Professional Documents
Culture Documents
2009
Article
William Cornish.
*8 A. INTRODUCTION
B. THE EMERGENCE OF THE RIGHT OF "COPY"
C. COPYRIGHT IN SPEECH AND SONG
(1) George Thomson and the collection of folk-song
(2) Walter Scott and the Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border
(3) The collector as "author"
(4) Copyright in recorded sound
D. TRADITIONAL CULTURE: ITS PROTECTION TODAY
(1) Community rights in folklore
(2) The WIPO draft Convention
E. FINAL THOUGHTS
A. INTRODUCTION
I begin by drawing together two events from the reign of Queen Anne. One is the Union of
Scotland and England in 1707. The other is the system of copyright protection that was fired by the
celebrated Statute of Queen Anne in 1710 - a precocious blaze, kindled ahead of other nations by the
best part of a century.
From the Union I will draw only one theme - that awareness of Scottishness which was so much
heightened in its aftermath, and which was supported in a flourishing literature. Plainly this formed a
significant part of the rise of an educated, polite society that folded into the renascent economy and life
2
of the country. By the first centenary of the Union, "Scotland" had acquired a patina of myth, a pearly
Ossianism, that was highly attractive to German and other Teutonic *9 literati. It contributed its own
glow to their idealisation of the Romantic poet, painter and composer. And it is that beguiling image
which many post-modern critics now see as leading copyright law into extravagant overgrowth. I
myself think that particular case is exaggerated. However, there is no denying that such arguments are
part of a dispute over the nature and extent of copyright protection which has gone on ever since the
Statute of Anne.
There were severe Anglo-Scottish tensions in the development of the copyright idea in the
eighteenth century and I shall touch briefly upon them. [FN1] Then I will relate these developments to
the evolution of a literature of folklore, by referring to some Scottish examples that are very much part
of the rise in national consciousness. Next I will note how copyright broadened and intensified over
time and what the relationship of these developments was to those who provided the sources of folk
material. Finally I shall say something of the relation between these historical elements and the current,
by no means uncontroversial, movement to protect folklore on a communal basis world-wide, as one
corrective for the past ravages of Western colonialism.
The Statute of Anne 1710 on the right of "copy" came after nearly three centuries of print
technology, during most of which monarchs feared attacks on their own irregular lines of succession
and on the church factions to which they had allied themselves. In England, their need to censor radical
literature coalesced with the interest of the early booksellers and printers to act as exclusionary guilds.
The result from the 1550s was twin-headed. The Tudors and Stuarts used their prerogative to grant
exclusive patents for publishing books of certain kinds (one of them was the patent for law books);
these accordingly were monopolies of considerable breadth and printers would pay well for them, and
pay, moreover, in advance. The booksellers, through their Stationers' Company in London, provided a
licensing system, with state backing, giving their members sole rights over particular titles. [FN2] In
the long struggles against the Stuarts, the licensing system gradually weakened; and after the Protestant
succession in 1695 it disappeared for good. The Lockeian atmosphere of the times fostered the *10 idea
that the rewards of the bookselling enterprise should come from market sales rather than from the
support of patrons or the permission of governments. The London Stationers had trade rules preventing
them from reprinting each other's titles and these lasted indefinitely. But they were left without redress
against provincial upstarts who reprinted "their" books without licence. It was this trade coterie,
therefore, that provided the thrust for the legislation of 1710. Nonetheless the new law came with
limitations that would provide the conceptual skeleton for so much that would follow over three
centuries.
This is not the place for an anatomical dissection of the Act: let me identify only a knuckle or two
of its backbone. First, the right of "copy" in "books and other writings" under the Statute was no longer
given directly to booksellers, as it had been under the old licensing system. The initial recipient was the
author, thus offering a justification for the Act which related to the valuable intellectual activity of
writing useful books. At the same time the right was open to transfer by the author to a successor in
title (in other words, the bookseller - or publisher, as he later became). This hierarchy of title
strengthened the notion that what was being conferred was a literary property, over and above internal
trade practices. However, the right took effect only upon publication, so a bookseller had already to
have entered the relationship as the entrepreneurial risk-taker. The right, moreover, was dependent on
registering the title with the Stationers' Company; and it carried with it an obligation on the bookseller
to deposit a number of copies with national institutions. The result thus reeked of philosophical
compromise rather than wholehearted commitment. In recent years, critics of self-serving ambiguities
and contradictions in matters political and legal have delighted in sniffing them out.
3
Secondly, the rights laid down in the Statute continued the approach of the old licensing system, in
that those who infringed the right of copy became liable to have their copies destroyed; and they were
subjected to a legal penalty of 1d a sheet, half to the Crown, half to the right-holder. For new books,
this right in the Statute lasted for only fourteen years from publication, with the possibility of a further
fourteen years if the author was then still alive.
