ENCYCLOPEDIA OF

HEBREW LANGUAGE
AND LINGUISTICS
Volume 3
P–Z

General Editor
Geoffrey Khan

Associate Editors
Shmuel Bolokzy
Steven E. Fassberg
Gary A. Rendsburg
Aaron D. Rubin
Ora R. Schwarzwald
Tamar Zewi

LEIDEN • BOSTON
2013

© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3

Table of Contents

Volume One

Introduction ........................................................................................................................ vii

List of Contributors ............................................................................................................ ix
Transcription Tables ........................................................................................................... xiii
Articles A-F ......................................................................................................................... 1

Volume Two

Transcription Tables ........................................................................................................... vii

Articles G-O ........................................................................................................................ 1

Volume Three

Transcription Tables ........................................................................................................... vii

Articles P-Z ......................................................................................................................... 1

Volume Four

Transcription Tables ........................................................................................................... vii

Index ................................................................................................................................... 1

© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3

 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
by a mater lectionis in Hebrew (for example,
‫™< ﺣﻮﻟﻮن‬wlwn> ‫≤ חוֹלוֹן‬olon). Since in Arabic the
rules of pronunciation are such that any mater
lectionis is pronounced as a long vowel, the
result is that a Hebrew name with a mater lec-
tionis in unstressed position will be pronounced
with two stressed syllables. Critics thus suggest
that it would be preferable to transcribe ‫ﺣُ ﻠﻮن‬
<™ulwn>, for example.
This criticism has been countered by the
argument that the rules of stress are not identi-
cal in all local Arabic dialects. In the dialect of
Jerusalem, for example, it is the second syllable
that is stressed in such words, so that the spell-
ing ‫™< ﺣﻮﻟﻮن‬wlwn> does result in a pronuncia-
tion in which stress is on the correct syllable.
Furthermore, if the word were spelled ‫ﺣُ ﻠﻮن‬,
Arab readers would likely drop the first short
vowel and pronounce the name as ™lun, as they
do, for example, in the name ‫‘ ﺣُ ﺴﲔ‬Hussein’,
which they pronounce ™sèn.
Reference
http://hebrewacademy.huji.ac.il/hahlatot/The
Transcription/Documents/ATAR4.pdf
Doron Ya≠akov
(The Academy of the Hebrew Language and
Herzog College)
Transcription into Greek and
Latin Script: Pre-Masoretic Period
1. I n t r o d u c t i o n
The traditions of Greek and Latin transcriptions
of Biblical Hebrew are of great importance for
linguistic study, because of both their relatively
early origins and the record of vocalic quality
and, sometimes, length (for instance, in Greek).
Modern scholarship has, therefore, from the
very beginning utilized these transcriptions in
the research of Hebrew (see Luzzatto 1894;
Böttcher 1866–1868; König 1881, etc.).
Before 1894, available sources of the Greek
and Latin transcriptions were Greek transcrip-
tions of proper names found in the Septuagint
and in Josephus’ writings, a small number of
Greek transcriptions in the Hexapla, and a
few Latin transcriptions of Hebrew words in
Jerome’s writings. Though Septuagint sources
go back to 3rd century B.C.E., the extant
manuscripts were written no earlier than the
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
803
4th century C.E. In the course of their trans-
mission the Septuagint transcriptions suffered
considerable corruption at the hands of copyists
unfamiliar with Semitic languages. Moreover,
some proper names have unknown, perhaps
non-Semitic, origins and, consequently, present
obscure patterns. Other names show various pat-
terns pertaining to different pronunciation tradi-
tions of Hebrew. For these reasons Septuagint
transcriptions should be treated very carefully.
The evidence of the proper names in Josephus’
writings is even less informative, being heavily
influenced by contemporary Greek. Septuagint
proper names have been discussed by Fran-
kel (1841:90–131), Könnecke (1885), Lisowsky
(1940), and Brønno (1940; 1941–1943). Proper
names mentioned by Josephus Flavius have been
addressed by Schlatter (1913).
Another source of the Greek transcriptions
of Hebrew is the Hexapla, compiled by the
Church Father Origen (c. 185–254), consist-
ing of six columns. The first cited the Biblical
text in Hebrew, the second gave its transcrip-
tion using the Greek alphabet, and the other
four provided Greek translations of the Bible
(Aquila, Symmachus, Septuagint, and Theodo-
tion). Unfortunately, the entire Hexapla was
lost, and all surviving Hexaplaric citations were
gathered from a variety of sources by Field
(1875). Yet, citations of the second column are
very scarce, whereas the other columns contain
very few transcriptions, which, as explained
above, may well have been corrupted during
transmission. Lists of such transcriptions can
be found in Simotas (1969) and Tov (1999).
From the linguistic standpoint they have been
discussed by Sáenz-Badillos (1975) and Pazzini
(1991).
Latin transcriptions of Hebrew are found
mainly in the works of Jerome (c. 347–420), a
Church Father living in Palestine. He occasion-
ally resorted to them in his theological writings
and translations of the Bible. Most of Jerome’s
Latin transcriptions, in some cases corrupted,
are gathered in Siegfried (1884). Studies by
Brønno (1970), Harviainen (1977; 1984–1986)
and Penna (1978) are dedicated to the exami-
nation of their phonology. A brief descrip-
tion of Jerome’s transcriptions of Hebrew
is presented in the introduction of Gryson
(1993–1999:85–108).
So, despite the importance of these tran-
scriptions of Hebrew, their minute quantity,
804 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
the often questionable nature of the data they
provide, and their non-uniformity were the rea-
sons for their restricted utilization in Hebrew
grammars. Sperber (1937–1938) intended to
collect all the relevant data of the various
transcriptions, but the study is rather eclectic,
the treatment seems to be brief and superficial,
and not entirely free of mistakes (see Brønno
1943:464–487).
In 1894 a breakthrough in research occurred
when in the Ambrosiana library of Milan Car-
dinal Giovanni Mercati discovered a palimpsest
of the Hexapla which consisted of about one
thousand words from Psalms. It was published
by Mercati (1895; 1958; 1965), and included
in Hatch and Redpath (1905). The tradition of
the Greek transcriptions of its second column,
called the Secunda, seems to be authentic and
homogenous. The discovery led to a renewal
of interest in the Secunda Hebrew tradition
based on Mercati’s palimpsest. The first study
was a short essay by Margolis (1909) dealing
with the issue of shewa mobile. Later publica-
tions included the unfinished, mainly phonetic
research of Speiser (1925–1926; 1932–1933;
1934–1935), short papers by Pretzl (1932) and
Staples (1939) and the aforementioned study
by Sperber (1937–1938).
The most important and extensive study on
the Hexapla transcriptions is that of Brønno
(1943). He discussed all the forms of the palimp-
sest, attempting to determine their proper read-
ing and morphological classification. It also
includes a treatment of vowels, which is, how-
ever, mostly composed of lists comparing the
Hexapla and Tiberian traditions. Later Brønno
published a few brief papers on the subject:
Brønno 1950; 1956; 1968.
Subsequently, important studies on Hexapla
transcriptions have been undertaken, includ-
ing Janssens 1982 and Yuditsky 2005; 2006;
2007a; 2007b; 2008a; 2008b.
Since the transcriptions are very informative
concerning the grammar of Biblical Hebrew,
many scholars resort to these traditions in their
studies. Thus, the evidence of the transcrip-
tions, mainly Hexaplaric, has been considered
by, for instance, Sarauw (1939), Gumpertz
(1953), Ben Hayyim (1953), Kahle (1959),
Kutscher (1959; 1969), Blau (1996), Qimron
(1986), Khan (1994), etc.
Despite the great importance of the Greek
and Latin transcriptions for the description of
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
early Hebrew grammar, due to the restricted
scope of the material and its alleged ques-
tionable authenticity, there are, nevertheless,
relatively few studies on this topic. Moreover,
most of the treatments usually ignored tradi-
tions of Biblical Hebrew other than the Tibe-
rian, and some of them hardly used linguistic
methodology.
The material of the second column of the
Hexapla of Mercati’s palimpsest appears to be
consistent, authentic, and extensive enough to
attest accurately phonetics and morphology.
Hence, the following entry is based mainly on
its evidence, adding, as necessary, examples
and notes regarding other Greek and Latin
transcriptions. The references are to the Book
of Psalms, unless otherwise stated. For pur-
poses of simplicity, each transcription is accom-
panied by its corresponding Tiberian form,
which, however, does not fully coincide with
the transcription. When the Hexapla version
differs from the Tiberian one, both forms are
presented: a corresponding vocalized form and
a Tiberian form preceded by TT (= Tiberian
Tradition) abbreviation, for example ουθεζο-
ρηνι ‫וְ ֶת ְאז ֵֹרנִ י‬, TT ‫ וַ ְתּ ַאזְּ ֵרנִ י‬wat-të±azzërènì ‘(you
ms) have girded me’ (18.40).
2. P h o n o l o g y
2.1 Consonants
2.1.1 Plosives
The plosives b, g, d, k, p, t are represented
by the letters β, δ, γ, χ, φ, θ, respectively. The
voiced consonants b, g, d are reflected by
plosive voiced β, γ, δ, respectively, whereas
unvoiced k, p, t are reflected by fricative
unvoiced χ, φ, θ, respectively, regardless of
position, e.g., βααφφω ‫ ְבּ ַאפּוֹ‬bë-±appò ‘in his
anger’ (30.6), βρεδεθι ‫ ְבּ ִר ְד ִ ֪תּי‬bë-ri≈tì ‘in my
descent’ (30.10), θελαθαχ ‫ ְתּ ִה ָלּ ֶ ֽתָך‬tëhillàμÆúå ý
‘your (ms) praises’ (35.28). In Jerome’s Latin
transcriptions, the digraphs ph, th, ch are used,
ý∫ ‘writing’ (Isa. 38.9),
e.g., machthab ‫ ִמ ְכ ָ ֖תּב‬miútå
marphe ‫ ַמ ְר ֔ ֵפּא‬marpÆ ‘gentleness’ (Qoh. 10.4),
etc. (for the sources of examples from Jerome
see Siegfried 1884 and Harviainen 1977). Does
this mean that the unvoiced k, p, t were con-
stantly realized as fricatives? Such a conclusion,
drawn by Kahle (1959:180–182), seems to
be incorrect. As has been shown by Kutscher
(1965), when the Hexapla was composed the
 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
Greek letters χ, φ, θ were used to express not
only fricatives, but also aspirated consonants.
In the transcriptions, therefore, these letters
apparently reflect aspirated plosives ph, th, kh
rather than the fricatives (see also Janssens
1982:45–50).
2.1.2 Sibilants
The unvoiced sibilants s, š, «, are transcribed
by the letter σ, which represents the single
unvoiced sibilant in contemporary Greek, e.g.,
βσεθρ ‫ ְבּ ֵ ֥ס ֶתר‬bë-sèμÆr ‘in the shelter of’ (31.21),
λσετφ ‫ ְ ֭ל ֵשׁ ֶטף‬lë-šè†Æƒ ‘at the rushing of (waters)’
(32.6), ουσαμθι ‫ וְ ַשׂ ְמ ִ ֣תּי‬wë-«amtì ‘and I will
establish’ (89.30). The voiced z is represented
by ζ, e.g., ουοζ ‫ וָ ֽﬠֹז‬wå ý-≠òz ‘and strength’ (29.1).
Latin transcriptions paint the same picture, e.g.,
sadda ‫ ִשׁ ָ ֥דּה‬šiddå ý ‘coffer’ (Qoh. 2.8), eezinu [ ְ‫]ו‬
‫[ ַ ֽה ֲא ִ֔זינוּ‬wë-]ha±≥zìnù ‘and listen (mpl.)!’ (Joel
1.2). Yet, the consonant z can also be tran-
scribed by the letter s, e.g., chasab ‫ ָכ ָ֔זב‬úå ý∫
ýzå
‘falsehood’ (Isa. 28.17).
2.1.3 Liquids
The liquids l, m, n, r are expressed by λ, μ, ν,
ρ, respectively, e.g., ουμεσσιρι ‫ירי‬ ֥ ִ ‫ וּֽ ִמ ִשּׁ‬u-miš-šìrì
‘and with my song’ (28.7), δελλιθανη ‫יתנִ י‬ ֑ ָ ‫ִד ִלּ‬
≈illìμå ýnì ‘you (ms) have lifted me up’ (30.2);
in Latin sources, e.g., megella ‫ ְמגִ ָ ֥לּה‬më9gillå
‘scroll’ (Zech. 5.1), carnaim ‫ ַק ְר ֔ ַניִ ם‬qarnayim
‘Karnaim’ (Gen. 14.5). There are four cases
of apparent replacement of m by n in Mer-
cati’s palimpsest, as in Aramaic and Rabbinic
Hebrew, e.g., θαμμιν ‫ ָתּ ִ ֪מים‬tå ýmìm ‘perfect’
(18.31). In one case, it occurs at the beginning
of the word: μνηερθ ‫ ֵ ֭נ ַא ְר ָתּה‬nè±artå ý ‘you (ms)
have repudiated’ (89.40). In the Septuagint
this change is not infrequent, especially in
final position, e.g., Ιαχειμ ‫[ ]וְ [יָ ִ ֣כין‬wë-]yå ýúìn
‘and Jachin’ (Gen. 46.10), Μεσραιν ‫]וּ[ ִמ ְצ ַ ֖ריִ ם‬
[u-]mißrayim ‘and Egypt’ (Gen. 10.6), Αμβραν
‫≠ ַﬠ ְמ ָ ֔רם‬amråým ‘Amram’ (Exod. 6.20) (see also
Lisowsky 1940:145).
2.1.4 Emphatics
The emphatics †, ß, q, are represented by τ,
σ, κ, respectively, e.g., βσεδκαθαχ ֥‫ְבּ ִצ ְד ָק ְתָך‬
bë-ßi≈qåýμúå ý ‘in your righteousness’ (31.2),
βσαβτ ‫שׁ ֶבט‬֣ ֵ ‫∫ ְב‬ë-šè∫Ɔ ‘with a rod’ (89.33). As
can be seen, to render the emphatics, Greek let-
ters for unaspirated plosives are used. Jerome
also utilized Latin letters of the unaspirated
sounds c and t for this purpose, e.g., haiecba
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
805
‫ ֲהיִ ְק ַ֙בּע‬h≥-yiqba≠ ‘will (a man) rob?’ (Mal. 3.8),
bete ‫ ֶ ֑בּ ַטח‬bƆa™ ‘unawares’ (Gen. 34.25). Yet,
ß is represented by σ/s, just as the unvoiced
sibilants are, e.g., sadecenu ‫ ִצ ְד ֵ ֽ קנוּ‬ßi≈qènù ‘our
righteousness’ ( Jer. 23.6), etc.
2.1.5 Gutturals
The guttural consonants of Hebrew are ±, h,
™, and ≠. Due to their absence from Greek, the
gutturals have no unequivocal representation
in the Septuagint and the Hexapla. For this
reason, Kahle (1959:165) claimed that in the
Hexapla tradition of Hebrew gutturals had not
been preserved. There is, nonetheless, indirect
evidence of their existence. Thus in the Septua-
gint, a helping vowel can occasionally be found
in the vicinity of original gutturals, e.g., νωε ‫נ ַֹח‬
nòa™ ‘Noah’. The Septuagint also reflects the
existence in Hebrew of the consonants • and ÿ
which are, actually, velar or post-velar frica-
tives. They are expressed by χ and γ, respec-
tively, e.g., γομορρα ‫[ ]וַ [ ֲﬠמ ָ ֹ֛רה‬wa-]≠≥mòrå ý ‘and
Gomorrah’ (Gen. 10.19), χαμ ‫™ ָ ֥חם‬åm ‘Ham’ ý
(Gen. 5.32). These sounds are not present in
other Hebrew traditions (see further Steiner
2005).
In the Hexapla, one finds helping vowels after
expected gutturals, e.g., νεεμαν ‫ נֶ ֱא ָ ֥מן‬nƱ(må ýn
ý ‘enduring’ (89.38), ιεεμου ‫ יֶ ֱה ֣מוּ‬yÆh(mù ‘(his
waters) rage’ (46.4). Such transcriptions show
a sequence of two short vowels as εε, probably
indicating retention of gutturals (apparently,
the double vowel does not reflect a mere long
vowel, as η is the expected transcription for è).
Short vowels in words such as θεθ ‫ ַ ֣תּ ַחת‬ta™aμ
‘under’ (18.39), βελλενουου ‫ ִ ֽבּ ַלּ ֲﬠנֽ וּהוּ‬billa≠≥nùhù
‘we have swallowed him up’ (35.25) also attest
to the retention of gutturals, because one would
expect vowel lengthening as a compensation
for consonant deletion (see further Brønno
1950:527–531; Yuditsky 2008b).
