Vessel Functions in Agricultural and Pastoral Societies of Byzantine and Early Islamic Israel

Author(s): Benjamin Adam Saidel

Source: Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 29, No. 3/4 (Autumn, 2002 - Winter, 2004), pp. 437
-445
Published by: Boston University
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3250902
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 437

Vessel Functions in Agricultural and

Pastoral Societies of Byzantine and
Early Islamic Israel

Benjamin Adam Saidel

W. F. Albright Institute of Archaeological Research
Jerusalem,Israel

The identificationofpastoralnomadsin archaeologicalcontextsin the Near East isgener-

ally basedon demonstratinghowpastoralcampsitesdifferfromfarms, towns,and villages.
The recognitionof mobilepastoralistsat multi-periodephemeralsitesis moredifficult
becausethe architecturalremainsfrom earlierperiodsdo notprovideinsightsinto the socio-
economicorganizationof thepeoplewhoreusedthesesettlementsin laterperiods.Toaddress
this issuethepotteryfrom the site of RekhesNajha 396 in Israel is usedto test the observa-
tion that pastoralencampmentsand sedentaryoccupationsexhibitdifferentpercentagesof
cookingpots and storagejars. The resultsof this studysuggestthat high percentagesof cook-
ing pots and lowpercentagesof storagejars within the totalpotteryassemblageat ephemeral
sites,suchas RekhesNafha 396, providea means to identify,from an archaeological per-
spective,the reoccupationof thesesettlementsbypastoralnomads.The identificationofpas-
toral campsiteson thefringe of agriculturalsettlementsin the Negev Highlands is impor-
tantfor modelingsymbioticrelationshipsbetweenpastoralnomadsand complexsocietiesin
the 6th through8th centuriesA.D.

Introduction site size (Banning and Kohler-Rollefson 1986: 42-44),

Anthropological research in the Old World demon-
strates that pastoral nomads are dependent upon complex
societies and itinerant merchants to acquire the foodstuffs
and commodities necessary to maintain their mobile
lifestyle and social system (Musil 1928: 278-281, 348;
Barth 1961: 98-100). Sedentary societies in turn acquire
pastoralproducts and animalsfor food, transportation, and
resale (Lewis 1987: 48; Rogan 1999: 113-114). The sym-
biotic relations exemplified by historic pastoral nomads
and sedentary societies led Emanuel Marx (1992) to con-
clude that pastoral nomadism could not emerge in antiq-
uity until the formation of complex societies. Given the
role attributed to pastoralnomads in many economic mod-
els in Near Eastern and anthropological archaeology, it is
important to differentiatebetween farmers,townsfolk, and
mobile pastoralists in the archaeological record (e.g.,
Adams 1970; Zagarell 1989; Rosen 2000).
The archaeological identification of pastoral nomads is
focused on how pastoral campsites differ from farms,
towns, and villages. Various lines of evidence are used to
identify mobile pastoralists in archaeological contexts.
These include site location (Zagarell 1982: 64-65, 83-84),
layout of architecture (Rosen and Avni 1997), diachronic
changes in settlement patterns (Mortensen 1974: 31-33,
1976: 46-48), and ethnographic or ethnoarchaeological
analogies (Hole 1974: 227, 236; Zarins 1992). Although
parallelsin the layouts of ancient and modern architecture
are sometimes used to identify mobile pastoralists, this ap-
proach assumes that ancient and modern pastoralists share
the same approach to spatial and social organization.
A more difficult problem is the identification in archae-
ological contexts of pastoralnomads who reused a range of
abandoned sites as locations for their encampments (e.g.,
Avni 1992: 246, 250; Cribb 1991: 149-157; Rosen
1981). In particular,the identification of mobile pastoral-
ists at multi-period ephemeral sites is problematic because
the architecturalremains from earlieroccupations may not
provide insight into the socio-economic organization of
people who reused these settlements in later periods. To
address this issue, the pottery from the site of Rekhes
Nafha 396 (FIG. i) is used to test Rosen and Avni's (1997:
63-89) observation that pastoral encampments and seden-
tary settlements exhibit different percentages of cooking
pots and storage jars. High percentages of cooking pots
438 VesselFunctionsin Byzantineand EarlyIslamicIsrael/Saidel