English courts began to accept that a civil right of action arose at law. In doing so, however, they
refused to adhere to this time limit: first of all Chancery granted injunctions protecting "out-of-time"
books against piracy; and eventually, in 1769, the Court of King's Bench unearthed a common law
property which gave rise to damages for infringement also beyond the Statute of Anne's period. The
common law right was accordingly perpetual. [FN3] The historical foundations of *11 this literary
property have been hotly contested by modern scholars; but it is not my purpose to explore that issue,
or the fascinating question of how to regard a judicial precedent that has been justified upon historical
error. Suffice it to note that the courts in Scotland refused to find any equivalent right. According to
Lord Kames, there was no foundation for it "either in the law of nature, or the law of nations, nor was
any vestige of such a right to be found in the law of Scotland". Calculating the economic consequences
of perpetual copyright after the manner of Adam Smith, he denounced the consequences as raising the
price of good books beyond the reach of ordinary readers and leaving the commerce of books "in a
worse state than before printing was invented". [FN4] The ultimate showdown came in the English case
of Donaldson v Becket in 1774. [FN5] This took the question of perpetual right on appeal to the House
of Lords, at that time still a general chamber not confined to Law Lords. The majority of those present
voted in favour of the Scottish view. By that vote they set a pattern, ultimately followed round the
world, of limiting copyright of published works by duration. A clear majority of the House felt impelled
to strike a balance with claims of the polity in general to a freedom of expression that extended to
copying the works of others.
This litigious "Battle of the Booksellers" involved many well-remembered personages: Sir William
Blackstone and Lord Mansfield, for instance, in favour of the perpetual right, Lord Camden and Mr
Justice Yates against. The opponent sans pareil, however, was Alexander Donaldson, Edinburgh
bookseller and entertainer, down in the West Bow, of the ebullient minds of the town. For it was
Donaldson who had the audacity to develop a reprint business at cut prices which he also took to his
shop in St Paul's Churchyard in London, the very hub of the Stationers. And it was against him above
all that the Stationers sought injunctions. He was the defendant in both the Scottish case against
perpetuity and in the English case which the Lords settled in 1774. [FN6] While the case for perpetuity,
which some English judges had favoured, would not in future stand much chance of a revival, there
were many other issues on which the protagonists of enlarged interests for publishers and their authors
would seek to revive the spirit of "literary property", and they would include the extension of term to
the period of the author's life and fifty years thereafter which was introduced by the Imperial Copyright
Act 1911.
In the many compromises that would be struck, the starting point was that copyright turned on
authorship. Who then could count as an author? The Statute of Anne was about the creation of books or
other writings and even more about their publication. My particular question is, how far, if at all, could
a person who contributed to another's book in a non-literate fashion - i.e. by speaking or singing - have
any claim to authorship, and so to the status that copyright law had settled to be primal; and in that
connection, did it matter that the performer was a mere repeater of what was already known? These are
significant questions when it comes to conjuring up a people's culture out of folk material. Given the
importance of that process to eighteenth century perceptions of Scottishness, let me give a couple of
examples.
4
Today there is rising interest in the capacity of developed, globalising law to provide some
recognition for those claiming rights over the traditional culture of their community, whether it is a
tribe, sect, caste or even the nationals of a state. The focus is upon North American Indians, Central
American peoples, African tribes, Australian aboriginals, New Zealand Maoris, and many others.
[FN46] The claims are often to decide upon and to share in the process of commercialising folklore;
but they may just as well be claims to protect what is private and sacred according to group
understandings. The copyright idea can to an extent cover both objectives, especially when backed by
liability for breach of confidence or invasion of privacy. So analogies to established forms of
intellectual property are often made alongside those rules that control access to physical material,
which are important where a manuscript is the only source, or a physical place needs to be entered.
E. FINAL THOUGHTS
The preservation of intangible cultural heritage poses many issues, as the American ethnologist,
Michael Brown, makes clear in his admirably balanced, Who owns Native Culture? The subject is
much wider than just the question of a copyright-like property right for indigenous communities. Many
people, backed by governments and international organisations, are today involved in the rescue
operations which see to the preservation and continued practice of ceremonies, *26 dances, ritual
enactments and sport-like contests that belong to past traditions. UNESCO, for instance, under its 2003
Convention, has a list of 90 masterpieces of folk culture from countries around the world, developed as
well as developing, which it fosters and seeks sponsors to keep alive; and it does much more than that.