In the Latin transcriptions, the gutturals are
occasionally represented by the letter h, which
expresses the sole Latin guttural, e.g., haiecba
‫ ֲהיִ ְק ַ֙בּע‬h≥-yiqba≠ ‘will (a man) rob?’ (Mal. 3.8),
melchihel ‫יאל‬ ֵ֔ ‫[ ] ְל[ ַ֙מ ְל ִכּ‬lë-]malkì±èl ‘of Malchiel’
(Num. 26.45). This issue has been treated by
Brønno (1970), who concluded that the guttur-
als were preserved in the Hebrew of Jerome.
2.1.6 Semivowels
The consonant y is expressed by both ι and ϊ,
e.g., οϊεβαϊ ‫ ֭אוֹיְ ַבי‬±òy∫ay ‘my enemies’ (18.38),
806 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
ιειε ‫ יִ ְה ֶי֑ה‬yihyÆ ‘(his seed) will be’ (89.37). Yet,
the presumably doubled y is indicated exclu-
sively by ϊ, e.g., αϊωμ ‫ ַ֜היּוֹם‬hay-yòm ‘the day’
(35.28), μεϊεδ ‫ ִמיַּ ד‬miy-ya≈ ‘from the hand of’
(89.49).
The consonant w is represented by both υ
and the digraph ου, e.g., ουαναυαθαχ ֥‫ְ ֽו ַﬠנְ וַ ְתָך‬
wë-≠anwaμúå ý ‘and your condescension’ (18.36),
σαυ ‫שׁוְ א‬ ֑ ָ šåw ‘worthlessness’ (31.7), ουακισα
ý short vowel preceding the original guttural,
‫יצה‬ָ ‫ ְו ָ֭ה ִק‬wë-håýqìßåý ‘and awake (ms)!’ (35.23).
The digraph ου is used solely at the beginning
of the syllable, mainly, but not exclusively, to
represent the particle -‫ו‬, e.g., βσαλουι ‫ְב ַשׁ ְלִו֑י‬
∫ë-šalwì ‘in my security’ (30.7), ουαλσωνι ‫וּ ְ֭לשׁוֹנִ י‬
u-lšònì ‘and my tongue’ (35.28).
In Jerome the semivowels are transcribed
respectively by i and u, e.g., ieiu ‫ יִ ְֽחי֣ וּ‬yi™yù
‘(they [m.]) will live’ (Isa. 26.19), casleu ‫] ְבּ[ ִכ ְס ֵ ֽלו‬
[bë-]úislèw ‘in Kislev’ (Zech. 7.1).
Both semivowels appear to be weakened or
shifted to ± in intervocalic position, as can be
inferred from the transcriptions αεα ‫ ָה ָי֥ה‬hå ýyå ý
‘he has become’ (89.42), ωεβη ‫ אֹיְ ַ ֣בי‬±òy∫ay
‘my enemies’ (35.19), αων ‫≥≠ ֲﬠוֹ֖ ן‬wòn ‘iniquity’
(49.6), ουμσωθαϊ ‫וֹתי‬ ַ֗ ‫ וּ֜ ִמ ְצ‬u-mißwòμay ‘and my
commandments’ (89.32) (see further Yuditsky
2008a:234–236). Jerome’s transcription may
also show an example of the semivowel weak-
ening at the beginning of the word: eie ‫יִ ְה ֶי֥ה‬
yihyÆ ‘(the rain) will be’ (Zech. 14.17).
2.1.7 Consonant Gemination
Consonant gemination is regularly exhibited
in the Greek transcriptions of the Secunda,
e.g., αββαιθ ‫ ַה ַ ֣בּיִ ת‬hab-bayiμ ‘the house’ (30.1);
σαδδικιμ ‫ ַצ ִדּי ִ ֑ קים‬ßaddìqìm ‘upright men’
(32.11); εδαλλεγ ‫ ֲא ַד ֶלּג‬±≥≈allÆ:g ‘I will scale’
(18.30) (see Brønno 1943:383–399). In the
Latin transcriptions we have idabber ‫יְ ַד ֵ֔בּר‬
yë≈abbèr ‘he will speak’ (Isa. 32.6), hamma
‫[ ] ַ ֽה[ ַח ָ ֑מּה‬ha-]™ammåý ‘the sun’ (Isa. 24.23), etc.
Three letters—ι, υ, ζ—display no gemination
corresponding to the doubling of Hebrew y, w,
and z, respectively, because they were not dou-
bled in contemporary Greek, e.g., αμμααζερηνι
‫ ַה ְמ ַאזְּ ֵ ֣רנִ י‬ha-më±azrènì ‘the one who girds me’
(18.33), αϊωμ ‫ ַ֜היּוֹם‬hay-yòm ‘the day’ (35.28).
As in other Hebrew dialects, so too in the
Hexapla the consonant r is not doubled, e.g.,
ουβαρεχ ‫וּב ֵ ֥רְך‬ ָ u-∫åýrèú ‘and bless (ms.)!’ (28.9).
Jerome’s transcriptions show the same trend.
A preceding vowel may, as a result, be length-
ened, e.g., ηρφου ‫™ ֵח ְר ֖פוּ‬èrƒù ‘(your enemies)
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
have flung abuse’ (89.52), but compare μερεσθ
‫ ֵמ ֶ ֣ר ֶשׁת‬mè-rÆšÆμ ‘from the met’ (31.5) with no
lengthening. On the other hand, the Septuagint
occasionally attests to retention of the gemina-
tion of r, e.g., γομορρα ‫[ ]וַ [ ֲﬠמ ָ ֹ֛רה‬wa-]≠≥mòrå ý
‘and Gomorrah’ (Gen. 10.19). There is no
unambiguous information regarding the gemi-
nation of the gutturals in the Hexapla, but a
e.g., σεωθι ‫וֹתי‬ ִ ‫ ַשׁ ֽח‬ša™òμì ‘I bowed’ (35.14),
could be taken as indirect positive evidence.
Consonant gemination is cancelled, when
the vowel following the consonant disappears,
e.g., εθνηου ‫ ֶא ְתּ ֵנ֑הוּ‬±Ættënèhù (*±ettenèhù> *±ett-
nèhù> *±etnèhù) ‘I will appoint him’ (89.28).
Occasionally, the gemination may be kept if the
following vowel is not reduced, e.g., ουμασαν-
νεαϊ ‫ וּ֜ ְמ ַשׂנְ ַ֗אי‬u-m«an±ay ‘my foes’ (18.41).
The gemination of labials in Greek tran-
scriptions is irregular. Thus, we find θαμιμ
‫ ָ֜תּ ִ֗מים‬tåýmìm ‘upright man’ (18.26) side by side
with θαμμιμ ‫ ָתּ ִ ֪מים‬tå ýmìm ‘straight’ (18.31), and
ραβιμ ‫ ַר ִ ֑בּים‬rabbìm ‘many’ (32.6) side by side
with ραββιμ ‫ ַר ִ ֥בּים‬rabbìm ‘many’ (32.10). Com-
pare also αμιμ ‘peoples’ ‫≠ ַﬠ ִ ֽמּים‬ammìm (89.51),
ιαμιμ ‫ יַ ִ ֽמּים‬yammìm ‘seas’ (46.3) versus οϊεββαϊ
‫ אֹיְ ַ ֣בי‬±òy∫ay ‘my enemies’ (30.2) and σαμμαϊμ
‫ ָשׁ ָ ֽמיִ ם‬šåýmåýyim ‘heaven’ (89.30).
In Jerome’s Latin transcriptions, the con-
sonant s appears to be unexpectedly doubled
in some cases, e.g., issi ‫ישׁי‬ ֑ ִ ‫ ִא‬±ìšì ‘Ishi [my hus-
band]’ (Hos. 2.18).
There are fewer than ten cases in the Hexapla
where a doubled consonant is not represented,
e.g., εσιληνι ‫ילנִ י‬ ֥ ֵ ‫ ַה ִ֫צּ‬haßßìlènì ‘save (ms) me!’
(31.3), ϊεθεν ‫ יִ ֵ ֖תּן‬yittèn ‘he will (not) give’
(49.8). In all such cases, the non-geminated
consonant is preceded by the short vowel e.
Jerome’s transcriptions are less uniform in this
respect, at times lacking expected gemination,
e.g., maphate ‫ ְמ ַפ ֵ ֣תּ ַח‬mëƒattèa™ ‘(I) engrave’
(Zech. 3.9), secuse ‫קּוּצ֤י‬ ֵ ‫ ִשׁ‬šiqqùßè ‘detestable
things of’ (Ezek. 20.7) (see further Siegfried
1884:73–74).
2.2 Vowels
The vowel system of the Greek transcriptions
of Hebrew consists of eight phonemes—the five
long vowels, à, è, ì, ò, and ù, and the three short
vowels, a, e, and o. Latin transcriptions employ
only five vowels, having no means to distin-
guish between short and long vowels. Brønno
(1943:247–375) provides a full discussion of
 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
vowel representation in the Hexapla compared
to the Tiberian evidence (for a brief, but infor-
mative description see Brønno 1950:532–551;
for an alternative description of vowel evo-
lution see Janssens 1982:111–133); Brønno
(1940; 1941–1943) also treats vowel repre-
sentation in the Septuagint. Vowel representa-
tion in Jerome’s transcriptions are discussed
by Harviainen (1977; 1984–1986) and Jerome
(1993–1999:105–107).
2.2.1 Long vowels
Long è and ò are transcribed by their long
Greek counterparts—η and ω. The letter ι is
used for the long ì. The long ù is represented
by the digraph ου. Long à has no unique tran-
scription, so the letter α is utilized to repre-
sent both the short a and the long à (though,
considering the distinction made between the
long and short pronunciation of the other
vowels, the existence of the long à should be
assumed), e.g., θαμιμ ‫ ָ֜תּ ִ֗מים‬tå ýmìm ‘upright’
(18.26), ιδαββηρου ‫ יְ ַ ֫ד ֵ ֥בּרוּ‬yë≈abbèrù ‘they (m)
will speak’ (35.20), ισουωθ ‫שׁוּﬠוֹת‬ ֖ ְ‫ י‬yëšù≠òμ ‘sal-
vation’ (28.8), σεννημω ‫ ִשׁ ֵנּֽימוֹ‬šinnèmò ‘their
teeth’ (35.16).
The long vowels are rather stable. Occasion-
ally, though, original long ì has, in the Hexapla,
two alternative transcriptions: η and digraph ει.
The first occurs four times in a final open syl-
lable, e.g., δελλιθανη ‫יתנִ י‬ ֑ ָ ‫≈ ִד ִלּ‬illìμåýnì ‘you (ms)
have lifted me up’ (30.2), implying the shift
ì > ì in this position. The latter occurs mostly
when a guttural precedes the vowel, e.g., θαειρ
‫ ָתּ ִ ֣איר‬tåý±ìr ‘(you [ms]) will light’ (18.29), σελει
‫ ַס ְל ִ ֣ﬠי‬sal≠ì ‘my rock’ (31.4). But note also οζει
‫≠ ֻﬠ ִ ֥זּי‬uzzì ‘my strength’ (28.7). In Jerome’s tran-
scriptions, one finds semei ‫ וְ ִשׁ ְמ ִ ֖ﬠי‬wë-šim≠ì ‘and
hear (fs)!’ (Exod. 6.17).
Original long ù has at least once been tran-
scribed by ω in an open, final, unstressed syl-
lable: ιαμουθω ‫ יָ ֗מוּתוּ‬yå ýmùμù ‘(wise men) die’
(49.11). In the same position original long
ò is represented three times by means of the
digraph ου, e.g., λαμου ‫ ָל֑מוֹ‬lå ýmò ‘for them (m)’
(28.8). In Jerome’s transcriptions, interchange
between the long back vowels o and u seems to
be more common, e.g., agor ‫≠ ָﬠגוּר‬å ý:gùr ‘a crane’
(Isa. 38.14), amun ‫ ָהמוֹן‬håmòn ‘multitude’ (Isa.
ý tion of the first syllable vowel.
33.3). Yet, vowel quality might have been deter-
mined by stress; compare amun ‫ ָה ֔מוֹן‬hå ýmòn
‘multitude’ (Isa. 33.3) and amonim ‫מוֹנ֣ים‬ ִ ‫ֲה‬
h≥mònìm ‘multitudes’ (Joel 4.14), mutoth ‫מ ֹ֥טוֹת‬
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
807
mò†òμ ‘bars’ (Jer. 28.13) and mota ‫מוֹטה‬
֑ ָ mò†åý
‘yoke’ (Isa. 58.6), respectively.
2.2.2 Short vowels
Regularly short a, e, o are transcribed by α, ε, ο,
respectively, e.g., εσθερθα ‫ ִה ְס ַ ֥תּ ְר ָתּ‬histartå
ý ‘you
(ms) hid’ (30.8), ιερε ‫ יִ ְר ֶ ֣אה‬yir±Æ ‘he will (not)
see’ (49.10), λαμανασση ‫ ַל ְמנַ ֵ֗צּ ַח‬la-mnaßßa™ ‘for
the leader’ (31.1), μαφαλωθ ‫ ִמ ְפ ֲﬠ ֣לוֹת‬miƒ≠≥lòμ
‘the works of’ (46.9), ιαροννου ‫ יָ ֣ר ֹנּוּ‬yå ýrònnù ‘let
them (m) sing’ (35.27), χοφρω ‫ ָכּ ְפ ֽרוֹ‬kåƒrò ‘his
ransom’ (49.8).
Yet, sometimes the short e is expressed by
ι, which appears to represent its allophone i,
occurring in particular phonetic conditions,
such as in the vicinity of a sibilant or of the con-
sonant y, e.g., ισροφ ‫ יִ ְשׂ ֥ר ֹף‬yi«ròƒ ‘he will burn’
(46.10), σιμου ‫ ִשׁ ְמעוּ‬šim≠ù ‘hear (mpl)!’ (49.2),
ιμιν ‫ יְ ִ ֣מין‬yëmìn ‘right hand of’ (89.43).
Original short vowels are relatively stable
in the transcriptions, and their loss is less
common than in other Hebrew traditions. So,
one finds such pairs as βανη ‫ ְבּנֵ י‬bënè ‘sons of ’
(18.46) versus βνη ‫ ְבּ ֵנ֣י‬bënè ‘sons of’ (29.1),
οιβαυ ‫ אוֹיְ ָ ֽביו‬±òy∫å ýw ‘his enemies’ (89.43) versus
οϊεβαϊ ‫ ֭אוֹיְ ַבי‬±òy∫ay ‘my enemies’ (18.38) (see
further Yuditsky 2005).
Jerome’s transcriptions seem to represent a
similar situation, usually preserving original
short vowels in all positions, e.g., labana ‫] ַה[ ְלּ ָבנָ ֙ה‬
[hal-]lë∫å ýnå
ý ‘the moon’ (Isa. 30.26), nocedim
‫∫[ ] ַב[נּ ְֹק ִ ֖דים‬an-]nòq≈ìm ‘among the herdsmen’
(Am. 1.1) (see Harviainen 1984–1986).
Some scholars believe that an ultra-short
shewa mobile vowel existed in the Hebrew tradi-
tion of the Hexapla (see Janssens 1982:92–110).
Yet, recent studies have challenged this, claim-
ing that the short vowels have either preserved
their original quality or been elided, but not
reduced to an ultra-short shewa mobile (see
Yuditsky 2005; Beyer 1984:132–133).
2.2.3 Helping vowels
Helping vowels, also called anaptyctic, epen-
thetic, and auxiliary, occur in various positions.
At the beginning of the word a prosthetic vowel
has probably been added in the word εργλαϊ
‫ ַרגְ ָ ֽלי‬ra:glåýy ‘my feet’ (31.9) as a result of dele-
Within the word, an epenthetic vowel is
widely employed in the Hexapla. It is fairly
common in the environment of gutturals, e.g.,
ιεεμου ‫ יֶ ֱה ֣מוּ‬yÆh(mù ‘(its waters) will roar’ (46.4),
808 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
νεεμαν ‫ נֶ ֱא ָ ֥מן‬nƱ(må
ýn ‘steadfast’ (89.38), εετηθ
‫ית‬
ָ ‫ ֶ ֽה ֱﬠ ִ֙ט‬hÆ≠(†ìμåý ‘you (ms) have covered’ (89.46).
It is also added to split a final consonant clus-
ter that includes a guttural, e.g., σααθ ‫ָ ֥שׁ ַחת‬
šåý™aμ (originally ša™t) ‘pit’ (30.10), ρεγε ‫ֶ ֙רגַ ע‬
rÆ:ga≠ (originally rig≠) ‘a moment’ (30.6). In the
vicinity of a non-guttural, an epenthetic vowel
occurs in cases such as ϊκερσου ‫ יִ ְק ְרצוּ‬yiqrëßù
‘let (my haters) (not) wink’ (35.19), βρεδεθι
‫ ְבּ ִר ְד ִ ֪תּי‬bë-ri≈tì ‘in my descent’ (30.10). In the
words εφικιδ ‫ ַא ְפ ִ ֪ קיד‬±aƒqì≈ ‘I will entrust’ (31.6)
and αμιμιμ ‫≠ ַﬠ ִ ֣מּים‬ammìm ‘peoples’ (18.48) the
medial i should also be treated as epenthetic. In
the Septuagint an epenthetic vowel is frequently
added in proximity to a guttural, e.g., Γαλααδ
‫[ ] ַה[גִּ ְל ָ ֽﬠד‬hag-]gil≠åý≈ ‘Gilead’ (Gen. 31.21) (see
also Lisowsky 1940:140–141). In Jerome’s
material helping vowels also occur in the vicin-
ity of guttural letters, e.g., eebor ‫ ֶא ֱﬠ ֥בֹר‬±Æ≠(∫òr
‘I will pass’ (Am. 5.17), nehel ‫[ ] ַה[ ֔ ַנּ ַחל‬han-]
na™al ‘the river’ (Ezek. 47.7). A final consonant
cluster is also usually dissolved by an epenthetic
vowel, e.g., ammelech ‫ ַה ֶ ֽמּ ֶלְך‬ham-mÆlÆú (origi-
nally milk) ‘the king’ (Zech. 14.10) (see further
Harviainen 1977:92–94). In the transcription
mamasac ‫ ִמ ְמ ַ ֥שׁק‬mimšaq ‘breeding place of (?)’
(Zeph. 2.9) the middle a is perhaps epenthetic.
A vowel was perhaps added in word-final
position in βαμεθγε ‫ ְבּ ֶ ֽמ ֶתג‬bë-mÆμÆ:g ‘with a bit’
(32.9). In the Hexapla there is no use of the
so-called furtive pata™, which comes between
a long vowel and a final guttural, e.g., χιαρη
‫ ְ ֭כּיָ ֵר ַח‬kë-yåýrèa™ ‘as the moon’ (89.38). Yet,
such a vowel is apparently widely utilized in
the Septuagint and in Jerome’s transcriptions,
e.g., νοε ‫ ֹ֖נ ַח‬nòa™ ‘Noah’ (Gen. 5.29), cue ‫וֹע‬
[wë-]qòa≠ ‘and Koa’ (Ezek. 23.23), colea ‫קוֹל ַ֛ע‬
qòlèa≠ ‘(I) fling away’ ( Jer. 10.18) (see Steiner
2005:232).
Short vowel elision is quite common in the
Hexapla. It occurs exclusively in unstressed syl-
lables, e.g., βαρσωνω ‫ ִבּ ְר ֫צוֹנ֥ וֹ‬bi-rßònò ‘in his
favor’ (30.6), ταμνου ‫† ָ ֣ט ְמנוּ‬å ýmnù ‘they have
hidden’ (31.5), ασσωμριμ ‫ ַהשּׁ ְֹמ ִ ֥רים‬haš-šòmrìm
‘those who keep’ (31.7), μσιαχ ‫יחָך‬ ֽ ֶ ‫ ְמ ִשׁ‬mëšì™Æúå
‘your (ms) anointed’ (89.39). Remarkably, a
vowel is occasionally absent in closed syllables,
e.g., λφνωθ ‫ ִל ְפנ֥ וֹת‬li-ƒnòμ ‘at the approach (of
morning)’ (46.6), φσαμ ‫ ִפּ ְשׁ ָ ֑ﬠם‬piš≠åm < ‘their trans-
gression’ (89.33). There is no obvious rule deter-
mining vowel elision in the Hexapla.
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
In Jerome’s material vowel elision is less
common; yet, one finds words such as drusa
‫רוּשׁה‬ָ֔ ‫≈ ְד‬ërùšåý ‘sought out’ (Isa. 62.12), sgolla
‫ ְסגֻ ָלּ֑ה‬sëgullåý ‘treasure’ (Mal. 3.17), with no
representation of the original vowel of the first
syllable.
2.2.4 Diachronic development of vowels
The original Proto-Semitic vowel system is
assumed to have consisted of six vowels: short
a, i, and u and their long counterparts à, ì, and
ù. Long è and ò developed from the diphthong
contractions ay > è, aw > ò. Some cases of ò
also came about as a result of the so-called
‘Canaanite’ shift à > ò.
In the transcriptions the original long vowels
are stable. As a rule à, è, ì, ò and ù are repre-
sented by the letters α, η, ι, ω, ου, respectively.
As mentioned above, in unstressed syllables the
letters η and ει are used sporadically to express
ì, while and ω is likewise used sporadically to
express ù.
The Proto-Semitic short phonemes i and u
have been lowered, and their corresponding
Hexapla phonemes are e and o (see Kutscher
1969). The original short a seems to have been
preserved in the transcriptions.
Some scholars maintain that the shift i/e > α/ε
in stressed syllables (known as ‘Philippi’s Rule’)
is found in the transcriptions (see Blake 1947;
Blau 1996). Yet, there is almost no unequivo-
cal evidence for this, since short e is uniformly
transcribed by means of ε and ι, while in the
Tiberian tradition in the close stressed syllables
it is represented by pata™ or segol, e.g., εσθερθα
ַ ‫]וְ [ ֔ק‬ ‫ ִה ְס ַ ֥תּ ְר ָתּ‬histartåý ‘you (ms) hid’ (30.8), βδερχ
ֵ ‫ ְבּ ֶ ֽד ֶרְך‬bë-≈ÆrÆú ‘in the way’ (32.8); in Septuagint
Γεθ ‫ גַ ת‬:gaμ ‘Gath’ (1 Chron. 7.21); in Jerome
beth ‫ ַבּת‬baμ ‘daughter’ (Isa. 10.30) and geth
‫[ ] ְבּ[ ַ ֽגת‬bë-]:gaμ ‘in a wine vat’ (Isa. 63.2) (see
Qimron 1986; Khan 1994:139–141). A small
number of dubious, apparently corrupt forms,
such as ερα ‫ יִ ְר ֶ֙אה‬yir±Æ ‘he will see’ (49.11),
should hardly be taken into consideration (see
