(Psychology of Emotions Motivations and Actions Series.) Bevinn, Sarah J.-Psychology of Loneliness-Nova Science Publishers (2011)

PSYCHOLOGY OF EMOTIONS, MOTIVATIONS AND ACTIONS
PSYCHOLOGY OF LONELINESS
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PSYCHOLOGY OF EMOTIONS, MOTIVATIONS AND ACTIONS
PSYCHOLOGY OF LONELINESS
SARAH J. BEVINN
EDITOR
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Psychology of loneliness / editor, Sarah J. Bevinn.

p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-61761-499-6 (eBook)
1. Loneliness. 2. Interpersonal relations. I. Bevinn, Sarah J.
BF575.L7P79 2010
155.9'2--dc22
2010031327
Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. New York

CONTENTS
Preface vii
Chapter 1 Experiencing Loneliness in Childhood:
Consequences for Psychosocial Adjustment,
School Adjustment, and Academic Performance 1
Lucy R. Betts and Anna S. A. Bicknell
Chapter 2 Ageing and Psychological Well-Being 29
Juan Carlos Melndez-Moral
Chapter 3 Loneliness in Sexual Offenders 49
Emily Blake and Theresa A. Gannon
Chapter 4 Loneliness and Life: From Beginning to End 69
Ami Rokach
Chapter 5 The Experience of Loneliness while
Studying Abroad 89
Holly A. Hunley
Chapter 6 Denying the Need to Belong: How Social
Exclusion Impairs Human Functioning
and How People Can Protect against It 107
Richard S. Pond, Jr., Joseph Brey
and C. Nathan DeWall
vi Contents
Chapter 7 Sexual Alienation: A Review of Factors

Influencing the Loneliness of Gay, Lesbian,
and Bisexual Adolescents 123
Bradley J. Bond
Chapter 8 Being Lonely in a Crowd: Population Density
Contributes to Perceived Loneliness in China 137
Zhenzhu Yue, Cong Feng, Xinyue Zhou
and Ding-Guo Gao
Index 151
PREFACE
Feelings of loneliness are central to the human experience. Therefore,

because loneliness is an inherent human condition, operating on a cognitive
and affective level, most individuals experience loneliness at some time across
the life-span. Loneliness is a unique and multidimensional phenomenon that
represents the extent to which an individual's perceived social network is
either smaller or less satisfying than they desire. This book presents current
research in the study of loneliness including such topics as loneliness in
childhood and consequences for psychosocial adjustment and academic
performance; the elderly and loneliness; loneliness in sexual offenders; the
influence of age and gender on the experience of loneliness; the loneliness of
undergraduate students studying abroad; gay,lesbian and bisexual adolescents
and loneliness; and population density and loneliness.
Chapter 1- Feelings of loneliness are central to the human experience,
with most individuals encountering loneliness at some time (Weiss, 1974). The
chapter will begin by providing a brief overview of the topic of loneliness and
experiences of loneliness in adults to provide a context for childrens
loneliness. Next, we will discuss loneliness in childhood because experiencing
loneliness during childhood has been identified as an antecedent of loneliness
in adulthood (Cacioppo, Hawkley, & Berntson, 2003). Although some short-
and long-term consequences of childhood loneliness have been explored, the
present chapter aims to review the research evidence outlining the
consequences of childhood loneliness for psychosocial adjustment.
Specifically, given the importance of positive peer relationships during
childhood for psychosocial adjustment, school adjustment, and academic
performance (Wentzel, 1999), the chapter will discuss the research evidence
that experiencing loneliness can have negative consequences for children in
viii Sarah J. Bevinn
the context of the school environment. In particular, the chapter will explore
childrens experiences of loneliness with regard to peer relationships, school
adjustment, and academic performance.
The chapter will then move on to discuss potential explanations of
loneliness during childhood, focusing on how childrens interpretations of
social situations may influence their loneliness in school. Consequently, the
chapter will make links between childrens ability to interpret social situations,
attribution styles, and loneliness. In support of this argument, the chapter will
present the findings from a small-scale cross-sectional study with 135 children
(66 male and 69 female) aged between 11- and 15-years old (M = 12.62, SD =
1.04) from the UK. Children completed measures of social and emotional
experiences of loneliness and reported their attribution style in response to
positive and negative social outcomes. The results indicate that adopting a
more negative attribution style in both positive and negative circumstances
was predictive of higher levels of loneliness. These results add further support
to the argument that childrens ability to interpret social situations influences
their psychosocial adjustment assessed as loneliness.
Chapter 2- Demographic changes in the last century have produced longer
life expectancy, and therefore there is a greater proportion of elderly in the
population. As a consequence of this, there has been a growing interest in the
research with elderly people, especially in terms of their well-being. There is
research evidence that well-being in the elderly may be understood as a two
components construct: subjective well-being, that remains relatively stable
during life span; and psychological well-being, that negatively changes with
age, especially its dimensions of personal growth and purpose in life.
Chapter 3- A great number of researchers and clinicians have observed
that sexual offenders often appear to be socially isolated, experiencing few
close intimate relationships and greater feelings of loneliness compared to
other offenders and community controls (Bumby & Hansen, 1997; Garlick,
1991; Saunders, Awad & White, 1986; Marshall, Hudson & Robertson, 1994).
These findings are consistent with the more general research on loneliness that
suggests that lonelier people are more likely to have poor social skills, have
difficulty in forming relationships, and hold negative or hostile opinions of
other people. These findings have also prompted researchers to investigate
whether the loneliness experienced by sex offenders is related to the
development of sexual offending behaviour. Particular questions of
importance relate to whether the loneliness experienced by sex offenders is
caused by social skill deficits, which in turn contribute to sexual offending, or
whether it is the direct experience of loneliness itself, in the absence of social
Preface ix
skills deficits that facilitates sexual offending? Conversely could the sexual
offending behaviour or subsequent incarceration for such acts be the cause of
sexual offenders loneliness? This chapter aims to answer these questions by
describing what researchers have learnt about the loneliness of sex offenders,
and what impact loneliness has on offending behaviour. First we define
loneliness using information available from general psychology, then we
discuss the research evidence for loneliness in sexual offenders and the
theories that attempt to explain the link between loneliness and sexual
offending.
Chapter 4- Loneliness is a prevailing experience, which every person has
experienced at some point in his or her life. It is a subjective experience, which
is influenced by ones personality, life experience and other situational
variables. The present study examined the influence of age and gender on the
experience of loneliness; not on its presence or absence, but rather on its
qualitative apects. Seven hundred and eleven participants from all walks of life
volunteered to answer an 82-item yes/no questionnaire, reflecting on their
loneliness experiences and what it meant to them. Four age groups were
compared: youth (13-18 years old), young adults (19-30 years old), adults (31-
58 years old) and seniors (60-80 years old). Within and between gender
comparisons were also done. Results revealed that loneliness is indeed
affected by ones age and gender.
Chapter 5- Anecdotal evidence and previous research have indicated that
experiencing some stress while traveling abroad is a rather common
occurrence. Part of this stress may be explained by the experience of
loneliness. Specifically, students who study abroad are removed, at least in
part, from their usual social support systems, which may lead them to feel as
though they lack close attachments or people on whom they can rely for
support. Undergraduate students studying abroad at Loyola Universitys Rome
Center during the 2004 fall semester (Rome Center Study I) and the 2006-
2007 fall and spring semesters (Rome Center Study II) completed
questionnaires, which examined aspects of loneliness, psychological distress,
and functioning while abroad. In general, these studies provide evidence that
loneliness is associated with adverse consequences for students who study
abroad. Specifically, students experiencing more loneliness also experienced
greater psychological distress and demonstrated lower levels of functioning
while studying abroad. Further, having fewer friends was associated with
greater loneliness and lower levels of functioning, while having lower quality
friendships while studying abroad was related to greater loneliness, lower
levels of functioning, and greater psychological distress, particularly
x Sarah J. Bevinn
depression. Finally, there was weak support that less frequent contact with
friends at home was related to the experience of more loneliness. Despite the
increasing numbers of students who study abroad each year, there remains a
limited body of research into the psychological aspects of studying abroad.
Therefore, it is important to investigate factors such as loneliness and
psychological distress that may hinder students from taking full advantage of
their study abroad experiences. The results of these studies should be reviewed
by universities and study abroad programs and used to enhance students
experiences while studying abroad by nurturing students social support while
abroad, providing intercultural training, and offering mental health resources
for students abroad.
Chapter 6- Humans are fundamentally social creatures. Our quality of life
rests on the people we connect with, and not just because we depend on them
for food, clothing, and shelter. Instead, we thrive on interpersonal contact, and
because of this our psychological, and even physiological, well-being is
hampered when we become socially disconnected. The current chapter focuses
on what happens when people experience unfulfilled belongingness.
Specifically, we review evidence about how social exclusion hampers us in
ways that affect our cognitions, emotions, and behaviors. We review evidence
about how people cope with the pain of exclusion. And we also discuss recent
work that shows how people can be buffered from the deleterious effects of
exclusion. The findings that we review demonstrate that social exclusion
strikes at the core of human functioning, yet we also hope to show that the
negative consequences associated with social disconnection can be effectively
reduced.
Chapter 7- Adolescence is a tumultuous time of development, as
transformations continually influence the emotional well-being of the
American teenager. Lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LGB) teens experience
loneliness with more saliency than their heterosexual peers. It is important to
understand the factors influencing the loneliness of sexual minority youth
given the social hindrances that they face. This commentary reviews the
socialization agents known to influence feelings of loneliness among LGB
adolescents. By reviewing the socialization agents in an effort to provide
researchers with a concise review of important variables that need to be
explored in future studies of LGB adolescents to better understand the
emotional development of this population.
Chapter 8- People feel lonely even they live in heavily populated areas
like China, in spite of being surrounded by millions of people. Yet it is unclear
why loneliness cannot be alleviated by high population density. In this article,
Preface xi
we argue that population density not only cannot lessen the feelings of
loneliness, it also has the potential to exacerbate the perceived loneliness. We
propose a number of possible mechanisms. First of all, we argue that people
tend to disconnect themselves from others as a protective mechanism in
heavily populated areas because crowding environment can be harmful to
them physiologically and psychologically. And this self-defense mechanism
may have the potential to decrease social ties and contribute to the feelings of
being utterly alone and cut off. Moreover, habituation of social withdrawal
may be over-generalized, so that people exposed to crowded living conditions
for a long period become defensive and hostile chronically (Baum & Valins,
1977, 1979). This will make people around them more vulnerable to
loneliness. Finally, since loneliness is contagious, when people come into
contact with large number of other people daily, the perceived loneliness will
spread out rapidly. Therefore, the quantity of contact does not translate into
quality of contact (LoD, 2006). Quantity of contact may also have the potential
to decrease the quality of contact. The implication for heavily populated
societies like China is discussed.
In: Psychology of Loneliness ISBN: 978-1-61761-214-5
Editor: Sarah J. Bevinn, pp. 1-27 2011 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 1
EXPERIENCING LONELINESS
IN CHILDHOOD: CONSEQUENCES
FOR PSYCHOSOCIAL ADJUSTMENT,
SCHOOL ADJUSTMENT,
AND ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE
Lucy R. Betts and Anna S. A. Bicknell

Division of Psychology, Nottingham Trent University,
Nottingham, United Kingdom
ABSTRACT
Feelings of loneliness are central to the human experience, with most
individuals encountering loneliness at some time (Weiss, 1974). The
chapter will begin by providing a brief overview of the topic of loneliness
and experiences of loneliness in adults to provide a context for childrens
loneliness. Next, we will discuss loneliness in childhood because
experiencing loneliness during childhood has been identified as an
antecedent of loneliness in adulthood (Cacioppo, Hawkley, & Berntson,
2003). Although some short- and long-term consequences of childhood
loneliness have been explored, the present chapter aims to review the
research evidence outlining the consequences of childhood loneliness for
psychosocial adjustment. Specifically, given the importance of positive
peer relationships during childhood for psychosocial adjustment, school
2 Lucy R. Betts and Anna S. A. Bicknell
adjustment, and academic performance (Wentzel, 1999), the chapter will

discuss the research evidence that experiencing loneliness can have
negative consequences for children in the context of the school
environment. In particular, the chapter will explore childrens experiences
of loneliness with regard to peer relationships, school adjustment, and
academic performance.
The chapter will then move on to discuss potential explanations of
loneliness during childhood, focusing on how childrens interpretations of
social situations may influence their loneliness in school. Consequently,
the chapter will make links between childrens ability to interpret social
situations, attribution styles, and loneliness. In support of this argument,
the chapter will present the findings from a small-scale cross-sectional
study with 135 children (66 male and 69 female) aged between 11- and
15-years old (M = 12.62, SD = 1.04) from the UK. Children completed
measures of social and emotional experiences of loneliness and reported
their attribution style in response to positive and negative social
outcomes. The results indicate that adopting a more negative attribution
style in both positive and negative circumstances was predictive of higher
levels of loneliness. These results add further support to the argument that
childrens ability to interpret social situations influences their
psychosocial adjustment assessed as loneliness.
INTRODUCTION
Feelings of loneliness are central to the human experience (Weiss, 1974).
Therefore, because loneliness is an inherent human condition, operating on a
cognitive and affective level (Rotenberg, 1999), most individuals experience
loneliness at some time across the life-span. Loneliness is a unique and
multidimensional phenomenon that represents the extent to which an
individuals perceived social network is either smaller or less satisfying than
they desire (Jones, 1981; McWhirter, 1990; Nilsoon, Lindstrom, & Naden,
2006). Consequently, loneliness represents a substantive evaluation of an
individuals actual and desired level of satisfaction with their social network
and the potential discrepancy between these two (DiTommaso & Spinner,
1997). Due to the potential discrepancy between actual and desired satisfaction
with social networks, loneliness has been described as a deeply distressing
experience (Rotenberg, 1998), that is a by-product of human feelings (Weiss,
1987), and that is associated with a perceived lack of interpersonal intimacy
(Chelune, Sultan, & Williams, 1980). For most individuals the experience and
Experiencing Loneliness in Childhood 3
feelings associated with loneliness tend not be a permanent condition but