11
Still it seems to me right, and indeed life-enhancing, to seek out an international system of
"owning" the characteristic expressions of a particular community's culture. There will need to be
limits, just as there are different limits in an individual ownership regime such as copyright. Such a
system is not going to lead to any systemic improvement of the lot of pre-literate peoples who have
been the subject, in some cases for several centuries, of selfish invasion and exploitation. This may
have involved eradication, enslavement, corralling and mind-bending through Western-style education
or indoctrination, religious or otherwise. But for some communities there may be certain flows of
revenue, and just occasionally floods. Too large a success inevitably poses administrative complexities
that leaders today must learn to manage in socially beneficent ways. The task requires flexibility and
acumen, since it is in the nature of these quasiprivate rights that they are only a foundation. It takes
enlightened initiative to build successful exploitations that bring the hoped-for returns and then to see
to their useful deployment for the future of culturally distinct communities. But, so long as the
enterprise does not get submerged in a quagmire of indecision, in which no one has the incentive to
drive the programme forward, it is surely an approach which the twentieth-first century should explore
vigorously, above all at the international level.
FN Herchel Smith Professor of Intellectual Property Law Emeritus, University of Cambridge. This is a
revised version of the Peter Chiene Lecture in Legal History given at the University of Edinburgh on
27 September 2007 as one of a series of lectures marking the tercentenary of the School of Law.
FN1. For a recent extensive study, where the growing literature can be found, see R Deazley, On the
Origin of the Right to Copy: Charting the Movement of Copyright Law in Eighteenth Century Britain
(1695-1775) (2004).
FN2. "Booksellers", until the mid-nineteenth century, were frequently both publishers and distributors,
their distribution arrangements operating through complex liaisons which earned them the title of
"congers" - congeries, with a certain likeness to the eels.
FN3. Millar v Taylor (1769) 4 Burr 2303, Yates J dissenting (at his peril).
FN4. Hinton v Donaldson (1773) Mor 8307, reproduced more fully in S Parks (ed), The Literary
Property Debate: Six Tracts, 1764-1774 (1975) item C, and also at
http://www.copyrighthistory.org/cgibin/kleioc/0010/exec/showThumb/ùk_ 1773/start/yes.
FN5. (1774) 2 Bro PC 129.
FN6. For his role as provocateur and its effects on the laws of Scotland and England, see especially R S
Tompson, "Scottish judges and the birth of British copyright" 1992 JR 18.
FN7. J C Hadden, George Thomson, the Friend of Burns (1898) 23.
FN8. They also included Andrew Erskine, who 30 years before had pressed poetry on Alexander
Donaldson, alongside his companion, the young James Boswell.
FN9. See D McArdle, "Beethoven and George Thomson" (1956) 39 Music and Letters 27; B Cooper,
Beethoven's Folksong Settings: Chronology, Sources, Style (1994) 11-29, 39-43; K Geiringer, "Haydn
and the folksong of the British Isles" (1949) 35 The Musical Quarterly 179.
FN10. Hadden, George Thomson (n 7) 39.
FN11. A few years before, Thomson had nicely fixed their social relationship by writing to Cockburn:
"You have ever treated me in the most friendly and condescending manner": Hadden, George Thomson
(n 7) 97.
FN12. According to Hadden, George Thomson (n 7) 39-40, while Thomson went on the trip with
introductions to "amateurs and antiquaries .. many of his airs were taken down by himself from the
singing or playing of the native harpers". Compare the search techniques of the American collectors,
Jeremiah and Alma Curtin, working at the end of the nineteenth century in Ireland, as recounted in A
Bourke, "Jeremiah Curtin's Irish journeys", Parnell Lecture 2006, Magdalene College, Cambridge
Occasional Paper No 35.
FN13. Published in London, but printed in Kelso between 1798 and 1802.
12
FN14. Thomas Percy's Reliques of Ancient English Poetry (1765) showed the increasing popularity of
the genre. See generally, J Sutherland, The Life of Sir Walter Scott (1995) ch 4.
FN15. For the usages of the word, see M N McLane, "The figure minstrelsy makes: poetry and
historicity" (2003) 29 Critical Inquiry Spring/3; M N McLane, "Tuning the multi-media nation... "
(2004) 15 European Romantic Review 289.
FN16. On this score, Joseph Ritson was already the Bishop's biting antagonist, but Scott, not
untypically, struck up something of a relationship with him: Sutherland, Sir Walter Scott (n 14) 80, 86.
FN17. For the row over Scott's taking down of ballads from Mrs Hogg Snr, see e.g. V Bold, "Nouther
right spelled nor right setten down", in E J Cowan (ed), The Ballad in Scottish History (2000).
FN18. The most detailed study is M R Dobie, "The development of Scott's Minstrelsy: an attempt at
reconstruction" (1940) 2 Edinburgh Bibliographical Society Transactions 1, 66.
FN19. H L MacQueen, "'My tongue is mine ain': copyright, the spoken word and privacy" (2005) 68
MLR 349.
FN20. (1880) 49 Fortnightly Review 319.