ý Brønno 1943:17–18; Qimron 2006).
Vowel dissimilation a–a > i–a, known as
‘attenuation’, also did not take place in the Greek
and Latin transcriptions. The a vowel is found in
the Hexapla and Jerome, in contrast to ™iriq in
the Tiberian tradition, e.g., μαβσαραυ ‫ִמ ְב ָצ ָ ֣ריו‬
mi∫ßå ýrå ýw ‘his strongholds’ (89.41), λαμαλαμα
‫ ַל ִמּ ְל ָח ָ ֑מה‬lam-mil™å ýmå
ý ‘for the battle’ (18.40),
 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
ý∫ ‘writing’ (Isa. 38.9) (see
machthab ‫ ִמ ְכ ָ ֖תּב‬miútå
Harviainen 1977:65, 82–83).
2.2.5 Synchronic alternation of vowels
e/è/–: In verbs the short vowel e usually
appears in the stressed syllable, e.g., ααλλελ
‫ ֲא ַח ֵ ֥לּל‬±≥hallèl ‘I will (not) profane’ (89.35). In
pause it may be lengthened, e.g., ιδαββηρου
‫ יְ ַ ֫ד ֵ ֥בּרוּ‬yë≈abbèrù ‘they (m.) will speak’ (35.20),
whereas in unstressed syllables the vowel has
occasionally been elided, e.g., ϊεσαυου ‫יְ ַשׁוְּ ֥ﬠוּ‬
yëšawwë≠ù ‘they (m.) cried out’ (18.42).
In nouns short e appears in an unstressed
syllable, e.g., οϊεβαϊ ‫ ֭אוֹיְ ַבי‬±òy∫ay ‘my enemies’
(18.38), σεμω ‫ ְשׁ ֑מוֹ‬šëmò ‘his name’ (29.2), being
sometimes elided, e.g., οιβαυ ‫ אוֹיְ ָ ֽביו‬±òy∫å ýw ‘his
enemies’ (89.43), γαδρωθας ‫ גְּ ֵדר ָ ֹ֑תיו‬gë≈èròμå ýw
‘his fences’ (89.41). In an originally open
stressed syllable it has been lengthened to è,
e.g., ωιηβ ‫אוֹי֑ב‬ ֵ ±òyè∫ ‘enemy’ (31.9), χιαρη ‫ְ ֭כּיָ ֵר ַח‬
kë-yå ýrèa™ ‘as the moon’ (89.38).
a/–: As mentioned above, in the Hexapla
there is no differentiation between short and
long a; one observes, therefore, merely the exis-
tence of the vowel or its elision. In verbs the
vowel a occurs in stressed syllables, e.g., ναθαν
‫ נָ ַ ֥תן‬nåýμan ‘he gave’ (46.7), while in unstressed
syllables it is occasionally lost, e.g., αμρου ‫ָ ֭א ְמרוּ‬
±å
ýmrù ‘they said’ (35.21).
In nouns short a is quite stable, and it is usu-
ally kept even in open unstressed syllables, e.g.,
νακαμωθ ‫ נְ ָק ֣מוֹת‬nëqå ýmòμ ‘vengeance’ (18.48),
ουαναυαθαχ ֥‫ ְ ֽו ַﬠנְ וַ ְתָך‬wë-≠anwaμúå ý ‘and your con-
descension’ (18.36). Sometimes, however, it has
been elided, e.g., σμηη ‫« ְשׂ ֵמ ֵ ֪חי‬ëmè™è ‘those who
rejoice in’ (35.26).
o/ò/–: Due to the restricted number of the
relevant cases, no alternation between short
and long o is found in the Hexapla, except in
the noun ‫ אוֹיֵ ב‬±òyè∫: ωιηβ ‫אוֹי֑ב‬ ֵ ±òyè∫ ‘enemy’
(31.9) versus οϊεβαϊ ‫ ֭אוֹיְ ַבי‬±òy∫ay ‘my enemies’
(18.38) and οϊβαχ ‫ אוֹיְ ֶ ֥ביָך‬±òy∫Æúå ý ‘your enemies’
(89.52).
Similar alternation occurs in verbs, yet its
conditioning is unclear, e.g., εμωσημ ‫ ֶא ְמח ֵֹצם‬,
TT ‫ ֶ֭א ְמ ָח ֵצם‬±Æm™å ýßèm ‘I will strike them down’
(18.39), ιεσμωρου ‫מרוּ‬ ֹ ֽ ‫ יִ ְשׁ‬yišmòrù ‘they (m) will
(not) keep’ (89.32) versus ουεσοκημ ‫וְ ֶא ְשׁח ֵֹקם‬,
TT ‫ ְ ֽו ֶא ְשׁ ָח ֵ ֗קם‬wë-±Æš™å ýqèm ‘and I will grind
them’ (18.43), ουιερογου ‫ ְ ֜ויַ ְח ְר ֗גוּ‬wë-ya™rë<gù
‘and they (m) will come trembling’ (18.46).
The vowel o is elided in ϊκερσου ‫ יִ ְק ְרצוּ‬yiqrëßù
‘let (my haters) (not) wink’ (35.19).
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
809
2.3 Sound changes
2.3.1 Consonant change
The form βεεζδαχ ‫ ְבּ ַ֫ח ְס ֶ ֥דָּך‬bë-™asdÆúå ý ‘in your
lovingkindness’ (31.8) testifies to the assimi-
lation sd > zd. The opposite change zt > st
appears to occur in the word νεγρεσθι ֘‫נִ גְ ַרזְ ִתּי‬
ni:graztì ‘I am thrust out’ (31.23).
The full assimilation of gutturals may be
represented in the transcriptions ουνεσσαφου
‫ ְ ֽונֶ ֱ֫א ָ ֥ספוּ‬wë-nƱ(såýƒù ‘and they have gathered’
(35.15), ϊεσσι ‫ יִ ְשׁ ִ ֽﬠי‬yiš≠ì ‘my salvation’ (18.47),
unless these are corruptions. Compare also
ιασσα ‫ ָי ְ֑ה ָצה‬yå ýhßå ý ‘Jahaz’ (Num. 21.23) in the
Septuagint.
In the Septuagint a voiced consonant may
be devoiced mainly in word-final position, e.g.,
φαλεκ ‫ ֗ ֶפּ ֶלג‬pÆlÆ:g ‘Peleg’ (Gen. 10.25), ζαρετ ‫ָז ֶֽ רד‬
ýrÆ≈ ‘Zered’ (Num. 21.12) (see also Lisowsky
zå
1940:131).
2.3.2 Vowel change
Existence of special pausal forms in the tran-
scriptions is open to question (see Brønno
1943:429–432; Janssens 1982:57–65). There
are, in fact, forms with apparent pausal vowel
lengthening, e.g., ιεσμωρου ‫מרוּ‬ ֹ ֽ ‫ יִ ְשׁ‬yišmòrù
‘they (m) will (not) keep’ (89.32) versus ιεφφο-
λου ‫ ִ֜י ְפּ ֗לוּ‬yippëlù ‘they (m) will lay fallen’
(18.39), ιδαββηρου ‫ יְ ַ ֫ד ֵ ֥בּרוּ‬yë≈abbèrù ‘they
(m.) will speak’ (35.20) versus ϊεσαυου ‫יְ ַשׁוְּ ֥ﬠוּ‬
yëšawwë≠ù ‘they (m) cried out’ (18.42), but
there is also contrary evidence testifying against
lengthening, e.g., ιαδομ ‫יָ ד ֹם‬, TT ‫ יִ ֑דּ ֹם‬yiddòm
‘it will (not) be silent’ (30.13), εχαζεβ ‫ֲא ַכ ֵזּֽב‬
±≥úazzè∫ ‘(that) I should (not) be false’ (89.36)
(see further Brønno (1943:429–430); Janssens
1982:57–63).
Short vowel dissimilation u–u > u–i is
reflected in the nouns οννεχαθ ‫≥™ ֲחנֻ ַ ֖כּת‬nukkaμ
‘dedication of’ (30.1) and χορσελαϊ ‫ַק ְר ֻס ָ ֽלּי‬
qarsullå ýy ‘my feet’ (18.37), which appear to
have developed *™unnukát > *™unnikát and
*kurßuláy > *kurßiláy, respectively. The shift
appears to have taken place in the noun pat-
tern *qu†ùl, resulting in the form *qi†ùl, e.g.,
γεδουδ ‫ גְּ ֑דוּד‬gë≈ù≈ ‘a troop’ (18.30), λεβουσι
‫וּשׁי‬
ִ ‫ ְל ֬ב‬lë∫ùšì ‘my clothing’ (35.13) (see Yuditsky
2005:132–134).
Long vowel dissimilation ò–ò > ù–ò has
perhaps occurred in the form ζερουωθαι ‫זְ רוֹע ָ ֹֽתי‬
zërò≠òμå ýy ‘my arms’ (18.35). The same seems
to have taken place in Jerome’s mutoth ‫מ ֹ֥טוֹת‬
810 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
mò†òμ ‘bars’ ( Jer. 28.13), compare singular
mota ‫מוֹטה‬ ֑ ָ mò†åý ‘yoke’ (Isa. 58.6). A similar
process, ù–ù > ù–ò, is possibly reflected in the
transcription ιαμουθω ‫ יָ ֗מוּתוּ‬yå ýmùμù ‘(the wise
men) will die’ (49.11).
The shift e > a occurred in the form λωαμαϊ
‫ ֹֽל ֲח ָ ֽמי‬lò™≥måýy ‘those who fight against me’
(35.1) on account of the preceding guttural ™.
This change is probably also represented in the
imperatives αϊη ‫ ֱהיֵ ה‬h(yè ‘be (ms)!’ (30.11) and
αβου ‫ ֶ ֽא ֱה ֥בוּ‬±Æh(∫ù ‘love (mpl)!’ (31.24).
Gutturals apparently cause the adjacent
vowel to be lengthened, e.g., εμωσημ ‫ ֶא ְמח ֵֹצם‬,
TT ‫ ֶ֭א ְמ ָח ֵצם‬±Æm™å ýßèm ‘I will strike them down’
(18.39), βηηκι ‫יקי‬ ִ֗ ‫∫ ְ֜ב ֵח‬ë-™èqì ‘in my bosom’
(89.51).
Like the gutturals, the consonant r is apt to
lower the preceding vowel. In the Hexapla one
finds such forms as ελθαρακ ‫ל־תּ ְר ַ ֥חק‬ ִ ‫ ֲא‬±al-tir™aq
‘be not far!’ (35.22) (normally the prefix has
e, e.g., εφθα ‫ ֶא ְפ ַ ֥תּח‬±Æƒta™ ‘I will open’ [49.5]),
ζεδαρχαμ ‫ ֶז֣ה ַ ֭ד ְר ָכּם‬zÆ ≈arkå ým ‘this is their way’
(49.14) (normally the form has e, e.g., δερχ
‘way’).
The transcription μοσαυε ‫ ְמ ַשֶׁוּ֣ה‬mëšawwÆ
‘makes like’ (18.34) exhibits assimilation of
the prefix vowel to the preceding labial con-
sonant (normally the pi±el prefix has a, e.g.,
μαλαμμεδ ‫ ְמ ַל ֵמּד‬mëlammè≈ ‘(he) trains’ (18.35).
In Jerome the u vowel of acchumarim ‫ַה ְכּ ָמ ִ ֖רים‬
hak-këmå ýrìm ‘the priestlings’ (Zeph. 1.4) has
seemingly preserved the original quality of the
vowel due to the influence of the following m.
The particle μιμμενι ‫ ִמ ֶ ֽמּנִּ י‬mimmÆnnì ‘from
me’ (35.22) may have been influenced by m,
raising the first vowel to i. The same process
has possibly occurred in Jerome’s nimrezeth
‫ נִ ְמ ֶ ֔ר ֶצת‬nimrÆßÆμ ‘grievous’ (1 Kgs 2.8) (see Har-
viainen 1977:62).
Sibilants are liable to shift low back vowels,
such as a, to front e and i. In the Hexapla
this process occurs in unstressed syllables.
In closed unstressed syllables of the pattern
maq†al one finds λαμεσφατι ‫ ְל ִמ ְשׁ ָפּ ִ ֑טי‬lë-mišpå ý†ì
‘for my clause’ (35.23), μισγαβ ‫ ִמ ְשׂ ָ ֽגּב‬mi«gå ý∫
‘haven’ (46.8) (normally the prefix has a, e.g.,
βαμμαλαμα ‫ ַבּ ִמּ ְל ָח ָ ֽמה‬bam-mil™å ýmåý ‘in the bat-
tle’ [89.44]). Compare also the hif ≠il form
μισβιθ ‫ ַמ ְשׁ ִ ֥בּית‬mašbìμ ‘(he) puts a stop’ (46.10)
(versus μαγδιλιμ ‫ילים‬ ֥ ִ ‫[ ] ַ ֽה[ ַמּגְ ִדּ‬ham-]ma9gdìlìm
‘the ones who magnify themselves’ [35.26]). In
open unstressed syllables there are transcrip-
tions such as βεσαυει ‫ ְבּ ַשׁוְּ ִ ֥ﬠי‬bë-šawwë≠ì ‘when
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
I cried out’ (31.23) (where a normally occurs,
e.g., βαφιεμ ‫יהם‬ ֖ ֶ ‫ ְבּ ִפ‬bë-ƒìhÆm ‘in their mouth’
[49.14]), μεσιω ‫יחוֹ‬ ֣ ‫ ְמ ִשׁ‬mëšì™ò ‘his anointed’
(28.8). Jerome as well attests to the a > e shift in
the vicinity of sibilants, e.g., selua ‫ ְשׁ ֻל ָ ֑חה‬šëlùhå ý
‘let loose’ (Gen. 49.21) (versus barura ‫רוּרה‬ ֑ ָ ‫ְב‬
∫ërùrå ý ‘pure’ [Zeph. 3.9]) (see further Harvi-
ainen 1977:62–64; Beyer 1984:116; Yuditsky
2005:132–134).
There are two cases of a hif ≠il imperfect hav-
ing the vowel a in the prefix: ασμιθαυμ ‫יתם‬ ֽ ֵ ‫ַא ְצ ִמ‬
±aßmìμèm ‘I will cut off them’ (18.41), αττε ‫ַא ֶ ֣טּה‬
±a††Æ ‘I will incline’ (49.5). This form normally
exhibits e, e.g., θεριβ ‫ ַתּ ְר ִ ֣חיב‬tar™ì∫ ‘you (ms)
will enlarge’ (18.37). Both exceptions have an
emphatic following the vowel, which is prob-
ably the reason for the occurrence of the a
vowel.
Another two cases display the exceptional
occurrence of e in a prefixed particle: βεκορβ
‫ ְבּ ֶ ֣ ק ֶרב‬bë-qÆrÆ∫ ‘within’ (36.2), βεκοδσι ‫ְב ָק ְד ִ ֑שׁי‬
∫ë-qå≈šì ‘by my holiness’ (89.36) (normally
such particles have a, e.g., βαεζραθι ‫ְבּ ֶﬠזְ ָר ִ ֽתי‬
bë-≠Æzrå ýμì ‘as my help’ [35.2]). In both cases the
vowel is followed by the emphatic consonant q,
which could be the reason of the shift a > e (see
Yuditsky 2005:134).
Assimilation to a preceding y is quite com-
mon in the Hexapla, mostly coloring the pho-
neme e as i. One finds ιγγιου ‫ יַ ִ ֽגּיעוּ‬yaggì≠ù they
(m.) will (not) reach’ (32.6), ϊκερσου ‫יִ ְק ְרצוּ‬
yiqrëßù ‘let (my haters) (not) wink’ (35.19),
ιμινω ‫ יְ ִמינֽ וֹ‬yëmìnò ‘his right hand’ (89.26), etc.
Likewise, the shift a > e occurs as a result of
the influence of y, e.g., βιεδ ‫ ְבּיַ ד‬bë-ya≈ ‘into the
hand of’ (31.9) (see Harviainen 1977:62–64).
Occasionally a vowel preceding a guttural
has been fully assimilated to the following one
and vice versa. One finds, for example, such
transcriptions as ουθνεεληνι ‫ וּֽ ְתנַ ֲה ֵ ֽלנִ י‬u-μnah≥lènì
‘and you (ms) will guide me’ (31.4), εελλελεχ
ָ‫ ֲא ַ ֽה ְל ֶ ֽלךּ‬±≥halëlÆkkåý ‘I will praise you’ (35.18),
ααλλελ ‫ ֲא ַח ֵ ֥לּל‬±≥™allèl ‘I will (not) profane’
(89.35), whereas the normal pattern of the pi≠el
imperfect in the Hexapla is Ceqattel. The only
explanation for the clusters εε and αα is assimi-
lation, namely -ahe- > -ehe- and -e™a- > -a™a-,
respectively, and the like. The same process
is perhaps reflected in Jerome’s transcriptions
baphethee ‫יה‬ ָ ‫ ְבּ ִפ ְת ֶח‬, TT ‫יה‬ ָ ‫ ִבּ ְפ ָת ֶ ֑ח‬bi-ƒμåý™Æhåý ‘in
its gates’ (Mic. 5.5), maath ‫ ְמ ַ ֖את‬më±aμ (con-
struct; absolute ‫ ֵמ ָאה‬mè±å ý) ‘a hundred (times)’
(Qoh. 8.12) (see Yuditsky 2005:135–136).
 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
ֽ ֶ ‫ ֲא‬±≥hò≈Ænnù ‘I will
The forms αωδεννου ‫הוֹדנּוּ‬
praise him’ (28.7) and θοωσιηνι ‫יאנִ י‬
ֵ֗ ‫תּוֹצ‬
ִ tòßì±ènì
‘you (ms) will bring me out’ (31.5) apparently
reflect the breaking up of an ultra-long vowel
which had developed in the prefix, namely ±ô- >
±oCo-, tô- > toCo (see Qimron 2003).
3. M o r p h o l o g y
3.1 Pronoun
The pronominal system reflected in the tran-
scriptions approximates that of the Tiberian
tradition (see further Brønno 1943:190–211).
Peculiar forms are commented on below.
3.1.1 Separate pronouns
1cs: ανωχι ‫ ָאנ ִ ֹ֣כי‬±åýnòúì ‘I’ (46.11), ανι ‫ ֲא ִ ֥ני‬±≥nì
‘I’ (89.48);
2ms: αθθα ‫ ַ ֭א ָתּה‬±attå ý ‘you’ (18.28); it occurs
once without a final vowel and gemination: ου
αθ ‫ וְ ַא ָ ֣תּה‬wë-±attå
ý ‘and you’ (89.39);
3ms: ου ‫ ֜ ֗הוּא‬hù ‘he’ (18.31); Jerome hu ‫ֽהוּא‬
hù ‘he’ (Isa. 2.22).
3.1.2 Pronominal suffixes
1cs: with verbs -ènì /-nì, e.g., ϊκραηνι ‫ִי ְ֭ק ָר ֵאנִ י‬
yiqråý±ènì ‘(he) will call unto me’ (89.27),
εσγερθανι ‫ ִ ֭ה ְסגַּ ְר ַתּנִ י‬hisgartanì ‘you (ms) have
(not) handed me over’ (31.9); with singular
nouns -ì, e.g., αβι ‫ ָ ֣א ִבי‬±å ý∫ì ‘my father’ (89.27);
with plural nouns -ay, e.g., ιαδαϊ ‫ ָי ַ֭די‬yå ý≈ay ‘my
hands’ (18.35), οκκωθαϊ ‫™ ֻחקּ ַ ֹ֥תי‬uqqòμay ‘my
laws’ (89.32). In some cases, the final vowel is
represented as -η or -ει, e.g., δελλιθανη ‫יתנִ י‬ ֑ ָ ‫ִד ִלּ‬
≈illìμå
ýnì ‘you (ms) have lifted me up’ (30.2),
σελει ‫ ַס ְל ִ ֣ﬠי‬sal≠ì ‘my rock’ (31.4).
2ms: with verbs -ek, e.g., εελλελεχ ָ‫ֲא ַ ֽה ְל ֶ ֽלךּ‬
±≥halëlÆkkå ý‘I will praise you’ (35.18); with nouns
-ak, e.g., σεδκαχ ‫ ִצ ְד ֶ ֑ קָך‬ßi≈qÆúå ý ‘your righteous-
ness’ (35.28), φαναχ ‫יָך‬ ֘ ֶ‫ ָפּנ‬pånÆúåý ‘your face’
ý 3.2.1 Verbal prefixes and suffixes
(31.21). It usually has no final vowel, except for
the forms αϊωδεχχα ֥‫יוֹדָך‬ ְ ‫ ֲה‬h≥-yò≈úåý ‘can (dust)
praise you’ (30.10), ιεσαχα ‫ ִ֫י ְשׁ ֶ ֥ﬠָך‬yiš≠Æúå ý ‘your
salvation’ (18.36). The same suffix -ak is added
to singular and plural nouns. In Jerome’s trans-
literations one alwars finds instances of suffixes
with no vowel, e.g., dabarach ‫יָך‬ ֜ ‫≈ ְד ָב ֶר‬ë∫åýrÆúåý
‘your plagues’ (Hos. 13.14), except for the
transcription alechcha ֣‫ל־ח ְכָּך‬ ִ ‫ ֶא‬±Æl-™ikkëúåý ‘to
your mouth’ (Hos. 8.1) with the vowel.
3ms: with verbs -ò/-hù, e.g., ακιμωθω ‫ֲ֜ה ֵקימ ֹ֗תוֹ‬
h≥qìmòμì ‘you (ms) have (not) made him stand’
(89.44), εθνηου ‫ ֶא ְתּ ֵנ֑הוּ‬±Ættënèhù ‘I will appoint
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
811
him’ (89.28); with singular nouns -ò, e.g., αβδω
‫≠ ַﬠ ְב ֽדּוֹ‬a∫dò ‘his servant’ (35.27), with plural
nouns -aw, e.g., βαναυ ‫∫ ָ ֭בנָ יו‬å
ýnåýw ‘his sons’
(89.31).
3fs: -a, e.g., βκερβα ‫ ְ ֭בּ ִק ְר ָבּהּ‬bë-qirbå
ýh ‘in its
midst’ (46.6).
1cpl: -nù, e.g., ηνηνου ‫≠ ֵﬠ ֵינֽינוּ‬ènènù ‘our eyes’
(35.21).
2mpl: -kem, e.g., λεββαβεχεμ ‫ ְל ַב ְב ֶכ֑ם‬lë∫a∫úÆm
‘your heart’ (31.25); Jerome has melchechem
‫ ַמ ְל ְכּ ֶ֔כם‬malkëúÆm ‘your king’ (Amos 5.26). The
incidence of the linking e vowel preceding the
suffix in both transcriptions is instructive.
3mpl: with verbs -èm/-am, e.g., αναμ ‫ָﬠ ָנֽם‬
≠å
ýnå ým ‘he answered them (not)’ (18.42),
ουεσιγημ ‫ וְ ַא ִשּׂ ֵיג֑ם‬wë-±a««ì:gý åm ‘and I will over-
take them’ (18.38); with nouns -hem/-am, e.g.,
μεσσωηεμ ‫יהם‬ ֑ ֶ ‫ ִמשּׁ ֵֹא‬miš-šò±èhÆm ‘from their
destruction’ (35.17), ηλαμ ‫™ ֵח ָיל֑ם‬èlå ým ‘their
wealth’ (49.7). The archaic forms -èmò /-amù
occur in the words σεννημω ‫ ִשׁ ֵנּֽימוֹ‬šinnèmò
‘their teeth’ (35.16) and βηθαμου ‫יתמוֹ‬ ָ ‫ ֵבּ‬TT
‫ ָבּ ֵ֙תּימוֹ‬båýttèmò ‘their house’ (49.12).
3.1.3 Demonstrative pronouns
ζεδαρχαμ ‫ ֶז֣ה ַ ֭ד ְר ָכּם‬zÆ ≈arkå
ým ‘this is their way’
(49.14), ζωθ ‫ ז ֹ֭את‬zòμ ‘this (f)’ (49.2).
3.1.4 Interrogative pronouns
μα ‫מה‬
֣ ָ måý ‘what?’ (89.47), but μεββεσε ‫ה־בּ ַצע‬
֥ ֶ ‫ַמ‬
mab-bÆßa≠ ‘what does it profit?’ (30.10); Jerome
ma (‫־שּׂ ֔חוֹ‬ֵ )‫ ַמה‬ma«(-«è™ò) ‘what?’ (Amos 4.13);
μι ‫ ִ ֣מי‬mì ‘who?’ (18.32); χαμμα ‫ ַכּ ָ ֪מּה‬kammåý
‘how long?’ (35.17); λαμα ‫ ָל ָ֣מּה‬lå
ýmmå ý ‘why?’
(49.6).
3.2 Verb
The transcriptions exhibit verbal affixes essen-
tially similar to the affixes of other traditions.
Presented in tabular form, the data yields the
following pronominal paradigm.
Worthy of note is the absence of the final
vowel in most of 2ms past suffixes -t, e.g.,
ýμattå
ναθαθ ‫ נָ ַ ֣ת ָתּה‬nå ý ‘you have made’ (18.41),
as is the case in the corresponding pronominal
suffix -k. The example ναθαθ reflects the elision
of the final vowel, since the gemination of the
last consonant in the original form *natatta is
not represented in the transcription.
812 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period