Figure 1. Map showing location of Rekhes Nafha 396 in the Negev Highlands. Inset shows the
map of the modern nations in the southern Levant. Maps based on survey of Israel (South)
1:250,000 (Schick 1998; Parker1999).

and low percentages of storage jars within the total pottery
assemblage at ephemeral sites such as Rekhes Nafha 396
provide a means to identify from an archaeological per-
spective the reoccupation of ephemeral settlements by pas-
toral nomads.
The Site of Rekhes Nafha 396
Rekhes Nafha 396 is located in the Negev Highlands,
Israel (Lender 1990: 90 [English text], 163 [Hebrew
text]). In this area farmsteads comprise the dominant type
of settlement during the Byzantine and Early Islamic peri-
ods (Lender 1990: xxiii-xxv). There are, however, many
settlements from previous periods that were reused in the
Byzantine and Early Islamic periods. Sherd scatters from
23 principally Bronze Age sites discovered by survey pro-
vide the only evidence that these sites were reoccupied dur-
ing the Byzantine or Early Islamic periods (Saidel 2002a,
in press).
Rekhes Nafha 396 (FIG. 2) is one of these reoccupied
settlements. The site is situated on the southern and east-
ern slopes of the Nafha Ridge (Saidel 2002a: 39), and has
two architecturalunits constructed in the EarlyBronze Age
which were reused in Early Bronze Age IV/Middle Bronze
Age I and again during the 6th to 8th centuries A.D. There
is no archaeological evidence that the plan of these units
was altered during the 6th to 8th centuries A.D. (Saidel
2002a: 58, in press).
Pottery and glass artifacts provide the only evidence
(Saidel in press) that Units 1 and 2 were occupied during
the 6th through 8th centuries (TABLE I). During the exca-
 Journalof FieldArchaeology/Vol.
29, 2002-2004 439

1
A
Unit 4

t Unitt
N I Unit 2,C \ )
Unit 3

, I)
Unit 1
0 20 m. eo

0?
Unit 2

Locus16

Locus32
0 4m

Figure 2. A simplified plan of architecturalUnits 1 and 2 and Locus 32 at Rekhes Nafha 396 (Drawing
by B. A. Saidel and B. J. Stone). Excavation units within specific loci are not illustrated. Inset shows the
plan of architecturalUnits 1 through 4, redrawn after Lender 1990: 164.

vations, 130 sherds from the 6th to 8th centuries were col- Rekhes Nafha assemblage can be calculated as between a
lected, including 17 diagnostic sherds (FIG. 3). Based on minimum of 11 and a maximum of 15. The calculation of
these diagnostic sherds, the number of vessels in the the minimum number of vessels assumes that the four lids
440 VesselFunctions in Byzantine and Early Islamic Israel/Saidel

