506973

research-article2013
NMS0010.1177/1461444813506973new media & societyVan Leuven et al.

Article

new media & society

Foreign reporting and sourcing

2015, Vol. 17(4) 573591
The Author(s) 2013
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DOI: 10.1177/1461444813506973
sphere: A quantitative content nms.sagepub.com

analysis of the Arab Spring in

Belgian news media

Sarah Van Leuven

Department of Translation, Interpreting and Communication, Ghent University, Belgium

Ansgard Heinrich
Department of Journalism Studies and Media, University of Groningen, The Netherlands

Annelore Deprez
Department of Communication Sciences, Ghent University, Belgium

Abstract
This article analyzes foreign news coverage and sourcing practices in contemporary
newsrooms. It builds on theories concerned with the interplay between digital
technologies and journalistic practice to explore the use of social media sources at
professional journalistic outlets. The central research question deals with the diversity of
sources in Belgian newspaper and TV news coverage of the grass roots uprisings in Egypt,
Tunisia and Syria in 2011. The quantitative content analysis shows how journalists under
normal circumstances in their coverage of the street protests in Egypt and Tunisia still
value traditional sourcing practices. In contrast, coverage of the Syrian uprising displays
more characteristics of network journalism practices, which can be related to factors of
proximity regarding news values. Moreover, we found that when covering Syria, Belgian
journalists relied more on on-the-ground, non-mainstream sources that circumvented
the restricted information access by means of digital networks and social media platforms.

Keywords
Arab Spring, content analysis, foreign reporting, network journalism, social media,
sourcing practices

Corresponding author:
Sarah Van Leuven, Department of Translation, Interpreting and Communication, Ghent University, Groot-
Brittannilaan 45, 9000 Ghent, Belgium.
Email: Sarah.VanLeuven@UGent.be

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574 new media & society 17(4)

Introduction
In the contemporary context of globalization and cross-national exchanges, foreign cov-
erage is an increasingly important information source for citizens to expand their knowl-
edge about the world beyond the immediate horizons of lived experience (Smith, 2005:
1471). Yet ample studies have shown that the narration of international events provided
by traditional news outlets is often distorted by national lenses and an overrepresentation
of elite countries and elite sources (Van Leuven et al., in press; Galtung and Ruge, 1965;
Joye, 2010).
However, in light of recent advancements in digital technologies and within a global
arena of news provision, news from across the world increasingly reaches audiences
through many more channels, including social media platforms (Heinrich, 2011, 2012;
Castells, 2011). The characteristics of social media platforms, more specifically their
interactivity, connectivity and flexibility, enable users to hook up with others in virtually
any connected spot on earth.

Within the interactive spheres of such networks, links are shared, information is distributed and
news is commented on, on a scale not seen before. Many of the information providers who run
these blogs, Twitter accounts or Facebook pages are citizen journalists, pressure groups or
private persons whose intention is not necessarily to act as journalists. However, they have
access to pieces of information that potentially add to the overall picture of news stories. And
as stories unfold in virtually no time online, this new breed of information providers is capable
of adding viewpoints, story angles or background information that might otherwise go
uncovered (Heinrich, 2012: 766767).

Yet, how can traditional media organizations seize these kinds of information for the
purpose of journalistic coverage? Several studies illustrate that in the everyday news
production process, social media are rarely used to source information material as many
journalists admit they struggle with information overload, language hurdles and the
doubted reliability of online information (Van Leuven et al., in press; Hafez, 2009;
Lariscy et al., 2009). In contrast, case studies point out that journalists might be more
inclined to consult social media sources in the context of breaking news or media restric-
tions where they cannot (immediately) access the area themselves and therefore try to
learn from on-the-ground sources (Lotan et al., 2011: 1376). The Egyptian uprisings in
January 2011 serve as one example in this regard. Bloggers or Twitterers sent messages
from inside the crowd on Tahrir Square, with each of them being just one voice amongst
many who added information pieces to the unfolding story. The sheer amount of infor-
mation pieces available via a multitude of platforms made for a unique mix of text and
context: At times domesticated for a specific national audience, yet accessible for a
global community of consumers, the information pieces taken together formed a com-
plex news map of the events (Heinrich, 2012: 768).
How traditional news organizations tried to incorporate this global news map
through sourcing social media in their coverage of the grass roots uprisings in three Arab
countries is the focus of this article. The research presented here rests on a quantitative
content analysis to discuss if and how Belgian news coverage adapted to the network
sphere and displays diverse sources. More specifically, the focus is set on four Belgian

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Van Leuven et al. 575

newspapers and two Belgian broadcasters and their coverage of the street protests in
Egypt, Tunisia and Syria in 2011. Do news organizations allow information providers
such as bloggers or Twitterers into their source networks or is news coverage of the
uprisings still dominated by traditional sourcing practices and mainstream sources? Does
Belgian news coverage mainly build on local information sources and does it provide an
on/from the ground perspective or is the news domesticated for a Belgian/Western
audience? Are there cases in which journalists are more inclined to use unofficial or non-
mainstream sources? Theoretically based on the ideas put forth by the network journal-
ism paradigm and in research on sourcing practices, this article sets out to shed light on
these questions. In the literature review, we first discuss the implications of the evolution
towards a network sphere for the future of foreign reporting, and especially sourcing
practices.