rather a transient experience (Weiss, 1987).
Researchers have reported that experiences of loneliness are characterised
by feelings of sadness, boredom and, in some instances, isolation from the
wider social arena (Roberts & Quayle, 2001). This isolation, from the social
world, can lead to reduced levels of self-esteem (Bullock, 2001) and reported
difficulties in psychosocial adjustment (Rotenberg, Bartley, & Toivonen,
1997). Moreover, the effects of severe loneliness are widely recognised in a
clinical context (Hardwig, 1991). Together, these findings have prompted
researchers to explore the psychological consequences of experiencing
loneliness across the lifespan. In the next part of the chapter, we will present
some of the research evidence that suggests a link between experiences of
loneliness and psychological adjustment in adulthood.
LONELINESS IN ADULTS
In adults, loneliness has been associated with a wide array of
psychological difficulties. For example, loneliness has been associated with,
and related to, reports of subjective health, increased psychosomatic
symptoms, lower levels of self-esteem, increased anxiety levels, depression,
neuroticism, and an external locus of control (Hojat, 1983; Jones, Freemon, &
Goswick, 1982; Ouellet & Joshi, 1986). Loneliness, during adulthood, is also
associated with, and potentially influenced by, other factors such as
personality traits, shyness, extroversion (Uruk & Demir, 2003), and a negative
self-perception (Goswick & Jones, 1981). In college students, higher levels of
loneliness have been found to be associated with deficits in social functioning
(Jones, Hobbs, & Hockenbury, 1982). Further, lonely college students are also
more inclined to be introspective and, therefore, at a greater risk of developing
depression (Ouellet & Joshni, 1986). Together, these studies underscore the
importance of understanding the consequences of experiencing loneliness
during adulthood because of the associated risks for individuals who
experience extreme levels of loneliness.
Although loneliness is commonly believed to occur when individuals are
socially isolated and lacking in companionship, it is important to note that
loneliness is not synonymous with being alone. In fact, loneliness can occur in
either the presence or absence of social relationships (Page & Scanian, 1994).
If an individual with a large social network feels that their needs are not being
met by their network then they may experience loneliness, whereas someone
with a smaller network may feel that their needs are being met and, as such,
may not experience loneliness (Asher & Paquette, 2003). Therefore, it is
crucial to make the distinction between aloneness and loneliness. Specifically,
it may be that individuals who chose to be alone may not necessarily be lonely
and, conversely, individuals with extensive social networks may still
experience the distress associated with loneliness. Consequently, experiencing
loneliness is more complex than simply regarding an individuals social
network size as an indicator of the propensity with which someone would
experience loneliness.
One of the most important antecedents of loneliness is a lack of emotional
support; specifically, when an individual feels that the current level of
emotional support that they receive does not adequately fulfil their needs they
are more likely to experience loneliness (Marcoen & Brumagne, 1985). In
support of this argument, Anderson (1998) suggests that loneliness operates on
a continuum with social support and the level of experienced loneliness
complementing each other. Loneliness is hypothesised to be at the negative
end of the continuum with social support at the positive end. Due to this close
association between feelings of loneliness and social support provisions,
loneliness has been subdivided in to two types: emotional and social (Russell,
Cutrona, Rose, & Yurko, 1984). Emotional loneliness is associated with a lack
of close relationships, whereas social loneliness arises when an individual
lacks social support networks and is characterised by feelings of boredom,
aimlessness, and meaningless (Russell et al., 1984). Experiences of loneliness
have also been distinguished according to duration. Chronic or state loneliness
is experienced by individuals over a long period, whereas trait loneliness is
experienced for a relatively short period of time (Rook, 1988). Although, trait
loneliness is regarded as a brief, transient, experience it can still be extremely
painful for the individual (Rook, 1988). In the next section of this chapter we
turn our attention to loneliness in children.
LONELINESS IN CHILDREN
Loneliness during childhood has received comparatively less attention
than loneliness in adulthood and Laine (1998) argues that childrens
experiences of loneliness were not considered before the 1980s. Further, as
Dunn (2004) notes, until relatively recently, some researchers have argued that
children could not experience loneliness because they do not form intimate
social relationships in the same way as adults do. Additionally, there was
concern about whether children could make the distinction between aloneness
and loneliness; Galanaki (2004) reports that children can make such a
distinction but children who spend time alone are more likely to report feelings
of loneliness. However, understanding childrens experiences of loneliness is
crucial because some researchers have suggested that experiencing loneliness
during childhood is an antecedent to experiencing loneliness in adulthood
(Hymel & Franke, 1985). Consequently, experiencing loneliness in childhood
may predispose an individual to experience loneliness in adulthood and this, in
turn, may result in the individual experiencing some of the aforementioned
psychosocial consequences associated with loneliness in adulthood. If
experiencing loneliness during childhood does represent a precursor of
loneliness in adulthood, and subsequent poorer psychosocial adjustment, it is
crucial for researchers to explore childrens experiences of loneliness as a way
of trying to promote short-term and long-term psychosocial adjustment.
Recent research by Stoeckli (2009), with third- to sixth-grade children,
found that 38% of the sample reported some experience of loneliness in
school. Whilst Galanakis (2004) research suggests that a far higher proportion
of children experience loneliness with approximately two thirds of children
experience loneliness at some time. Together, these studies suggest that a high
proportion of children experience loneliness on a day to day basis. Further,
similar to results with older samples, experiencing loneliness during childhood
has also been associated concurrently with lower levels of psychosocial
adjustment and school adjustment (Asher & Paquette, 2003). Consequently,
understanding the experiences of childhood loneliness is fundamental both for
short-term and long-term adjustment. In particular, it may be important to
understand the experiences of those children who suffer from chronic
loneliness.
Loneliness during childhood is a multidimensional phenomenon (Hay,
Payne, & Chadwick, 2004). According to Maragalit (1998), during childhood,
loneliness encompasses elements of the individual and the wider interpersonal
context, suggesting that childhood loneliness reflects both characteristics of
the child and also characteristics of their social network. Further, childrens
experiences of loneliness also relates to their self-perceptions and their
perceptions of how they are viewed by their peers, reinforcing the importance
of childrens social networks (Maragalit, 1998).
Qualter and Munn (2002) argued that, unlike the conceptualisation of
loneliness in adults, loneliness in children lacks a theoretical background and
often does not assess childrens experiences of emotional loneliness.

Consequently, they examined both childrens emotional attachment to peers
and their access to social networks to assess emotional and social loneliness
respectively. Qualter and Munn (2002) also proposed a theoretical model that
made the distinction between an internal subjective state of loneliness and an
objective state of aloneness, with a stronger emphasis placed on childrens
perceived lack of attachment with peers rather than their actual isolation from
peers. Following a cluster analysis, with 640 4- to 8-year-olds, they identified
four subgroups of experiences: lonely, lonely/rejected, rejected, and control.
Children in the lonely group comprised 22.6% of the sample and were those
who felt the loneliest at school but were well liked by their peers. The
lonely/rejected children comprised 9.5% of the sample and reported
experiencing loneliness at school and were disliked by their peers. The
rejected children comprised 9.4% of the sample and reported low levels of
loneliness in school and were the most disliked by their peers. The remaining
58.5% of the sample comprised the control group: these children reported low
levels of loneliness in school, were well like by their peers, and according to
their teachers, were well adjusted. From these results, Qualter and Munn
(2002) argued that children experience both social and emotional loneliness
and that there are identifiable differences in these experiences.
The age at which children first experience loneliness remains unclear.
Some researchers argue that it is possible to identify loneliness in children as
young as four (Qualter & Munn, 2002). However, it may be that whilst these
younger children can report experiences similar to loneliness, they may lack
the fine grained cognitive skills to make the more sophisticated distinctions of
loneliness consistent with those reported by adults. There is evidence that
young children have both a basic understanding of loneliness and can reliably
report their experiences (Cassidy & Asher, 1992). Kindergarten and first-grade
children were able to articulate some of the emotions commonly associated
with loneliness, such as sadness, and could suggest examples of when
someone would experience loneliness. These findings have since been
replicated by other researchers working with young children (Cassidy &
Berlin, 1999). Although the exact age at which children begin to experience
loneliness may remain unclear, as they get older it is easier for researchers to
identify loneliness (Page, 1991). Further, Asher and Paquette (2003) argue that
very young children only have a rudimentary understanding of loneliness
because, whilst they can understand some of the emotions associated with
loneliness, they may fail to understand that loneliness can be felt in the context
of large social network.
One of the challenges associated with the assessment of loneliness is that

it is a highly subjective experience and, as such, self-report techniques are the
most appropriate method of understanding loneliness (Laine, 1998). Qualter
and Munn (2002) argue that researchers should make the distinction between
social rejection and loneliness in childrens reports of loneliness. A number of
measures have been developed to assess childrens loneliness including both
self-report measures and also peer report measures (for a review see Goossens
& Beynes, 2002). Broadly, the self-report measures have been developed to
assess loneliness in the context of peer relationships and parental relationships,
and to assess childrens aversion to aloneness and childrens affinity of
loneliness. Conversely, the peer report measures often involve children
nominating a peer who they think is typified by the experiences associated
with loneliness.
Goosens and Beynes (2002) recommend that researchers interested in
examining childrens loneliness, in the context of their peer relationships,
consider using the Loneliness and Social Dissatisfaction Questionnaire
(LSDQ; Asher, Hymel, & Renshaw, 1984; Asher & Wheeler, 1985; Cassidy &
Asher, 1992). The LSDQ is a widely used scale to assess childrens self-
reported loneliness in the context of school that has strong psychometric
properties (Bauminger & Kasari, 2000). The scale contains items that directly
assess loneliness and items assessing constructs relevant to the loneliness
experience. However, some researchers have argued that it is difficult to label
some of the items within the scale (Cassidy & Asher, 1992), whilst others have
argued that the scale assesses social contact rather than feelings of loneliness
per se (Qualter & Munn, 2002). Consequently, many researchers have used a
shortened pure measure of loneliness designed to assess experiences of
loneliness in the school context (e.g., Kochenderfer & Ladd, 1996a, 1996b;
Ladd & Coleman, 1997). Pure measures of loneliness may be advantageous
because there are only so many ways that an individual can be asked if they
are lonely (Galanaki & Kalantzi-Azizi, 1999), and longer scales often contain
divergent concepts (Asher & Paquette, 2003). Whilst there has been some
variation in the methods used to assess childrens loneliness, the research
evidence does suggest that from around the age of five children can reliably
report their experiences of loneliness and can articulate the emotions
associated with loneliness.
LONELINESS AND PEER RELATIONSHIPS

In the next part of the chapter, we will discuss the research evidence
examining childrens experiences of loneliness in the context of their social
networks. On a daily basis, when in school, children spend a large amount of
their time in the peer arena and interacting with their classmates. Therefore,
positive and fulfilling peer relationships are fundamental for childrens
psychosocial and academic adjustment in school (Galanaki & Kalantzi-Azizi,
1999). The feeling that a childs relationship provisions have not been met
lead children to report a lack of emotional support and affection, and these
reports correspond closely to similar reports produced by lonely adults
(Cassidy & Asher, 1992). As previously noted, loneliness is closely linked
with social provisions in both adulthood and childhood. In support of this
argument, research with children has shown that feelings of loneliness are
linked to the experience of unfulfilled relationship provisions with peers
(Cassidy & Asher, 1992) and negative feelings associated with difficulties in
peer relationships (Uruk & Demir, 2003). Further, childrens experiences of
loneliness may be moderated by their attitude towards being alone (Goossens
& Beyers, 2002).
In recognition of the importance of childrens social networks, for
experiences of loneliness, many researchers have explored the relationship
between childrens peer acceptance and loneliness in school. Peer acceptance
reflects classmates sentiments (i.e., liking versus disliking) toward individual
children (Ladd, Birch, & Buhs, 1999, p1375). Children who are nominated as
being liked by their peers have higher levels of peer acceptance whereas
children who are nominated as disliked by their peers have lower levels of
peer acceptance. Those children who are less well accepted by their peers tend
to report experiencing higher levels of loneliness than those children who have
higher or average levels of peer acceptance (Asher et al., 1984; Parker &
Asher, 1993). Similarly, Sanderson and Siegal, (1995) found that, in a study
with 104, pre-school children experiencing higher levels of peer rejection
reported experiencing higher levels of loneliness whereas children
experiencing higher levels of peer acceptance reported experiencing lower
levels of loneliness. Further, the social experiences of the rejected children
were very different from the experiences of children who were accepted by
their peers, reinforcing the link between loneliness and peer acceptance.
Although there is evidence that children who are rejected by peers experience
loneliness in the short-term, there is also evidence that loneliness can be a
long-term consequence of poor peer relationships and peer rejection (Hymel,
Vaillancourt, McDougall, & Renshaw, 2002). Together, these studies suggest