Table 1. Counts of pottery from the 6th through 8th centuries at ephemeral sites such as Rekhes Nafha 396. It is assumed
A.D.found at Rekhes Nafha 396. that a positive result will provide a means to identify the ar-
Architectural
unit Locus sherds
Pottery chaeological remains of pastoral nomads. In their study
Unit 1 1 48 Rosen and Avni used "ceramic type frequencies" of diag-
Unit 1 2 12
Unit 1 3 13 nostic and undiagnostic sherds to determine the percent-
Unit 1 4 1 ages of cooking pots and storage jars at the 'Oded sites. The
Outside unit 1 - 4 method used here, however, is based on the numbers of di-
Unit 2 5 2 agnostic sherds illustrated or enumerated in excavation re-
Unit 2 88 12
Unit 2* 6 18 ports since many publications omit the total number of di-
Unit 2* 32 14 agnostic sherds and intact ceramic vessels found during
Unit 3 10 1 fieldwork.
* One The following types of excavated settlements located in
glass artifactalso found.
the northern and central Negev are included: farmsteads
(Haiman 1995; Ustinova and Nahshoni 1994), agricul-
belong to the four casseroles identified in the assemblage; tural watchtowers (Katz 1993; Sontag 2000: 92), a squat-
conversely the count for the maximum number of vessels ter occupation from the Byzantine town of Rehovot-in-
is based on the assumption that the lids do not belong to the-Negev (Tsafrir1988: 27-28, 67-68), and pastoral en-
these four casseroles.The small quantity of vessels found at campments (Rosen and Avni 1997). The typicalpottery as-
Rekhes Nafha 396 indicates that the site was repeatedlyoc- semblages used in this study are treated as if they originat-
cupied for brief episodes as it is unlikely that 11 to 15 ce- ed from a single phase of occupation within the 6th
ramic vessels were broken in a single short-term occupa- through 8th centuries A.D.
tion. First, the percentages of cooking pots and storage jars
The majority of the vessels are cooking wares represent- from Rekhes Nafha 396 are compared with those found at
ed by casseroles, lids, and a closed cooking pot (FIG. 3: the farmsteads of Nahal Mitnan and Ramot Nof. Nahal
1-9). Buff ware, including a bowl, water jug, and flask, Mitnan is one of series of farms located in a tributary of
comprise the second largest group of ceramics (FIG 3: Nahal Horesha in the Negev Highlands (Haiman 1995).
IO-m2). Sherds of fine Byzantine ware (FIG. 3: I3-I5) include Ramot Nof contains a series of excavated farmsteads and
two bowls (Magness' Forms 1B and 1D) and a juglet (Gi- installations located within the confines of modern Beer-
chon 1974; Magness 1993: 193). The vessel forms men- sheva (Ustinova and Nahshoni 1994). The percentages of
tioned above were not made in the Negev Highlands, but cooking pots, storage jars, and miscellaneous vessels are
were produced in the agricultural and urban portions of similar at both sites, although Ramot Nof and Nahal Mit-
Palestine and acquired by the inhabitants of Rekhes Nafha nan arelocated in two different environmental zones in the
396 (Magness 1993: 193; Saidel in press). The dating of northern and western Negev, respectively (Ustinova and
the pottery from this site follows Magness' redating of the Nahshoni 1994: 157; Haiman 1995: 1). A comparison of
pottery assemblages from Capernaum, En Boqeq, and the assemblages from these farmsteadswith Rekhes Nafha
Khirbet ed-Deir (Magness 1997, 1999, 2001). 396 demonstrates that storage jars are present at the farm-
steads but are absent at Rekhes Nafha 396. Given that all
Interassemblage Comparisons sediments from the excavations at Rekhes Nafha 396 were
Rosen and Avni have demonstrated that the pastoral en- sieved, the dearth of storage jars at this site does not appear
campments of Har 'Oded and Nahal 'Oded have high per- to be accidental (Saidel 2002a: 40). Coolking pots, on the
centages of cooking pots and low percentages of storage other hand, when viewed as a percentage of the total ce-
jars within the total pottery assemblages. In contrast, this ramic assemblage at Ramat Nof and Nahal Mitnan are less
pattern is absent in the pottery assemblagesfrom the towns frequent (24% and 18% respectively) than at Rekhes
(Nessana and Rehovot) and agricultural communities Nafha 396 where they make up 60% of the assemblage
(Abu Matar and Sde Boqer) in the Negev during the 6th (FIG. 4).
to 8th centuries A.D. (Rosen and Avni 1997: 63-89). The Second, the percentages of cooking pots and storage jars
sites included in their study were clearly identified as at Rekhes Nafha 396 can be compared with those found at
towns, villages, and pastoral campsites based on their loca- two agricultural watchtowers located in the confines of
tion and the layout of the architecture. modern Beersheva. These watchtowers are small structures
A test of Rosen and Avni's hypothesis is possible by measuring no more than 3.6 x 4 m and 2.10 x 3.4 m (Katz
comparing the percentages of cooking pots and storage jars 1993: 96; Sontag 2000: 92 [English]). Storage jars are
 Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol.29, 2002-2004 441

