de jure head of tire househoid group (if preserrt), rs usr-raliv marginal tcr
the complex of internal relationships of the group. By 'mareinal' wc mean t.hat hc as- $rEry: S
sociates ielatively infrequer-rtly rvith the other members of the group, and is on the
fringe of the effectivc tieswhich bind the group together (Smith 1971(1956):223).

The key ro rhe explanation of matrifoca.litv, thercfore, lay in the peripheral role o:
the maie in family ancl domestic activitv which, in turn, rvas explained bv the lor'
level and character of his participation in the rvider socio-e conomic s1 stem

Origins and Functions

 FAIV1ILY IN THE CARIBBEAN

lther L-r the lowest status group the only basis for male autl-rority in the household unit is the
..hus- hr:sband-father's contributiotl to the economic foundation of the group, and where
.,dder there is both insecuriw in jobs rvhere males are concerned, and opportunities for
r\'omen to engage in monev-making activities, including farming, then there is likely to
Cevelop a situation where men's roles are structurally marginal in the complex of do-
ft :i'*
ralisa-
ntestic relations. Concomitantly, the status of women as mothers is enhanced and the
raturai importance of the mother role is left unimpeded (Smith i97t(1956): 227-228).
fl

,qure'
. , a review of the concept of matrifocaliry as he expressed it in The Negro Family in ll.

:. -:,sh Guiana, Smith (7973:142) statecl that he 'tried to ser our the major dimen-
-ls of the problem ... rather than attempting a "definition" of matrifocality'. In tu
.! article, he was anxious to distinguish himself from those who saw matrifocality
ehold -, -male dominance and as a distinct type of household structure. He interpreted
.ation -.. the focus of domestic relationships centred on the mother figure, rather than
, have .:. headship, and as a final phase in the life cycle of the domestic group.
:<plain inith (1973: 125) identified matrifocality as a 'property of the internal relations'
:d in- -,.cordance with rvhich 'it is women in their role as mothers who come to be the
rthers . cr.r-s of relationships, rather than head of the household as such' (emphasis in
I and -..:na1). He elaborated by describing how the matrifocaiity of the clomeslic group
: eco- - ,: -ases over Lime.
rt for-
iously It ,rring the period of early co-habitation (lvhich may or may not be based on legal mar-
.anisa- .1e r. the \{oman is fulli, occupied with child-rearine ancl maximally dependent r-rpon
,iiry of ':: spoLlse, but rvhile men contribute to the support of the household they do not par-
--e role .--'rate very much in child-care or spend much time at home. As the children grolv
':rt, re- .rer, they gradually begin to drop out of school to help rvith household tasks or with
ratrifo- :s on the farm and running errands. The woman is gradually freed from the con-
:amily. , -.:rl rr'ork of child-care and when the children begin to earn, they contribute to the
,.--r' 6ap6n5gs of the household. It is at this stage that one begins to see more clearly
r ,irtderlving pattern of relationships rvithin the clomestic group; whereas the woman
: dre ,r previously been the focus of affective ties she norv becomes the centre of an eco-
i\AyS :::ic ar.id decision-making coalition rvith her children (Smith 1973: 12+125).
,s of
-90n I . i:.rith. therefore, the matrifocal quality of domestic relationships occurs inde-
. ..ltLlr.of a male presence and is clearly distinguishable from fernale household
. ..ir:p, In other words, matrifocality is present and increases whether or not the
,rss Ne- .:rd-father is resident and 'lvhether or not he is the head of the household.
It was . rrs developmental pattern also indicates is that, although the essence of ma-
-:,1i1.is the'focus of affective ties', this shifts with time towards an'economic
. ,:crsion-making' basis, implving a change in favour of the woman in the bal-
--rs of . - lender-basecl household authoriq,.
:C-fa-
::l to
le as- iu.rnmary: Structure and values
: the ' : i ,111 rr'elfare workers and anthropologists who set the stage for family studies
'. Caribbean came from abroad, mainly from Britain, the colonial mother
r- Tl.rev developed a fixation with lower-class Negro 'mating' and family struc-
role of , l'liddle and upper-class familics appeared to be 'normal', but those of the
,Ie low : ,.-.-:s rr'ere different from anything they hacl ever knorvn. These 'irregular' pat-
, :-,trefore. required scholarly explanation and, for some, social policies to rec-
: r-i-lciencies.

23
 j

For Herskovits ancl Frazier the explanation was to be found in the past. Lo\\ ! '