Conceptual framework
Foreign reporting was until recently to a large extent a monopolized business in the
hands of major traditional news organizations. Spearheaded by international news agen-
cies (Boyd-Barrett, 1980) and an economically expensive operation, very few players
dominated the field of international news provision for decades (Hamilton and Jenner,
2004).1 First, major changes in the foreign reporting business occurred with the emer-
gence of 24/7 news outlets such as Cable News Network (CNN) (Cushion, 2010;
Volkmer, 1999). These outlets targeted global news audiences and contributed to a con-
tinuous news and information flow across borders. The next step in the evolution towards
a more fragmented map of news providers came with the emergence of the Internet and
the proliferation of digital technologies. These developments significantly lowered pro-
duction costs, granted access to audiences around the globe and enabled individual users
or smaller news organizations to produce and distribute news globally. In the networked
era, everyone connected to the online world can at least potentially produce pieces of
information and distribute them not only locally, but globally.
Along with this, scholars attest that the sphere in which news is being gathered, pro-
duced and disseminated is significantly changing (Hermida, 2010b; Sambrook, 2010).
Networked digital media mark a media environment in which consumers become active
contributors within a participatory media ecosystem (Hermida, 2010a). The gates of
information flows formerly controlled by mainstream media have become permeable.
With the emergence of a new electronic communication system characterized by its
global reach, its integration of all communication media and its potential interactivity
(Castells, 2000: 357), digital networks carry the potential to delineate physical borders
and enable connection, interaction and collaboration between professional informants
such as journalists, just as well as various alternative information providers, including
Twitterers or bloggers. Globalization trends, here, contribute to the erosion of temporal
and spatial distances (Appadurai, 1996; Beck, 2000; Hannerz, 1996) and in combination
with digitalization have given rise to an increase in global information flows.
In line with the arguments put forth by scholars of globalization and digitalization, the
paradigm of network journalism (Heinrich, 2011, 2012) attests a shift in the organiza-
tion of information exchange. It conceptualizes the spheres in which journalistic

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576 new media & society 17(4)

organizations operate today and aims to capture the structures of information flows of the
network age. Where Castells speaks of a network society (2000), the paradigm of net-
work journalism sketches the evolution of a complex network of global information
nodes. Here, digital networks are characterized as structural patterns of information
exchange that support a revised organization of information gathering, production and
distribution. The network journalism sphere is made up of an interconnected system of
information nodes and journalistic organizations that have become just some network
nodes among many. Nodes can differ in size and reach (as small as an individual blogger
and as big as a news organization such as CNN), but they all roam in a shared informa-
tion space. Information strings criss-cross this sphere and connect nodes in a non-linear
fashion. Some nodes might have more impact on information provision than others, but
nevertheless they all can potentially build or extend connections with other nodes via
digital paths.

Network journalism and sourcing practices

The network journalism paradigm, then, outlines a sphere of information exchange that
enables strategic network building on a global scale. It sketches the evolution of an inter-
active sphere that, at least in theory, fosters a greater level of interaction and exchange.
Traditional news organizations as nodes within a complex system of interconnected
nodes cannot ignore the other nodes, big or small. Each node might provide different
insights, assist to contextualize events and add further perspectives (Archetti, 2008;
Hafez, 2009), and these potentials are what the network journalism paradigm aims to
outline.
With it come suggestions to revise sourcing practices at news organizations. With
more information providers at hand, access to an increased number of locales around the
globe is secured (even if an organization has no staff on the ground). This does enhance
the opportunities to find stories, add viewpoints and perspective to the narratives pro-
vided in every day news practice.
Sourcing is an elementary practice journalists perform to access information, provide
perspectives or validate news (Gans, 1979; Sigal, [1973] 1999; Tuchman, 1978). News
gathering routines, often impacted by organizational imperatives, have become estab-
lished over decades and are ways for journalists to deal with time and resource limita-
tions while ensuring credibility (Gans, 1979; Hall et al., [1978] 1999; Shoemaker and
Reese, 1996). Standardized sourcing practices, in particular relying on official and other
mainstream sources, are meant to ensure objectivity and productivity as reporters can-
not witness many events directly because they are few in number and must locate them-
selves in places where information is likely to flow to them (Sigal, [1973] 1999: 224).
Furthermore, in the field of foreign news, economic and social considerations prompt
news organizations to domesticate foreign coverage in a way that it becomes under-
standable and culturally resonant for the home audience, which is related to Galtung and
Ruges (1965) news value of proximity. Traditionally, journalists often prefer national
over local sources, as the first can provide a recognizable framework to interpret interna-
tional news events (Clausen, 2004; Joye, 2010; Lee et al., 2005). In addition, many
authors complain that the dependency on three Western international news wires

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Van Leuven et al. 577

(Associated Press (AP), Reuters, Agence France-Presse (AFP)) is reflected in a focus on

elite Western countries and sources (Hafez, 2009; Joye, 2010; Paterson and Sreberny,
2004; Rantanen and Boyd-Barrett, 2004).
Here, the paradigm of network journalism sketches new opportunities for traditional
news organizations. The sourcing opportunities on offer within the network journalism
sphere do correspond with the claim for multiperspectival news made by Gans (2011)
who demands that news coverage should represent the general public and make their
views and voices heard to foster public discourse. And even though Gans is first and
foremost concerned with American journalism and its role for democratic processes
within the US, his demands to revise sourcing practices (i.e. involve the people rather
than solely rely on official and other mainstream sources) do correspond with the ideas
of the network journalism paradigm, where social media are viewed as tools to widen
perspectives in news coverage. As understood here, social media are defined as:

a group of Internet-based applications that build on the ideological and technological

foundations of Web 2.0, and that allow the creation and exchange of User Generated Content,
namely () the various forms of media content that are publicly available and created by end-
users (Kaplan and Haenlein, 2010: 61.