FN21. (1858) 20 D 1154. The suspenders' main defence was that there could be no copyright work
without authors, and that their names had to be registered in order that the full term under the
Copyright Act 1842 could be ascertained, since it would extend from 42 years to 7 years from the last
author's death if that was longer.
FN22. At 1163.
FN23. See also the slightly earlier decision of the Inner House in Alexander v Mackenzie (1847) 9 D
748: a Committee of the Society of Writers to the Signet was interdicted for circulating legal forms for
proceedings under the Heritable Securities and Infeftment Acts of 1845 that had been written by Mr
Alexander. Regret that it should have come to court was Lord Fullerton's opening sentence.
FN24. In the period when the jurisdictions of the various superior courts in England were being drawn
together (notably by the Judicature Acts 1873-5), some of the Chancery judges sought to preserve
equitable ideas based on large moral principles, and supported by such equitable remedies as injunction
and receivership, against the crabbed specificity of the common law. In the realm of copyright these
judges were ready to offer comfort to anyone who had made a written record of the most mundane
material. See, e.g., the extraordinary decision of Malins VC in Cox v Land and Water Journal Co
(1869) LR 9 Eq 324.
FN25. [1900] AC 539.
FN26. Earl Rosebery considered his speeches to have been given to the public for reproduction by
anyone; but he did keep a record of The Times articles in an album.
FN27. Lord Halsbury was ready to take as his starting point Lord Deas' rejection of the view (n 22
above) that intellectual labour alone constituted the basis of copyright under the Copyright Act 1842.
FN28. Roberton v Lewis [1976] RPC 169, a case decided in 1960.
FN29. See, e.g., Express Newspapers v News (UK) [1990] 1 WLR 1320; Sawkins v Hyperion Records
Ltd [2005] 1 WLR 3281.
FN30. Roberton v Lewis [1976] RPC 169.
FN31. Tracing back, Dame Vera's song came from the Scots Guards' arrangement made first by Pipe
Major Crabb, who took it down for bagpipes from a sergeant, who had sung it at a mess dinner. The
tune was known to have existed from much earlier times under various names. The link back to Sir
Hugh's published or recorded versions was not made out.
FN32. Previously Lord President, he was a firm Conservative in the mould of Dicey. As Rector of
Edinburgh University he urged the study of socialism in order to expose its real objective: "A State in
which man shall live by bread alone; in which, once for all, the human soul shall be given in exchange
for rations; a state, of which slavery is not merely an institution but the corner stone and in which the
gates of intellectual freedom are shut for ever on mankind": J P B Robertson, The Duty of Educated
Intellect to the State: an address delivered to matriculated students of the University of Edinburgh
13
(1895) 21-22, quoted by R B Stevens, Law and Politics: the House of Lords as a Judicial Body, 1800-
1976 (1978) 131.
FN33. [1900] AC 539 at 561.
FN34. Proclaiming the magnitude of their investment in the new technology, they occupied a great deal
of the time of the Gorell Royal Commission of 1909, which was established to consider the
amendments to the existing ragbag of copyrights needed to comply with the revision of the Berne
Copyright Convention by the Berlin Act 1908. Its well-argued report, taken together with the ensuing
meeting with representatives of the Dominions, would lead to the much better structured Imperial
Copyright Act of 1911.
FN35. The US Copyright Act 1909 s 26 defined "author" to include an employer in the case of works
made for hire, a concept eventually given a wide interpretation: see P Goldstein, Copyright: Principles,
Law, Practice (1989) I, 4.3.1.
FN36. Copyright Act 1911 s 19.
FN37. Since Council Directive 93/98/EEC OJ 1993 L290/9 extended the duration of authors' copyright
to their lives and seventy years, the disparity has been more marked.
FN38. Gowers Review of Intellectual Property (2006, available e.g. at http://
www.cipil.law.cam.ac.uk/policy_documents/Gower.pdf) ch3.
FN39. Since Council Directive 92/100/EEC OJ 1992 L346/61, this is recognised to be a matter to be
determined by European law and the Commission is currently making its own assessment.
FN40. In 1952, the Gregory Committee on Copyright still adhered to such arguments: see Report of the
Copyright Committee (Cmd 8662: 1952) pt VII. For the position after the 1988 legislation see n 42
below.
FN41. As, for example, in the Netherlands.
FN42. Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 pt II, subsequently revised to give effect to Council
Directive 92/100 OJ 1992 L346/61.
FN43. The leading text specifically on this byzantine set of rights is R Arnold, Performers' Rights, 3rd
edn (2008).
FN44. Or what, in some instances, legislation requires to be paid. Thus the EU Directive (n 42)
requires equitable remuneration to be paid to performers in respect of rentals of their recordings.
FN45. Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 s 3(1), (3).