that childrens loneliness is associated with their peer acceptance. However,
the relationship between childrens peer acceptance and loneliness may be
more complex as peer acceptance is only one indicator of childrens social
integration, namely that of companionship (Buhrmester & Furman, 1987).
Childrens experiences and relationships with their peers have also been
conceptualised as intimate relationships. Intimacy, in the context of childrens
peer relationships, reflects the extent to which children develop close
relationships with their peers (Buhrmester, & Furman, 1987) and has been
conceptualised as friendships. Childrens friendships have been defined as a
dyadic relationship that is characterised by a positive, affective tie between
the partners (Ladd et al., 1999, p1375). There is evidence of a link between
third- to sixth-grade childrens friendship quality, friendship quantity, and
loneliness (Nangle et al., 2003): children who had fewer friends and lower
quality friendships experienced higher levels of loneliness. Additionally, the
relationship between friendship and depression was mediated by loneliness:
children who had fewer friendships, had higher levels of loneliness which, in
turn, predicted higher levels of depression.
Although there is evidence that childrens propensity to experience
loneliness is associated with lower levels of peer acceptance and fewer
friendships, it is important to recognise that, in some instances, childrens
friendships can serve as a protective factor. Friendships may act as a buffer for
some of the negative consequences of loneliness. For example, there is
evidence that having a reciprocal best friend can lessen the potential negative
consequences of lower peer acceptance for experiences of loneliness (Parker &
Asher, 1993). Specifically, Parker and Asher (1993) found that children
without a best friend, regardless of their level of peer acceptance, experienced
higher levels of loneliness than children who reported that they had a best
friend. The potential buffering effect of a reciprocal best friend adds support to
the argument that loneliness is associated with whether an individual feels that
their social provisions are being met, and it may be that a best friend, for some
children, goes a long way in meeting these provisions. Further, Dunn (2004)
argues that friendship quality is more important than friendship quantity to
protect children from experiencing loneliness. This is also consistent with
Qualter and Munns (2002) argument that loneliness in children may be more
associated with a lack of a peer attachment rather than social isolation.
The nature of childrens friendships and friendship qualities have also
been found to be associated with loneliness. However, it is important to note
that lonely children do engage in dyadic interactions with their peers (Qualter
& Munn, 2005). For example, kindergarten children are more likely to
experience loneliness when their social relationships are characterised by
engaging in higher levels of self-disclosure about topics such as negative
affect in friendships (Ladd, Kochenderfer, & Coleman, 1996). Further, for
boys, experiencing higher levels of conflict in friendships was associated with
higher levels of loneliness but no such relationship emerged for girls.
For those children who self-report that they struggle to get along with
their peers, they often tend to report experiencing higher levels of loneliness
compared to those children who feel more integrated in to their social network
(Hojat, 1982). This self-perception of struggling to get along with peers
could be more than a self-perception as children who report experiencing
loneliness also tend to be those children who are less well accepted by the peer
group and, as such, experience rejection (Qualter & Munn, 2002). Further,
McGuire and Clifford (2000) argue that chronically lonely children may be so
isolated from their peers that the situation cannot be easily rectified to enhance
the childrens social provisions. Although lonely children spend more time
playing on their own than other children when lonely children interact with
their friends, these interactions tend to be characterised by positive
experiences (Qualter & Munn, 2002). Another potential explanation of why
lonely children may struggle to get along with peers resides in how lonely
children are perceived by their peers. Rotenberg et al. (1997) asked second-,
fourth-, and sixth-grade children to rate hypothetical peers, the participants
reported that they were more likely to reject a chronically lonely peer
compared to a non-lonely peer. However, the direction of causality is between
peer acceptance and loneliness, to some extent, ambiguous. Specifically, some
studies have found evidence that children experience loneliness because they
are less well accepted by their peers (e.g., Parker & Asher, 1993). Conversely,
other studies suggest that children experience loneliness because the loneliness
itself may hinder childrens social competence resulting in difficulties in
forming satisfying peer relationships and friendships (Page & Scanian, 1994).
Together, the research does suggest that childrens experiences with their
peers, assessed as peer acceptance and reciprocal friendships, are associated
with their reported experiences of loneliness in the classroom. Further, the
distinction between friendship quality and quantity is also an important factor
in childrens experiences of loneliness. It is also clear that, as with adults,
loneliness in children can be regarded both in terms of social loneliness and
emotional loneliness. In the next section of the chapter, we will review some
of the research literature that explores the consequences of experiencing
loneliness during childhood.
CONSEQUENCES OF CHILDHOOD LONELINESS

Loneliness in children is not a simple phenomenon and, as such, has been
linked to a range of psychosocial adjustment and school adjustment
consequences. For example, children who feel lonely may experience poor
peer relationships, feel excluded, and have low self-esteem (Bullock, 1998).
Lonely children also report lower social acceptance, global self-worth, and
peer support (Fordham & Stevenson-Hinde, 1999). Experiencing higher levels
of loneliness is also associated with experiencing higher levels of victimisation
during childhood (Hawker & Boulton, 2000; Kochenderfer-Ladd & Skinner,
2002), anxiety, and propensity to engage in aggressive behaviour (Coplan,
Closson, & Arbeau, 2007). Lonely children are also more likely to have low
self-worth, engage in solitary behaviour, and lack sociability than non-lonely
children (Qualter & Munn, 2002). Children who experience loneliness and
have poor peer relationships may also display sadness and boredom, which
may, in turn, affect childrens adjustment (Bullock, 1998). Loneliness in
children has also been found to be associated with displaying withdrawn
behaviour and having few friends, although it may be that friendship quality
rather than quantity is more important (Renshaw & Brown, 1993). In the next
part of the chapter we will focus on the consequences of experiencing
loneliness in the school environment because of the importance of school
experiences for subsequent adjustment. Further, Galanaki and Vassilopoulou
(2007) argue that when loneliness is both chronic and occurring in the school
context, teachers and practitioners should be concerned for the childrens well-
being and adjustment.
LONELINESS AND SCHOOL ADJUSTMENT

As children enter school, they are exposed to a number of changes in their
physical environment, in their social environment, and in the demands placed
upon them (Donelan-McCall & Dunn, 1997; Entwistle, 1995; Hughes,
Pinkerton, & Plewis, 1979; Ladd, 1996). For example, children need to be able
to successfully negotiate the demands of new interpersonal relationships and
be able to behave in a socially appropriate and accepted manner with their:
classmates, teachers, and other adults they encounter in the school
environment (Birch & Ladd, 1996; Pianta, Steinberg, & Rollins, 1995;
Wentzel, 1999). How children deal with these social challenges has been
regarded as one of the indexes of childrens school adjustment. School

adjustment is a complex phenomenon that represents a range of factors that
promote childrens success within the classroom environment (Berndt &
Keefe, 1996; Ladd, 1989, 1996; Perry & Weinstein, 1998). Understanding the
factors that influence childrens school adjustment is crucial because children
spend approximately half a year for thirteen out of the first eighteen years of
life in the school environment (Howe, 1993). Further, the time children spend
in school can have long-term consequences that extend across the life-span,
with the impact of schools on childrens lives being central to their future
happiness, psychosocial adjustment, and achievement (Alexander & Entwistle,
1988; Gutman, Sameroff, & Cole, 2003; Lerner & Lerner, 1977).
Ladd (1996) defined school adjustment as the degree to which children
become interested, engaged, comfortable, and successful in the school
environment (p 371). Consequently, experiencing loneliness within the
school environment may reduce childrens comfort in the classroom and this
may, in turn, bear on their school adjustment. Further, researchers have
reported that the more positive a child is about school the better their academic
performance in comparison to those children who are less positive about
school (Donelan-McCall & Dunn, 1997; Ladd, Buhs, & Seid, 2000; Valeski &
Stipek, 2001). This provides some support for the link between comfort in the
school environment and successful school adjustment. In recognition of the
importance of childrens experiences of loneliness in the classroom
environment for school adjustment, Birch and Ladd (1996) included loneliness
as an indicator of affect in their model of the conceptualisation of early school
adjustment. Birch and Ladd (1996) argued that children with lower levels of
loneliness in school are likely to be well adjusted to school whereas children
with higher levels of loneliness in school are less likely to be well adjusted to
school.
Experiencing loneliness in the classroom may directly influence childrens
school adjustment and there is evidence that loneliness is associated with
poorer school adjustment (Burgess, Ladd, Kochenderfer, Lambert, & Birch,
1999). One potential explanation for this relationship is that children who
experience higher levels of loneliness, may lack a supportive peer network.
Further, this lack of a supportive network may hinder the childrens transition
to school and integration into the school environment because the children do
not receive appropriate peer support. Therefore, children who are lonely may
be poorly adjusted to school because the children lack the peer support that
aids their transition, and integration in, to school. In support of this argument,
a number of researchers have reported that childrens peers and best friends
can have a powerful influence on school adjustment (Bearndt & Keefe, 1995;
Wentzel, 1999).
Empirical evidence suggests that those children who report experiencing
loneliness are less likely to be involved with classroom activities (Ladd,
Kochenderfer, & Coleman, 1997). This lack of involvement may mean that
lonely children are not afforded the same opportunities to learning.
Experiences of loneliness have also been linked to childrens attitudes towards
school. Kochenderfer and Ladd (1996a), found that kindergarteners who
reported experiencing loneliness were less likely to like school and were more
likely to try to avoid school than those children who reported lower levels of
loneliness. Further, those kindergarteners who reported experiencing
loneliness in the fall were more likely to be school avoidant in the spring term
and their reported levels of loneliness increased during this time. In a similar
study, Ladd and Coleman (1997) reported that kindergarteners who
experienced the highest levels of loneliness reported liking school the least
whereas those children who reported experiencing the lowest levels of
loneliness liked school the most and also had the highest peer liking. More
recently, Coplan et al. (2007) provided support for the link between loneliness
and school sentiments: kindergarteners who reported experiencing higher
levels of loneliness, were more school avoidant and reported liking school
less.
Together, these studies provide evidence that experiencing loneliness is
associated with childrens sentiments towards school. The link between
loneliness and sentiments towards school liking is important because
childrens school liking potentially influences their ability to adjust positively
to school (Ladd, 1990; Ladd et al., 2000). Specifically, according to Ladd
(1990), children who like school are more likely to become involved and
integrated into the school environment and, as such, derive more benefit from
the school environment and the experience. Conversely, those children who
have less positive sentiments about school may become withdrawn within the
classroom, which could result in poor academic performance (Ladd et al.,
2000). Therefore, childrens general sentiments towards school can affect their
success and general well-being within the school environment (Valeski &
Stipek, 2001). Consequently, if experiencing loneliness results in less positive
sentiments towards school, it could be that these children are at risk of lower
levels of success and well-being within school.
In summary, there is evidence that childrens experiences of loneliness are
associated with their sentiments towards school and also their comfort in the
environment. This evidence suggests that experiencing loneliness in school
may be indicative of lower school adjustment and negative perceptions of

school. In the next section of the chapter, we will explore the consequences of
experiencing loneliness for childrens academic performance.
LONELINESS AND ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE

Whilst many researchers argue that successful school adjustment
encompasses more than performing well academically (Birch & Ladd, 1996;
Pianta et al., 1995; Wentzel, 1999), understanding the antecedents of
childrens academic performing is fundamental because of the value of success
with a school context. Specifically, schools in the UK have to achieve a
number of government targets for the childrens performance and benchmarks
have been created to track the childrens academic success (e.g., Department
for Education and Skills, 2005). There is also a drive within the education
sector to raise standards and this raising of standards has often been regarded
as improving childrens academic performance. In this next section of the
chapter, we will explore the research evidence that suggests that childrens
experiences of loneliness are associated with their academic performance.
Drawing on the conceptualisation of school adjustment outlined earlier in
the chapter, one reason why childrens experiences of loneliness may be
associated with their academic performance is that those children who are
lonely, could be more likely to experience difficulties adjusting to school, and
this, in turn, may influence their academic performance. Further, children who
report experiencing loneliness also report that they are more school avoidant
(Kochenderfer & Ladd, 1996a; Ladd & Coleman, 1997). If a child is school
avoidant it is likely that this avoidance will reduce their engagement with
school activities and research evidence suggests that school avoidant children
tend to be those who perform less well academically (Ladd et al., 2000).
Consequently, if lonely children develop school avoidant tendencies these
may, in turn, result in poorer academic achievement.
In support of these arguments, there is evidence of a direct link between
childrens self-reports of loneliness and some indexes of their academic
performance. Third- to sixth-grade children who reported experiencing higher
levels of loneliness scored lower on a comprehensive basic skills test whereas
children who reported experiencing lower levels of loneliness received higher
scores on the skills test (Asher et al., 1984). However, there was no such
relationship between the childrens experiences of loneliness and their scores
on the Stanford Diagnostic Reading Test. Other researchers have reported a

significant negative relationship between sixth- to eighth-grade childrens
loneliness and academic performance (Johnson, LaVoie, Spenceri, &
Mahoney-Wernli, 2001). Specifically, children who experience higher levels
of loneliness were found to perform less well academically whereas children
who experience lower levels of loneliness were found to perform higher
academically.
Alongside the direct evidence of a link between childrens loneliness and
academic performance, researchers have also reported that childrens
loneliness is associated with their academic competence. Marcus and Gross,
(1991) investigated the relationship between loneliness and academic
competence in a sample of seven- to thirteen-year-olds. Loneliness was found
to be negatively associated with academic competence with children who
experienced higher levels of loneliness having lower levels of academic
competences whereas lower levels of loneliness was associated with higher
levels of academic competence.
In summary, the research suggests that childrens loneliness is associated
with their academic performance and their academic competence.
Consequently, for children who experience chronic loneliness it may be that it
they are not just at risk of poorer psychosocial and school adjustment but also
at risk of lower academic performance.
GENDER DIFFERENCES AND LONELINESS