The information provided via blogs, Twitter feeds, YouTube videos or Facebook
pages can add to a more diverse global news map and contribute insights and story
angles that might go unheard when mainly relying on official or national sources. The
revision of sourcing practices can furthermore assist to lower the often cited dangers of
heavy reliance on elite sources, as these might result in news management and manipula-
tion in favour of those in power (Entman, 2004; McNair, 2003).
Allowing a greater diversity of sources into the news production chain, then, can be
viewed as a practice that not only helps to establish interactive spheres of news produc-
tion. The integration of new links with non-mainstream information providers might also
help to foster diversity in viewpoints, assist to balance agenda setting interests of elite
groups and thus add to a richer tapestry of news. What is more, social media availability
and digital networks allow journalists easier contact with foreign sources. Here, the net-
work sphere offers new opportunities to approach the news from the perspective of local
sources (including non-mainstream sources).
To sum up, sourcing practices thus appear to a large part standardized, but with the
emergence of digital technologies many more producers are allowed into the global infor-
mation network. Here, one might identify the major benefits of the network journalism
sphere. The shifts in communication structures allow for a widening of perspective through
widening the circle of sources. However, this practice does not come without dangers, as
issues of accuracy, impartiality or interpretive problems due to language and translation
difficulties do complicate the process of sourcing social media (Van Leuven et al., in press;
Hafez, 2009; Lariscy et al., 2009). Problems of source manipulation might also arise as
social media are not only a tool used by activists trying to promote a somewhat good
cause such as ideals of democratic change or transparency. Social media can just as well be
used as information warfare tools (be it by intelligence agencies, regimes, law enforcement
agencies or by activists), to manipulate public opinion, skew information, spread hoaxes or

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578 new media & society 17(4)

for surveillance (Mintz, 2012; Van Niekerk and Maharaj, 2013). However, this study is first
and foremost concerned with the question if and how traditional news organizations use
these new sources and if the advent of social media appears to impact traditional sourcing
practices. The enlargement of source options calls for a revision of sourcing practices. Or
to put it in the words of Dimitrova and Strmbck (2009: 75), the journalistic need for
news sources is a constant, but the usage of news sources is a variable. Yet, what is the
relationship between foreign reporting and information provision through social media
channels? How is the balance between the use of official and unofficial sources, and
national and local sources? And can we detect a new kind of reporting from afar?
First research in this area shows that there are signs of innovative sourcing practices.
For example, established news organizations as The New York Times or Bloomberg have
formulated policies to organize the use of Twitter in their formalized frameworks of
news production (Hermida, 2010b). In some cases, such as the terrorist attacks in Mumbai
2008 or the Boston marathon in April 2013, news organizations published unverified
videos and anonymous tweets from ordinary citizens in addition to traditional coverage
(Heinrich, 2011; Broersma and Graham, 2012; Lenatti, 2009; Morozov, 2009). Putting
the focus on protest movements, Poell and Borra (2011) examined how activists used
social media as platforms of alternative journalism throughout the 2010 G20 summit in
Toronto and found that only a relatively small number of activists dominated the report-
ing, while (similar to mainstream reporting) these accounts concentrated on violence and
spectacle. Going back to research on traditional news organizations and how they use,
for example, Twitter, Hermida et al. (2012) found that non-elite sources had a greater say
in the Twitter stream of National Public Radios Andy Carvin. They note that Carvins
use of Twitter, while perhaps unique to him in some respects, points to the innovative
forms of production that emerge in the initial stages of new communication technologies
(Hermida et al., 2012: 11). Yet, Carvins use of Twitter as his platform of choice for news
gathering, production and consumption makes for a quite unique example of sourcing
practices. Overall, research on traditional news organizations and how they handle social
media sources in newspapers or on TV is still rather scarce to date and the following
analysis provides insights on sourcing practices in Belgian newsrooms.

Methodology
The analysis presented here discusses if and how Belgian news coverage of the uprisings
in three Arab countries displays diverse sourcing practices (RQ13). These events are
related to a wave of democratic grass roots uprisings in many North-African countries in
2011 often called the Arab Spring2 but we specifically focus on three cases. First,
we selected the countries Egypt and Tunisia because they were the scene of major pro-
tests whereas other countries such as Sudan and Saudi Arabia only knew minor protests.
These countries were also the only two where the government had fallen at the time this
research was being conducted. Second, we selected Syria because of the violent response
of the Syrian regime to the protests that took place resulting in a civil war. Besides, in
Syria foreign correspondents were/are banned, which may have prompted journalists to
rely more on network journalism practices as an alternative to gathering information
about the uprisings. The absence of Belgian or Western tourists, implying that news

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Van Leuven et al. 579

about the Syrian street protests is less appealing for Belgian audiences (proximity news
value, see Galtung and Ruge, 1965), further alienates it from the other two cases, and
may be an extra trigger to practice network journalism (RQ4). These assumptions lead us
to the following research questions:

RQ1 Are non-mainstream sources (ordinary citizens and non-mainstream

groups) important information sources?
RQ2 Are social media used as an information channel?
RQ3 Are the uprisings reported from the perspective of local sources or is the
news domesticated for a Belgian/Western audience?
RQ4: Are journalists more inclined to practice network journalism when covering
the Syrian uprising?