Table 1: Verbal Affixes in the Hexapla

Past suffixes Singular Plural Imperfect affixes Singular Plural
1c -θι -νου 1c ε-/α- νε-/ν-
2m -θα/-θ — (-them) 2m θε-/θ- θ- -ου
2f — (-thi) — 2f — —
3m -ου 3m ιε-/ι- ιε- -ου/ ι- - ου
3f -α — 3f θε-/θ- —

In Jerome’s transcriptions the situation is simi-
lar, e.g., canithi ‫יתי‬ ִ ‫ ָק ִ ֥נ‬qåýnìμì ‘I have got’ (Gen.
4.1), calloth ‫וֹת‬ ָ ‫ ַק ֽלּ‬qallòμåý ‘you have become
worthless’ (Nah. 1.14). 2fs and 2mpl forms
also occur: carathi ‫[ ]וְ [ ָק ָ ֥ראת‬wë-]q<år<åμ ‘and you
will call’ (Isa. 7.14), which preserves the origi-
nal final vowel i, and arasthem ‫‘ ֲח ַר ְשׁ ֶתּם‬you
(mp) have plowed’ (Hos. 10.13).
3.2.3 Qal
3.2.3.1 Past
Most of the data relate to the active qa†al form,
e.g., αμαρθι ‫ ָא ַ ֣מ ְר ִתּי‬±å ýmartì ‘(I) said’ (30.7);
Jerome has abarthi ‫≠ ָﬠ ַ֔ב ְר ִתּי‬å ý∫artì ‘(I) have
passed’ (Hos. 10.11), etc. There are two occur-
rences of the stative qa†el (<*qa†il) form: σανηθι
ִ ‫« ָשׂ ֵ֗נ‬åýnèμì ‘I detest’ (31.7) and perhaps
‫אתי‬
βατε ‫∫ ָב ַ ֥טח‬å ý†a™ ‘(it) trusts’ (28.7). In Jerome
there is chaesu ‫ * ַכּ ֵחשׁוּ‬TT ‫‘ ַכּ ֵ ֽחשׁ‬to deceive’
(Zech. 13.4), which preserves an original
e vowel.
3pl forms have commonly lost their medial
vowel, e.g., αμρου ‫ ָ ֭א ְמרוּ‬±å ýmrù ‘they said’
(35.21), preserving it after a guttural, e.g.,
μααδου ‫ ָ֜מ ֲﬠ ֗דוּ‬må ý≠≥≈ù ‘(my feet) have (not)
slipped’ (18.37).
The 2ms suffix usually lacks the vowel, e.g.,
αφαχθ ‫ ָה ַ ֣פ ְכ ָתּ‬h<åƒaút<å ‘you have turned’ (30.12).
Sporadically, however, the vowel is retained,
e.g., σαφανθα ‫ ָצ ַ ֪פנְ ָתּ‬ßå ýƒantåý ‘you have stored’
(31.20).
3.2.3.2 Imperfect
The Hexapla attests imperfect forms of various
patterns: yeq†ol (<*yiq†ul), e.g., ερδοφ ‫ֶא ְר ֣דּוֹף‬
≠Ærdòƒ ‘I will pursue’ (18.38), ιεσμωρου ‫מרוּ‬ ֹ ֽ ‫יִ ְשׁ‬
yišmòrù ‘they (m) will (not) keep’ (89.32);
yeq†al (<*yiq†al) (usually in verbs containing a
guttural), e.g., εφθα ‫ ֶא ְפ ַ ֥תּח‬±Æƒta™ ‘I will open’
(49.5), θεβαρ ‫ ִתּ ְב ַ ֖ﬠר‬ti∫≠ar ‘(your anger) will
burn’ (89.47); and perhaps yaq†el (<*yaq†il)
in the verb ουαϊαλεζ ‫ וַ יַּ ֲﬠ ֹ֥לז‬way-ya≠≥lòz ‘(my
heart) exulted’ (28.7). Jerome has eebor ‫ֶא ֱﬠ ֥בֹר‬
±Æ≠(∫òr ‘I will pass’ (Amos 5.17), haiecba ‫ֲהיִ ְק ַ֙בּע‬
h≥-yiqba≠ ‘will (a man) rob?’ (Mal. 3.8), etc.
Forms with a guttural as second consonant
of the root have a conspicuous feature: inde-
pendent forms became similar to the yeq†al
pattern, e.g., θεβαρ ‫ ִתּ ְב ַ ֖ﬠר‬ti∫≠ar ‘(your anger)
will burn’ (89.47); forms with a pronominal
suffix, on the other hand, exclusively reflect the
yeq†ol pattern, e.g., εμωσημ ‫ ֶא ְמח ֵֹצם‬, TT ‫ֶ֭א ְמ ָח ֵצם‬
±Æm™å ýßèm ‘I will strike them down’ (18.39),
ουεσοκημ ‫וְ ֶא ְשׁח ֵֹקם‬, TT ‫ ְ ֽו ֶא ְשׁ ָח ֵ ֗קם‬wë-±Æš™å ýqèm
‘and I will grind them’ (18.43), in contrast to
other Hebrew traditions.
The prefix vowel e, either original or devel-
oped by analogy, is found in the transcriptions
of yeq†ol, e.g., ουιερογου ‫ ְ ֜ויַ ְח ְר ֗גוּ‬we-ya™rë:gù
‘and they (m) will come trembling’ (18.46); in
Jerome ieros ‫ יַ ֲח ֣רוֹשׁ‬ya™≥ròš ‘(Judah) will plow’
(Hos. 10.11). At times the prefix vowel has the
quality i or a under the influence of adjacent
consonants, e.g., ισροφ ‫ יִ ְשׂ ֥ר ֹף‬yi«ròƒ ‘he will
burn’ (46.10), ελθαρακ ‫ל־תּ ְר ַ ֥חק‬ ִ ‫ ֲא‬±al-tir™aq ‘be
not far!’ (35.22).
The second vowel is often retained in the
Hexapla even in open unstressed syllables, e.g.,
ουθεζορηνι ‫וְ ֶת ְאז ֵֹרנִ י‬, TT ‫ וַ ְתּ ַאזְּ ֵרנִ י‬wat-të±azzërènì
‘and you have girded me’ (18.40), ιερασου
‫ יִ ְֽ ר ֲﬠ ֽשׁוּ‬yir≠≥šù ‘(mountains) will shake’ (46.4);
compare Jerome’s iezbuleni ‫ יִ זְ ְבּ ֵל֣נִ י‬yizbëlènì
‘(my husband) will exalt me’ (Gen. 30.20). Yet,
one finds forms with a reduced second vowel as
ϊκερσου ‫ יִ ְק ְרצוּ‬yiqrëßù ‘let (those who hat me in
vain not) wink’ (35.19). The latter verb attests
to the addition of the anaptyctic vowel e.
3.2.3.3 Imperative
Imperatives of two original patterns are pre-
sented in the Hexapla: qo†ol (<*qu†ul) and
qa†al, e.g., ζχορ [‫ זְ ָכר־] ֲא ִ ֥ני‬zëúår-[±≥nì] ‘remem-
ber (ms)!’ (89.48), σμα ‫ ְשׁ ַמע‬šëma≠ ‘hear (ms)!’
(30.11). Though occasionally reduced, the first
vowel of the imperative is often preserved
exhibiting various sounds, mainly in the envi-
ronment of gutturals and in plural forms, e.g.,

© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3

 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
εζακ ‫ ֲחזַ ק‬, TT ‫™ ִ ֭חזְ קוּ‬izqù ‘be strong (mpl)!’
(31.25), λοομ ‫ ְלחֹם‬, TT ‫ ֜ ְל ַ֗חם‬lë™am ‘fight (ms)!’
(35.1), αβου ‫ ֶ ֽא ֱה ֥בוּ‬±Æh(∫ù ‘love (mpl)!’ (31.24).
In Jerome one finds hedalu ‫™ ִח ְד ֤לוּ‬i≈lù ‘cease
(mpl)!’ (Isa. 2.22), semu ‫ ִשׁ ְמ ֤ﬠוּ‬šim≠ù ‘hear
(mpl)!’ (Isa. 1.2).
3.2.3.4 Active Participle
Participles of both the qò†èl (<*qà†il) and qa†èl
(<*qa†il) patterns are attested in the Hexapla,
e.g., νωσηρ ‫ נ ֵֹצ֣ר‬nòßèr ‘(YHWH) guards’ (31.24),
λσαχηναυ ‫ ִל ְשׁ ֵכ ָנֽיו‬li-šúènå ýw ‘to his neighbors’
(89.42). In plural forms the second vowel is
usually omitted, e.g., ασσωμριμ ‫ ַהשּׁ ְֹמ ִ ֥רים‬haš-
šòmrìm ‘those who keep’ (31.7), βαανφη ‫ְ ֭בּ ַחנְ ֵפי‬
bë-™anƒè ‘with the impious of’ (35.16). Yet,
one finds αββωτεειμ ‫ ַהבּ ְֹט ִ ֥חים‬ha-bò†™ìm ‘those
that trust’ (49.7). In Jerome’s transcriptions the
vowel is frequently represented, e.g., nocedim
‫∫[ ] ַב[נּ ְֹק ִ ֖דים‬an-]nòq≈ìm ‘among the herdsmen’
(Amos 1.1), phoezim ‫פּ ֲח ִ֔זים‬ ֹ ֽ pò™≥zìm ‘reckless’
(Zeph. 3.4).
The noun ‫ אוֹיֵ ב‬±òyè∫ displays a peculiar
behavior, usually retaining the second vowel,
but shortening the first one, e.g., ωιηβ ‫אוֹי֑ב‬ ֵ have profaned’ (89.40). In forms in which the
±òyè∫ ‘enemy’ (31.9), οϊεβαϊ ‫ ֭אוֹיְ ַבי‬±òy∫ay ‘my
enemies’ (18.38). One also finds transcriptions
such as οϊεββαϊ ‫ אֹיְ ַ ֣בי‬±òy∫ay ‘my enemies’ (30.2),
οιβαυ ‫ אוֹיְ ָ ֽביו‬±òy∫å ýw ‘his enemies’ (89.43).
3.2.3.5 Passive Participle
Passive participles of qal exhibit the qa†ùl
pattern, e.g., βαρουχ ‫ ָבּ ֥רוְּך‬bå ýrùú ‘blessed’
ý≈ù≈ ‘spoiled’
(31.22). Jerome has sadud ‫ ָשׁ ֜דוּד‬šå
( Jer. 4.30), etc.
3.2.3.6 Infinitive
The infinitive absolute is represented by the
qa†òl (*qa†àl) pattern, e.g., αρωκ ‫™ ָח ֖ר ֹק‬åýròq
‘to gnash’ (35.16). Jerome has the form pha-
cud ‫ ְפּ ֤קוֹד‬pëqò≈ ‘Pekod’ (here functioning as a
proper name) (Ezek. 23.23) reflecting original
ò by the letter u.
The non-suffixed infinitive construct has the
pattern laq†òl, e.g., λαβλωμ ‫ ִל ְב ֑לוֹם‬li∫lòm ‘to
hold’ (32.9). The suffixed infinitive exhibits the
pattern of segholate nouns, e.g., βααφζι ‫ְב ָח ְפזִ י‬
∫ë-™åƒzì ‘in my haste’ (31.23).
3.2.4 Nif ≠al
There are regular verbs of neq†al (<*niq†al)
pattern in the Hexapla, e.g., νεμσαλ ‫שׁל‬ ֖ ַ ‫נִ ְמ‬
nimšåýl ‘(he) is like’ (49.13). Yet, some puzzling
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
813
nif ≠al forms also occur, such as νεγρεσθι ֘‫נגְ ַרזְ ִתּי‬
ni:graztì ‘I am thrust out’ (31.23), ου.ναζερθι
‫ ְ ֽו ֶ֫נ ֱﬠ ָז ְ֥ ר ִתּי‬we-nÆ≠(zåýrtì ‘and I was helped’ (28.7),
where the second e may well have been condi-
tioned by the adjacent sibilant. Jerome’s tran-
scriptions include nephthalethi ‫ נִ ְפ ַ ֛תּ ְל ִתּי‬niƒtaltì
‘I have struggles’ (Gen. 30.8) and naalma [‫] ְֽ ֭ו‬
‫ נֶ ֶﬠ ְל ָמה‬nÆ≠Ælm<å ‘and it is hidden’ (Job 28.21).
Imperfect nif ≠al verbs occurring in the
Hexapla are of the ‫י‬/‫( ע"ו‬middle waw/yod) pat-
tern; see below. In Jerome one finds illaue ‫יִ ָלֶּו֤ה‬
yillåýwÆ ‘(my husband) will become attached’
(Gen. 29.34), which belongs to the ‫( ל"י‬final
yod) pattern.
Nif ≠al participle forms display the neq†al pat-
tern, e.g., νεβαλ ‫ נִ ְב ָ ֽהל‬ni∫hå ýl ‘terrified’ (30.8).
Jerome has the transcriptions nesab ‫שׁב‬ ֖ ָ ‫נֶ ְח‬
nÆ™šå ý∫ ‘(he) is esteemed’ (Isa. 2.22), neemanim
‫‘ *נֶ ֱא ָמנִ ים‬faithful’ (cf. the Vulgate), TT ‫נַ ֲﬠ ָמ ִ֔נים‬
na≠≥må ýnìm ‘pleasant’ (Isa. 17.10), etc.
3.2.5 Pi≠el
The past of pi≠el usually reflects the qe††el
(<*qi††il) form, e.g., ελλελθ ‫™ ִח ַ ֖לּ ְל ָתּ‬illaltå ý ‘you
second consonant is a guttural the first vowel
undergoes lengthening, e.g., μνηερθ ‫ֵ ֭נ ַא ְר ָתּה‬
nè±artå ý ‘you (ms.) have repudiated’ (89.40).
Occasionally the gemination of the second con-
sonant is not transcribed, e.g., φεθεθα ‫ִפּ ַ ֥תּ ְח ָתּ‬
pitta™tå ý ‘you removed’ (30.12).
Pi≠el imperfect forms exhibit the yeqa†tel
(<*yiqa††il) pattern, e.g., εδαλλεγ ‫ ֲא ַד ֶלּג‬±≥≈allÆ:g
‘I will scale’ (18.30). Some verbs retain a short
vowel in unstressed syllables, e.g., ουθεζορηνι
‫וְ ֶת ְאז ֵֹרנִ י‬, TT ‫ וַ ְתּ ַאזְּ ֵרנִ י‬wat-të±azzërènì ‘and you
(ms) have girded me’ (18.40). In pause penul-
timate vowels are lengthened, e.g., ιδαββηρου
‫ יְ ַ ֫ד ֵ ֥בּרוּ‬yë≈abbèrù ‘they (m) will speak’ (35.20).
Jerome mentions a form amaggenach ‫ֲא ַמגֶּ נְ ָך‬
±≥maggÆnúå ý ‘I will surrender you’ (Hos. 11.8)
with initial a.
There are two peculiar verbs that reflect the
pattern ±aqqa†el: ασσακερ ‫ ֲ֜א ַשׁ ֵ ֗קּר‬±≥šaqqèr ‘I will
(not) lie’ (89.34) and ασσανε ‫ ֲא ַשׁ ֶנּֽה‬±≥šannÆ
‘I will (not) alter’ (89.35). Such 1cs forms
are not known in other traditions of Biblical
Hebrew, but do occur in Syriac (see Nöldeke
1904:19).
The pi≠el participle displays maqa†tèl
(<*maqa†til) forms, e.g., Λαμανασση ‫ ַל ְמנַ ֵ֬צּ ַח‬la-
mnaßßèa™ ‘for the leader’ (36.1). The è vowel
has been shortened in the suffixed forms, as
814 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
well as in the nomen regens of the construct,
e.g., αμμααζερηνι ‫ ַה ְמ ַאזְּ ֵ ֣רנִ י‬ha-më±azzërènì ‘the
one who girds me’ (18.33), μαλαμμεδ ‫ְמ ַל ֵמּד‬
mëlammè≈ ‘(he) trains’ (18.35). In one case,
the o vowel occurs in the prefix: μοσαυε ‫ְמ ַשֶׁוּ֣ה‬
mëšawwÆ ‘(He) makes like’ (18.34). Jerome
confirms the occurrence of the maqa†tèl pattern,
e.g., maphate ‫ ְמ ַפ ֵ ֣תּ ַח‬mëƒattèa™ ‘(I) engrave’
(Zech. 3.9).
The pi≠el imperative has the qe††el form, e.g.,
φελλετηνι ‫ ַפ ְלּ ֵ ֽטנִ י‬ƒallë†ènì ‘rescue me!’ (31.2).
The first e has probably developed by analogy
to the past pi≠el form. Jerome also attests to
this pattern and transcribes heieu ‫™ ַח ֵ֔יּיהוּ‬ayyèhù
‘revive (ms) it!’ (Hab. 3.2). When, however,
the vowel is lengthened in compensation for
the lack of gemination, it retains the original
quality a, e.g., ουβαρεχ ‫וּב ֵ ֥רְך‬ ָ u-∫åýrèú ‘and bless
(ms)!’ (28.9).
The single unambiguous pi≠el infinitive form
in the Hexapla is χελλωθαμ ‫לּוֹתם‬ ֽ ָ ‫ ַכּ‬kallòμåým
‘their destruction’ (18.38) of ‫( ל"י‬final yod ) pat-
tern, which reflects a qe††el pattern.
3.2.6 Hitpa≠el
The original pattern of hitpa≠el is obscure. Both
hitpa≠al and hitpa≠el have been proposed as
the original form. In Tiberian Hebrew, hitpa≠el
occurs in non-pausal position, while hitpa≠al
is found in pause (see Joüon and Muraoka
2006:146). Only hitpa≠al verbs occur in the
surviving transcriptions of the Hexapla.
Hexaplaric hitpa≠el past forms belong to
the hetqa††al pattern, e.g., εθαλλαχθι ‫ִה ְת ַה ָלּ ְ֑כ ִתּי‬
hiμhallå ýútì ‘I went about’ (35.14).
The hitpa≠el imperfect has the pattern
yetqa†tal, e.g., θεθφαθθαλ ‫ ִתּ ְת ַפּ ָ ֽתּל‬tiμpattå ýl
‘you (ms) will be wily’ (18.27). It should be
noted, however, that all hitpa≠el imperfect forms
in the Hexapla are apparently pausal.
Note the transcription of a form of the verb
‫ ִה ְשׁ ַתּ ֲחוָ ה‬hišta™≥wåý ‘bow down’: εσθαυου
‫ ִה ְשׁ ַתּ ֲחו֥ וּ‬hišta™≥wù ‘bow down (mpl)!’ (29.2),
which seems to represent the past form
hešta™wù.
3.2.7 Hif ≠il
The regular hif ≠il past pattern is heq†ìl (suf-
fixed heq†el), e.g., εριμ ‫ ִה ְר ִ ֑ﬠים‬hir≠ìm ‘(the God
of glory) thundered’ (29.3), εσθερθα ‫ִה ְס ַ ֥תּ ְר ָתּ‬
ý ‘you (ms) hid’ (30.8).
histartå
The hif ≠il imperfect exhibits the yeq†ìl pat-
tern, e.g., θεριβ ‫ ַתּ ְר ִ ֣חיב‬tar™ì∫ ‘you (ms) will
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
enlarge’ (18.37); in Jerome iesphicu ‫יַ ְשׂ ִ ֽפּיקוּ‬
yašqìƒù ‘they abound’ (Isa. 2.6). The short
jussive form has the pattern yeq†el, e.g., ϊεγδελ
‫יַ גְ ֵדּל‬, TT ‫ יִ גְ ַ ֣דּל‬yi:gdal ‘may (the Lord) be magni-
fied’ (35.27). The prefix e vowel has presum-
ably arisen by analogy to the past forms. In a
few cases, however, the prefix vowel is a, being
probably conditioned by adjacent emphatics or
gutturals, e.g., ασμιθημ ‫יתם‬ ֽ ֵ ‫ ַא ְצ ִמ‬±aßmìμèm ‘I will
cut off them’ (18.41).
The regular hif ≠il participle pattern appears
to be maq†ìl, e.g, μαγδιλιμ ‫ילים‬ ֥ ִ ‫[ ] ַ ֽה[ ַמּגְ ִדּ‬ham-]
ma:gdìlìm ‘the ones who magnify themselves’
(35.26). In the form μισβιθ ‫ ַמ ְשׁ ִ ֥בּית‬mašbìμ ‘(he)
puts a stop’ (46.10) the prefix vowel has shifted
to i by assimilation to the following sibilant.
Jerome has masmim ‫ ַמ ְשׁ ִ ֥מים‬mašmìm ‘stunned’
(Ezek. 3.15).
The hif ≠il imperative takes the heq†el form,
e.g., ουερνινου ‫ ְ ֜ו ַה ְר ֗ ִנינוּ‬wë-harnìnù ‘and shout
for joy (mpl)!’ (32.11). Jerome has an infini-
tive esne ‫ ]וְ [ ַה ְצ ֵנ ַ֥ע‬wë-haßnèa≠ ‘and humbly’
(Mic. 6.8). The prefix vowel e in these words
has apparently arisen by analogy to the hif ≠il
past.
3.2.7.5 Passive conjugation hof ≠al
The only surviving form of this conjugation
in the Hexapla seems to be ιοβαδου ‫יָ ְא ָבּדוּ‬, TT
‫אבדוּ‬
֑ ֵ ֹ ‫ י‬yò∫è≈ù ‘(the foolish and the ingnorant)
will perish’ (49.11) (see Yuditsky 2008a:239).
3.2.8 ‫( פ"נ‬initial nun) and ‫( פ"י‬initial yod)
Verbs
In the imperfect paradigm these patterns exhibit
a geminated second consonant as a result of
assimilation of the first n or y. The doubled
consonant is usually represented in transcrip-
tion, e.g., ουθεθθεν [‫־לי‬ ִ ]‫ וַ ִתּ ֶתּן‬wat-tittÆn[-lì]
‘and you (ms) gave’ (18.36), εττη ‫ ַה ֵ ֤טּה‬ha††Æ
‘incline (ms)!’ (31.3). Jerome has thephphol [ ַ‫]ו‬
‫[ ִתּ ֤ ֹפּל‬wat-]tippòl ‘and (the hand of the Lord
God) fell’ (Ezek. 8.1). Gemination is not tran-
scribed when the second vowel is reduced,
e.g., εθνηου ‫ ֶא ְתּ ֵנ֑הוּ‬±Ættënèhù ‘I will appoint
him’ (89.28), and in a few other cases, e.g.,
ουεσιγημ ‫ וְ ַא ִשּׂ ֵיג֑ם‬wë-±a««ì:gèm ‘and I will over-
take them’ (18.38).
Forms of the infinitive construct attest to
aphaeresis of the first n, e.g., σαθι ‫« ְשׂ ֵא ִ ֥תי‬ë±èμì
‘my bearing’ (89.51). The nature of the a vowel
here remains obscure.
 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
3.2.9 ‫( פ"א‬initial ±alef ) Verbs
In some qal verbs of the ya±†ul pattern the initial
± has been deleted, and, consequently, the pre-
ceding prefix a vowel underwent lengthening
and shifted to ò. In the Hexapla this pattern is
represented by the verb ‫ אמ"ר‬±-m-r, e.g., ιωμρου
‫אמ ֗רוּ‬
ְ ֹ ‫ ֜י‬yòmrù ‘let them (m) (not) say’ (35.25).
3.2.10 ‫( פ"י‬initial ±alef ) Verbs
These verbs in the qal imperfect paradigm
exhibit various patterns: yì†al, e.g., ιρα ‫ִ ֭א ָירא‬
±ìrå
ý ‘I will fear’ (49.6); yè†èl, e.g., θηλsηχ ‫ֵת ֵלְ֑ך‬
μèlèú ‘you will go’ (32.8); yù†al, e.g., ιουχαλευ
‫ ֻי ְ֣כלוּ‬yùúlù ‘they will (not) be able’ (18.39). It
is of interest that both vowels of θηληχ are
long. In the Latin transcriptions, the form iered
‫[ ]וַ יֵּ֙[ ֶרד‬way-]yèrÆ≈ ‘and he went down’ ( Jon.
1.3) is attested.
In the qal imperative and infinitive forms