The next section of the chapter will explore gender differences in the
experiences of loneliness. There is some evidence that there are gender
differences in loneliness. Some researchers have argued that girls tend to
report being less lonely than boys (Hoza, Bukowski, & Beery, 2000) whereas
others have reported that girls tend to experience higher levels of loneliness
than boys (Galanaki, 2004; Renshaw & Brown, 2000). However, Crick,
Grotpeter, and Rockhill (1999) argue that boys are more likely to under report
their experiences of loneliness. A potential explanation for these findings
resides in childrens ability to make the distinction between loneliness and
being alone. In support of this argument, Galanaki (2004) reports that girls are
better able to make such a distinction compared to boys. Further, it may be that
children under report their experiences of loneliness because of issues
surrounding the social desirability of disclosing loneliness and childrens

propensity to disclose in general.
Attribution Style and Loneliness
So far throughout this chapter, we have discussed the consequences of

childrens loneliness for their psychosocial adjustment, school adjustment, and
academic performance, in the next part of the chapter we want to turn our
attention to differences in childrens attribution style as a potential explanation
of loneliness. Specifically, we will discuss how childrens interpretations of
ambiguous social situations may influence their experiences of loneliness.
As previously noted, loneliness during childhood reflects both the childs
self-perceptions and the childs perceptions of their social network (Maragalit,
1998). Children who report experiencing lower levels of perceived social
acceptance tend to report higher levels of loneliness whereas children who
report experiencing higher levels of perceived social acceptance report lower
levels of loneliness (Fordham & Stevenson-Hinde, 1999). Further, it may be
that children who experience loneliness try to understand why they are lonely
and reflect on their own behaviour and that of the people around them (Laine,
1998). Therefore, how a child views and interprets the social world around
them, through their attribution styles, may predispose them to feelings of
loneliness.
Attribution style refers to the way in which a person perceives and
interprets ambiguous situations and the explanation an individual gives to
either their own behaviour or the behaviour of those around them. Attribution
styles have been distinguished as internal (pertaining to the individual) versus
external (pertaining to the environment), stable and controllable (Graham &
Juvonen, 1998). Individuals who have an internal attribution style, perceive
and interpret the cause of events or acts as being due to themselves, i.e. they
caused them to happen, whereas people with an external attribution style,
interpret events as simply occurring by chance or luck, and of which they have
little or no control over. The propensity with which an individual adopts a
particular attribution style denotes the likely locus, stability, and controllability
of a social situation.
How children make sense of their interactions with their peers could
influence their experience of loneliness. According to Crick, Grotpeter, and
Rockhills (1999), social information processing approach to childrens
loneliness, negative experiences with peers may result in children failing to
attempt to interact with others and leading to loneliness. Further, these

negative peer interactions may predispose children to develop aggressive
tendencies with their peers and these, in turn, may enhance childrens distress
and feeling of loneliness. To test this hypothesis, Crick et al. (1999) examined
third- to sixth-grade childrens social processing and loneliness. Hostile
attributional biases, physical aggressive response patterns, and relational
aggressive response patterns were associated with loneliness. These results
suggest that viewing peers negatively and wanting to respond to peers in a
hostile way was associated with loneliness, in girls. However, no such
relationships were found for boys.
Further evidence of the link between childrens attribution style and
loneliness comes from the work of Laine (1998). Laine (1998) identified 36
highly lonely and 42 non-lonely secondary school age children in Finland and
compared their attribution style. Children who were classified as highly lonely
tended to endorse non self-serving internal attribution styles whereas the
non-lonely children tended to endorse their experiences of temporary
loneliness to external, uncontrollable and unstable causes. This finding
suggests that children experiencing higher levels of loneliness tend to use a
stable and internal attribution style whereas children who experience very low
levels of loneliness tend to use an unstable and external attribution style.
Further, the results also suggest that the lonely children perceived that they
were to blame for their experiences of loneliness as evidenced by the internal
attributions that they made.
Following a cluster analysis, children identified as lonely at school, but
well liked by their peers, were more likely to make external attributions for
positive outcomes and less likely to make internal attributions for positive
outcomes than control children, rejected children, and lonely/rejected children
(Qualter & Munn, 2002). Similarly, research by Crick & Ladd (1993)
indicated that childrens feelings of loneliness were related to the attributions
that they made. Specifically, average children, who were neither popular,
neglected, nor rejected and who experienced loneliness made self-blaming
attributions based upon internal causes. Conversely, those children who
experienced rejection and reported higher levels of loneliness and social
distress attributed relationship failures to external causes via a self-serving
attribution style. This difference in attribution may occur because admitting
social problems could be more difficult for children who are rejected than
those who are well liked by their peers. Thus, rejected children developed a
self-serving attribution style which blamed peers for rejection to protect their
own self-esteem. Conversely, average children were not accustomed to
rejection and made non self-serving attributions blaming themselves for their
feelings of loneliness.
This is further supported by Renshaw & Brown (1993) who conducted a
short-term longitudinal study of third- to sixth-graders experiences of peer-
related loneliness and attribution style. Attribution style was measured as a
composite score yielded from the childrens responses to the presentation of
vignettes. The study found that high levels of loneliness were predicted by
internal-stable attributional styles and were a product of behavioural and social
factors such as low peer acceptance, few or no friendships, and negative
interpersonal behaviour. Further, a reciprocal relationship between loneliness
and attribution style can be inferred, such that loneliness is not only a product
of internal-stable attributions, but can also create the conditions for the
manifestation of self-blaming attributions in children.
As further evidence of the link between attribution style and loneliness, a
two-year prospective study of children in year 7, found that higher levels of
loneliness were reported when children attributed peer-related events (positive
or negative) to stable and/or global factors (Toner & Heaven, 2005). A
potential explanation for the finding is the nature of stable and global
attributions which often yield higher outcome expectancies for positive events,
and consequently, do not prepare the child for instances of adversity.
Subsequently, these children are more negatively affected by adversity or
negative peer interactions and, as such, experience higher levels of loneliness.
Further, consistent with previous concurrent studies, loneliness was also
associated with the absence of self-serving attribution biases (Crick & Ladd,
1993; Graham & Juvonen, 1998). Together, the previous research does
provide evidence of a link between childrens attribution style and their
experiences of loneliness.
An Example
In this final section of the chapter, we will present empirical evidence that
provides further support that different attribution styles are predictive of
experiences of loneliness. The sample comprised 135 children (66 male and 69
female) aged between 11 and 15 years (M = 12.62, SD = 1.04) from 7
classrooms across 4 year groups in a secondary school in the UK. The
response rate per year group ranged from 56 to 93%.
The children were asked to complete a 10 item loneliness questionnaire
using items derived from The Social and Emotional Loneliness Scale for
Adults (DiTommaso, 1997), to assess childrens family loneliness and social

loneliness. The children completed the questionnaire using a 7-point-likert
scale ranging from 1 strongly disagree to 7 strongly agree. The family and
social loneliness scale had good internal consistency, = 0.87 and = 0.74
respectively. The children also completed 23 items from The Revised
Childrens Attributional Style Questionnaire (Thompson, Kaslow, Nolen-
Hoeskema, & Weiss, 1998). The scale assesses three dimensions of
attribution: internal versus external, stable versus unstable, and global versus
specific with regard to positive social outcomes or negative social outcomes.
Children were asked to endorse one of two response formats as an explanation
for a potential situation. For example, the children were asked to imagine
You get an A on a test and then had to select between either I am smart
or I am good in the subject that the test was in to indicate their attribution
style. For the positive social outcomes, the childrens responses were coded so
that lower scores indicated a more depressive and negative attribution style
and for the negative social outcomes, the childrens responses were coded so
that high scores indicated a more depressive attributional style. The positive
social outcomes and negative social outcomes scales had only very modest
reliability, = 0.61 and = 0.44 respectively, but could reflect the structure of
the scale.
To explore whether the childrens attribution styles predicted loneliness,
the childrens attribution score for the positive social outcomes and the
childrens attribution score for the negative social outcomes were entered as
separate predictors in a multiple regression. The outcome variable of interest
was the childrens total loneliness score. The model was a good fit, F(2,101) =
11.64, p < .001, and accounted for 17% of the variance, adjusted R2 = .17.
Childrens propensity to adopt a negative attribution style for positive social
outcomes positively predicted loneliness, = -.32, t(99) = 3.44, p = .001.
Therefore, a more negative attribution style predicted higher levels of
loneliness and a more positive attribution style predicted lower levels of
loneliness in the context of positive social outcomes. Childrens propensity to
adopt a negative attribution style for negative social outcomes positively
predicted loneliness, = .22, t(99) = 2.39, p < .05. Therefore, a more negative
attribution style predicted higher levels of loneliness and a more positive
attribution style predicted lower levels of loneliness in the context of negative
social outcomes.
Together, these results suggest that the attribution style 11- to 15-year-
olds adopt is predictive of their loneliness when they are asked to make
judgments of positive and negative social situations. Specifically, adopting a
negative attribution style, regardless of social outcome predicted higher levels

of loneliness. These findings are consistent with the previous research that has
demonstrated a link between childrens loneliness and attribution style (Crick
& Ladd, 1993; Qualter & Munn, 2002; Toner & Heaven, 2005). However, we
do recognize that the findings are cross-sectional and, as such, longitudinal
research is needed to further explore the relationship between attribution style
and loneliness with regard to causality.
CONCLUSION
Throughout this chapter we have argued that understanding childrens
experiences of loneliness in the school environment is fundamental for their
peer relationships, psychosocial adjustment, school adjustment, and academic
performance. We have also presented the findings of a small scale study that
tried to further explore a potential antecedent of loneliness: childrens
attribution style. We found that for those 11- to 15-year-olds that adopted a
more negative attribution style predicted elevated levels of loneliness whereas
adopting a more positive attribution style predicted lower loneliness in both
positive and negative social situations. Consequently, these findings suggest
that how children interpret the social world, and the behaviours of those
around them, shapes their experiences of loneliness. By further understanding
how children make sense of the social world, may enable researchers and
practitioners to develop further strategies to support those children who
experience loneliness, especially chronically lonely children.
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Chapter 2
AGEING AND PSYCHOLOGICAL

WELL-BEING
Juan Carlos Melndez-Moral

Department of Developmental Psychology, Faculty of Psychology,
University of Valencia, Spain
ABSTRACT
Demographic changes in the last century have produced longer life
expectancy, and therefore there is a greater proportion of elderly in the
population. As a consequence of this, there has been a growing interest in
the research with elderly people, especially in terms of their well-being.
There is research evidence that well-being in the elderly may be
understood as a two components construct: subjective well-being, that
remains relatively stable during life span; and psychological well-being,
that negatively changes with age, especially its dimensions of personal
growth and purpose in life.
1. INTRODUCTION
Nowadays, the study of ageing processes is extremely interesting, because
of the increase of elderly population due to a demographic transition, changing
30 Juan Carlos Melendez-Moral
from high to low death and birth rates, and producing a natural increase, as
well as an increase in the number of elderly people.
In this sense and through population pyramids we can observe that there is
a decrease in the number of births, for this reason there is an increase in the
age groups. Consequently, the ratio of elderly people tends to rise. Moreover,
and in relation to low death rate, this reduction mainly affects elderly people
instead of young people, increasing life expectancy. Thus, the current
demographic transition has lead to a threefold increase in human life
expectancy, a one-third or one-fourth reduction in the birth rate and in the size
of the family, and the ageing of the population.
Therefore, it is necessary to understand the nature of the last stage of life,
since multiple researches have shown that ageing today is very much different
from ageing a few years ago. Thus, new ways of assessing elderly people from
a more positive perspective have to be considered, overcoming the deficit-
based theories. This reflection makes us consider ageing as a natural process,
another stage of the human development, where there are gains and losses, an
approach broadly explained in the theories of Life Cycle (Baltes, 1987;
Heckhausen, Dixon and Baltes, 1989).
We must take into consideration that the approaches on the ageing
analyses emphasized almost exclusively the variables regarding health
condition, focusing on the pathology measures and the level of deterioration as
key elements for the study of elderly people. According to Seligman and
Csikszentmihali (2000), when focusing on these elements, positive aspects
such as well-being, satisfaction, optimism or happiness have been disregarded,
ignoring the potential benefits of these aspects.
Positive Psychology arises in this context, with authors such as Seligman
(1998) that proposes to promote human qualities as a buffer against adversity.
Thus, an amendment in the significant sites is carried out, taking into account
that the objective of the Positive Psychology is to find people's qualities or
virtues in order to achieve a better quality of life and well-being. Therefore, its
objective is to study human strengths and virtues, as well as the effects of
those in a person's life and society.
Consequently, an increasing number of studies on ageing models have
focused in the identification of variables that contribute to the quality of life of
the elderly, and in the pursuit of signs of successful ageing. In this sense,
authors such as Melndez (1996), Strawbridge, Wallhagen and Cohen (2002)
or Toms, Melndez and Navarro (2008) think it is important to carry out an
analysis of the well-being, considering it as a category that includes a
Ageing and Psychological Well-Being 31
psychological aspect, but that also depends on the way a person perceives and
values his/her life experience.
2. ORIGINS OF THE STUDY OF WELL-BEING