We developed a quantitative content analysis to examine coverage of the selected

cases in four Belgian newspapers and at two Belgian broadcasters. The first focus of the
study lies with the sources in the news, or the people and organisations that are quoted in
the news (RQ1). We developed a categorization of nine types of sources, grouped along
mainstream and non-mainstream sources and a category of undefined sources (anony-
mous or unnamed sources). The group of mainstream sources categorizes politicians,
government institutions, companies (and umbrellas), journalists, experts (scientists, uni-
versities), and a remainder category (celebrities, religious sources). The group of non-
mainstream sources consists of ordinary citizens and non-mainstream groups
(non-governmental organizations (NGOs), groups of demonstrators). A second focus of
the article lies with the use of social media (Facebook, Twitter, weblogs, YouTube,
WikiLeaks, etc.) as an information channel to access non-mainstream sources (RQ2). A
third focus of the articles lies with the level of domestication (RQ3). In accordance with
Joye (2010) we distinguish between foreign news (e.g. news about Egyptian partici-
pants in the street protests, news about the actions of the dictators) and domesticated
news when foreign news events are adapted for a Belgian or Western (European or
North-American) audience. For example, news about the uprisings can be domesticated
by linking the street protests to their ramifications for Belgian or Western stock markets,
or by interviewing Belgian or Western tourists that have been evacuated from the conflict
area. The level of domestication can be limited (50% of the news article is domesti-
cated) or strong (>50%).
We applied selective sampling (Wester and Van Selm, 2006) to collect all articles in
the time frame of the actual street protests because at those moments demonstrators took
reporting matters into their own hands, therefore acting as a potential networked news
source for foreign reporters (Heinrich, 2012).
The self-cremation of Tunisian Mohamed Bouazizi out of despair with long-term
unemployment and inequitable treatment by the Tunisian police force sparked the street
protests from 18 December 2010 that resulted in the resignation of President Zine El
Abidine Ben Ali on 27 February 2011. Following the example of the Tunisian people,
Egyptian protesters stationed themselves on Tahrir Square from 25 January 2011 leading
to the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak and the clearing of Tahrir Square on 14
February 2011. Finally, despite mass protests from 15 March 2011 onwards, Syrian

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580 new media & society 17(4)

President Bashar al-Assad refused to resign and tried to suppress the insurrection by
military force and the peaceful demonstrations ended in a lasting civil war. To allow for
comparisons between the selected countries, we delimited the Syrian data collection to
the start of a new phase in the uprising, more specifically the association of opposition
groups in the Syrian National Transitional Council on 17 July 2011.
We selected two popular (Het Nieuwsblad and Het Laatste Nieuws) and two quality
(De Standaard and De Morgen) newspapers, Belgiums four most important Flemish
language newspapers (De Bens and Raeymaeckers, 2010). We furthermore included
both Flemish newscasts at the public broadcaster En and the commercial broadcaster
VTM. All newspaper articles were collected via Mediargus (Belgian equivalent of
LexisNexis), all broadcast items via the Electronic News Archive.3
In total, 1121 news items were selected and analysed by a team of four trained coders.
A coding guide and registration form4 were developed to ensure uniformity in the selec-
tion and analytical choices. A critically composed sample of 40 articles was tested for
intercoder reliability with an outcome of Cohens Kappa values ranging from 0.76 up to
1.00. Analysis was carried out using PASW Statistics 18.

Results
The main body of 1121 analysed items consists of newspaper articles (79.5%) compared
to 20.5% broadcast pieces. Despite the shorter sample period, the uprising in Egypt gen-
erated the highest percentage of articles in the total sample (45.3%) followed by Syria
(24.4%) and Tunisia (16.4%). A total of 13.9% of the articles combined coverage of one
of these countries with coverage of street protests in one or more other Arab countries
and are therefore more generally categorized as Arab Spring.

RQ1 The role of non-mainstream sources

With a total of 723 ordinary citizens in 1121 articles, or 36.9% of all 1961 sources, ordi-
nary citizens outnumber all other sources (see Figure 1). In contrast to traditional news
coverage (Van Leuven et al., in press), then, news about the selected cases seems to
respond to Gans (2011) call for multiperspectival news that represents the general
public. Political sources (26.3%) follow at the second rank. Non-mainstream groups
such as NGOs or groups of demonstrators are ranked third (10.0%). The top three is fol-
lowed by government sources (7.0%), journalists (6.6%), companies (6.0%), experts
(5.4%), a remainder category of mainstream sources (1.3%), and undefined sources
(0.5%). The fact that ordinary citizens and non-mainstream groups quantitatively out-
number most categories of mainstream sources in this study is a first indication of their
importance in Belgian coverage of the selected uprisings. A more broad comparison of
mainstream (52.6%) and non-mainstream (46.9%) sources further reflects the balance
between different types of sources.5
Most sources in the sample are Arabs (54.4% of all sources), followed by Belgian
(18.8%) and Western (18.1%) sources. In accordance with the distribution of articles over
the three countries, most Arab sources are Egyptian (30.7% of all sources), followed by
Syrian (12.6%) and Tunisian (7.0%) sources. Most mainstream sources are of Arab (38.5%

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Van Leuven et al. 581

Figure 1. Country versus % of sources (N=1961).