lack the first original root consonant y, e.g.,
αβου ‫ ָה ֣בוּ‬hå ý∫ù ‘ascribe (mpl)!’ (29.1), λχου
‫ ְ ֽלכוּ‬lëúù ‘go (mpl)!’ (46.9), βρεδεθι ‫ְבּ ִר ְד ִ ֪תּי‬
bë-ri≈tì ‘in my descent’ (30.10). Jerome has dou
‫‘ * ְדּעוּ‬know (mpl)!’ TT ‫ ֤ר ֹעוּ‬rò≠ù ‘band together
(mpl)!’ in the commentary to Isa. 8.9.
Hif ≠il ‫( פ"י‬initial yod ) forms have a peculiar
long ò in the prefix, e.g., ωδεχ ‫ ֭א ְוֹדָך‬±ò≈úå ý ‘I
will give you (ms) thanks’ (35.18), μωσϊ ‫מוֹשׁ ַיע‬ ִ֑
mòšìa≠ ‘savior’ (18.42), ουωδου ‫הוֹדוּ‬ ֗ ‫ ְ ֜ו‬wë-hò≈ù
‘and praise (mpl)!’ (30.5), λωσιηνι ‫יﬠנִ י‬ ֽ ֵ ‫הוֹשׁ‬
ִ ‫ְל‬
lëhòšì ≠ènì ‘to save me’ (31.3). Yet, there are
cases of apparent splitting of the prefix vowel,
such as θοωσιηνι ‫יאנִ י‬ ֵ֗ ‫תּוֹצ‬
ִ tòßì±ènì ‘you (ms) will
bring me out’ (31.5), which likely attests to an
ultra-long vowel in the hif ≠il imperfect.
3.2.11 ‫י‬/‫( ע"ו‬middle waw/yod) Verbs
Past-tense forms are characterized by patterns
common in other Hebrew traditions, e.g.,
ουσαμθι ‫ וְ ַשׂ ְמ ִ ֣תּי‬wë-«amtì ‘and I will establish’
(89.30).
In the imperfect, there are three patterns:
yaqùl, e.g., ασουβ ‫ ָ֜אשׁוּב‬±å ýšù∫ ‘I will (not) turn
back’ (18.38); yaqìl, e.g., ιαλιν ‫ יָ ִ ֥לין‬yå ýlìn ‘(weep-
ing) will lie down’ (30.6); (*yiqàl >) yèqòl, e.g.,
ηβωσα ‫וֹשׁה‬ ָ ‫ ֵא ֣ב‬±è∫òšåý ‘let me (not) be ashamed’
(31.2). The exceptional form θαμωγ ‫ ָתּ ֥מוּג‬tå ýmù:g
‘(the earth) will dissolve’ (46.7) must be related
to the yaqùl pattern. Jerome transcribes thalinu
‫ ָתּ ֔ ִלינוּ‬tåýlìnù ‘you will lodge’ (Isa. 21.13).
The participle has the qå ýl form, e.g., ραμωθ
‫ ָר ֣מוֹת‬råýmòμ ‘haughty’ (18.28).
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
815
‫י‬/‫( ע"ו‬middle waw/yod) imperatives display
two forms: qùl, e.g., ουκοuμ ‫וְ קוּם‬, TT ‫וּמה‬ ָ ‫ְ ֜ו ֗ק‬
wë-qùmå ý ‘and stand up (ms)!’ (35.2), and qìl,
e.g., ουγιλου ‫ ְו֭גִ ילוּ‬wë-:gìlù ‘and rejoice (mpl)!’
(32.11).
The infinitives also exhibit two patterns: the
infinitive absolute has the form qùl, e.g., κουμ
‫ ֑קוּם‬qùm ‘to rise’ (18.39), while the infinitive
construct has qòl, e.g., ουβαμωτ ‫וּב ֥מוֹט‬ ְ u-∫-mò†
‘when (mountains) topple’ (46.3).
Hexaplaric examples of the nif ≠al imperfect
are limited to ‫י‬/‫( ע"ו‬middle waw/yod) forms.
Two patterns occur: yeqqol (<*yiqqul), e.g.,
ιεχχον ‫ יִ ֣כּוֹן‬yikkòn ‘it will be established’ (89.38),
and yeqqal (<*yiqqal), e.g., εμματ ‫ ֶא ַמּט‬, TT
‫ ֶא ֥מּוֹט‬±Æmmò† ‘I will (never) be shaken’ (30.7).
It appears that both patterns have short vowels.
One imperfect polel form has survived in the
Hexapla: ερωμεμεχ ֣‫רוֹמ ְמָך‬ ִ ‫ ֲא‬±≥ròmimúåý ‘I will
extol you (ms)’ (30.2) reflecting the yeqòlel
(<*yiqàlil ) pattern.
Two hif ≠il ‫י‬/‫( ע"ו‬middle waw/yod) past forms
found in the Hexapla are worthy of note:
αρημωθ ‫ימוֹת‬ ָ ‫ ֲה ֵר‬, TT ‫ימוֹת‬
ָ ‫ ֲ֭ה ִר‬h≥rìmòμåý ‘you (ms)
have exalted’ (89.43) and ακιμωθω ‫ ֲה ִקימֹתוֹ‬, TT
‫ ֲ֜ה ֵקימ ֹ֗תוֹ‬h≥qèmòμò ‘you (ms) have (not) made
him stand’ (89.44). The preformative vowel
corresponds by analogy to the other ‫י‬/‫( ע"ו‬mid-
dle waw/yod) hif ≠il forms, such as θασιβ ‫ָ ֭תּ ִשׁיב‬
ýšì∫ ‘you (ms) will turn back’ (89.44), which
tå
contain the a vowel in the prefix. The influence
of the preceding guttural h is less probable.
Concerning the quality of the second vowel, the
reflexes exhibited in the transcription do not
conform to the ones found in Tiberian Hebrew:
the former has è versus i in the Tiberian tradi-
tion and vice versa.
Other ‫י‬/‫( ע"ו‬middle waw/yod) forms of hif ≠il
exhibit the regular paradigm, e.g., imperfect
θασιβ ‫ ָ ֭תּ ִשׁיב‬tå ýšì∫ ‘you (ms) will turn back’
(89.44), imperative ουακισα ‫יצה‬ ָ ‫ ְו ָ֭ה ִק‬wë-håýqìßåý
‘and awake (ms)!’ (35.23), infinitive absolute
ý∫ìn ‘to understand’ (32.9).
αβιν ‫ ָ֫ה ִ ֥בין‬hå
3.2.12 ‫( ע"ע‬geminate) Verbs
In the past of the qal paradigm there is gemina-
tion of the second consonant, e.g., δαμμου ‫ָ ֽדמּוּ‬
≈åýmmù ‘they did (not) cease’ (35.15). Compare
also Jerome’s calloth ‫וֹת‬ ָ ‫ ַק ֽלּ‬qallòμåý ‘you have
become worthless’ (Nah. 1.14).
Imperfect qal forms exhibit a medial o
(< *u), e.g., ιαροννου ‫ יָ ֣ר ֹנּוּ‬yå
ýrònnù ‘let them (m)
816 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
sing’ (35.27). Jerome attests to thamoddu ‫מדּוּ‬ ֹ ֑ ‫ָתּ‬
ýmòddù ‘you (mpl) will measure’ (Ezek. 47.18).
tå
The participle of qal exhibits qal (<*qall)
forms, e.g., αϊ ‫™ ַחי‬ay ‘(YHWH) lives’ (18.47),
ραββιμ ‫ ַר ִ ֥בּים‬rabbìm ‘many’ (32.10).
Two patterns for the imperative occur: gemi-
nated, e.g., ουαννηνι ‫ וְ ָח ֵנּ֑נִ י‬wë-™ånnènì ‘have
mercy (ms.) on me!’ (30.11), and non-geminated,
e.g., ονηνι ‫™ ָח ֵנּ֥נִ י‬ånnènì ‘have mercy (ms) on
me!’ (31.10).
The only reflex of the nif ≠al form is the
participle of ‫ בר"ר‬b-r-r ναβαρ ‫ נָ ָ ֥בר‬nå ý∫å
ýr ‘pure’
(18.27).
The verb ‫ סב"ב‬s-b-b occurs in the polel
form in the Hexapla, e.g., θσωβαβηνι ‫וֹב ֵב֣נִ י‬ ְ ‫ְתּ ֖ס‬
tësò∫ë∫ènì ‘you (ms) surround me’ (32.7). It
appears to reflect the yëqòlel (<*yiqàlil) pattern,
but the a vowel is puzzling. It is unlikely to be
original, due to the similarity with the passive
‫( ע"ע‬geminate) yëqòlal pattern. Rather, the a
vowel here is probably an epenthetic vowel
inserted between the identical consonants b-b
in place of the reduced original I vowel (see
Yuditsky 2005:136–137).
In Jerome’s works, the hitpolel form occurs:
methnosasoth ‫נוֹס ֖סוֹת‬ ְ ‫ ִ ֽמ ְת‬miμnòsësòμ ‘(crown
jewels) are glittering’ (Zech. 9.16). The middle
a vowel here is striking.
3.2.13 ‫( ל"א‬final ±alef ) Verbs
This verb class is morphophonemically weak
ִ ‫« ָשׂ ֵ֗נ‬åýnèμì ‘I
only in past forms, e.g., σανηθι ‫אתי‬
detest’ (31.7), which is believed to have devel-
oped as follows: *«ani±ti > *«ane±ti > «anèti.
3.2.14 ‫( ל"י‬final yod) Verbs
In past-tense forms of qal, the person marker is
consistently preceded by an ì vowel, e.g., ασιθι
ִ ‫™ ָ ֭ח ִס‬åýsìμì ‘I have taken refuge’ (31.2), Jerome
‫יתי‬
has canithi ‫יתי‬ ִ ‫ ָק ִ ֥נ‬qåýnìμì ‘I have got’ (Gen. 4.1),
sarith ‫ית‬ ָ ‫« ָשׂ ִ ֧ר‬årìμåý ‘you (ms) have striven’ (Gen.
ý The only surviving singular form of the ‫ל"י‬
32.29). Other forms are similar to those known
from other Hebrew traditions, e.g., ρααθα ‫ָר ֲא ָ ֥תה‬
ý±≥μå
rå ý ‘(our eyes) have seen’ (35.21), αμου ‫ָה ֣מוּ‬
ý
håmù ‘(they) raged’ (46.7); in Jerome ana-
tha ‫[ ]וְ [ ָ ֤ﬠנְ ָתה‬wë-]≠å ýnμåý ‘and she will respond’
(Hos. 2.17).
Imperfect qal forms end in short e, e.g., ιειε
‫ יִ ְה ֶי֑ה‬yihyÆ ‘(his seed) will’ (89.37). The short
form is reflected by the transcription ουαϊ ‫יחי‬
‘that he should live’ (49.10).
Qal participles exhibit the forms αωσιμ ‫ַהח ִֹ֬סים‬
ha-™òsìm ‘the ones who take refuge’ (18.31)
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
and ωσε ‫≠ ע ֵ ֹ֥שׂה‬ò«è ‘doers of’ (31.24), but its last
ε is hardly legible in Mercati’s palimpsest and
is, therefore, highly uncertain. The imperative
has a final long vowel, e.g., αϊη ‫ ֱהיֵ ה‬h(yè ‘be
(ms)!’ (30.11). The first vowel can be either a,
e.g., αϊη, or e, e.g., εζου ‫≥™ ֭ ֲחזוּ‬zù ‘see (mpl)!’
(46.9). Jerome has a form rau ‫ ְר ֤אוּ‬rë±ù ‘look
(mpl)!’ (Hab. 1.5).
The infinitive absolute is attested, e.g., φαδω
‫ ָפ ֣ד ֹה‬ƒåý≈ò ‘to redeem’ (49.8), as is the infinitive
construct, e.g., βααλωθαμ ‫לוֹתם‬ ָ֡ ‫ ַבּ ֲח‬ba-™≥lòμåým
‘when they were ill’ (35.13).
The sole attested Hexaplaric form of nif ≠al
is νεδμου ‫ נִ ְד ֽמוּ‬ni≈mù ‘(beasts that) perish’
(49.13). In Jerome one finds a participle nesphe
‫ נִ ְשׁ ֶפּה‬nišpÆ ‘high’ (Isa. 13.2).
In past-tense forms of pi≠el the suffix may
be preceded by either ì or è, e.g., εννηθι ‫֣יתי‬ ִ ‫ִﬠ ֵנּ‬
≠innèμì ‘(I) afflicted’ (35.13), δελλιθανη ‫יתנִ י‬ ֑ ָ ‫ִד ִלּ‬
≈illìμå ýnì ‘you (ms) have lifted me up’ (30.2).
There are few other pi≠el ‫( ל"י‬final yod)
forms, such as the equivocal imperfect form
θαγγε ‫ ְתּ ַהגֶּ ה‬, TT ‫ ֶתּ ְה ֶגּ֣ה‬tÆhgÆ ‘(my tongue) will
pronounce’ (35.28), the participle μοσαυε ‫ְמ ַשֶׁוּ֣ה‬
mëšawwÆ ‘(he) makes like’ (18.34), and the
infinitive construct χελλωθαμ ‫לּוֹתם‬ ֽ ָ ‫ ַכּ‬kallòμåým
‘their destruction’ (18.38). Jerome has enasse
‫ ֲאנַ ֶ ֖סּה‬±≥nassÆ ‘I (not) will try’ (Isa. 7.12).
In hif ≠il, too, past forms have either ì or è
preceding the suffix, e.g., εετηθ ‫ית‬ ָ ‫ ֶ ֽה ֱﬠ ִ֙ט‬hÆ≠(†ìμåý
‘you (ms) have covered’ (89.46), εελιθ ‫ית‬ ָ ‫ֶ ֽה ֱﬠ ִ ֣ל‬
hÆ≠(lìμå ý ‘(you ms) have raised up’ (30.4). Yet, in
the first example the transcribed è is at variance
with the Tiberian ì.
Imperfect hif ≠il ‫( ל"י‬final yod) forms display
final short e, e.g., αττε ‫ ַא ֶ ֣טּה‬±a††Æ ‘I will incline’
(49.5). Yet, some forms with suffixes have,
as expected, a long presuffixal è, e.g., θερβηνι
‫ ַת ְר ֵ ֽבּנִ י‬μarbènì ‘(your condescension) has made
me great’ (18.36).
imperative in hif ≠il is εττη ‫ ַה ֵ ֤טּה‬ha††Æ ‘incline
(ms)!’ (31.3), representing a long final è. Plural
imperative forms seem to be regular, e.g., ουωδου
‫הוֹדוּ‬֗ ‫ ְ ֜ו‬wë-hò≈ù ‘and praise (mpl)!’ (30.5).
3.3 Nouns
The various morphological patterns of nouns
reflected in the transcriptions are presented
ִ ‫ִ ֽו‬ below, where particular forms are discussed.
3.3.1 Monoconsonantal noun patterns
 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
qi: φι ‫ ִ ֭פּי‬pì ‘my mouth’ (49.4), etc.
qay: μαϊμ ‫ ַ ֣מיִ ם‬mayim ‘water’ (32.6), μημαυ
‫ימיו‬
֑ ָ ‫ ֵמ‬mèmåýw ‘its waters’ (46.4), etc.
3.3.2 Biconsonantal noun patterns
qal: αβι ‫ ָ ֣א ִבי‬±å ý∫ì ‘my father’ (89.27), ϊαδω ‫יָ ֑דוֹ‬
yåý≈ò ‘his hand’ (89.26), etc. There also occur
original qal nouns with a raised e vowel, e.g.,
βιεδ ‫ ְבּיַ ד‬bë-ya≈ ‘into the hand of’ (31.9).
Attested plural forms of the qalìm pattern
attested βαναυ ‫∫ ָ ֭בנָ יו‬å ýnåýw ‘his sons’ (89.31)
and φαναχ ‫יָך‬ ֘ ֶ‫ ָפּנ‬påýnÆúåý ‘your face’ (31.21). The
dual form σαμμαϊμ ‫ ָשׁ ָ ֽמיִ ם‬šå ýmåýyim ‘heaven’
(89.30) displays secondary gemination of
the labial consonant. The qalat form σφωθαϊ
‫ ְשׂפ ַֹתי‬, TT ‫« ְ֜שׂ ָפ ַ֗תי‬ëƒåýμay ‘my lips’ (89.35), seems
to reflect a feminine plural form with the suf-
fix -òt.
qel/qèl (<*qil): ηλ ‫ ֵ ֽאל‬±èl ‘God’ (29.3), etc.
Suffixed forms may retain either a long or short
vowel, e.g., νηρι ‫ נֵ ִ ֑רי‬nèrì ‘my lamp’ (18.29) and
σεμω ‫ ְשׁ ֑מוֹ‬šëmò ‘his name’ (29.2). The original
e is preserved in the feminine qilat form εμαθαχ
‫≥™ ֲח ָמ ֶ ֽתָך‬måýμÆúåý ‘your (ms) fury’ (89.47) and
in original qilt forms in both the Septuagint
and Jerome’s transcriptions, e.g., Γεθ ‫ גַ ת‬:gaμ
‘Gath’ (1 Chron. 7.21), beth ‫ ַבּת‬baμ ‘daughter’
(Isa. 10.30), geth ‫[ ] ְבּ[ ַ ֽגת‬bë-]:gaμ ‘in a wine vat’,
which have a in the Tiberian tradition, as stipu-
lated by Philippi’s Law.
qòl (<*qàl): κωλ ‫ ֣קוֹל‬qòl ‘voice’ (28.6), γωιμ
‫ ג֖ וֹיִ ם‬:gòyìm ‘peoples’ (46.7), etc.
qìl: ιρ ‫≠ ִﬠיר‬ìr ‘town’ (46.5). The ì vowel is