I
i J I
I
II --I j5

I1' II I
2 y\
eJ' \ %

I .
II

f-
II
3 II I -11
r I ~'>7
? r- ,5 I -l

44 l"\ / II
/
I I
/
A,.
p7 I
I V 8,
-W

9, t

10 I 1 II I
11 I .I

I11 I
11 ^ -
13/ I- J I
13 / \ 14 1 W
I 1 _ 1
I^
\

I-. I' \ \ \
I > \ \I/"
\

I / I "I
'iVi
/
I\
17 1
0 5 10 cm
I I I I I

16 * -,
18 \
16 \\ 18 II 19 l1

Figure 3. Pottery from Rekhes Nafha 396. 1-4) Casseroles; 5-8) Casserole lids; 9) Closed cooking pot; 10)
Jug; 11) Bowl; 12) Flask; 13) Byzantine fine ware bowl form 1B; 14) Byzantine fine ware bottle; 15) Byzan-
tine fine ware bowl form 1D; 16-17) Casserole handles; 18-19) handles. Drawings by Marina Zeltser.
442 VesselFunctionsin Byzantineand EarlyIslamicIsrael/Saidel

70 -

60 -
50 -
X 40-

2 30 -
30- _

20

10R t Nf

RamatNof(Farms) NahalMitnan RekhesNafha396

(Farmstead)

Figure 4. Frequencies of cooking ware (black), storage jars (gray), and miscellaneous pottery
(white) from Ramot Nof, Nahal Mitnan, and Rekhes Nafha 396. Data from Haiman (1995)
and Ustinova and Nahshoni (1994).

80 -
70 -
60 -
o 50 -
.6-
8 40-
* 30-
20- -TI
10 -

Beersheva,Ramot Beersheva,Nahal RekhesNafha396

Beq'a

Figure 5. Frequencies of cooking ware (black), storage jars (gray), and miscellaneous pottery
(white) from Rekhes Nafha 396 and two agriculturalwatchtowers in the Beersheva area. Data
from Katz (1993) and Sontag (2000).

present at the agriculturalwatchtowers but are absent at
Rekhes Nafha 396. As in the case of the farmsteads,the fre-
quency of cooking pots at the watchtowers also shows a
marked contrast when compared with Rekhes Nafha 396.
Cooking pots at Beersheva Ramot and Beersheva Nahal
Beq'a comprise no more than 10% and 11% of the assem-
blage, while at Rekhes Nafha 396 cooking pots are 60% of
the total ceramic assemblage (FIG. 5).
Third, the town of Rehovot-in-the-Negev is included in
this study because Tsafrir suggests that Locus 509 may
have been occupied by Arab squatters, presumablypastoral
nomads or people with a lifestyle similar to the historical
Bedouin (Tsafrir 1988: 25, 64-68; Tsafrir and Holum
1993: 1275). Locus 509 is a side room in the Northern
Church. A comparison of the percentages of cooking pots
and storage jars from Locus 509 with Rekhes Nafha 396
shows that there areno similarities between these two sites.
Fourth, the pastoral encampments of Har 'Oded and
Nahal 'Oded are located to the south of the Ramon Crater
near Mount 'Oded (Rosen and Avni 1997: 10-11, 42). A
comparison of cooking pots as a percentage of the total
pottery assemblages from the 'Oded sites with Rekhes
Nafha 396 (FIG. 6) demonstrates that these sites have sim-
ilar percentages of cooking pots. While storage jars are pre-
 29, 2002-2004 443
Journalof FieldArchaeology/Vol.

80 -
70-
60 -
0)
, 50-
8 40-
'
a.
30--
30
20 -
10 -
0 -
HarOded NahalOded Rehovot RekhesNafha
(Pastoral (Pastoral (Squatter 396
Campsite) Campsite) Occupation)

Figure 6. Frequencies of cooking ware (black), storage jars (gray), and miscellaneous pottery
(white) from Rekhes Nafha 396, the 'Oded sites, and the squatter occupation in the town of
Rehovot-in-the-Negev. Data from Rosen and Avni (1997) and Rosenthal-Heginbottom
(1988: 95).