M: mainstream.

of all mainstream sources, mainly political sources, government institutions and journal-
ists) as well as Belgian (19.9%, mainly companies and experts) and Western (33.4%,
mainly political sources, journalists and experts) origin, while most non-mainstream
sources are Arabs (72.8% of all non-mainstream sources) or Belgians (17.8%).
The majority of sources are personally involved in the event (45.9%) or provide eye-
witness reports (34.8%). Most ordinary citizens are not quoted as vox pop (11.5%)
merely to add colour to mainstream sources standpoints. The finding that most ordinary
citizens cited are Arabs and that non-mainstream sources are significantly (p=0.000)
more prominent in quality (48.7% of all sources in quality media) compared to popular
media (40.3%) indeed goes against complaints about tabloidization in news coverage
(Hauttekeete, 2004). The relatively higher prominence of ordinary citizens in quality
media seems to be inspired by network journalism practices rather than by a commercial
strategy to attract a bigger audience that is often applied by popular media. Instead most
ordinary citizens are consulted as eyewitnesses (78.6%), many of them Arab demonstra-
tors testifying about their participation in the street protests or Belgian tourists talking
about their evacuation from holiday resorts. Although we cannot conclude solely based
on these findings that every eyewitness account brings more viewpoints and story angles
on board (as envisioned by the network journalism paradigm), the findings reveal that
ordinary citizens are more often heard compared to previous research (Van Leuven et al.,
in press; Gans, 2011).
Nonetheless we also found signs of traditional sourcing practices as, in accordance
with previous research (Van Leuven et al., in press), the analysis shows that ordinary citi-
zens are relatively more present in background articles.6 In contrast, most mainstream
sources (besides experts who are almost exclusively consulted to provide background
information) are relatively more present in factual news reports where journalists have
less room for active news gathering and prefer to rely on official sources (Gans, 1979).
Moreover, if we only consider the 763 sources that are firstly quoted in each article

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582 new media & society 17(4)

(dominant sources), our original optimism is tempered as 32.1% of them are political
sources. This finding points out that although ordinary citizens are most prominent in
the overall coverage journalists still prefer to place authoritative sources first to intro-
duce an issue and thereby set its interpretation framework, which is in line with tradi-
tional literature on source selection (Gans, 1979; Hall et al., [1978] 1999). This finding
is confirmed if we make a more broad comparison between mainstream (61.9% of all
dominant sources) and non-mainstream sources (37.9%), where the balance lifts more
towards mainstream sources compared to the overall coverage (where 'only' 52.6% of all
sources are mainstream sources). There is nonetheless reason for optimism about the
importance of non-mainstream sources in coverage of the selected uprisings: ordinary
citizens (25.7%) and non-mainstream groups (12.2%) follow at rank two and three as
dominant sources. This finding is especially important as NGOs, social movements and
groups of demonstrators are more important as dominant news sources compared to the
overall coverage (10.0%), which especially for NGOs points to their development as
authoritative news sources in given fields of discourse (Davis, 2000: 50).

Country comparison. The analysis shows a significant coherence (p=0.000) between

types of sources and country of uprising. Figure 1 shows that non-mainstream sources
are better represented in coverage of Tunisia (52.3% of all sources in the Tunisian
case) and Syria (53.5%) compared to coverage of Egypt (45.4%) and items that discuss
more than one Arab Spring country (38.6%). Coverage about the uprising in Syria
contains many more quotes from non-mainstream groups, mainly groups of demon-
strators or NGOs that condemn the disastrous humanitarian situation and the many
civilian victims in the conflict. Coverage of the Syrian uprising also quotes relatively
more local Arab sources (64.6%). A look at the dominant sources further confirms that
Syria is a distinct case as it is the only country where mainstream and non-mainstream
sources are balanced (51.0% non-mainstream sources). In all other cases, mainstream
sources are more often dominant (27.342.1% non-mainstream sources). It thus seems
that media restrictions prompt journalists to refer more to non-authoritative sources,
even as prominent as the first quote in the article/item. Journalists, here, seem to be
forced to revise their sourcing practices to ensure coverage, find stories and viewpoints
and to validate news.
Mainstream sources are especially more dominant in coverage of two or more Arab
Spring countries, which can be related to the fact that these news items quote more
experts (15.1% of all sources in Arab Spring items) compared to coverage of the sepa-
rate countries (2.04.2% of all sources in each case). A closer investigation of the sample
reveals that many of these articles are background (35.9%) or commentary (22.4%)
pieces that try to sketch the bigger picture of the protests, discussing possible reasons for
the grass roots mobilization, the consequences for the countries in question and for the
international community, the stance of the international community towards dictators
and protesters, etc. In these instances journalists more often rely on background knowl-
edge provided by experts (Albaek, 2011). This assumption is strengthened as we found
that statements by experts are significantly (p=0.000) longer than those of other sources,
which indicates that experts are often contacted to add more extensive pieces of context
and analysis to news reports.