occasionally represented by ει, e.g., εις ‫ ִ ֥אישׁ‬±ìš
‘man’ (31.21).
qùl: σουρ ‫ ֜ ֗צוּר‬ßùr ‘rock’ (18.32), χισους ‫ְכּ ֥סוּס‬
kë-sùs ‘like a horse’ (32.9), etc.
qall: αμ ‫≠ ַﬠם‬am (18.28), βααφφω ‫ְבּ ַאפּוֹ‬
bë-±appò ‘in his anger’ (30.6), etc. Plural forms,
however, exhibit no gemination, e.g., αριμ ‫ָה ִ ֖רים‬
håýrìm ‘mountains’ (46.4), ιαμιμ ‫ יַ ִ ֽמּים‬yammìm
‘seas’ (46.3), etc.
qell (<*qill): εμ ‫ ֵ֗ ֜אם‬±èm ‘mother’ (35.14),
λεββι ‫ ִל ִ֗בּי‬libbì ‘my heart’ (28.7), etc. The dual
form is exhibited in σεννημω ‫ ִשׁ ֵנּֽימוֹ‬šinnèmò
‘their teeth’ (35.16). Feminine forms include
ουσεννα ‫ וְ ִצ ָנּ֑ה‬wë-ßinnå ý ‘and a buckler’ (35.2)
and in the Septuagint νεσσα ‫נִ ָצּה‬, TT ‫ ]וְ [נ ָ ֹֽצה‬wë-
nòßå ý ‘and plumage’ (Job 39.13).
qoll (<*qull): χολ ‫ ָ ֽכּל־‬kål- ‘all’ (31.24),
οκκωθαϊ ‫™ ֻחקּ ַ ֹ֥תי‬uqqòμay ‘my laws’ (89.32), etc.
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
817
3.3.3 Triconsonantal noun patterns
Patterns containing one original short vowel
(the so-called segholate patterns)
Singular Forms
qa†l: γαβρ ‫ ֶג ֶ֣בר‬:gÆ∫Ær ‘man’ (89.49), αβδω ‫ַﬠ ְב ֽדּוֹ‬
≠a∫dò ‘his servant’ (35.27), etc. qa†lat: αρφαθ
‫™ ֶח ְר ַ ֣פּת‬Ærpaμ ‘reproach of’ (89.51).
qe†l (<*qi†l): εσδ ‫™ ֶ֜ ֗ח ֶסד‬ÆsÆ≈ ‘mercy’ (32.10),
σεδκι ‫ ִ֫צ ְד ִ ֥ קי‬ßi≈qì ‘my righteousness’ (35.27);
qe†lat (<*qi†lat): σεμα ‫« ִשׂ ְמ ָ ֽחה‬im™å ý ‘joy’
(30.12), etc.
qo†l (<*qu†l): ορφ ‫≠ ֑ﬠֹ ֶרף‬òrƃ ‘back (of the
neck)’ (18.41), χοφρω ‫ ָכּ ְפ ֽרוֹ‬kåƒrò ‘his ransom’
(49.8), etc.
The stem vowel in these transcriptions is
best interpreted as a reflection of the original
vowel of the pattern, in that a transcription
such as γαβρ reflects the form gabr, which is
the historically primitive form of ‫ גֶּ ֶבר‬gÆ∫Ær in
the Tiberian tradition (see Lisowsky 1940:141;
Joüon and Muraoka 2006:221–223).
In the Hexapla segholates do not usually
exhibit an anaptyctic vowel breaking the final
consonant cluster. This feature does, however,
appear in the vicinity of gutturals, e.g., φααδ
‫ ַ ֥פּ ַחד‬pa™a≈ ‘fear’ (36.2), ρεγε ‫ ֶ ֙רגַ ע‬rÆ:ga≠ ‘a
moment’ (30.6), a fact which demonstrates the
absence of such a vowel in other forms, such
as εσδ ‫ ֶא ֶרץ‬±ÆrÆß ‘earth, land’. In the Latin tran-
scriptions an anaptyctic vowel appears, e.g.,
areb ‫™ ֶ֗ח ֶרב‬ÆrÆ∫ ‘sword’ (Zech. 13.7), ceseth
‫ ֶק ֶשׁת‬qÆšÆμ ‘bow’ (Isa. 66.19) (see further Har-
viainen 1977:92–94).
Particular Segholate Forms
‫י‬/‫( ע"ו‬middle waw/yod) nouns display diph-
thong contraction, namely aw > ò and ay
> è, respectively, a phenomenon that is also
reflected in the Tiberian tradition, e.g., λβηθ
‫ ְל ֵ ֥בית‬lë-∫èμ ‘to the house’ (31.3), ηνι ‫≠ ֵﬠ ִ֗יני‬ènì
‘my eye’ (31.10); αϊωμ ‫ ַ֜היּוֹם‬hay-yòm ‘the day’
(35.28), βωσα ‫בּוֹשׁה‬ ָ , TT ‫בּוּשׁה‬ָ֣ ý ‘shame’
bùšå
(89.46), etc.
In ‫( ע"א‬middle ±alef ) nouns the reduction of
the consonant ± results in vowel lengthening, as
in *ßa±n > *ßàn > ßòn: χασων ‫ ַכּ ֤צּ ֹאן‬kaß-ßòn ‘like
sheep’ (49.15), νουμ ‫ נְ ֻ ֽאם‬në±ùm ‘speech’ (36.2).
Jerome has ros ‫ ֖ר ֹאשׁ‬ròš ‘head’ (Ezek. 38.3).
In the ‫( ל"א‬final ±alef ) form σαυ ‫שׁוְ א‬ ֑ ָ šåýw
(original *šaw±) ‘worthlessness’ (31.7) the final ±
has been elided.
818 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
A ‫( ל"י‬final ±alef ) segholate noun found in
Jerome’s pheri ‫‘ * ְפּ ִרי‬fruit’ TT ‫ ָפ ִ ֖רים‬ƒå
ýrìm ‘bulls’
(Hos. 14.3).
Dual and Plural Forms
Dual segholate forms exhibit the pattern
qV†layim, e.g., ρεγλαι ‫ ַרגְ ַלי‬ra:glay ‘my feet’
(18.34). The noun ουηναϊμ ‫ וְ ֵﬠ ַינ֖ יִ ם‬wë-≠ènayim
‘and eyes’ (18.28) has è resulting from diph-
thong contraction ay > è.
Plural forms of the segholates display two
patterns: qV†alìm/qV†alòt, e.g., φλαγαυ ‫ְפּ ָל ֗ ָגיו‬
pëlå ý:gý åw ‘its streams’ (46.5) and Jerome’s
acchumarim ‫ ַה ְכּ ָמ ִ ֖רים‬hak-këmå ýrìm ‘the priest-
lings’ (Zeph. 1.4), and qV†lìm/qV†lìt, e.g.,
αλμωθ ‫ ַﬠ ְלמוֹת‬, TT ‫≥≠ ֲﬠ ָל ֥מוֹת‬lå ýmòμ ‘alamoth’
(46.1). The latter plural pattern is exceptional
and rare in the Tiberian tradition. In the tran-
scriptions, however, qV†lìm/qV†lòt nouns are
rather common, compare also εσδαχ ‫ ִח ְס ֶדּיָך‬, TT
‫≥™ ֲח ָס ֶ ֖דיָך‬såý≈Æúåý ‘your (ms) mercies’ (89.50),
αβδαχ ‫‘ ַﬠ ְב ָדְּך‬your servant’, TT ‫∫≥≠ ֲﬠ ָב ֶ ֑דיָך‬å
ý≈Æúå
ý nity’ (28.9); qò†el (<*qà†il): probably in the
‘your (ms) servants’ (89.51), in the Septuagint
σεφωθ ‫ ִצ ְפעוֹת‬, TT ‫[ ]וְ ַה[ ְצּ ִפ ֔עוֹת‬wë-haß-]šëƒì ≠òμ
‘the offshoots’ (Isa. 22.24). Jerome has zemroth
‫זִ ְמרוֹת‬, TT ‫ זְ ִמ ֤ר ֹת‬zëmìròμ ‘songs’ (Isa. 24.16) (see
Yuditsky 2007b:304–307).
Construct forms of segholate plurals are of
the pattern qVtalè/qVtalòt, as a rule trans-
forming to qV†lè/qV†lòt due to reduction of
the medial vowel, e.g., αβλη ‫™ ַה ְב ֵלי‬a∫lè ‘vani-
ties’ (31.7), ρεγη ‫ ִרגְ ֵﬠי‬ri:g≠è ‘(the) calm ones of’
(35.20), etc. Yet, discussing the word ‫ַמ ְל ֲא ֵכי‬
mal±≥úè ‘angels of’ (Isa. 14.32), Jerome notes
that malache reflects pronunciation of the plu-
ral form ‫ ַמ ְל ֵכי‬malúè ‘kings of’ as well. This
implies the preservation, in some cases, of the
original construct plural qa†alè form in this
tradition of Hebrew. An irregular form is rep-
resented by the transcription ιμη ‫ יְ ֵ ֣מי‬yÆmè ‘days’
(89.46).
Patterns containing two original short vowels
qa†al: αδαμ ‫ ָא ָדם‬±å ý≈åým ‘man’ (31.20), σαβαωθ
‫ ְצ ָב ֣אוֹת‬ßë∫å±ò† ‘hosts’ (46.8); qa†alat: νακαμωθ
ý Patterns containing a doubled consonant
‫ נְ ָק ֣מוֹת‬nëqåýmòμ ‘vengeance’ (18.48); qa†èl
(<*qa†il): χιαρη ‫ ְ ֭כּיָ ֵר ַח‬kë-yå
ýrèa™ ‘as the moon’
(89.38); qa†ol (<*qa†ul): perhaps ακοββαϊ ‫ ֲﬠק ַֹבּי‬,
TT ‫≥≠ ֲﬠ ֵק ַ ֣בי‬qè∫ay ‘my supplanters’ (49.6); com-
pare also Jerome’s sgolla ‫ ְסגֻ ָלּ֑ה‬së<gullå
ý ‘treasure’
(Mal. 3.17), which derives from the original
qV†ullat pattern.
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
Construct and suffixed forms are similar to
the corresponding absolute forms of segholates,
e.g., δαβρη ‫ ִדּ ְב ֵ ֥רי‬di∫rè ‘matters’ (35.20), in
which the original short a vowel appears to be
preserved in the Hexapla.
qè†al (<*qi†al): νηχαρ ‫ נֵ ָ ֥כר‬nèúå ýr ‘stranger’
(18.46); qe†èlat (<*qi†ilat): χαβημωθ ‫ַכּ ְבּ ֵה ֣מוֹת‬
kab-bëhèmòμ ‘like the beasts’ (49.13); qe†elt
(<*qi†ilt): εμεθθαχ ‫ ֲא ִמ ֶ ֽתָּך‬±≥mittÆúå
ý ‘your faith-
fulness’ (30.10). Note that in ημεθ ‫ ֱא ֶ ֽמת‬±(mÆμ
‘truth’ (31.6) the vowel after ± in the initial
syllable is è. The development appears to have
been *±imint > *±imitt > *±emet > ±èmet, in
which the more original initial e has been
lengthened, whereas in εμεθθαχ the more origi-
nal short vowel e has been preserved. A ‫ל"י‬
(final yod) form is βριθ ‫ ְבּ ִ ֣רית‬bërìμ ‘convenant’
(89.40).
Patterns containing an original long vowel
qò†al (<*qà†al): αωλαμ ‫עוֹלם‬ ֽ ָ ‫ ָה‬håý-≠òlåým ‘eter-
Septuagint σωφερ ‫שׁוֹפר‬ ֵ , TT ‫שׁוֹפר‬ ָ֔ šòƒå ýr ‘horn’
(1 Chron. 15.28); qa†òl (<*qa†àl): χαβωδ
‫ ָכּ ֥בוֹד‬kåý∫ò≈ ‘glory’ (29.1); qa†ìl: θαμιμ ‫ָ֜תּ ִ֗מים‬
ýmìm ‘upright man’ (18.26), ασιδαυ ‫ידיו‬
tå ֥ ָ ‫ֲח ִ֫ס‬
™≥sì≈å ýw ‘his faithful (mpl)’ (31.24); qa†ìlat:
ϊϊδαθι ‫ יְ ִח ָיד ִ ֽתי‬yë™ì≈åýμì ‘my soul’ (35.17); qa†ùl:
probably in the Septuagint φαρουριμ ‫רוּרים‬ ִ ‫ ָפּ‬,
TT ‫[ ] ַבּ[ ַפּ ְרוָ ִ ֑רים‬bap-]parwå ýrìm ‘in the precincts’
(2 Kgs 23.11).
qe†òl (<*qi†àl): βχωρ ‫ ְבּ ֣כוֹר‬bëúòr ‘firstborn’
(89.28), ελωειμ ‫ֹלהים‬ ִ֗ ‫ ֱ֜א‬±(lòhìm ‘God’ (36.2);
qV†l: χσιλ ‫ ְכּ ִ ֣סיל‬kësìl ‘fool’ (49.11); qe†ùl
(<*qu†ùl): γεδουδ ‫ גְּ ֑דוּד‬gë≈ù≈ ‘a troop’ (18.30),
εμουνιμ ‫ ֭ ֱאמוּנִ ים‬±(mùnìm ‘loyal’ (31.24); qi†ùlat:
βαεμουναθι ‫ ֶבּ ֱאמוּנָ ִ ֽתי‬bÆ-±(mùnå ýμì ‘my faithful-
ness’ (89.34). In Jerome gebul ‫ ] ַה[גְּ ֣בוּל‬hag-gë∫ùl
‘border’ (Obad. 7), emuna ‫ה‬ ֒ ָ‫ ] ֶל[ ֱאמוּנ‬lÆ-±(mùnåý
‘truth’ (Jer. 5.3). This pattern seems to have
arisen from an original qu†ùl pattern by a
process of vowel dissimilation u–u > i–u (see
Yuditsky 2005:130–132).
qa††alat: χαϊαλωθ ‫ ָכּ ַאיָּ ֑לוֹת‬kå
ý-±ayyå
ýlòt ‘like hinds’
(18.34); qe††el (<*qi††il): εκκης ‫≠ ֜ ִﬠ ֵ ֗קּשׁ‬iqqèš ‘per-
verse’ (18.27); qa††ìl: σαδδικιμ ‫ ַצ ִדּי ִ ֑ קים‬ßaddìqìm
‘upright men’ (32.11); qe††òl (<*qi††àl): βχεννωρ
‫ ְ֜בּ ִכנּ֗ וֹר‬bë-úinnòr ‘upon a harp’ (49.5). Jerome
has qa†tòl (<*qa††àl) sacchore ‫כּוֹרי‬ ֥ ֵ ‫ ִשׁ‬šikkòrè
‘drunkards of’ (Isa. 28.3); qo††elat (<*qu††ulat):
 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
the noun οννεχαθ ‫ ֻחנְּ ַכת‬, TT ‫≥™ ֲחנֻ ַ ֖כּת‬nukkaμ
‘dedication of’ (30.1) should apparently be
treated as having derived form an original
qu†ulat pattern, changing to *qu†ilat by vowel
dissimilation u–u > u–i.
3.3.4 Quadriconsonantal Noun Patterns
qalqal, qelqel (<*qilqil), qolqol (<*qulqul):
these patterns exhibit the reduplicated pat-
tern qVlqVl. In the Greek transliterations of
the Hexapla one finds σασαιμ ‫אצ ִאים‬ ָ ‫ ָצ‬, TT
‫[ ] ַה[ ֶ ֽצּ ֱא ָצ ִאים‬haß-]šÆ±(ßåý±ìm ‘the offspring (pl)’
(Isa. 22.24) in the qalqal pattern. There are also
such transcriptions as γελγελ ‫[ ] ַה[גַּ ְל ַגּ֖ל‬hag-]gal-
gal ‘the wheel’ (Ezek. 10.13), σερσερωθ ‫ַשׁ ְר ְשׁרוֹת‬
šaršëròμ ‘chains’ (2 Chron. 3.16). In these cases,
the e vowel has shifted to a in the Tiberian tra-
dition (see Yuditsky 2008b:302–304). Jerome
mentions nouns of the original qulqul pattern,
e.g., bocboc ‫∫ ַב ְק ֻ ֖בּק‬aqbuq ‘bottle’ (Jer. 19.1),
chodchod ‫ ַ ֽכּ ְדכֹד‬ka≈úò≈ ‘ruby’ (Isa. 54.12)
(taken from Aquila’s χοδχοδ). Their first vowel
o (u) has changed to a in Tiberian Hebrew,
probably due to dissimilation (see Kutscher
1959:359–360).
qo†lel (<*qu†lul): χορσελαϊ ‫ ֻכּ ְר ְצ ַלי‬, TT ‫ַק ְר ֻס ָ ֽלּי‬
qarsullå ýy ‘my feet’ (18.37). This noun is puz-
zling. It should, however, be treated as the
transcription of korßeláy (<*kurßiláy), from an
original *qurßuláy. This development might be
outlined as follows: *qurßuláy > *kurßuláy by
dissimilation of the emphatics q–ß > k–ß, and
then *kurßuláy > *kurßiláy, because of vowel
dissimilation u–u > u–i.
qV†lol (<*qu†lul): in the following set of
Jerome’s transcriptions an o vowel occurs that
is not found in the Tiberian tradition: sarphod
‫ ַס ְרפֹּד‬, TT ‫[ ] ַה[ ִסּ ְר ַ ֖פּד‬has-]sirpa≈ ‘the brier’ (Isa.
55.13), sinthoroth ‫ ַצנְ ְתּ ֣רוֹת‬ßantëròμ ‘spouts’
(Zech. 4.12).
3.3.5 Prefixed Noun Patterns
In the transcriptions intial a in bisyllabic nouns
is not attenuated. Thus, the original prefixes
ma-/mi- and ta- are generally preserved, while
exceptions should be explained as due to vari-
ous phonetic processes.
maq†al/maq†alat: μισγαβ ‫ ִמ ְשׂ ָגּֽב‬mi«gå ý∫ ‘haven’
(46.8), μαβσαραυ ‫ ִמ ְב ָצ ָ ֣ריו‬mi∫ßåråw ‘his strong-
ý ý
holds’ (89.41), λαμαλαμα ‫ ַל ִמּ ְל ָח ָ ֑מה‬lam-mil™åýmå
ý ‫ ]וְ [ ַת ְר ֵדּ ָ ֖מה‬wë-μardèmåý ‘deep sleep’ (Gen. 15.12).
‘for the battle’ (18.40), μαφαλωθ ‫ִמ ְפ ֲﬠ ֣לוֹת‬
miƒ≠≥lòμ ‘(the) works (of)’ (46.9), etc. Jerome
