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December 13, 2017

Friday 1st block

ALESA

Yukako Honda

Japanese Occupation and its Contribution to the Postwar Reform

1, Introduction

After the Japanese surrender in 1945, which was the end of WW2, the

allied force, practically the US force, occupied Japan for seven years. It is a

widespread notion that the reform during this occupation is what Japan owes its

pacifism and democracy. This article tries to, through a close analysis of the

characteristics the occupation had, explore to find to what extent US

occupational force contributed to Japanese demilitarization and

democratization, and prove that the notion is incorrect. The analysis lead to the

conclusion that although the postwar reform by US occupational force did


played a significant role in forming todays pacifist and democratic country, the

reform was not a process fully dependent on the GHQ. GHQ, or the General

Headquarters, is the institution of the Allies that was located in Japan to lead

the occupation, the leader of which being called the Supreme Commander of

the Allied Powers, or SCAP. General Douglas MacArthur took this role after

defeating Japan in WW2. As this postwar era is the critical period in Japanese

history in which modern Japanese democracy was formed, to reconsider the

implications of the US occupation is essential in understanding todays political

and social structure in Japan.

2, The central focus of the occupation

First of all, it must be recognized that the ultimate focus of the

occupation policy was not modernizing the undeveloped totalitarian nation, but

rather about eliminating any potential threat to the US. Initially, SCAP was

leading the reform quite independently from the US government. As it can be

seen in his statement made on January 1, 1946, a new day dawns for Japan.
The shackles of militarism, of feudalism, of regimentation of body and soul,

have been removed. (MacArthur, 1964, p.195) he was regarding the reform

closer to missionary work by a democratic developed country. However, his

leading the reform was considered to have taken Japan into an utter turmoil.

(Sempa, 2015, para.4) In 1945 when the occupation started, the central focus

was on disarmament and democratic reform. As US-Soviet hostility became

obvious around 1947, the US shifted the policy. In 1948 This new policy was

later called the Reverse course, as the democratic reform was decelerated or

even partly brought to a halt. (Schreus, 2005, p.178) One of the aspects where

the shift could be seen clear was the GHQs position toward labor movement.

Although labor unions were first encouraged as an essential element of

democracy, in 1947 SCAP banned a strike that was planned to be nationwide, in

concern that labor movements might lead to expansion of Communist influence

in Japan. (Schreus, 2005, p.178) This incident, which means that the US

prioritized the maintenance of its international influence over democratizing

Japan, indicates that the USs goal was not set on benefitting Japan. Adding to
that, in understanding this not-so-small shift, it is simpler to consider that not

only the adjusted policy but also the initial one was for the sake of eliminating

threats to the US. What is often named as the most prominent symbol of

pacifism of Japan after WW2 is Article 9 of Japanese constitution. It states that

Japanese people would renounce war forever. This article was written by the

SCAP with the expectation of the Allies the general noticed before and after

Potsdam. (MacArthur, 1964, p.202) This demonstrates that the article which

proclaims eternal pacifism was added not for Japan but for the other countries

that wanted to disarm Japan to get rid of the threat.

3, Rearmament

Contradicting with the policy of demilitarization, GHQ made Japan

rearm itself. After Korean War broke out, the US toned up its view of Japan as a

critical Cold War ally. Responding to this, SCAP ordered Japan to establish its

own Self-Defense force. (Saeki, 2005, p.140) This contradicts with the initial

scheme of demilitarization, which is an obvious evidence that there were some


aspects of the occupation where it blocked the process of Japans establishing

the modern nation it sought to be after WW2. In addition, the two countries

signed the Japan-US security treaty when the occupying force retreated from

Japan, which allowed American military force remain after it. As Japanese self-

defense force and US military have strong ties, (Wright, 2016, para.1)

4, Economic policies

As the concern of Communism grew in Asia, the US came to put

weight on strengthening Japanese economy in order to suppress Communist

influence in the country. One might argue that, considering that Japan is now

one of the largest economy in the world, the rapid economic reconstruction is

attributed to the US occupying force. In fact, Dodge Line was introduced to

Japan by J.M.Dodge, which aimed at relieving the inflation the country was

suffering, and it did bring the inflation to an end.(Hamada & Kasuya, 1992, p.21-

22) However, it was not the revised policy that brought Japan the economic

boost. It happened twice, in the first half of 1950s and in the 1960s, but not
during the occupation period. This indicates that the US occupational scheme

was not the critical factor in the economic development. Rather, the balancing

process of Japanese federal budget in Dodge Line had a serious side effect of

chronic deflation. (Hamada & Kasuya, 1992, p.23-24) The special procurement,

the orders to the Japanese factories by UN force as well as the money spent by

the personnels and their family (Nakamura, 2004, p.102), saved the country from

this situation.

5, Conclusion

6, References

Hamada, K. & Kasuya, M. (1992) THE RECONSTRUCTION AND STABILIZATION

OF THE POSTWAR JAPANESE ECONOMY: POSSIBLE LESSONS FOR EASTERN

EUROPE? Yale University Economic Growth Center, 672. Retrieved from

http://www.econ.yale.edu//growth_pdf/cdp672.pdf
Kopstein J.& Lichbach (2005) Comparative Politics: Interests, Identities, and

Institutions in a Changing Global Order. UK. Cambridge University Press.

Kennan, F.G. (1947) The Sources of Soviet Conduct. The History Guide. Retrieved

from http://www.historyguide.org/europe/kennan.html

MacArthur D. (1964) Reminiscences. Annapolis, ML: Naval Institute Press

Saeki C. (2005) THE PERRY CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION: A CASE STUDY IN U.S.-

JAPANESE CULTURAL DIPLOMACY. International Social Science Review. Vol. 80,

No. 3/4, pp. 137-150 Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/41887233

Sempa, P. F. (2015) The Kennan-MacArthur Meeting and the Future of Japan.

The Diplomat. Retrieved from https://thediplomat.com/2015/03/the-kennan-

macarthur-meeting-and-the-future-of-japan/
Wright M.J. (2016) Postwar Semantics in Japans Self-Defense Forces. The

Diplomat. Retrieved from https://thediplomat.com/2016/01/postwar-semantics-

in-japans-self-defense-forces/

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