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Van Leuven et al. 583

RQ2 The role of social media and amateur footage

As far as we can observe in the news output (as journalists do not always explicitly
mention their sources), social media are consulted in 10.3% of the articles which is a
substantially higher proportion compared to previous research (Van Leuven et al., in
press). The most important social media sources are Facebook (43 uses in 1121 articles/
items), followed by Twitter (35), YouTube (28), WikiLeaks (18), nawaat.orgs Tunileaks
(5), and several personal blogs (11). A total of 79 of 128 quotes (61.7%) sourced via
social media are attributed to ordinary citizens. In other words, a substantive amount of
11.0% of all ordinary citizens cited are sourced via social media. Eleven social media
quotes are attributed to non-mainstream groups. Most sources that were contacted via
social media are Egyptian (34), Tunisian (7) and Syrian (12). It is nonetheless clear
from the analysis that Belgian newspaper journalists still struggle with social media
sourcing. Examples where social media sourcing adds value to the coverage are excep-
tional (e.g. references to nawaat.org, a website run by Tunisian activists outside the
country). In many cases, social media quotes are not integrated in the news article, but
instead displayed in a separate column to illustrate the content of the news article. For
example, on 3, 5, 11 and 12 February, De Standaard added Twitter and Facebook quotes
to articles about the Egypt uprising in a separate column (44 quoted sources in total).
Most of these quotes express the experiences and emotions of demonstrators and sup-
porters (e.g. You can do it!!! Tunisia supports u! Good luck or Pfffffff hurry up
Moebarak, we still have 20 countries to liberate). One article adds a few tweets in a
separate column to illustrate the discussion on the role of social media in the Egyptian
uprising (e.g. It smelled tear gasses, but mostly freedom #jan25 #Egypt #Tahrir).
Viewed from the perspective of network journalism, one could interpret this shift in
sourcing practices as a move to allow more non-mainstream sources in the coverage
(Dahlgren and Gurevitch, 2005; McNair, 2009). Conversely, one can still question how
far these personal comments add depth and new viewpoints to the coverage, especially
when they are not integrated in the news article but instead packaged away from tradi-
tional media coverage (Heinrich, 2012: 769).
One important thing to note is that we did not count amateur videos in broadcast
news as social media sources because it was not explicitly mentioned if these videos
were distributed via social media channels. It is however highly presumable that most of
the amateur videos are distributed via Facebook, Twitter, YouTube or other social media
platforms. As 17.5% of broadcast news or 3.6% of the total coverage contains amateur
footage, the combined count of social media sources and amateur footage results in a
considerable 13.9% of all coverage where Belgian journalists expand their sourcing
practices.

Country comparison.The analysis shows a significant coherence (p=0.000) between

country and social media use. Social media are more often used as sources in coverage
of the Syrian uprising compared to the other cases (see Figure 2). Moreover, 35 of 40
amateur videos appear in coverage of Syria. This finding leads us to the assumption that
journalists in the Syrian case more often relied on alternative sources and amateur foot-
age (e.g. live reports and video images) to compensate for the access restrictions. It

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584 new media & society 17(4)

seems that the use of social media and amateur videos is inspired by network journalism
practices, as images and information are provided that normally would not reach beyond
Syria because of heavy media restrictions. Therefore, these sources clearly add depth and
viewpoints to the coverage of the Syrian uprising that go against the official statements
of the Syrian government. They give voice to the Syrian people even though they did not
have face-to-face contact with journalists.
In contrast, Figure 2 shows that social media are more often discussed as a topic and
merely mentioned (without further discussion) in coverage of two or more Arab Spring
countries. This can again be ascribed to the larger amount of in-depth analyses, commen-
tary pieces and background coverage that, for example, examine the role of social media
in the uprisings.

RQ3 Foreign or domesticated news?

The analysis shows that 46.7% of the articles are foreign news; 19.7% of the items are to
a small (5.2%) or large (14.5%) extent domesticated for the Belgian audience; 33.5% of
the articles are to a small (18.1%) or large (15.4%) extent telling the story from a Western
perspective (see Figure 3). When compared to previous research (Van Leuven et al., in
press) our case study can be considered as an exceptional news event where Belgian
journalists were less inclined to domesticate the news. As domestication ensures that
foreign events are more understandable, attractive and relevant to a domestic public
(Clausen, 2004; Joye, 2010), the lower level of domestication may indicate that the Arab
uprisings are often reported from the perspective of local sources which points to prac-
tices of network journalism and multiperspectival news (Heinrich, 2011; Gans, 2011).

Country comparison. Figure 3 shows a significant coherence (p=0.000) between country

of uprising and level of domestication. News about Syria is less often domesticated
(61.9% of all items about the Syrian uprising are foreign news) compared to news about

Figure 2. Country versus role of social media (N=1121, % of items).

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Van Leuven et al. 585

100

80
61.9
60 Foreign news
45.7 42.5 46.2 46.7
40 33.1 33.3 35.3 33.5 Domescated news (Belgium)
29.9
24.5 24.4
18.6 19.7 Domescated news (West)
20
4.8
0
Tunisia Egypt Syria Arab Spring All Coverage

Figure 3. Country versus level of domestication (N=1121, % of items).