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
819
has machthab ‫ ִמ ְכ ָ ֖תּב‬miútå ý∫ ‘writing’ (Isa.
38.9), mesphat ‫ ] ְל[ ִמ ְשׁ ָפּ ֙ט‬lë-mišƒa† ‘for justice’
(Isa. 5.7), etc. In μισγαβ and mesphat, the a
> i/e shift has occurred in contact with the
following sibilants « or š. A form that is both
‫( פ"י‬initial yod ) and ‫( ל"א‬final ±alef ) is ουμωσα
‫וּמוֹצא‬ ָ֥ u-mòßå ý ‘and the utterance of’ (89.35);
‫( ל"י‬final yod) forms are μασε ‫ ַמ ֲח ֶ ֣סה‬ma™≥sÆ
‘refuge’ (46.2), μαρμωθ ‫ ִ֜מ ְרמוֹת‬mirmòμ ‘decep-
tion’ (35.20), etc.
maq†el (<*maq†il): Jerome notes machthes
‫[ ] ַה[ ַמּ ְכ ֵ ֑תּשׁ‬ham-]maútèš ‘the Maktesh’ (Zeph.
1.11) and the ‫( פ"א‬initial ±alef ) form mozene
‫ ֽמ ֹאזְ נֵ י‬mòznè ‘balances of’ (Ezek. 45.10).
maq†òl (<*maq†ul): μαζμωρ ‫ ִמזְ ֗מוֹר‬mizmòr
‘psalm’ (29.1), μαχωβιμ ‫אוֹבים‬ ִ֗ ‫ ַמ ְכ‬maú±ò∫ìm
‘torments’ (32.10), etc.
maqell (<*maqill): μαγεν ‫ ָמ ֵג֥ ן‬må ý:gèn ‘shield’
(18.31), etc.
maqoll (<*maqull): ουμαοζ ‫וּמ ֤ﬠוֹז‬ ָ֨ u-måý≠òz
‘strength’ (28.8), etc. The transcription ουμαοζ
represents a short o vowel, whereas the plene
writing of the Tiberian Masoretic text points to
a long vowel, which occurs in the Theodotion
transliteration μαωζειμ (see below).
maqòl: λμαωλ ‫ ְל ָמ ֪חוֹל‬lë-må ý™òl ‘into dancing’
(30.12), etc.; in Theodotion’s transliteration
μαωζειμ ‫ ָמעוֹזִ ים‬, TT ‫ ָ ֽמ ֻﬠ ִ֔זּים‬må ý≠uzzìm ‘strong-
holds’ (Dan. 11.38).
maqùlat: ουμσουδαθι ‫צוּד ִ ֣תי‬ָ ‫וּמ‬ ְ u-mßù≈åýμì ‘and
my fortress’ (31.4); in the Septuagint perhaps
μαζουρωθ ‫ ַמזֻּ רוֹת‬, TT ‫ ַמזָּ ֣רוֹת‬mazzå ýròμ ‘(the con-
stellation) Mazzaroth’ (Job. 38.32).
meqellat (<*miqillat): μεεθθα ‫ ְמ ִח ָתּה‬më™ittå ý
‘ruin’ (89.41) and Jerome’s megella ‫ְמגִ ָ ֥לּה‬
më:gillå ý ‘sroll’ (Zech. 5.1) probably reflect an
original e (i) vowel in the prefix.
miq†òl: in the Septuagint one finds the ‫פ"י‬
(initial yod) form μισωρ ‫[ ] ַה[ ִמּי ֥שׁ ֹר‬ham-]mìšòr
‘the table-land’ (Josh. 13.9) and the ‫( ע"י‬middle
yod) form μεχωνωθ ‫[ ] ַה[ ְמּכֹנ֛ וֹת‬ham-]mëúònòμ
‘the bases’ (1 Kgs 7.27). Jerome has mechonoth
‫[ ] ַה[ ְמּכֹנ֑ וֹת‬ham-]mëúònòμ ‘bases’ (Jer. 27.19).
taq†alt: A ‫( פ"י–ל"י‬initial yod–final yod) noun
is θωραθι ‫תּוֹר ִ ֑תי‬ ָ tòråýμì ‘my law’ (89.31), whose
original (non-suffixed) form must have been
*tawrayt. Jerome transcribes thoda ‫תּוֹדה‬ ֔ ָ tò≈åý
‘sacrifice of thanksgiving’ (Am. 4.5).
taq†elat (*taq†ilat): in Jerome thardema
820 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
teqellat (<*tiqillat): ουθφελλαθι ‫וּ֜ ְת ִפ ָלּ ִ֗תי‬
ýμì ‘my prayer’ (35.13), etc.; Jerome has
u-μƒillå
thephellath ‫‘ * ְתּ ִפ ַלּת‬prayer’ (Isa. 38.9).
taq†ùl/taq†ùlat: θανουναι ‫נוּנֽי‬ ָ ‫ ַתּ ֲח‬ta™≥nùnåýy
‘my supplications’ (28.6). An ‫( ע"י‬middle yod)
form is θβουνωθ ‫ ְתבוּנֽ וֹת‬μë∫ùnòμ ‘comprehen-
sion’ (49.4), etc. Jerome has thalulim ‫לוּלים‬ ֖ ִ ‫]וְ [ ַת ֲﬠ‬
[wë-]μa≠≥lùlìm ‘and babes’ (Isa. 3.4).
3.3.6 Suffixed Noun Patterns
qa†lòn: ‫( ל"י‬final yod) forms include: αυωναν
‫≥≠ ֲﬠ ָוֹנֽם‬wònåým ‘their sin’ (89.33), αδωναϊ ‫ֲ֜אד ָֹ֗ני‬
±≥≈ònå ýy ‘my Lord’ (30.9), etc.
qi†lòn: φεδιων ‫ ִפּ ְדי֥ וֹן‬pi≈yòn (49.9), etc. Jerome
has segionoth ‫ ִשׁגְ י ֹנֽ וֹת‬ši:gyònòμ ‘shigionoth’
(Hab. 3.1).
qa†làn: Jerome has anian ‫≠ ִﬠנְ ַי֣ ן‬inyan ‘task’
(Qoh. 1.13), aramanoth ‫ ַא ְר ְמנ֥ וֹת‬±armënòμ ‘pal-
aces of’ (Amos 1.12).
Further suffixed forms: Theodotion has
ελμωνι ‫מוֹני‬ ִ ‫[ ] ְפּ‬pëlònì] ±almònì ‘such
ֽ ִ ‫ֹלנ֖י[ ַא ְל‬
and such’ (1 Sam. 21.3), φελμωνι ‫מוֹנ֣י‬ ִ ‫] ַל[ ַ ֽפּ ְל‬
[lap-]palnònì ‘the certain one’ (Dan. 8.13).
Jerome has argaman ‫ ַא ְרגָּ ָ֙מן‬±argå ýmåýn ‘purple’
(Ezek. 27.16), leviathan ‫ ִלוְ יָ ָ֔תן‬liwyå ýμå
ýn ‘Levia-
than’ (Isa. 27.1).
3.3.7 Numerals
In the Hexapla one finds ααθ ‫ ַ ֭א ַחת‬±a™aμ ‘once’
(89.36), with the original qa†alt (*±a™adt >
*±a™att > ±a™at) pattern. Jerome attests more
numerals, e.g., sene ‫ ְשׁנֵ֙ י‬šënè ‘two’ (Ezek. 15.4),
salos ‫ ְשׁ ֹ֥ל ֶשׁת‬šëlòšÆμ ‘three’ (Jon. 3.3), saba [‫] ַה‬
‫[ ִשּׁ ְב ֗ ָﬠה‬haš-]ši∫≠åý‘the seven’ (Jer. 15.9), aste esre
‫≠ ַﬠ ְשׁ ֵ ֣תּי ֶﬠ ְשׂ ֵ ֣רה‬aštè ≠Æ«rè ‘eleven’ (Ezek. 40.49),
arbaim ‫ ַא ְר ָבּ ִ ֣ﬠים‬±arbå ý≠ìm ‘forty’ (Jon. 3.4).
3.4 Particles
3.4.1 Various Adverbs and Particles
In αααα ‫ ֶה ָ ֣אח ֶה ָ ֑אח‬hÆ-±åý™ hƱå
ý™ ‘aha, aha’
(35.21) the transcription reflects primitive vow-
els; in αϊη ‫ ַא ֵיּ֤ה‬±ayyè ‘where?’ (89.50) the final
long vowel is of interest; in the case of the
Septuagint’s αφφω ‫ף־הוּא‬ ֣ ‫ ַא‬±aƒ-hù ‘also’ (2 Kgs
2.14; see also 2 Kgs 10.10) the transcription
corresponds to both ‫ף־הוּא‬ ֣ ‫ ַא‬±aƒ-hù and ‫ֵאפוֹא‬
񊟕, implying that the latter is an abbreviation
of the former, compare ‫ אפהו‬for ‫ ֵאפוֹא‬±èƒò in
the Dead Sea Scrolls; in ελ ‫ ַאל‬±al ‘not’ (31.2,
etc.). The origin of the vowel e is puzzling; in
εσερ ‫שׁר‬ ֣ ֶ ‫ ֲא‬±≥šÆr ‘that, which’ (31.8, etc.) both
vowels seem to be original. Jerome also gives
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
eser ‫ ֲא ֶ ֥שׁר‬±≥šÆr (Ezek. 40.49); in the case of
μεββελαδη ‫ ִמ ַבּ ְל ֲﬠ ֵ ֣די‬mib-bal≠≥≈è ‘except’ (18.32)
the transcription attests to the e vowel after the
beth, while in the Tiberian tradition the cor-
responding i vowel occurs exclusively in forms
without prefixed particles, e.g., ‫ ִבּ ְל ֲﬠ ֵדי‬bil≠≥≈è;
in χεν ‫ ֵכּ֣ן‬kèn ‘so’ (46.3) the short vowel may be
the original one of the *kinn form, or it may
have been shortened in unstressed position; in
μωδ ‫אד‬ ֹ ֽ ‫ ְמ‬më±ò≈ ‘very’ (46.2) the breaking up
of an ultra-long vowel is not represented in the
transcription; in σελ ‫ ֶ ֽס ָלה‬sÆlå
ý ‘selah’ (46.4, etc.)
the final vowel is rarely transcribed, similarly
to that of the 2ms. verbal suffix, but cf. σελα
‫ ֶ ֽס ָלה‬sÆlåý (32.7). In has Jerome sela ‫ ֶ ֑ס ָלה‬sÆlåý
‘selah’ (Hab. 3.3); in ρεκ ‫ ַ ֗רק‬raq ‘just’ (32.6) the
transcription probably reflects a primitive qill
pattern; in θεθ ‫ ַ ֣תּ ַחת‬ta™aμ ‘under’ (18.39, etc.)
the form is patterned after qi†l.
3.4.2 Monoconsonantal Prepositions and
the Article
These forms have been thoroughly described
by Brønno (1943:203–209, 216–237; see also
Janssens 1982:82-87).
The Prepositions ‫בכ"ל‬
The monoconsonantal prepositions attached
to nouns without the definite article at times
exhibit no vowel, e.g., βδερχ ‫ ְבּ ֶ ֽד ֶרְך‬bë-≈ÆrÆú ‘in
the way’ (32.8), χφαρδ ‫ ְכּ ֶפ ֶר ֘ד‬kë-ƒÆrÆ≈ ‘like a
mule’ (32.9), λμαωλ ‫ ְל ָמ ֪חוֹל‬lë-må ý™òl ‘into danc-
ing’ (30.12), etc. There are, however, many
forms without the definite article that exhibit a
vowel, usually a, which appears to be original,
e.g., βαεμουναθι ‫ ֶבּ ֱאמוּנָ ִ ֽתי‬bÆ-±:(mùnå ýμì ‘to my
faithfulness’ (89.34), βαφιεμ ‫יהם‬ ֖ ֶ ‫ ְבּ ִפ‬bë-ƒìhÆm ‘in
their mouth’ (49.14), λαβνη ‫ ִל ְבנֵ י‬li-∫nè ‘of the
sons of’ (49.1). In some cases it cannot be deter-
mined whether the noun has the definite article
or not, e.g., βαες ‫ ָבּ ֵ ֽאשׁ‬bå
ý-±èš ‘in the fire’ (46.10),
χαβημωθ ‫ ַכּ ְבּ ֵה ֣מוֹת‬kab-bëhèmòμ ‘like the beasts’
(49.13). There are a few examples with other
vowels, e.g., βεεζδαχ ‫ ְבּ ַ֫ח ְס ֶ ֥דָּך‬bë-™asdÆúå ý ‘in
your lovingkindness’ (31.8), χισους ‫ ְכּ ֥סוּס‬kë-sùs
‘like a horse’ (32.9), which must be attributed
to phonetic variation conditioned by neighbor-
ing sounds. Concerning the transcriptions with
no gemination, such as βασωμ ‫∫ ַב ֣צּוֹם‬aß-ßòm
‘with fasting’ (35.13), χασαμς ‫שּׁ ֶמשׁ‬ ֣ ֶ ‫ ַכ‬úaš-šÆmÆš
‘as the sun’ (89.37), they are best treated as
indefinite, since the gemination after the article
 transcription into greek and latin script: pre-masoretic period
-‫ ה‬h- is regularly represented in the Hexapla (see
below). In the Latin transcriptions the vowel of
the particle is always presented, e.g., baaphpho
‫ ְבּ ַא ֑פּוֹ‬bë-±appò ‘in his nose’ (Isa. 2.22), lacerath
‫ ִל ְק ַראת‬liqraμ ‘to meet’ (Amos 4.12).
The Preposition -‫מ‬
The independent preposition occurs in Jerome’s
works as men ‫ ִמן‬min ‘from’ (Isa. 2.22). In
the Hexapla the attached particle is usually
transcribed as με- with following gemination,
e.g., μεσσωηεμ ‫יהם‬ ֑ ֶ ‫ ִמשּׁ ֵֹא‬miš-šò±èhÆm ‘from their
destruction’ (35.17). There are also two dubi-
ous, apparently corrupt cases with no gemi-
nation and compensatory long vowel, e.g.,
μηεμμωαυ ‫ ֵ ֽמ ִﬠ ֑מּוֹ‬mè-≠immò ‘from him’ (89.34).
Yet, a few occurrences with neither gemination
nor compensation are also found, e.g., μενεγδ
‫ ִמ ֶנּ֪ גֶ ד‬min-nÆ:gÆ≈ ‘before’ (31.23). In Jerome’s
works one finds transcriptions with gemina-
tion, e.g., mebbeth [‫ ִמ ֵבּ֣ית ] ֶ ֑ﬠ ֶדן‬mib-bèμ [≠Æ≈Æn]
‘from the house (of Eden)’ (Amos 1.5) versus
a form with non-geminated r merehem ‫ ֵמ ֶר ֶחם‬,
TT ‫י־ר ַחם‬ ֽ ָ ִ‫ ִמנּ‬minnì-rÆ™Æm ‘from the womb’
(Isa. 46.3).
The Conjuction -‫ו‬
The particle is transcribed as ου and, in most
cases, exhibits no following vowel, e.g., ουμαοζ
ָ֨ u-måý≠òz ‘fortress’ (28.8), ουνεσσημ ‫ְ ֜ונַ ְשּׂ ֵ֗אם‬
‫וּמ ֤ﬠוֹז‬
wë-na««ë±èm ‘and carry (ms) them!’ (28.9).
Conjunctive waw and conversive waw before
verbal forms are usually not distinguished,
e.g., ουϊαρουμ ‫ ְ ֜ויָ ֗רוּם‬wë-yå
ýrùm ‘and he will
be exalted’ (18.47) versus ουϊεθθεν ‫ וַ יִּ ֵ ֖תּן‬way-
yittèn ‘and he gave’ (18.33). There are, how-
ever, a few, mostly verbal forms displaying a
vowel, e.g., ουαθθεμας ‫ וַ ִתּ ְמ ָ ֑אס‬wat-tim±å
ýs ‘and
you (ms) rejected’ (89.39), ουεϊεριβου ‫וַ יַּ ְר ִ ֥חיבוּ‬
way-yar™ì∫ù ‘and they opened wide’ (35.21),
ουαδωρ ‫ וָ ֑ד ֹר‬wå
ý-≈òr ‘and generation’ (49.12).
In Jerome’s transliterations the letter u is used
to express the particle, e.g., ulo ‫ וְ ֥ל ֹא‬wë-lò ‘and
not’ (Zech. 14.17).
The Article
The definite article, along with following
gemination, are consistently represented in the
Hexapla wherever possible, e.g., αββαιθ ‫ַה ַ ֣בּיִ ת‬
hab-bayiμ ‘the house’ (30.1), ασσωμριμ ‫ַהשּׁ ְֹמ ִ ֥רים‬
haš-šòmrìm ‘those who keep’ (31.7), βαμμα-
λαμα ‫ ַבּ ִמּ ְל ָח ָ ֽמה‬bam-mil™å
ýmå
ý ‘in the battle’
(89.44). In Jerome’s transcriptions the gemina-
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3
821
tion is not always indicated, e.g., aggoi ‫ַהגּ֖ וֹי‬
hag-gòy ‘the nation’ (Mal. 3.9) versus adagim
‫ ַה ָדּ ֔ ִגים‬had-d<å:gìm ‘the fish’ (Zeph. 1.10).
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The present research was financially supported by
the Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture. My
thanks are due to Prof. A. Borg who has helped
with the style of the text of the article.
Alexey (Eliyahu) Yuditsky
(Ben-Gurion University of the Negev)
Transcription into Latin Script:
Jerome
St. Jerome (Hieronymus in Latin) spent the last
thirty-four years of his life, until his death in
419/420 C.E., in Palestine (specifically, Beth-
lehem), where he was occupied with translat-
ing the Hebrew Bible into Latin; later this