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sis . . . arguing that 2 Cor. 10-13 ought to be identified with the 'painful letter' written
prior to 2 Cor. 1-7," in apparent ignorance of the work of A. von Hausrath and J. H.
Kennedy. DeSilva nowhere engages the long history of German scholarship, nor does
he even make use of the extensive history of research in the first volume of M. Thrall's
ICC commentary.
Numerous editorial lapses and a general stylistic infelicity make deSilva's work dif-
ficult and tedious reading. The slim volume comes with a page of errata, but several mis-
takes go undetected (pp. 1, 60, 61, 81).
DeSilva's interpretation of 2 Corinthians is shaped by strongly countercultural atti-
tudes. According to de Silva, Paul seeks throughout the epistle to combat "worldly
norms" in the church at Corinth and among rival missionaries (pp. 64, 70, 111, etc.).
Paul seeks to reassert his parental authority over the rebellious congregation (p. xi).
DeSilva's Paul is the embattled leader of a countercultural organization whose members
and leaders are tempted by the values of a pluralistic world. This portrait of Paul will
prove congenial to Christian readers who are similarly oriented toward "the world."
Laurence L. Welborn
United Theological Seminary, Dayton, OH 45406
Paul s Gift from Philippi: Conventions of Gift Exchange and Christian Giving, by G. W.
Peterman. SNTSMS 92. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Pp. xi + 246.
$54.95.
Paul's supposedly grudging acknowledgment of the Philippians' gift in Phil
4:10-20 has vexed one commentator after another. Since no direct expression of thanks
is to be found in the passage, Paul's seemingly starchy response strikes many as pecu-
liarly ungracious and has been dubbed a "thankless thanks." Some have argued that Paul
felt demeaned when offered money and, flustered by the Philippians' gift, resorted to
euphemisms when talking about it. C. H. Dodd, in trying to penetrate the mind of Paul,
offered the psychological interpretation that Paul hated money: "He can scarcely bring
himself to acknowledge that money was welcome to him and covers up his embarrass-
ment by piling up technical terms of trade, as if to give the transaction a severely 'busi-
ness aspect.'" Others have claimed that Paul gently rebukes the Philippians for their gift
because they had breached an agreement not to infringe on his avowed policy of self-
reliance (a strange view since Paul lauds them for "reviving their care for him" after a
hiatus of some years). Still others have argued that this acknowledgment of the gift
appears so unreasonably late in the letter that it must have been sent as a separate thank-
you letter and was affixed to other letters to the congregation by a later editor. These
explanations have failed to recognize that modern, Western assumptions about the
proper etiquette for expressing gratitude for gifts did not hold sway in the first-century
Mediterranean world. According to modern decorum, Paul's response may appear
rather boorish; but theories spun from assumptions derived from our own conventions
all too frequently misinform our reading of first-century texts.
Studies have erred in explaining the placement of the passage in the letter and the
nature of Paul's "thanks" because they have failed to take into account the sociological
framework of friendship in which it was written. Peterman's work, a revised dissertation
Book Reviews 563
directed by Graham Stanton at Kings College, London, seeks to redress this lapse.
Developing insights from Peter Marshall's Enmity in Cornth: Social Conventions in
Paul's Relations with the Corinthians, Peterman anchors his study of the text in its social
context, painstakingly examining typical and deeply embedded social obligations regard-
ing the exchange of gifts and then applying the insights to the NT text. The investigation
of these cultural conventions reveals that Paul expresses gratitude in a way appropriate
to the sociological framework in which he lived while molding the expectations regard-
ing gift exchange and social reciprocity in accordance with the gospel.
Peterman recognizes that Paul would have been deeply influenced as much by his
scripture as by pervasive social norms and wisely begins by examining giving and receiv-
ing in the OT and extrabiblical Jewish literature. This inquiry offers a chance to compare
and contrast it with Greco-Roman customs. OT didactic texts make clear that relation-
ships between giver and receiver also involve God and therefore are perceived not as
bipolar but as triangular. Giving is encouraged as praiseworthy behavior that God will
reward. Later Jewish texts (Sirach, Philo, Josephus), however, move closer to Greco-
Roman thinking according to which the one who receives a benefit must return it in
some form and the one who gives may rightfully expect some return. Peterman's exami-
nation of giving and receiving in Jewish literature is quite important because Paul does
not always keep to the beaten track of societal custom. It provides a helpful background
for understanding Paul's metaphor describing the Philippians' gift as a sweet-smelling
sacrifice to God. The implication is that the bond between them is triangular because
God will repay them when Paul himself is in no position to reciprocate.
The third chapter examines giving and receiving in the Greco-Roman world to dis-
cern how the conventions governing social interaction worked. Seneca's On Benefits
becomes the primary guide for understanding social practice associated with gift
exchange, and other literary and nonliterary texts are drawn upon to supplement or sup-
port this work. A social quid pro quo dictated relationships: anyone who received a gift
or benefit was obligated to respond in kind. Gifts and favors therefore could not be
taken for granted but placed serious obligations upon the recipient. Giving was the
foundation of any friendship between individuals or between an individual and a group,
and bestowing benefits was expected to win thanks. The beneficiary became indebted
and must show gratitude through some kind of repayment. Any notion of divine reward
for giving was absent. Consequendy, benefactors normally gave to those deemed worthy
to receive and with the means to reciprocate. When there was disparity in the giving, the
one who out-gave the other gained status as the superior while the other moved down a
rung in the status ladder. Receiving a gift consequently put one under considerable
social and financial pressure. If one could not reciprocate in kind, one was expected to
return the favor by bestowing honor and praise, and/or offering verbal thanks. Gratitude
to a superior was most frequendy expressed by acknowledging the affection and good-
will received and professing a sense of debt. When the relationship was on an equal foot-
ing, however, an expression of verbal thanks was considered inappropriate. Peterman
cites P. Merton (29 August 58 CE) as the best proof text for this convention. In this letter,
a certain Chairas wrote to a friend that a great show of thanks was unnecessary for
friends and that giving thanks in words was necessary only for those who are not friends.
Peterman's study of papyrus letters reveals that verbal gratitude was expected only
"when writing to someone who was socially superior." A verbal thanks would have been
564 Journal of Biblical Literature
The Theology of Paul the Apostle, by James D. G. Dunn. Grand Rapids/Cambridge, UK:
Eerdmans, 1998. Pp. xxxvi + 808. $45.00/29.95.
Into this massive volume Professor Dunn has poured both his vast learning and his
passion for his hero, Paul. The result is detail (sometimes, perhaps, tedious) wedded
with engagement (sometimes, certainly, enthusiastic).
In his "Prolegomena" the author lays out the basic judgments that determine the
structure and character of what is to follow. It is important to mention a few. (1) "Theol-
ogy" is to be assigned a breadth that includes worship and ethics. "A theology remote
from everyday living would not be a theology of Paul" (p. 9). (2) Paul's theology must be
constructed out of a synthetic analysis of all the authentic letters. (3) Yet Paul's theology
is more than the sum total of the statements in his letters, since they imply and depend
upon a larger theological structure. Dunn uses the image of the iceberg: what we see
suggests much of what we cannot see. This is dangerous water (the reader will pardon
the metaphor), since it provides opportunity for the researcher to find just about any-
thing. What Dunn finds is a flourishing Judaism, complete with frequent allusions to
^ s
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