FN46. At the end rises the question, why only them? Just as the claim may be not just about folk tales
and songs, but about art work, buildings or special places, so it may be about things in a developed
country. In 1991, the State of Galicia declared General Franco's Pazo de Meirás castle a national
monument, but his widow has occupied it since his death, and is locked in litigation against opening it
to the public.
FN47. See art 15(4) and, for its genesis, S Ricketson and J Ginsburg, International Copyright and
Neighbouring Rights, 2nd edn (2006) para 7.18. One sop in the direction of this article is to be found in
the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 s 61, providing that a designated, non-profit body
may make recordings of folk song, where the words are unpublished and have no known author; but no
other copyright must be infringed (notably in the music), and no prohibition imposed by the performer.
The section also allows the supply of a single copy for non-commercial research or private study.
FN48. For the evolution of the whole subject and well-informed assessment of the current state of play,
see A Lucas-Schloetter, "Folklore", in S von Lewinski (ed), Indigenous Heritage and Intellectual
Property (2004) 259; S von Lewinski, "Adequate protection of folklore - a work in progress', in P
Torremans (ed), Copyright Law: Handbook of Contemporary Research (2007) ch 9. There is an
extensive literature which is reviewed in these articles.
FN49. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, Convention for the
Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (adopted 2003, in force 2006).
FN50. World Intellectual Property Organization, Draft Convention on the Protection of Traditional
14
Cultural Expressions (GRTKF/IC/9/4, 2005). For further work by WIPO's Intergovernmental
Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore, see
now the papers for its 13th Session, 13-17 Oct 2008.
FN51. See Chapman v Luminis Pty Ltd (No 5) [2001] FCA 1106; M Simons, The Meeting of the
Waters: the Hindmarsh Island Affair (2003).
FN52. In brief: to recognise the values of the material; to promote respect for it; to meet actual needs;
to prevent misappropriation; to empower communities; to support existing practices; to contribute to
safeguarding the material; to enhance innovation and creativity; to promote artistic freedom, research,
and cultural exchange on equitable terms; to contribute to cultural diversity; to promote community
development and legitimate trading; to preclude unauthorised use of intellectual property rights; to
enhance transparency, certainty and mutual confidence.
FN53. In abridged version: responsiveness; balance; respect for existing agreements and interests;
flexible comprehensiveness; respect for specific nature; complementarity to the protection of useful
traditional knowledge; respect for the rights of indigenous peoples; respect for customary usage and
modes of transmission; effectiveness and access to protection measures.
FN54. Foster v Mountford (1976) 29 FLR 233. The book was Charles Mountford's extensive
ethnographic study, Nomads of the Australian Desert (1976).
EDINLR 2009, 13(1), 8-26
END OF DOCUMENT
(c) 2010 Thomson Reuters. No Claim to Orig. US Gov. Works.
HANYA UNTUK PENGGUNAAN PENDIDIKAN
Edin. L.R. 2009, 13 (1), 8-26
Edinburgh Law Review
2009
Pasal
William Cornish.
* PENDAHULUAN A. 8
B. MUNCULNYA HAK "COPY"
C. HAK CIPTA DALAM CERAMAH DAN LAGU
15
(1) George Thomson dan koleksi lagu folk-
(2) Walter Scott dan syair dari Perbatasan Skotlandia
(3) kolektor sebagai "penulis"
(4) Hak cipta dalam rekaman suara
D. TRADISIONAL BUDAYA: PERLINDUNGAN ANAK HARI INI
(1) hak-hak Masyarakat dalam cerita rakyat
(2) Rancangan Konvensi WIPO
E. FINAL PIKIRAN
A. PENDAHULUAN
Saya mulai dengan menggambar bersama dua peristiwa dari masa pemerintahan Ratu Anne.
Salah satunya adalah Uni Skotlandia dan Inggris pada tahun 1707. Yang lainnya adalah
sistem perlindungan hak cipta yang dipecat oleh Statuta dirayakan Ratu Anne pada tahun
1710 - sebuah api cepat matang, menyalakan depan bangsa-bangsa lain dengan bagian
terbaik dari abad.
Dari Uni aku akan menggambar hanya satu tema - bahwa kesadaran Scottishness yang
sangat tinggi di sesudahnya, dan yang didukung dalam sastra berkembang. Jelas ini
membentuk bagian penting dari kebangkitan masyarakat, pendidikan sopan yang terlipat ke
dalam ekonomi yg bangun kembali dan kehidupan negara. Pada abad pertama Uni,
"Skotlandia" telah mengakuisisi sebuah patina mitos, sebuah Ossianism mutiara, yang sangat
menarik untuk Jerman dan Teutonik lainnya * 9 sastrawan. Hal ini memberikan kontribusi
cahaya sendiri untuk cita-cita mereka pelukis, penyair dan komposer Romantic. Dan adalah
bahwa gambar yang mempesona kritikus post-modern sekarang melihat sebagai pemimpin
hukum hak cipta ke berlebih boros. Saya sendiri berpikir bahwa kasus tertentu dibesar-
besarkan. Namun, tidak dapat disangkal bahwa argumen tersebut adalah bagian dari
sengketa sifat dan tingkat perlindungan hak cipta yang telah berlangsung sejak Statuta Anne.