class Negro family forms hacl their origins respectivelv, in Africa or in the s1i,--
piantation regime. But in neither case did these scholars lirnit themselves t'
itudy of the fimily" Herskovits examine d all aspects. of cuiture from econornic s '-:
technology to religion ancl magic ancl, although Frazier-devoted olre book to the st'..
of the Ne"gro family in the Uniied States, his other works coverecl other areas of c
cern.
When the social anthropologists took o\ler, however, the obsession with 1or". '
class Negro family forms took root. The structural functionalism that dominl, .
their stuiies containecl clefinite ideas about family life. Accordingly, the familr ' '
defined. as universal, nuciear in structure and per{orming sevcral vital tasks for' .
social system. It follor.ved, therefore, that if there was something wrong lvith this -
ily struiture, then a number of serious sr-rcial problems.rvould inevitabiy occut'. T
fimily, for example, was seen to play a crucial role in the socialisation proc.'
moulding and training voung chilclren to take over the socieB' as responsibie adi.
Badly-railed children who gi-ew into juvenile delinquents and a nr-rmber of i-'ir -
farniiy-basecl problerns threatened lhe rvhole social ancl moral fabric of soc:.-
These assumptions ciominated the Caribbean farnily studies of social anthroF'
gists during tire late 1950s ancl eariy 1960s, defining rvhat thev sarv and ho'rv tl-rc''
terpreted it.
The structural functionalist int-erpretations constiluted an important adlance ' -
the crass ethnocentrism of the social pathologists, rvho had come to conclusions al-
chaotic and disorganisecl Caribbean family structures on the basis of virtuall,v no :- '
'the problems' dran irl .
and who ,".." -oi" interested in doing something aboul
ducting methodologcally souncl investigations. The s,vstematic anrl meticulous i.
work c6nductecl by ihe anthropologists as they observed and participzrted in the 1ir t,
their informants for extended periods of time, provide d a detailed body of infomr:- -
on family patterns f,rom several diffcrent Caribbean territories. But their interprerr-
of this eihnographic clata was controlled by the icleolosical and theoretical assumilL
of their model. As rve shall see in the follorving chapter, the model defined the t-.1:-
for them as a co-resiclential nuclear rinit, idcall,v and in practice. Gender roles anci : -
tionships were also prescribed. Men were breadwinners and authoriq' figures so "

where they clid not live up to expectations, they were clescribed as 'marginal' and : '.
lies as 'matrifocal'. Despirc the fact that men clid not perform these familial duties
were srill assumed to be household heads, ancl yet their firrnilial authority rvas said t'
pend on the economic support they providecl. Women wcre assumecl to confonn t'
values of respectabiliq/ (for:more derail see Wilson i969, 1973). They were confiut
the domestii d.omain, spendine 'a sreater part of their time within their orvn hottsc
yard'(Green1ield1966:-106)immersedinmother\'andwifely<luriestrndertheari-;
ity of their male partners. They rvere modest ancl obedient and exhibited proper st
aids of fidelity u"a moraliqr, We reiterate an earlier statelnent concerning the restr- - .

discrepancies befiveen the image ancl the realiN of Caribbean rvomen's lives.

These stereotvpes and stanclarclized portrayills of rvomen are distorted and miscr :'
ceived. TheV present a pattcrn of sr-rbmissivencss, lt Preoccupatit,It ivith home, moth.l
hood and domesticitv and an economic security derivcd from dependence on a nl..'
lvhich is highiy ur"rlikely in the circumstances of povcrtv, unemplovment atld ecol'ton-
uncertainq, in rvhich many Caribbean \{omen live (Barrou' 1988: t62)'

Structurai functionalism also stecrecl these researchers torvards an irnage of pltrr..

Caribbean societies rvith self-contained r,illages and Negro cultural sesments
distinct family norms ancl by cxtension, for sorne (Henriques 1953), to collt

24 Origins and Functions

 FAMILY IN THE CARIBBEAN

in the past. Lower-
-Jrica or in the slave
.rn-iit themselves to a
;rom economics and
-.ne book to the study
other areas of con-
-,b:ession with lower-
that dominated
cordingly, the familY was
several vital tasks for the
. r.r l-or1S rvith this fan-
:-L .L:- f-,,,-
..:Jro families were the same throughout the Caribbean. There were occa-
. :-,,\\'ever, when evidence of cultural integration appeared in their work' For
:-: the seeds of whatwas later to become the Creole model of Caribbean soci-
... erident in R. T. Smith's claim that the matrifocal familywas not a distinct
- ...',.:';ii q'pe, 'a matter of degree rather than some absolute quality of the sys-
i T, Smith 1957 70), and his recognition of the influence of mainstream
,--.. marital values in village life. Structural functionalism gave priority to the
- . .-,cial structure so that family structures and the way in which they func-
. : '. :hlfiI certain needs constituted the main focus of Caribbean family studies.
': r---r'e.R.T.Smithnotedsimilaritiesoffamilystructureinculturallyandeth-
-----;r'ent social groups, East Londoners and Scottish miners and so on, and

The
: - -r11 extension of the approach to include cornparative studies of families in
:nrritabll occur. -- ::1r1 social systems with similar structural features, Thus the colnparative
: ,iai structures rvas in, culture was no longer important and history was dis-
3$' as resPonsible adults' - -, ,:,eculation. Finally, structural functionalism, by emphasising the needs of
and a number of other :'. :r'esentecl a picture of individuals constrained by societv, by the family in
moral fabric of societY' - The farnily functioned to moclel indivicluals into socially acceptable
i social anthroPolo- ...similate social values and conform to social norms ancl who must ac-
r.l\r' a1ld how they in- , .., ::teurable. As lve shall see in Chapter IV, the next stage in the theoreti-
: r::.ient of Caribbean family studies involvecl attempts to introcluce the
important advance over - :, .:rrl strlrctural functionalism through the concepts of 'personal choice'
rne to conclusions about --: -...-flexibiliq,'.
hsis of virnrallY no data
: problems' than in con-
rc and mericulous field-
parricipated in the lives of
rarlied bodv of infbrmanon
their interPreLation
=. But
theoretical assumptions
:rcdel defined the fami$
C,ender roles and rela-
ruthoritY figures so that
: a-. 'marginal' and fami-
-*. fr*ilirlwasduties, thev
said to de
aut}oriw
;:-ned to conform to t-he
Thev were confined to
:ir. their own house and
rlds under the author-
;-rtribited ploP"t t?11
::c.cernilg the resulting
. 1iles.

-: :rrld miscot't-
r---l home, mother-
on a man
-.nd economic

,.'e of oiuralr'
ifLrrllents
-- \\'li
'' [o conclui''

25