60 -
~- 'O Locus509 Rehovot
50 -

.40
-
Y2 NahalMitnan
- 30 * RamatNof
O)
-0)
o 20 - rBeersheva, NahalBeq'a
3 : Beersheva,Ramot O HarOded
10- 0 NahalOded
^~~~~~~~~- ~~Rekhes Nafha396
0 1, I , I, I , ,0 [ , 50 60 70 , 80
,
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Cooking Pots (%)

Figure 7. A comparison of the percentages of cooking pots and storage jars in the total pottery
assemblages from all sites in this study. The pastoral encampments (circles), agriculturalwatchtow-
ers (open squares), and farmsteads (black squares) seem to form three clusters. The diamond rep-
resents the assemblage from the side room, Locus 509, in the North Church at Rehovot in the
Negev.

sent at the 'Oded sites, they are absent from Rekhes Nafha
396, however.
Discussion and Conclusion
The higher percentage of cooking pots at Rekhes Nafha
396, which contrasts with the rarity of storage jars, has a
number of interpretations. First, the functional composi-
tion of the pottery assemblage may be a reflection of mo-
bility strategies. The higher percentage of cooking pots,
when combined with the absence of architecturalmodifi-
cations made to Units 1 and 2, suggests that the inhabi-
tants of this site were mobile pastoralists. The pottery as-
semblage from Rekhes Nafha 396 is similar to those found
at the pastoral encampments of Har and Nahal 'Oded, but
444 VesselFunctionsin Byzantineand EarlyIslamicIsrael/Saidel
differs from the assemblages found at the farmsteads and
watchtowers (FIG. 7).
Second, the percentages of cooking pots and storage jars
at ephemeral sites provide a means to physically locate the
interface of agriculturaland pastoral societies, from a syn-
chronic perspective. Relhes Nafha 396 is not a unique site
in the Har Nafha area. There are 10 Early Bronze Age and
13 Early Bronze Age IV/Middle Bronze Age I settlements
in this area that contain pottery from the Byzantine and
Early Islamic periods. These reoccupied settlements have
stone animal pens and enclosed courtyardssuitable for cor-
ralling herd animals which may be the reason that these
sites were reoccupied in the 6th and 8th centuries A.D. As
a working hypothesis I propose that the reuse of these sites
in the Byzantine and Early Islamic periods is evidence for
pastoral nomads camping on the fringe of agriculturalso-
cieties.
Finally, I suggest that the high percentage of cooking
pots at ephemeral sites such as Rekhes Nafha 396 is evi-
dence for symbiotic relations with complex societies dur-
ing the 6th through 8th centuries A.D. The cooking pots,
and presumably the food cooked inside them, were ac-
quired from the agricultural and urban areas of Palestine
during the Byzantine and Early Islamic periods (Avni
1996: 50-51; Magness 1993: 211-215). In the ethno-
graphic literature, the acquisition of certain foods by pas-
toral nomads is considered to be one manifestation of sym-
biotic relationships with complex societies (Musil 1928:
278-281, 348; Barth 1961: 98-100).
The results of this study build upon the study of Rosen
and Avni (1997: 63-65). The ratios of cooking pots to
storage jars may provide a mechanism for identifying mo-
bile pastoralists at multi-period ephemeral sites where the
architecturalremains date to earlierperiods and are useless
for identifying the socio-economic organization of its last
occupants. This method of examining variations in the fre-
quency of functional types (e.g., Saidel 2002b) can also be
used to distinguish between mobile pastoralists and seden-
tary populations in other periods and regions.
Acknowledgments
This article was written during my tenure as the Ernest
S. Frerichs Fellow/Program Coordinator in 2002-2003 at
the W. F. Albright Institute of Archaeological Research in
Jerusalem and I express my appreciation to the fellowship
committee for its support. I thank Laura Mazow and
Steven Rosen for comments on this manuscript. The field-
work conducted at Rekhes Nafha 396 was funded by two
pre-doctoral grants awarded to the author by the Wenner-
Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. This pro-
ject was sponsored by the Department of Anthropology of
Harvard University and affiliated with the American
Schools of Oriental Research. Lastly, I thank with appreci-
ation three reviewers for insightful comments on this pa-
per.
BenjaminAdam Saidel (Ph.D. Harvard University,1998) is
currentlyan ErnestS. FrerichsFellowat theAlbright Insti-
tute in Jerusalem.His researchinterestsfocus on the interac-
tion betweentribesand complexsocietiesin the southernLev-
ant duringprot-st-historical
and historicalperiods.He haspar-
ticipatedin a numberof archaeologicalprojectsin Israel,Jor-
dan, and Cyprus.Mailing address:W F. Albright Institute
ofArchaeologicalResearch,PO. Box 19096, Jerusalem
91190, Israel. E-mail: benjaminsaidel@hotmail.com
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