AND ITS CONCEPT
Although the scientific study of well-being is relatively recent, as

proposed by Ryan and Deci (2001a), there are two points of view on what we
understand by well-being, which are maintained in the current scientific
research in this area. In particular, the points of view discussed are the hedonic
and eudaemonic approaches.
On the one hand, the hedonic approach has its origins in the philosopher
Aristipo, IV century b.c., who thought that the purpose of life was to
experience the maximum pleasure, so that happiness constitutes all the
hedonic moments that a person experiences throughout his/her life.
On the other hand, the eudaemonic approach has its origins in Aristotle,
who taking into consideration his Nicomachean Ethics, criticizes the
hedonic approach arguing that it is a common ideal that makes human beings
slaves of their own desires. So, he thinks that happiness consists in living
according to the "daimon" or true nature, i.e. he considers well-being as a
consequence of one's effort to achieve perfection, which symbolizes the
achievement of real dreams.
Therefore, from this point of view, not all wishes mean well-being when
they are achieved. Even when we achieve our wishes, benefits may not be
available in a long term basis.
Thus, subjective well-being, which is common in the hedonic approach,
appears to be more related to the achievement of pleasure and happiness,
whereas in the eudaemonic approach, psychological well-being appears to be
related to development, personal growth and achievement of our own dreams,
trying to fight for what we can become in the future.
For Triad (2003), such duality does not only imply different traditions
within the study of well-being, it may also have significant implications for the
determination of potential goals or desirable conditions, since well-being is
one of the aspirations that every individual would like to achieve, and for this
reason society should not prevent individuals from achieving their goals, but
provide them with the necessary resources to make their dreams come true.
3. SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING: THE HEDONIC APPROACH

According to Diener (1984), the most consistent approach within the
scientific study of well-being is the hedonic approach. Even though
psychology has focused on the negative aspects, development, social and
behavioural psychologists are increasingly changing this situation, and
theoretical and empirical work is introduced at a very fast pace. Thus, even
though the term originally used was happiness, subsequently and given the
diffuse nature of the term and its philosophical connotations, more operational
concepts such as well-being or life satisfaction have been included in the
psychological vocabulary, and so research has focused on the analysis of the
components or dimensions, which would include to which extent these
components have an empirical support in research.
Therefore, according to Andrews and Withey (1976), Lucas, Diener and
Suh (1996), Diener and Lucas (1999) or Sandin, Chorot, Lostao, Joiner,
Santed and Valiente (1999), subjective well-being, a term very much related to
well-established concepts in psychology, shows an emotional or affective
component, associated with the feelings of pleasure or displeasure the human
being experiences, and subject to short and mid-term changes; and a second
more cognitive component, relative to the own personal opinion regarding
his/her evolutionary trajectory (satisfaction), which would be much more
stable and not subject to short and mid-term changes.
On this subject, Veenhoven (1994) defines the subjective well-being as
the degree in which someone generally or globally judges in positive terms or
in other words, if he/she is happy with his/her life. Thus, the individual uses
two components, a cognitive one, which represents the differences perceived
between aspirations and achievements, ranging from the feeling of personal
fulfilment to life experiences of failure or frustration, and an affective one,
which implies an hedonic model, i.e. the one which includes the happiness
experienced by individuals, with feelings, emotions and most common states
of mind.
Regarding these two main components of subjective well-being, there is
apparently empirical evidence that both dimensions are related (Beiser, 1974;
Campbell, Converse and Rodgers, 1976; Diener, 1984; Kushman and Lane,
1980; Michalos, 1986), since if an individual has pleasant emotional
experiences, he/she is likely to perceive his/her life as desirable and positive.
Additionally, individuals that have greater subjective well-being are those who
usually have a favourable assessment of the circumstances and vital events;
while "unhappy individuals" are those who consider most of these events to be
unfavourable. From this point of view, life satisfaction and the affective
component of subjective well-being usually correlate, since both elements are
influenced by the assessment of general events, activities and circumstances
made by the subject. However, they also differ; life satisfaction represents a
global life summary or assessment, while affective balance depends more on
specific reactions to specific events that take place in the course of life.
In any case, and according to several authors, there are reasons to evaluate
them separately, since their evolution over time is different, and the
relationships they have with other psychological variables show different
patterns. Regarding this subject, Pavot and Diener (1993a) list three reasons
for this differentiation. Firstly, although individuals recognize the undesirable
aspects of their life, they can ignore or avoid negative emotional reactions.
Secondly, affective reactions are often short responses given for immediate
stimulus, while life satisfaction is an evaluation that shows a long-term
perspective. Thirdly, the evaluation consciously made by the individual on
his/her life circumstances may show conscious values and objectives. On the
contrary, affective reactions may reflect to a large extent unconscious factors,
and may be influenced by body states. In any case, as these authors point out,
there must be certain degree of convergence between life satisfaction and
emotional well-being since both depend on an assessment.
If we consider the cognitive component, life satisfaction is defined as a
global evaluation on life made by the individual (Pavot, Diener, Colvin, and
Sandvik, 1991), so that tangible aspects are examined, setting the good
features against bad features, and comparing them with a chosen criterion
(Shin and Johnson, 1978), thus leading to a judgement on life satisfaction
(Pavot et al., 1991). Therefore, judgements on satisfaction depend on the
comparisons made by the individual between life circumstances and a standard
that is considered appropriate. The latter is important, since it is not a external
standard, but a criterion set by oneself.
Regarding this standard, even though there is agreement on the fact that
life satisfaction must focus on subjective judgements made by the individual
on his/her own life, two different lines of research have been developed. On
the one hand, there is an approach from which to establish that instead of
adding satisfaction by specific domains in order to obtain a measure of general
satisfaction, one should ask the individual for a global evaluation on life
(Diener, Emmons, Larsen, and Griffin, 1985). On the other hand, authors such
as Cummins (1996) and Cummins, McCabe, Romeo and Gullone (1994), have
proposed the use of different domains when breaking-down judgements that
individuals make on their lives, defining relevant aspects such as material

well-being, health, productivity, intimacy, safety or emotional well-being.
Regarding both positive and negative affective components, there is some
controversy in connection with the independence of both. Bradburn (1969)
developed the hypothesis that happiness is a global judgement made when
comparing both affects, and using his Affect Balance Scale (ABS), this author
observed that both types of items were relatively independent. According to
this idea, different authors indicated that, even though the positive and
negative affect scales were virtually unrelated, each one of them shows
independent and increasing correlations with a global item of well-being
(Beiser, 1974; Bradburn, 1969; Moriwaki, 1974).
But these conclusions were refuted for different reasons, being the main
reason the type of scales. Thus, several works (Brenner, 1975; Kozma and
Stones, 1980; Larsen, Diener and Emmons, 1985) criticised that the relative
independence of both types of affect could be based on weaknesses in
measurement, which decreased the correlation between the positive and
negative affect. For example, they said that there was much non affective
content in the items, and that instead of measuring the intensity or frequency
of feelings, only its presence was measured, etc.
Consequently, subsequent works, such as those by Zevon and Tellegen
(1982), and Bryant and Veroff (1982), confirmed the independence of both
types of affect, using other measurements and methodologies, which gave
evidence to support the dual nature of the affective component. Along this
line, a broadly accepted model is the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule
(PANAS) (Watson, Clark and Tellegen, 1988), which presents a bidimensional
structure of the affect, including both positive and negative dimensions. The
positive affect refers to a dimension in which the high levels are characterized
by high energy, full concentration and pleasant dedication, while the low
positive affect is characterized by sadness and lethargy. The negative effect
refers to a dimension in which a high level describes a variety of states of
mind, including rage, disdain, aversion, guilt, fear and nervousness, while the
low negative effect is a state of calmness and serenity. These cognitive and
affective judgements of well-being are moderately interrelated, but they
behave differently over time and show differential correlations (Pavot and
Diener, 1993b).
On the other hand, Diener and Emmons (1984) have also provided much
evidence regarding the independence of the positive and negative affect,
indicating that the positive and negative affect are negatively correlated at
specific timepoints, although the correlation between both decreases as the
time interval increases. Therefore, in a period of several weeks (or in a longer

period) in someones life, the mean levels of the positive and negative affect
experienced, considered as a combination of the frequency with which each
emotion is felt in combination with the intensity normally felt, are
independent, since it is unlikely to experience both simultaneously.
In a later work, Diener, Larsen, Levine and Emmons (1985), indicate that
if each type of affect clearly tends to suppress the other due to this mechanism
of suppression, both types of affect are independent regarding their frequency,
i.e., the more positive or negative affect felt by someone, the less the other
person feels. But, when measuring the mean levels of positive and negative
affect in longer periods, there is a low correlation, given that the mean levels
are a result of both frequency and intensity. Therefore, a positive relationship
in terms of intensity of a person to another, suppresses its inverse relationship
in terms of frequency. Supporting this idea, they indicate that when
withdrawing the emotional intensity of the relationship between the mean
levels of positive and negative affect, the correlation between both is strongly
negative.
Focusing on the different variables that can be related to subjective well-
being and regarding age, already the first studies showed that, generally in the
second half of life, subjective well-being as a global measure does not seem to
experiment significant changes related to age, neither in transversal studies nor
in longitudinal studies (Okun and Stock 1987; Morganti, Nehrke, Hulicka and
Cataldo, 1988).
Although this conclusion seems to indicate that there will be many
similarities in the levels of subjective well-being between the different groups
of age, according to Triad (2003), more recent research, using measures of
subjective well-being that include different components, has achieved some
changes related to age in certain components of subjective well-being. Thus,
authors as Andrews and Withey (1976) Shmotkin (1990) found that, while
there were few changes in the levels of life satisfaction over years, a decrease
in the affect as age increased was confirmed.
Likewise, Andrews and McKennell (1980), analysing the factor structure
of subjective well-being, found that age is positively correlated to a cognitive
component, but negatively correlated to both positive and negative affect. This
decrease in the affective dimension, as shown in a study by Diener and Suh
(1998), does not mean that changes are necessarily given in the score of total
subjective well-being (Costa, McCrae and Zonderman, 1987).
Melndez, Toms and Navarro (2008) observed some increase in life
satisfaction, appointing that we must take into account that data from the
population pyramids indicate that there are more and more nonagenarians, but
additionally, each time the elderly reach this age, their abilities are better.
Thus, there seems to be a relationship between longevity and variables such as
maintenance of well-being, an appropriate ability to live independently and
positive personal relationships.
4. PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING: EUDAEMONIC MODEL

In comparison to the theory of subjective well-being, there is an
alternative theory developed in the last two decades and called psychological
well-being, which as Ryan and Deci (2001b) indicate, places the well-being in
the process and achievement of those values that make us feel more alive and
real, make us grow as a human being, not only in the activities that give us
pleasure or that keep us away from pain.
This theory is directly related to the Aristotelian eudaemonism and what is
to be achieved by personal fulfilment, not only by thinking but also by action.
For Ryff and Singer (2006), the best of the human being is related to activities
with a goal and purpose, being the main goal to achieve the best of each of us.
For Daz, Rodrguez-Carvajal, Blanco, Moreno-Jimnez, Gallardo, Valle,
et al. (2006), the psychological well-being has focused on the development of
abilities and personal growth, both conceived as the main features of the
positive functioning. Even though the first theories were based on concepts
such as personal fulfilment, complete functioning or maturity, despite its
theoretical relevance, none of these theories had a significant impact on the
study of the well-being, mainly due to the absence of reliability and validity in
the measuring procedures.
In this sense, Ryff (1989) developed one of the first and most significant
systematic works regarding the structure of the psychological well-being.
From this perspective, psychological well-being is related to having an aim in
life, to the fact that life has a meaning for oneself, to challenges, and to an
effort to overcome challenges and achieve significant goals. Thus, the aim is to
find stable criteria and qualities in order to be able to speak of psychological
well-being and analyse if those criteria are being fulfilled.
Ryff (1989), based on different previous medical and psychological trends
that defend the positive definition of health beyond the absence of disease
(Jahoda, 1958; Maslow, 1968; Erikson, 1959), integrates these perspectives in
a consistent way, identifying the similarities of all these formulations of
positive thinking, and so defines the six dimensions, which form the
psychological well-being: self acceptance, positive relationships with others,
environmental mastery, autonomy, personal growth and purpose in life, and
produces a multidimensional questionnaire that reflects this concept, widely
replicated in different contexts (Abbott, Ploubidis, Huppert, Kuh, Wadsworth
and Croudace, 2006; Cheng and Chan, 2006; Clarke, Marshall, Ryff and
Wheaton, 2001; Daz et al., 2006; Kafka and Kozma, 2002; Melndez et al.,
2008; Melndez, Toms, Oliver and Navarro, 2009; Springer and Hauser,
2006; Toms et al., 2008; Tomas, Melndez, Oliver, Navarro and Zaragoza,
2010; Triad, Villar, Sol and Celdrn, 2007; Triad, Villar, Sol and Osuna,
2005; Van Dierendonck, 2004; Van Dierendonck, Daz, Rodrguez-Carvajal,
Blanco and Moreno-Jimnez, 2008; Villar, Triad, Sol and Osuna, 2003).
Regarding the dimensions established, self acceptance means more than
getting to know oneself and having an accurate perception of ones own
actions, motivations and feelings, since it includes the need to achieve a
positive vision of oneself. This dimension implies the maintenance of a
positive attitude towards oneself, recognizing and accepting its multiple
aspects, including the positive aspects and those that are not so positive.
The second dimension, positive relationships with others, is a significant
source of well-being. In fact, research made in the last two decades indicates
that social isolation, loneliness and loss of social support are strongly related
to the risk of suffering from a disease, and reduce the life expectancy.
Therefore, this dimension implies the ability to maintain close relationships
with other people, based on mutual confidence and empathy, and the ability to
be genuinely worried about the well-being of the other person.
According to Daz et al. (2006), environmental mastery is the personal
ability to choose or create favourable environments, which allow satisfying
ones own desires and needs. In this sense, theories of the life cycle indicate
the significance of being able to control and manipulate complex
environments, mainly in maturity, by means of physical and mental activities.
Those with a good environmental mastery seem to have a better control of the
world, and feel able to influence the surrounding environment. Even though
there seems to be a parallelism between this well-being dimension and other
psychological constructs, such as feeling of control and self-efficacy, emphasis
in creating or finding an immediate context, which favours the personal
abilities and needs, is a unique characteristic of this dimension.
Another dimension is the autonomy, which is necessary to be able to
maintain ones own individuality in different contexts, keeping ones own
convictions and personal independency. Development of this dimension
provides the capacity to resist social pressure to a greater extent, and to