Egypt and Tunisia that more often discusses the Belgian interests in the area (24.4% and
29.9% respectively). This can be explained by the fact that contrary to Syria, Egypt and
Tunisia are important touristic destinations, which automatically results in a higher level
of domestication as Belgian interests are involved. Moreover it may be related to new
sourcing practices as the network sphere allows journalists to get more easily in touch
with local sources in Syria. These assumptions are confirmed by the finding that Belgian
sources are heavily underrepresented in coverage about the Syrian uprising compared to
the other countries: while only 2.3% of all sources in coverage about Syria are Belgian,
their presence ranges from 16.7% to 28.9% in coverage about the other countries. Fur-
thermore we see that news items that discuss more than one Arab Spring country more
often domesticate the news for a Western audience (46.2%). As mentioned above, many
of these articles are background pieces that discuss the ramifications of the uprisings for
Western countries, for example in terms of oil prices or stock markets.
Furthermore we found a significant coherence (p=0.000) between sources and level
of domestication (see Figure 4). More specifically, 60.2% of all sources in foreign news
count as non-mainstream sources, compared to only 47.0% of all sources in the total
sample. Moreover, non-mainstream sources are also more prominent (66.7%) in cover-
age that is only to a small extent domesticated for a Belgian audience which further
points out that more non-mainstream sources are consulted in coverage that (mainly)
focuses on the country of uprising. This finding seems to suggest that Belgian journalists
made use of the new possibilities in the network sphere to rely more on non-mainstream
sources in their reporting of foreign events. In contrast, 94.5% of all sources are main-
stream in articles that are, to a large extent, domesticated for a Western audience.

Conclusion and discussion

The analysis presented in this article focused on the question whether Belgian news cov-
erage of the uprisings in three Arab countries shows signs of diverse sourcing practices
(RQ13) and whether we can find differences between the countries that are related to
issues of proximity and media restrictions (RQ4). The findings are mixed.
On the one hand, we found signs of more diverse sourcing practices compared to
previous research (Van Leuven et al., in press). Ordinary citizens and non-mainstream

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586 new media & society 17(4)

100%
80% 66.7% 94.5%
60.2% 53.5% 56.6%
60% 52.6%

40% 46.5% 46.9%

39.3% 42.3%
33.3%
20% 5.1%
0%
Foreign news Belgium (<50%) Belgium (>50%) West (<50%) West (>50%) All coverage

Mainstream source Non-mainstream source

Figure 4. Source versus level of domestication (N=1961, % of sources).

groups are important news sources, social media are relatively often used in the news
gathering process, and the news about the uprisings is less often domesticated (RQ13).
On the other hand, our original optimism needs to be toned down, as it appears that
Belgian journalists mainly turn to official political sources to introduce the news and set
the interpretation frame for the article. Moreover, non-mainstream sources may be
important news sources in quantitative terms, but it seems that ordinary citizens (as eye-
witnesses) and social media platforms are mainly consulted to illustrate the information
in the news article. This finding is in accordance with previous studies that showed how
journalists still value traditional sourcing practices (Blair-Gagnon, 2011). In a recurring
critique on sourcing ordinary citizens in the news, some authors state that this approach
does not add depth and new viewpoints to the message but rather dumbs-down the infor-
mation in the news article (Habermas, 1974). In contrast, Gans (2011) demands that
journalists and news media should represent the general public and make their views and
voices heard to foster public discourse. Other authors stress that this journalistic approach
allows more ordinary people to understand the news from real-life experiences (Dahlgren
and Gurevitch, 2005; McNair, 2009). In this sense, even when eyewitness accounts do
not add a rational and well-considered argument to the public debate about the uprisings,
they can still add a new layer to the discussion in telling the story from different real-life
experiences.
However, we did find more characteristics of network journalism practices in news
about Syria (RQ4), with a bigger role for non-mainstream sources and social media plat-
forms, and with a lower level of domestication for the Belgian audience. First, this find-
ing can be related to factors of proximity regarding news values, as no Belgian tourists
were present in the country to provide a national framework of the street protests. Second,
it seems that media restrictions inspired Belgian journalists to rely more on on-the-
ground, non-mainstream sources that circumvented the restricted information access by
means of digital networks and social media platforms. This finding indicates that in a
situation of information chaos (McNair, 2013), the network sphere offers opportunities
for sources and journalists to connect on a global scale and exhibit power abuse to a
global audience. In this sense, our analysis challenges traditional political-economic
conceptions of international news coverage as a means of global dominance by those in
power (Cottle, 2009).