Ada ketegangan Anglo-Skotlandia parah dalam pengembangan gagasan hak cipta pada abad
kedelapan belas dan saya akan menyinggung secara singkat kepada mereka. [FN1]
Kemudian saya akan perkembangan ini berhubungan dengan evolusi sastra cerita rakyat,
dengan mengacu pada beberapa contoh Skotlandia yang sangat bagian banyak peningkatan
kesadaran nasional. Selanjutnya aku akan perhatikan bagaimana hak cipta diperluas dan
ditingkatkan dari waktu ke waktu dan apa hubungan dari perkembangan ini adalah untuk
mereka yang memberikan sumber bahan rakyat. Akhirnya aku akan mengatakan sesuatu
tentang hubungan antara unsur-unsur sejarah dan saat ini, tidak berarti tidak kontroversial,
gerakan untuk melindungi cerita rakyat secara komunal di seluruh dunia, sebagai salah satu
korektif untuk kehancuran masa lalu kolonialisme Barat.
Statute of Anne 1710 di sebelah kanan "copy" datang setelah hampir tiga abad teknologi
cetak, selama sebagian besar raja takut serangan pada baris sendiri tidak teratur suksesi dan
pada faksi gereja yang telah mereka bersekutu. Di Inggris, kebutuhan mereka untuk
menyensor sastra radikal bersatu dengan kepentingan penjual buku awal dan printer untuk
bertindak sebagai guild eksklusif. Hasil dari tahun 1550-an adalah kembar berkepala. The
Tudors dan Stuart menggunakan hak prerogatif mereka untuk memberikan hak paten
eksklusif untuk menerbitkan buku-buku jenis tertentu (salah satunya adalah paten untuk
buku-buku hukum); ini yang sesuai adalah monopoli dari cukup luas dan printer akan
membayar baik bagi mereka, dan membayar, apalagi, dalam muka. Para penjual buku,
16
melalui Perusahaan Stationers mereka di London, menyediakan sistem lisensi, dengan
dukungan negara, memberikan hak-hak anggotanya tunggal atas judul tertentu. [FN2] Dalam
perjuangan panjang melawan Stuart, sistem perizinan melemah secara bertahap dan setelah
suksesi Protestan di 1695 itu menghilang untuk selamanya. Suasana Lockeian zaman
memupuk * 10 gagasan bahwa imbalan dari perusahaan penjualan buku harus berasal dari
penjualan di pasar bukan dari dukungan dari pelanggan atau izin dari pemerintah. Stationers
London peraturan perdagangan mencegah mereka dari pencetakan judul masing-masing dan
ini berlangsung tanpa batas. Tapi mereka dibiarkan tanpa ganti rugi terhadap upstarts
provinsi yang dicetak ulang "mereka" buku tanpa lisensi. Inilah kalangan teman-teman
berminat sama perdagangan, karena itu, yang memberikan dorongan untuk undang-undang
1710. Namun demikian undang-undang baru datang dengan keterbatasan yang akan
memberikan kerangka konseptual untuk begitu banyak yang akan mengikuti lebih dari tiga
abad.
Ini bukan tempat untuk pembedahan anatomi dari Undang-Undang: biarkan aku hanya
mengidentifikasi buku jari atau dua tulang punggung nya. Pertama, kanan "copy" dalam "buku
dan tulisan-tulisan lain" sesuai dengan Statuta tidak lagi diberikan langsung ke penjual buku,
seperti yang berada di bawah sistem lisensi lama. Penerima awal penulis, sehingga
menawarkan pembenaran bagi Undang-Undang yang terkait dengan aktivitas intelektual
berharga dari menulis buku yang bermanfaat. Pada saat yang sama kanan terbuka untuk
mentransfer oleh penulis untuk pengganti dalam judul (dengan kata lain, penjual buku - atau
penerbit, ketika ia kemudian menjadi). Ini hirarki judul memperkuat anggapan bahwa apa
yang diberikan adalah properti sastra, lebih dan di atas praktek-praktek perdagangan internal.
Namun, hak tersebut diberlakukan hanya pada publikasi, jadi penjual buku telah telah
memasuki hubungan sebagai pengambil-resiko kewirausahaan. Hak, apalagi, tergantung
pada pendaftaran judul dengan Perusahaan Stationers ', dan itu dilakukan dengan itu
kewajiban pada penjual buku untuk deposit jumlah salinan dengan lembaga nasional. Hasil
demikian berbau kompromi filosofis daripada komitmen sepenuh hati. Dalam beberapa tahun
terakhir, kritik ambiguitas egois dan kontradiksi di bidang politik dan hukum yang senang
mencium mereka.