improve regulation of the behaviour, by making a self-evaluation according to
ones personal standards.
Regarding purpose in life, human beings need to set goals, define a series
of objectives, which allow them to give sense to their lives. Emphasis is placed
on the attractive aspects of the activity and on an attitude of reflection in life.
This concept, which is close to maturity, includes comprehending the sense of
life while having a sense of direction and intention.
But optimal functioning established for those dimensions also requires
determination to develop skills in order to grow as a person, and make the best
of the abilities (Keyes, Shmotkin and Ryff, 2002). And so a sixth dimension
called personal growth is defined. This dimension is very close to the meaning
of eudaemonism, and is explicitly related to personal fulfilment. Thus,
emphasis is placed on a continuous process of development of the potential of
each person, on opening to experience and on facing up to new challenges
(Molina and Melndez, 2007).
Regarding the evolution of these measures, in a first work with the longest
version of the Scales of Psychological Well-being, Ryff (1989) found
differences depending on the age in the following four dimensions: autonomy,
environmental mastery, purpose in life and personal development. There were
also differences between the three groups regarding personal development and
environmental mastery, differences between the groups of adults and elderly
regarding purpose in life, and differences between young and adults regarding
autonomy.
In a posterior work by Ryff and Keyes (1995), when using the version of
three items of the Scales of Psychological Well-being, they found differences
depending on the age in the following five dimensions: purpose in life,
personal development, environmental mastery, positive relationships with
others and autonomy. There were also differences between the elderly and the
other two groups regarding purpose in life, personal development,
environmental mastery and positive relationships with others, differences
between young and adults regarding autonomy, and there were no significant
differences regarding self-acceptance.
Other works, such as those by Triad (2003), Triad et al. (2005) indicate
that the situation is rather different from that given by the subjective well-
being. While this one remains relatively stable over the course of time,
measures of psychological well-being show more differences; some
dimensions are clearly affected by age and others are relatively immune to this
variable.
Particularly, and according to the research made by Ryff (1989), they

indicate that self-acceptance is within these dimensions that remain relatively
stable with age; and it is one of the dimensions which is most related to
subjective well-being, as observed in the model of structural equations by
Keyes et al. (2002). Similarly, there are no differences between the different
groups of age regarding positive relationships with others. With regard to
environmental mastery (which also seems to be related to subjective well-
being), there is a tendency to be higher in the elderly and middle-aged people
than in the young, but it remains stable from middle-aged people to the
elderly. A similar pattern is shown regarding autonomy, even though the
increase from young people to middle-aged people is not so large.
Finally, the other two dimensions (purpose in life and personal growth)
show a decrease over the different timepoints studied, especially when
comparing middle-aged and elderly people. This last finding is especially
relevant when taking into account that these two dimensions are those most
related to the definition of subjective well-being and those that differ most
from the traditional measures of subjective well-being.
5. MEASUREMENT OF THE PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING

Taking into consideration the definition of psychological well-being, Ryff
(1989) elaborated the Scales of Psychological Well-Being (SPWB). According
to Dierendonck (2004), the procedure used to produce these Scales was one of
its main features, since 3 investigators generated 80 items per dimension, after
having theoretically defined the six dimensions. Afterwards, all items were
assessed based on their ambiguity and adjustment to the definition of scale.
Among all the items, only 32 were selected per scale (16 were positive and 16
negative). The resulting group of items was applied in a pilot study to a sample
of 321 adults. After this study, 12 items per scale were eliminated, since
according to the psychometric analyses, these items were the worst indicators
of the adjustment. Finally, the instrument consisted of 20 items per scale with
the following score rate: 1 (totally disagree) and 6 (totally agree).
Given the length of such instrument (120 items), several versions have
been proposed in the last years. Ryff, Lee, Essex and Schmutte (1994)
developed a version with 14 items per scale, selected according to the high
item-total correlations and to the adjustment to the proposed theoretical model.
Correlations between these scales and the 20 items varied from 0.97 to 0.98.
Then, Ryff and Keyes (1995) developed another version with 3 items per
scale, selecting those items that best fitted the six-factor theoretical model
proposed. These scales correlated with the 20-item scales with values ranging
from 0.70 to 0.89, these results were similar to those obtained in other works
such as Triad et al. (2007), Toms et al. (2008) and Melndez et al. (2009).
Regarding the scales, it should be noted that the version including 14
items per dimension has good internal consistency, but, on the contrary, it
shows a bad adjustment to the theoretical model proposed; the 9-item version
shows good internal consistency, but the adjustment indicators, although they
are better than those in the 14-item version, they still offer values lower than
the desirable ones. Finally, the 3-item version shows acceptable adjustment
indicators, although their scales have a low internal consistency, probably due
to its length and also to the fact that the selection of items in the former
version was carried out in order to maximize the adjustment to the theoretical
model proposed (Keyes et al., 2002).
In relation to the factor structure of the Ryffs Scales, these have been
analysed through confirmatory factorial analysis in both versions the 84-item
version and the 54-item version. Therefore, Ryff and Keyes (1995) suggest
that the confirmatory model with the best adjustment was the six first-order
factor model and one second-factor model, which would explain the former
models, although the adjustment is far from satisfactory.
Regarding the relationship between these types of well-being, and from a
quantitative approach, Ryff and Keyes (1995) point out that some dimensions
of the psychological well-being (specially, self-acceptance and environmental
mastery) appear to be related to measures of happiness and life satisfaction
(i.e. with measures of subjective well-being), whereas the rest of the
dimensions within psychological well-being did not show (or slightly showed)
any relation to subjective well-being. Among the dimensions that did not show
any relation, we can observe those that may genuinely represent the sense of
psychological well-being: purpose in life and personal growth. This approach
was subsequently supported by Keyes et al. (2002), and using a representative
sample of the population in the United States and through a confirmatory
factorial analysis, it was found that the pattern of relationships that best fitted
the data, was the one indicated by Ryff and Keyes (1995).
According to Keyes et al. (2002), the six first-order factors are based on
two higher constructs, subjective well-being and psychological well-being. In
order to test this model, the six factors are considered as observable indicators,
and a new confirmatory factorial analysis is carried out with the two constructs
as latent factors. Nevertheless, a satisfactory analysis was obtained only if
cross-saturation of environmental mastery and self-acceptance were included

in the psychological and subjective well-being. It is worth noting that the
relationship model, which best fitted the data presented the following
characteristics: both constructs were entirely related, although each one had
unique dimensions. Regarding psychological well-being, these dimensions
were purpose in life and personal growth. Furthermore, the two constructs
overlapped in relation to the dimensions of self-acceptance and environmental
mastery, which appeared to be similarly related for both constructs.
The factor structure of the Ryffs Scales has been subsequently analysed
through confirmatory factorial analyses in its different versions. Thus, for
example, when using Dutch samples, van Dierendonck (2004) finds that the
best model is the six-factor model with a second-order factor, however the
adjustments were not very satisfactory and the elimination of items was
necessary. Whereas Abott et al (2006) also find the six-factor model to be the
best one, although with a second-order factor affecting four of the first-order
factors, however the adjustment only resulted satisfactory with an item
reduction and a factor modelling, which regardless of the item, grouped the
forms as positive or negative. Springer and Hauser (2006) also evaluated
several confirmatory factorial analyses for the Ryffs Scales in three large data
sets from the United States, and they came to the conclusion that the six-factor
distinction is questionable because of its high intercorrelations. This article has
been subsequently discussed by Ryff and Singer (2006), arguing that the best
global adjustment was that of six factors, which nevertheless does not resolve
the problem regarding high intercorrelations between factors (Springer, Hauser
and Freese, 2006).
Also, within the European context, several studies have used these scales
as a base for an empirical research on well-being in ageing (Triad, 2003;
Melndez et al., 2008), and acceptable reliability indices for the scales were
found, although it is stated that, the version of 14 items per factor is too
extensive, for its application and for obtaining an adequate factor structure.
Therefore, confirmatory analyses of the different versions need to be carried
out in order to check its structure.
In this respect, the works by Daz et al. (2006) from the confirmatory
factorial analysis have tested theoretical models that can be used to explain the
structures of these scales, and that have improved the psychometric properties,
significantly reducing the number of items, as well as improving the reliability
of factors.
Toms et al. (2008) indicate that results from confirmatory factorial
analyses in pensioners' samples are not totally encouraging, since the
adjustment is not completely satisfactory in any of the models and consider, as

in other works, the five- and six-factor models to be the most reasonable
models, even though they are not satisfactory.
Melndez et al. (2009) also using pensioners' samples, applied a structural
equation modelling at the multivariate level, where it is suggested that well-
being dimensions can be added to a well-being latent variable, and that this
latent factor together with the sociodemographic factors and the Barthel Index
(Mahoney and Barthel, 1965), directly affect life satisfaction.
In this research, joint effects of well-being and the Barthel Index
(Mahoney and Barthel, 1965) on satisfaction can be observed, as well as the
negative effect of age on well-being, and the positive effect of a good physical
condition. A significant amount of the variance in well-being is related to
significant sociodemographic factors, whereas the explanatory capacity of life
satisfaction was even greater. Furthermore, it was concluded that a subjective
and psychological well-being is likely to provide a high life satisfaction, and a
good physical state is also positively related to a high life satisfaction.
However, some variables traditionally considered, such as age, play a minor
role, thus its effects are small and/or related to the levels of physical well-
being. Other variables such as genre, income or the educational level did not
show significant effects, since bivariates disappeared when the subjective and
psychological well-being and the physical condition were included in a
structural model.
According to Toms et al. (2008), an additional problem of the structural
equation modelling is that the selection between the five factor and six-factor
model results is difficult, since its adjustment indices are very similar, which is
probably related to the high correlations between dimensions, and which do
not benefit the discriminant validity that authors defend from the scales (Ryff
and Singer, 2006). Although from a statistical point of view the five factor
model presents a better general adjustment, the truth is that this does not
improve either the general adjustment of the six-factor model or the analytical
adjustment to a large extent; and it does not alter the internal consistency of
the indicators of factors. Thus, one thing is obvious: by maintaining the six-
factor version, which is currently used in the literature, although in different
aspects, results can be compared with other investigators, which constitutes a
great advantage. Therefore, it seems appropriate to use the scales as a six-
factor multifactorial analysis.
CONCLUSION
The study of ageing from a positive dimension has awakened scientific
interest in the last few years, introducing changes in the previous patterns, and
showing a different reality from the one studied so far; the elderly live longer
and in better conditions. Thus, the study parameters and developmental
conceptualization established so far are reoriented to a new way of
understanding the treatment of the elderly, since one can have an optimal or
successful ageing instead of only a normal ageing.
The term successful ageing aimed to differentiate the standard patterns
of ageing (Abeles, Gift and Ory, 1994), when including not only biological
indicators, such as health, but also psychological indicators, such as mental
health, cognitive efficacy, social competence, personal control or well-being.
A successful ageing implies the coexistence of different aspects, and so most
of the investigators recognize that ageing requires a multicriteria approach.
Thus, besides studying objective criteria, which refer to clearly
measurable characteristics that provide comparable assessments in scales of
performance, functionality or dependency, it is necessary to take into account
a second type of criteria, psychological criteria, which include the opinion and
values of the person, and refer to emotional or assessing aspects arising from
personal interpretation.
Well-being study is the main element of scientific research within this
type of criteria. Health should not only be defined as the absence of pathology,
it also includes the presence of positive states and processes.
From an applied perspective, it is very important to know how people
maintain a certain level of well-being, the description of the states, and the
processes that determine them, since this knowledge is an essential
prerequisite when trying to promote personal satisfaction and growth within
the population. This approach is especially relevant regarding elderly people
who are at a moment of their life where there are clear quantitative limitations,
where probabilities of disease and dysfunction increase, and where promotion
of quality of life is crucial. In this sense, problems of ageing increase in this
phase and offer an interesting opportunity to observe how they affect well-
being and personal development.
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Chapter 3
LONELINESS IN SEXUAL OFFENDERS
Emily Blake* and Theresa A. Gannon