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Van Leuven et al. 587

Nonetheless, De Dobbelaer et al. (2013), who conducted a similar content analysis of

the Arab uprisings in Belgian TV news, found that most journalists do not actively search
for user-generated content on social media platforms, but instead copy this footage from
international news agencies and international media brands (e.g. BBC, CNN). In other
words, they rely on international news media to verify the reliability of user-generated
content before they incorporate it in their news output. As journalists often fail to men-
tion their sources, further research is necessary to assess whether Belgian newspapers
equally passively relied on international news media to provide user-generated content.
Nonetheless, although this finding points out that most Belgian TV journalists did not yet
actively practice network journalism during the Arab uprisings, it cannot be denied that
a change is already visible in the news output. Network journalism is still in its infancy,
and thus further research should follow-up possible changes in sourcing practices.
When analysing our findings, one should also take note that the Arab Spring domi-
nated the media agenda for several weeks and therefore most news media had their own
correspondent at the spot (except for Syria). This may be one of the reasons why journal-
ists had so many contacts with local, non-mainstream sources. Further research is needed
to examine how far sourcing practices in this study can be explained by network journal-
ism practices or by the deviation from everyday desk-bound sourcing practices where
journalists may be more inclined to rely on mainstream sources (e.g. news agencies,
government). Second, ordinary people played a central role in the Arab Spring as they
were demonstrating in the search for political change. In contrast, most everyday foreign
coverage stems from an institutional background such as economic negotiations between
government leaders, election coverage, or intergovernmental meetings, where main-
stream sources are the key players. Ethnographic studies in newsrooms may be a good
starting point to examine how far journalists in their everyday newsgathering practices
also make use of online networks and how far non-mainstream sources can be consulted
to add depth to this kind of coverage.
Finally, even though we did find indicators of more diverse sourcing practices, our
study does not reveal if the content provided through sourcing social media does deserve
the label of a global news outlook (Berglez, 2008). Foreign news about street protests
does not necessarily equal global news with regard to the perspectives provided on a
news story. Or to put it this way: an increase in the use of foreign and non-mainstream
news sources does not automatically equal the provision of more global perspectives.
Berglez explains that a global outlook seeks to understand and explain how economic,
political, social and ecological practices, processes and problems in different parts of the
world affect each other, are interlocked, or share commonalities (2008: 847). A global
outlook, thus, consists of a richer tapestry in perspective and depth of a news story.
This article took a quantitative approach to sourcing practices at traditional news
organizations. It lies in the nature of such research that it can reveal the balance in sourc-
ing practices and the plurality of voices heard in a news story. It does, however, not tell
us much about the content provided by social media sources. Does a higher quantity of
citizen and non-mainstream contributions really equal a higher quality of foreign news
coverage? Or are these sources mainly used to colour or illustrate the information in the
article? Qualitative research on social media sources could, here, complement our results
and reveal insights with respect to global perspectives and if and how the plurality of

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588 new media & society 17(4)

voices is mirrored in the news. The paradigm of network journalism suggests that news
organizations develop new and continuous links with alternative sources. Social media
can in this respect add to a more diverse global news map and further research will help
to assess how journalistic organizations cope with the new sources at hand, how much of
an influx they allow into their network and if we can witness a shift from foreign to
global reporting.

Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or
not-for-profit sectors.

Notes
1. Ample studies have discussed foreign correspondence in more general terms (e.g. Hamilton
and Jenner, 2004; Hannerz, 2004). However, it exceeds the scope of this article to provide a
detailed overview of literature on traditional foreign corresponding. We instead focus on con-
cepts that relate recent developments in the field to technological and social change and we
review literature on sourcing practices to shed light on the question of how journalists make
use of social media throughout their coverage.
2. The authors are aware that Arab Spring is a general label that groups protests in Middle
Eastern countries with very different backgrounds. It is a term that simplifies the complex
situation in the Middle East. However, in this study, we have chosen to sample pragmatically
rather than to take into account elements such as context, diversity, interests, relationships, etc.
3. We used the following keywords: Egypt*, Tahrir*, Moebarak, Caro (Egypt); Tunes*, Tunis,
Ben Ali (Tunisia); Syri*, Damascus, al-Assad (Syria). All news items that did not discuss the
uprisings in the respective countries were deleted from the sample.
4. For more information about the choice of newspapers and the methodology of the study,
contact the authors.
5. When comparing mainstream and non-mainstream sources as main categories, we leave
undefined sources out of the calculation as their proportion (10 cases) is negligible.
6. The low number of cases in some categories does not allow for statistical analyses.

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Author biographies
Sarah Van Leuven just finished her PhD (funded by the Ghent University Special Research Fund)
entitled The public sphere in times of marketing and digitalization: A multimethodical, longitudi-
nal study of the use of news sources in Belgium. Case study: international news. She now works
at the Department of Translation, Interpreting and Communication as a doctoral assistant in multi-
lingual communication. Her current research projects focus on journalism studies and change
communication research.
Ansgard Heinrich is Assistant Professor at the Groningen Centre for Media and Journalism Studies,
The Netherlands. Her research areas include media and globalization, digital media technologies
and alternative journalism. Before joining the journalism department at the University of
Groningen, Heinrich spent several years researching and teaching in New Zealand, Australia and
Germany and she received her PhD from the University of Otago, New Zealand. Heinrich was a
research fellow at the University of Melbourne and at the Central European University Budapest.
Prior to her academic career she worked as freelance journalist for local radio stations in Germany.

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Van Leuven et al. 591

Her publications include Network Journalism. Journalistic Practice in Interactive Spheres

(Routledge, 2011) and she has published in Media International Australia and Journalism Practice.
Annelore Deprez (PhD Communication Sciences) is a member of the Center for Journalism
Studies, Ghent University. As professor she is responsible for the course Contemporay Aspects of
Journalism. She has been involved in research projects focusing on sports and journalism, the
framing and representation of conflicts in news coverage and the profiling of journalists.

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