Kedua, hak-hak yang ditetapkan dalam Statuta melanjutkan pendekatan sistem perizinan tua,
bahwa mereka yang melanggar hak copy menjadi cenderung memiliki salinan mereka
hancur, dan mereka dikenakan denda hukum 1d sheet, setengah Crown, setengah
pemegang kanan. Untuk buku baru, hak dalam Statuta berlangsung hanya empat belas tahun
dari publikasi, dengan kemungkinan empat belas tahun lagi jika penulis itu masih hidup.
pengadilan Inggris mulai menerima bahwa hak sipil tindakan tersebut muncul, di hukum.
Dengan demikian, bagaimanapun, mereka menolak untuk mematuhi batas waktu: pertama-
tama Chancery diberikan perintah melindungi "out-of-waktu" buku melawan pembajakan, dan
akhirnya, pada tahun 1769, Pengadilan King's Bench digali sebuah properti hukum umum
yang menimbulkan kerusakan untuk pelanggaran juga di luar periode Statuta Anne. Hukum
umum yang kanan sesuai abadi. [FN3] Fondasi historis * 11, properti ini sastra telah
diperebutkan oleh para sarjana modern, tetapi bukan tujuan saya untuk mengeksplorasi
bahwa masalah, atau pertanyaan menarik tentang bagaimana menganggap preseden
yudisial yang telah dibenarkan atas kesalahan historis. Cukuplah untuk dicatat bahwa
pengadilan di Skotlandia menolak untuk menemukan hak setara. Menurut Tuhan Kames,
tidak ada landasan untuk itu "baik dalam hukum alam, atau hukum negara, juga tidak ada
sisa-sisa seperti hak untuk dapat ditemukan dalam hukum Skotlandia". Menghitung
konsekuensi ekonomi hak cipta abadi setelah cara Adam Smith, ia mengecam konsekuensi
sebagai menaikkan harga buku bagus di luar jangkauan pembaca biasa dan meninggalkan
perdagangan buku "dalam keadaan yang lebih buruk daripada sebelum cetak ditemukan".
17
[FN4] The ultimate showdown datang dalam kasus Inggris v Donaldson Becket pada tahun
1774. [FN5] pertanyaan ini mengambil hak abadi di banding ke House of Lords, pada waktu
itu masih ruang umum tidak terbatas pada Hukum Lords. Mayoritas yang hadir memberikan
suara mendukung tampilan Skotlandia. Dengan suara bahwa mereka menetapkan pola,
akhirnya diikuti seluruh dunia, membatasi hak cipta karya-karya yang diterbitkan oleh durasi.
Mayoritas jelas DPR merasa terdorong untuk keseimbangan dengan klaim pemerintahan
pada umumnya untuk kebebasan berekspresi yang diperluas untuk menyalin karya orang
lain.
Ini sadar hukum "Pertempuran Penjual buku" tokoh yang terlibat baik-ingat banyak: Sir
William Blackstone dan Lord Mansfield, misalnya, demi hak abadi, Tuhan Camden dan Bapak
Kehakiman Yates melawan. Lawan sans pareil, bagaimanapun, adalah Alexander Donaldson,
Edinburgh penjual buku dan penghibur, turun di Bow Barat, dari pikiran bersemangat kota.
Untuk itu Donaldson yang memiliki keberanian untuk mengembangkan bisnis cetak ulang
dengan harga potong yang ia juga membawa ke tokonya di St Paul's Churchyard di London,
pusat sangat Stationers. Dan itu terhadap dia di atas segala yang dicari Stationers perintah.
Dia adalah terdakwa dalam kedua kasus Skotlandia melawan lamanya dan dalam hal bahasa
Inggris yang menetap di Lords 1774. [FN6] Sedangkan kasus-lamanya, yang beberapa hakim
Inggris telah disukai, tidak akan berdiri di masa depan banyak kesempatan untuk suatu
kebangunan rohani, ada isu lain yang protagonis kepentingan diperbesar untuk penerbit dan
penulis mereka akan berusaha untuk menghidupkan kembali semangat dari "properti sastra",
dan mereka akan meliputi perpanjangan masa ke masa kehidupan penulis dan lima puluh
tahun sesudahnya yang diperkenalkan oleh Undang-Undang Hak Cipta Imperial 1911.
Dalam banyak kompromi yang akan terjadi, titik tolak adalah hak cipta yang dinyalakan
penulis. Yang kemudian bisa menghitung sebagai seorang penulis? Statuta dari Anne adalah
tentang penciptaan buku atau tulisan lain dan bahkan lebih banyak tentang publikasi mereka.