University of Kent, Kent, United Kingdom
A great number of researchers and clinicians have observed that sexual

offenders often appear to be socially isolated, experiencing few close intimate
relationships and greater feelings of loneliness compared to other offenders
and community controls (Bumby & Hansen, 1997; Garlick, 1991; Saunders,
Awad & White, 1986; Marshall, Hudson & Robertson, 1994). These findings
are consistent with the more general research on loneliness that suggests that
lonelier people are more likely to have poor social skills, have difficulty in
forming relationships, and hold negative or hostile opinions of other people.
These findings have also prompted researchers to investigate whether the
loneliness experienced by sex offenders is related to the development of sexual
offending behaviour. Particular questions of importance relate to whether the
loneliness experienced by sex offenders is caused by social skill deficits,
which in turn contribute to sexual offending, or whether it is the direct
experience of loneliness itself, in the absence of social skills deficits that
facilitates sexual offending? Conversely could the sexual offending behaviour
or subsequent incarceration for such acts be the cause of sexual offenders
loneliness? This chapter aims to answer these questions by describing what
researchers have learnt about the loneliness of sex offenders, and what impact
*
Corresponding author: School of Psychology, Keynes College, University of Kent, Kent, CT2
7NP, E-Mail: eab28@Kent.ac.uk, Loneliness in Sexual Offenders
50 Emily Blake and Theresa A. Gannon
loneliness has on offending behaviour. First we define loneliness using

information available from general psychology, then we discuss the research
evidence for loneliness in sexual offenders and the theories that attempt to
explain the link between loneliness and sexual offending.
WHAT IS LONELINESS?
Numerous studies have linked feelings of loneliness to psychological
factors such as low social competence, low self esteem, anxiety, depression
and suicidal feelings (see Heinrich & Gullone, 2006 for a comprehensive
review). Given this wealth of evidence linking loneliness to other negative
psychological factors, researchers have been interested in investigating
individuals experience of emotional loneliness and defining the processes that
lead to such feelings (e.g., Jones, Freemon & Hockenberg, 1982; Peplau &
Perlman, 1982a; Peplau & Perlman, 1982b). Researchers have come to the
consensus that loneliness comprises of two main characteristics, first, it is an
aversive experience that is similar to other negative states, such as depression
or anxiety. Second, a lonely individual perceives their social networks or
relationships as deficient in some way (Russell et al., 1984). So in simple
terms, the experience of loneliness comprises a negative emotional state and a
perception of social isolation. In fact, Peplau and Perlman (1982a) describe the
combination of these two characteristics by explaining that loneliness is an
aversive state that occurs when an individual perceives a discrepancy between
the interpersonal relationships that they wish to have and those relationships
that they perceive they currently have.
There is still some disagreement in the loneliness literature about the exact
nature of loneliness, specifically over the question of whether there are
different types of loneliness that are caused by different factors. An often used
typology, constructed by Weiss (1973; 1974), hypothesises that two types of
loneliness exist. Emotional loneliness arises from a lack of close personal
relationships or attachments with others and social loneliness, arises due to an
impoverished network of social relationships. In other words, a person who
lacks close relationships will experience emotional loneliness, whilst a person
who is generally lacking in relationships will experience social loneliness.
Weiss proposed that individuals subjective experiences of these two type of
loneliness are qualitatively different that is, someone experiencing emotional
loneliness will be affected differently from someone who is experiencing
Loneliness in Sexual Offenders 51
social loneliness. According to Weiss, an individual suffering from emotional

loneliness will likely experience anxiety and isolation and will become
compelled to seek out others to create a close relationship with. An individual
suffering from social loneliness, however, is more likely to experience
emotions such as boredom and aimlessness, and will be prompted to seek out
activities that might enable them to join a social network (Weiss, 1973). Many
researchers have found evidence to support this dichotomous typology of
loneliness (Brennan & Auslander, 1979; Russell, Cutrona, Rose & Yurko,
1984; Rubenstein & Shaver, 1982; Shaver & Rubenstein, 1980) and as a result
this typology is often used when examining the loneliness experiences of
different groups. Researchers examining a link between loneliness and sexual
offending most often examine the construct of emotional loneliness as the
effects of such loneliness such as anxiety and the desire to create intimate
relationships has more of intuitively appealing link with offending behaviour,
as we shall discover later on in this chapter.
LONELINESS IN THE SEXUAL OFFENDING LITERATURE

In the sexual offending literature, loneliness is often described and
examined in terms of the mechanisms or processes that facilitate loneliness.
For example, researchers often examine what they call intimacy deficits.
Intimacy is gained when a close relationship exists between two people, with
this relationship involving mutual self-disclosure, warmth, affection and
interdependence between partners (Fehr & Perlman, 1985; Weiss, 1973). An
individual who does not have any such relationships and does not have the
appropriate resources to engage in the intimate behaviours outlined above, are
said to suffer from intimacy deficits. Intimate relationships foster a sense of
security and emotional comfort which can benefit an individual both mentally
and physically (Ward, Hudson & Marshall, 1996). Several researchers have
postulated that emotional loneliness specifically is a consequence of a lack of
intimacy in personal relationships (Cutrona, 1982; Jones, 1982; Weiss, 1982),
suggesting that intimacy deficits are a primary cause of emotional loneliness.
However, it is important to note that individuals with intimacy deficits may be
involved in relationships with others, but it is likely that these relationships
will be superficial in nature and lack intimate behaviours such as mutual self-
disclosure and warmth. Due to the fact an individual with intimacy deficits is
unable to engage in intimate behaviour, he or she will not feel emotionally
fulfilled by such superficial relationships, again fostering feelings of emotional

loneliness (Hudson & Ward, 2000; Ward, Hudson & Marshall, 1996; Ward,
Hudson, Marshall & Siegert, 1995; Ward, Keenan & Hudson, 2000).
Research Findings for Loneliness in Sex Offenders
In one of the early studies to empirically examine loneliness in sex

offenders, Bumby and Hansen (1997) revealed interesting differences between
types of sex offender and their relative experiences of loneliness. This study
compared the loneliness, intimacy deficits and fear of intimacy of intra-
familial child molesters (men who offended against victims related to them),
rapists, violent but non-sexual offenders and community controls. Participants
completed questionnaires that assessed loneliness, level of intimacy
experienced in adult relationships and fear of intimacy. The results of this
study indicated that child molesters and rapists experienced significantly less
overall intimacy in their adult relationships than did the violent offenders and
community controls. Interestingly child molesters reported a significantly
greater fear of intimacy in adult relationships specifically than both other
offender groups and community controls, which might partially explain their
choice of child victims, who do not pose such a threat as adults. Regarding
loneliness, child molesters and rapists reported significantly more overall
loneliness than the violent non-sex offenders and community controls. When
the researchers examined levels of emotional and social loneliness specifically,
they discovered that child molesters and rapists experienced higher levels of
emotional loneliness compared to both violent offenders and community
controls, but the levels of social loneliness these groups of sex offenders
experienced were significantly higher than community controls only and not
violent offenders. The authors suggest that these results indicate that any
differences in overall loneliness between groups may be best accounted for by
emotional loneliness (i.e., child molesters and rapists suffer more from
emotional loneliness than the other groups, whilst all offenders suffer more
from social loneliness than the community controls). This study gives us a
good insight into the differences between different types of offenders
experience of loneliness but it does have some limitations. First, the sample
sizes were relatively small, utilising 33 child molesters, 27 rapists, 21 violent
non-sex offender and 20 community controls. Second the study uses self-
report measures, which are known to suffer from reliability problems. The
authors did however use the Marlowe - Crowne Social Desirability Scale
(Crowne & Marlowe, 1960) to ensure that participants were not consistently
under reporting on any questionnaire. Finally, although the study provides
evidence for sex offenders experiencing loneliness and intimacy deficits, we
still can not be sure if this is a causal relationship. This is particularly salient
because it is plausible that the arrest and subsequent incarceration of such
offenders could in fact cause loneliness and intimacy difficulties. However, a
similar study conducted on both incarcerated and non-incarcerated sex
offenders by Seidman, Marshall, Hudson and Robertson (1994) discovered
that both types of offenders suffered greater intimacy deficits and loneliness
than community controls which seems to suggest that these experiences are
not merely after effects of incarceration (Bumby & Hansen, 1997).
A further study that supports the presence of intimacy deficits and
loneliness in sex offenders was conducted by Garlick, Marshall and Thornton
(1996), who administered several questionnaires to child molesters, rapists and
non-sex offenders in a UK prison. The questionnaires assessed the degree of
intimacy that participants experienced in their adult romantic relationships and
the levels of emotional loneliness experienced by participants. The results
supported the research hypotheses that sex offenders would report greater
intimacy deficits and experience more emotional loneliness than non-sex
offenders. Furthermore, there was a significant difference between the levels
of emotional loneliness experienced by child molesters and rapists, with both
groups reporting high levels, but child molesters experiencing significantly
greater levels than rapists. As in the other studies, the authors considered the
possibility that these deficits and feelings of loneliness could be attributed to
incarceration, but an examination of the non-sex offenders scores revealed that
these offenders, who were also incarcerated scored within normal limits on
both measures, suggesting that incarceration itself was not the cause of sex
offenders intimacy deficits and loneliness. However, the authors do note that
sex offenders are more likely to be singled out by other prisoners and treated
negatively by both these other prisoners and prison staff, which may well
contribute to their loneliness and lack of intimacy.
Ward, McCormak and Hudson (1997) interviewed child molesters, rapists,
violent non-sex offenders, and non-violent non-sex offenders in order to
identify how these groups of men differ in their perceptions of intimate
relationships. Using grounded theory analysis, the authors created a set of
categories that appeared in the offenders interviews about intimate
relationships. In total, twelve categories were formed, indicating the inherent
complexity of the construct of intimacy. The researchers compared the
different offender types and discovered some differences among their
experiences of intimacy and intimate relationships. Interestingly, both groups

of sex offenders (child molesters and rapists) and the violent offenders were
more similar in their experiences of intimacy than the non-sex non-violent
offenders. The authors suggest that this is because sexual and violent crimes
are offences that reflect a greater degree of impairment in relationships and
sense of social cohesion compared to non-sex non-violent crime such as
property crime and driving offences (typical offences committed by the non-
sex non-violent group). These non-sex non-violent offenders experienced
higher levels of intimacy as evidenced via five of the categories self-
disclosure, expression of affection, supportiveness, empathy and conflict
resolution which the authors suggest are factors that would lead to greater
relationship satisfaction and higher levels of intimacy. These results indicate
that although non-violent non-sex offenders differed from the other groups,
there were no discernable differences between child molesters, rapists and
violent non-sex offenders, which contrasts with other research we have
discussed. In fact in this study the researchers did not find one factor in which
sexual offenders differed from the other groups, suggesting that a simple
division between sex offenders and non-sex offenders can not be made (Ward
et al, 1997). There are two possible explanations for these inconsistent
findings. First, the methodology used in this study, using interviews differs
from the previous research which utilised questionnaires. However there is
evidence to suggest that interview techniques are actually more likely to elicit
accurate responses when assessing individuals perceptions of their close
relationships (Scharfe & Bartholomew, 1994), so it is possible that the results
of this study are actually more accurate than previous research. Ward and
colleagues explain that this is most likely due to the fact that beliefs, or
schemas, unconsciously influence internal models of relationships, which
affect the way information is encoded and interpreted. Because these processes
are largely unconscious, directly asking an individual about these beliefs
throughfor examplea self report questionnaire, may result in a distorted
response (Ward et al., 1997). Second, the authors postulate that perhaps their
sample might be less socially impaired generally, explaining why such a wide
range of intimacy factors were present in offender interviews. For example, if
an offender does not suffer from social skills deficits (i.e. he is not socially
impaired), he will be better equipped to experience intimacy and intimate
behaviours, that are subsequently revealed during his interview.
Theories of Loneliness in Sexual Offending
The wider literature on loneliness and intimacy deficits frequently uses

attachment theory (Bowlby, 1973) as a basis for explanations of loneliness and
the deficits that facilitate loneliness. Marshall (1989) was one of the first
researchers to examine the experience of loneliness and the antecedents of
loneliness in sex offenders, and took the groundbreaking step of applying
attachment theory to sexual offending. In this theory, Marshall proposed that
sex offenders intimacy deficits and negative feelings of emotional loneliness
play an important role in their offending behaviour and that these deficits arise
as a result of poor relationships or attachments between the offender and their
caregivers during childhood. In the next section we briefly describe the main
tenets of attachment theory before describing in more detail Marshalls use of
attachment theory as an explanation of sexual offending behaviour. We also
discuss the further expansion of the theory by Ward, Hudson and Marshall
(1996).
Attachment Theory
Attachment theory (Bowlby 1969, 1973, 1980) proposes that the bond a
child forms with caregivers during early life is crucial for development. The
bond formed between caregiver and child is known as an attachment bond, and
it is this bond that provides a child with a basis for which to understand future
relationships. Bowlby examined countless mother-infant interactions, and
drew on theory and research from psychological, ethnological and biological
sources to construct a comprehensive theory of attachment. The central tenets
of this theory are thus; the attachment bond between caregiver and infant may
be either secure or insecure depending on the interaction between caregiver
and child. According to Bowlby, a young child needs to make a secure
attachment with at least one caregiver for social and emotional development to
occur normally. A secure attachment arises from a relationship that provides
nurturance, comfort and closeness between caregiver and child. Under
circumstances such as these, the child is likely to develop a strong bond with
the caregiver and feelings of trust and confidence in the availability of the
caregiver. These feelings in turn promote confidence in the child and allow
them to explore and interact with the environment, further developing their
social and emotional skills. An insecure attachment may arise as a result of
emotional coldness, rejection or a lack of support from the caregiver, or
physical, sexual or emotional abuse at the hands of a caregiver. Such an

insecure attachment can leave a child lacking in confidence in the availability
of the caregiver, resulting in less confidence to explore and interact with
surroundings, disrupting social and emotional development. Many researchers
have examined secure and insecure attached infants and found evidence to
support these hypotheses. For example, children with secure attachments to
caregivers are found to be more cooperative, more exploratory of their
environment and more sociable with others than less securely attached
children (Ainsworth, 1979; Sperling & Berman 1994). Researchers have
identified four different attachment styles in children; one secure type, and
three subtypes of insecure attachment; avoidant, ambivalent and
disorganised/disoriented. Each attachment type elicits different interpersonal
behavioural patterns. For example, an avoidant attachment style is
characterised by indifference at being separated from a caregiver, and
avoidance of the caregiver when they do return. A child with an ambivalent
attachment style is likely to be very distressed when separated from their
caregiver, but yet ambivalent when the caregiver returns. Finally, a
disorganised/disoriented attachment is described as a combination of avoidant
and ambivalent. Conversely, a child with a secure attachment style will display
appropriate behaviours upon separation from, and return of their caregiver.
(Ainsworth, 1978).
Attachment and Intimacy
Many researchers have suggested that insecure childhood attachment