Saya khusus pertanyaan adalah, seberapa jauh, jika di semua, bisa orang yang memberikan
kontribusi ke buku dalam mode non-melek - yaitu dengan berbicara atau bernyanyi - memiliki
hak apapun kepada penulis, dan sehingga untuk status bahwa hukum hak cipta telah
diselesaikan untuk menjadi terpenting, dan dalam hubungan itu, bedanya bahwa pelaku
adalah repeater hanya dari apa yang sudah diketahui? Ini adalah pertanyaan penting ketika
datang ke membayangkan keluar budaya masyarakat material rakyat. Mengingat pentingnya
proses bahwa untuk persepsi abad kedelapan belas dari Scottishness, biarlah saya
memberikan beberapa contoh.
Hari ini ada kenaikan bunga dalam kapasitas yang dikembangkan, globalisasi hukum untuk
memberikan beberapa pengakuan atas hak-hak mengklaim atas budaya tradisional
komunitas mereka, apakah itu suku, sekte, kasta atau bahkan warga negara suatu negara.
Fokusnya adalah pada Indian Amerika Utara, Amerika Tengah bangsa, suku-suku Afrika,
penduduk asli Australia, Selandia Baru Maoris, dan banyak lainnya. [FN46] mengklaim sering
untuk memutuskan dan untuk berbagi dalam proses mengkomersilkan dongeng; tetapi
mereka bisa sama baik menjadi klaim untuk melindungi apa yang pribadi dan sakral sesuai
dengan pemahaman kelompok. Gagasan hak cipta dapat ke mana mencakup baik tujuan,
terutama bila didukung oleh tanggung jawab atas pelanggaran kepercayaan atau
pelanggaran privasi. Jadi analogi bentuk-bentuk kekayaan intelektual yang mapan sering
dibuat di samping aturan-aturan yang mengontrol akses ke materi fisik, yang penting mana
23
naskah adalah satu-satunya sumber, atau tempat fisik perlu dimasukkan.
E. FINAL PIKIRAN
Pelestarian warisan budaya takbenda menimbulkan banyak isu, sebagai etnolog Amerika,
Michael Brown, membuat jelas dalam mengagumkan seimbang Nya, Siapa yang memiliki
Native Budaya? Subjek jauh lebih luas dari sekedar pertanyaan dari hak kekayaan hak cipta
seperti untuk masyarakat adat. Banyak orang, yang didukung oleh pemerintah dan organisasi
internasional, saat ini terlibat dalam operasi penyelamatan yang melihat ke pelestarian dan
praktek terus menerus upacara, * 26 tarian, enactments ritual dan kontes olahraga seperti
yang dimiliki oleh tradisi masa lalu. UNESCO, misalnya, di bawah Konvensi 2003, memiliki
daftar 90 karya budaya rakyat dari negara di seluruh dunia, maju serta berkembang, yang
memupuk dan mencari sponsor untuk tetap hidup, dan tidak lebih dari itu.
Masih menurut saya benar, dan memang hidup meningkatkan, untuk mencari sistem
internasional "memiliki" ekspresi karakteristik budaya suatu komunitas tertentu's. Ada perlu
26
batas, seperti ada batas yang berbeda dalam sebuah rezim kepemilikan individu seperti hak
cipta. Sistem tersebut tidak akan mengakibatkan perbaikan sistemik dari banyak bangsa pra-
melek yang telah subjek, dalam beberapa kasus selama beberapa abad, invasi egois dan
eksploitasi. Hal ini mungkin telah terlibat pemberantasan, perbudakan, corralling dan pikiran-
membungkuk melalui pendidikan gaya Barat atau indoktrinasi, agama atau sebaliknya. Tapi
bagi beberapa komunitas mungkin ada arus tertentu dari pendapatan, dan hanya kadang-
kadang banjir. Terlalu besar sukses pasti pose kompleksitas administrasi bahwa para
pemimpin hari ini harus belajar untuk mengelola dengan cara sosial dermawan. Tugas
membutuhkan fleksibilitas dan kecerdasan, karena dalam sifat hak-hak quasiprivate bahwa
mereka hanya yayasan. Dibutuhkan tercerahkan inisiatif untuk membangun eksploitasi
sukses yang membawa diharapkan-untuk kembali dan kemudian untuk melihat untuk
penyebaran manfaatnya bagi masa depan komunitas budaya yang berbeda. Tapi, sepanjang
perusahaan tidak mendapatkan terendam dalam rawa kebingungan, di mana tidak ada yang
memiliki insentif untuk mendorong program ke depan, itu pasti suatu pendekatan yang abad
kedua puluh-pertama harus mengeksplorasi penuh semangat, terutama di tingkat
internasional tingkat.
AKHIR DOKUMEN