contributes to a lack of intimacy and impaired social relationships in
adulthood. For example, studies have provided evidence that poor quality
attachments during childhood result in low self-confidence, poor social skills,
little understanding of relationship issues and a lack of empathy (Cohn,
Patterson & Christopoulos, 1991; Putallaz, Costanzo & Klein, 1993). Marshall
and colleagues noted that it is precisely these deficits that are shown by sex
offenders (Marshall, Barbaree & Fernandez 1995; Fernandez, Marshall,
Lightbody & OSullivan, 1999). This is consistent with the view that adult
intimacy is a function of the attachment bond between two people (Perlman &
Fehr, 1987) and that the development of intimacy and relevant social skills is
shaped by parental influences and early attachment relationships. Weiss (1982)
proposed that a child who experienced problematic relationships with parents
or caregivers may be unclear about how to behave intimately in adulthood.
Marshall (1989) suggested that an extreme expression of a failure to learn how

to behave intimately could lead to an aggressive disposition or a tendency to
seek intimacy inappropriately through seeking out less threatening partners
such as children.
Marshalls Theory of Intimacy Deficits
Marshall was one of the first researchers to link attachment difficulties to

sexual offending behaviour, when he proposed that sex offenders may have
experienced insecure attachments in both childhood and adulthood (Marshall,
1989) and it is these attachments that influence sexual offending behaviour.
Marshall drew upon the theories of intimacy and loneliness proposed by
researchers such as Weiss, and Perlman and Fehr, and considered that adult
intimacy is achieved through an attachment bond, with the basis of this bond
grounded in the type of attachment an individual experienced as a child.
Marshall had previously observed that sex offenders appear to suffer from a
lack on intimate relationships and often seem to lack the necessary social skills
for developing such relationships. This led Marshall to postulate that sex
offenders suffered from these problems because of the attachment styles they
experienced as children. In other words, sex offenders fail to learn the
appropriate social skills that are required to form intimate relationships
because as children they fail to develop secure attachment bonds. As we have
previously seen, a lack of intimate relationships facilitates feelings of
emotional loneliness. Marshall proposed that this negative experience of
loneliness leads to a great desire to achieve intimacy, through any means
possible, which may be what leads sex offenders to seek intimacy through
sexual contact, whether with an inappropriate partner, such as a child, or
through non-consensual sex with an adult. This is consistent with research that
suggests unpleasant emotional states can trigger sexually inappropriate
thoughts and impulses (McKibben, Proulx & Lusignan, 1994; Pithers,
Kashima, Cummins, Beal & Buell, 1988). Marshall argues that sex offenders
often equate intimacy with sex, making it logical for such individuals to seek
intimacy through sex. Furthermore, Marshall argues that the intimacy deficits
and lack of social skills experienced by sex offenders may lead them to
develop sexual fantasies that involve power and control in sexual situations.
According to Marshall and colleagues, these fantasies are likely to become
more deviant over time, and coupled with social skills deficits may lead to a
disposition to offend a tendency to commit sexual offences under certain
circumstances. Conversely, Marshalls proposal that these individuals desire

intimacy at any cost could actually indicate that some sexual offending occurs
in the absence of any strong deviant desire. For example, Ward, Hudson and
Marshall (1995) suggest that when sexual offenders experience negative
emotions, they adopt a state called cognitive deconstruction. This state is
guided by immediate needs (i.e. desire for intimacy) rather than considerations
about the appropriateness or long term consequences for actions taken to meet
such needs. This could explain why some sexual offenders do not apparently
hold any deviant desires for sex with children, or forced sex with adults.
Adult Attachment Style and Sexual Offending Theory
Ward, Hudson and Marshall (1996) took Marshalls original theory, and
extended it to incorporate adult attachment styles in romantic relationships and
postulated how specific types of sex offender (i.e., child molesters or rapists)
differ in these styles. These authors argued that the differences in offence
behaviour of these two groups points to differences in their attachment style
and associated levels of intimacy, loneliness and social skills. Bartholomews
model of adult attachment (Bartholomew, 1990; Bartholomew & Horowitz,
1991), was used as a basis for this new theory of adult attachment styles.
Bartholomew proposed that there are four fundamental types of attachment
styles related to intimate relationships: Secure, Preoccupied, Fearful and
Dismissing. Bartholomews styles are based upon a two-category model of
attachment that involves perception of self (either negative or positive)
coupled with perceptions of others (either negative or positive). Preoccupied
individuals hold a negative view of themselves, but positive views of others.
This often leads to a desire for approval from valued others. Furthermore these
individuals are preoccupied with sex, and often attempt to fulfil their desires
for security and affection through sexual contact (Shaver & Hazan, 1988).
Individuals with a fearful attachment style have a negative perception of self
and others and paradoxically desire intimacy and social contact, but
experience distrust of others and fear or rejection (Collins & Read, 1990;
Hazan & Shaver 1987). This desire for intimacy will cause an individual to
seek out intimate relationships, but their fear of rejection in such a relationship
means they are likely to keep their partner at a distance. They may also pursue
impersonal sexual relationships as a mean of gaining intimacy without
commitment. Dismissive individuals hold a positive view of self but view
others negatively, and unlike those holding other styles, are sceptical of
intimate relationships, and do not wish to become involved with others,

instead wishing to remain independent.
Ward and colleagues (1996) propose that intimacy deficits, experienced
by all insecure attachment types, may lead offenders to pursue intimacy in
sexually inappropriate ways. Ward et al. also propose that the three different
insecure attachment styles can be used to explain the varying offence
behaviours of sexual offenders. For example, a preoccupied man who desires
intimacy may begin to fantasise about a sexual relationship with a child. Due
to the fact he craves intimacy he will be likely to engage in grooming
behaviour and will tend to view the child as a lover rather than a victim,
believing the child is an active participant in the relationship. Ward and
colleagues hypothesise that these feelings and beliefs mean the offender is
unlikely to engage in aggressive behaviour, as they have concern for the
victim. This style therefore is consistent with the offending process for many
child molesters. In contrast, a fearful individual is likely to be unconcerned
about his victims welfare, and may act in a hostile or aggressive manner, due
to his fear of rejection. Ward and colleagues also hypothesise that this type of
individual will be self focused during their offences, intent on meeting their
desire and therefore not inhibited in using force to get what they want. This
style, the authors argue, characterises the offence type of rapists, who are more
hostile in their behaviours than child molesters, and are also less likely to
attempt to cultivate a relationship with their victim.
Research Findings for Attachment Difficulties in Sex Offenders
Research evidence for the presence of insecure attachment style and

associated intimacy deficits and loneliness in sex offender creates a mixed
picture. Some studies (e.g., Marshall, Serran & Cortoni, 2000; Ward, Hudson
and Marshall, 1996, Wood & Riggs, 2008) provide support for Marshall and
colleagues attachment theory of sexual offending producing evidence that
suggests sex offenders are characterised by insecure attachment styles, whilst
others (e.g. Smallbone & McCabe, 2003) suggest that sex offenders are more
likely to hold secure attachments than insecure attachments. The mixed nature
of the research evidence also extends to the nature of the constructs examined.
Some researchers have examined adult attachment style and the links between
this and loneliness or intimacy deficits (e.g. Hudson & Ward, 1997; Ward et
al., 1996), while others have examined childhood attachment style, and the
relationship between this style and behaviour in adulthood (e.g. Smallbone and
colleagues, 1998, 2000, 2003). In this section we discuss a selection of this

body of research.
Ward, Hudson and Marshall (1996) were among the first researchers to
examine attachment styles in sex offenders following the emergence of
Marshalls initial theory of intimacy deficits among sexual offenders and their
own hypothesised extension of that theory. In Ward et al.s (1996) study, the
adult attachment styles of four different type of incarcerated offender were
studied; child molesters, rapists, violent non-sex offenders, and non-violent
non-sex offenders. All participants completed two questionnaires that
measured attachment patterns in close relationships in general, and romantic
adult relationships. The types of attachment measured were secure, fearful,
preoccupied and dismissing (the latter three being subtypes of the insecure
attachment type). The authors predicted that child molesters and rapists would
both be insecurely attached but each offender type would be characterised by
different subtypes of insecure attachment specifically that child molesters
would be fearful and preoccupied, whilst rapists would be dismissive. These
predictions were based on the preliminary evidence suggesting that child
molesters may have a greater fear of intimacy in close relationships than
rapists and other groups (Bumby & Marshall, 1994) and the fact that
dismissively attached individuals tend to be more hostile in their behaviour
which is consistent with the offences rapists commit (Bruce, Pierson &
Kuznetsov, 1993); Kalichman, 1991). For the most part, the findings of this
study supported the predictions, with child molesters and rapists both reporting
insecure attachments in romantic adult relationships. However, this was not a
feature unique to the two sex offender groups, as both violent non-sex and
non-violent non-sex offenders also reported insecure attachment styles. The
authors suggest that this may indicate a general association between insecure
attachment and incarceration or criminality. This is certainly consistent with
Marshalls earlier observations that frequently offenders (of all types) have
experienced abusive or neglectful childhoods, which would account for
insecure attachment style (Marshall, 1989).
Regarding the subtypes of insecure attachment (fearful, preoccupied and
dismissive), the results of this study suggest that rapists, relative to child
molesters, were more likely to be dismissive in their attachment style, whilst
child molesters were more likely to self report a fearful or preoccupied
attachment style (depending on the measure used) and were less dismissive in
attachment style than rapists, which is in line with the predictions made by the
authors. This provides support both for Marshalls initial theory that sexual
offenders in general display insecure attachment styles, and Ward and
colleagues extension of the theory that hypothesises that different offence

types are associated with different adult attachment styles.
A series of studies conducted by Smallbone and colleagues examined the
childhood and adult attachment styles of sexually coercive men, rapists, child
molesters, nonsex offenders and non-offenders. In the first study (Smallbone
& Dadds, 1998), sex offenders were compared with property offenders and
non-offenders. Like Ward and colleagues (1996), Smallbone and Dadds
hypothesised that attachment style would differ between offender type, but
instead of emphasising the link between attachment style and behavioural
characteristics of the sexual offence, this study examined the link between
attachment style and the relationship context of the offence. In order to do this
three groups of sex offender were examined; extra-familial child molesters
(men who offend outside the family), intra-familial child molesters (men who
offend against family members) and stranger rapists (men who offend against
victims who were unrelated and previously unknown to them). Several
predictions about the attachment style of the offenders were made. First, it was
predicted that sex offenders in general would be characterised by less secure
childhood and adulthood attachment styles than both non-sex offenders and
non-offenders. Second, the authors predicted that rapists would be
characterised by more avoidant childhood attachment styles than all other
groups, and that intra-familial child molesters would be characterised by more
anxious childhood attachment styles than all other groups. As predicted sex
offenders appeared to report less secure childhood and adult attachment than
non-offenders. However, the prediction that sex offenders would be less secure
in childhood attachment compared to non-sex offenders was only partially
supported. Sex offenders were less secure than non-offenders in their maternal
attachments, but not paternal attachments. The authors suggest that this result
provides tentative evidence for the specificity of insecure maternal attachment
being a key predictor of sexual offending. The prediction that rapists and intra-
familial child molesters would have specific attachment styles was partially
supported. There were no differences on global measures of avoidant and
anxious attachment between the two offender groups, but differences did
emerge when maternal and paternal attachments were considered separately.
For example, rapists were found to have particularly insecure avoidant
paternal attachments, whilst intra-familial child molesters were found to have
both anxious and avoidant maternal attachments. Interestingly, the pattern of
insecure paternal attachments that characterised the rapists was also found in
the non-sex offender group, further supporting Ward et als (1997) assertions
that there is not necessarily a clear divide between sex offenders and non-sex
offenders attachment styles, suggesting that insecure attachments might be

related to general criminality and not just sex offending.
Similar results were also found in a later study by Smallbone and Dadds
(2003) in which the childhood attachment styles of extra-familial child
molesters, intra-familial child molesters and rapists were examined. When the
investigators examined maternal and paternal attachments separately, they
noted that although there were no differences between types of sexual offender
on the likelihood of experiencing insecure maternal attachment, there were in
fact differences between experiences of insecure paternal attachment, with
rapists and intra-familial child molesters more likely to report insecure
attachments with their fathers compared to extra-familial child molesters.
However, a surprising result emerged when childhood attachment style in
general was examined, as the data revealed that sex offenders as a combined
group were no more likely to have experienced insecure than secure childhood
attachment, which is inconsistent with Marshalls theory and other research
evidence. Furthermore, the frequency with which the sample reported insecure
attachment was no greater than would be expected in the general population
according to figures obtained by Campos, Barrett, Lamb, Goldsmith and
Stenberg, 1983) which is inconsistent with the theoretical assumptions of
Marshall and Ward and colleagues, and other research evidence. This
surprising result may be due to methodological differences between this study
and previous research. For example, this study used autobiographical accounts
of the offenders childhood and adult relationships, which as a data source
lacks standardisation, and makes it difficult to compare the results of this study
to other previous research. However, this study does suggest that childhood
attachment types with fathers may be most salient for future sexual offending
behaviour which is consistent with other research (e.g. Smallbone & Dadds,
1998; Smallbone & Dadds, 2000). This is particularly interesting because it is
often the infant-mother relationship that is focussed on by child development
researchers.
This small body of research on the attachment styles of sexual offenders
suggests that the nature of the link between childhood attachment styles, adult
attachment styles and sexual offending behaviour is complex. Some studies
have found support for sex offenders having insecure attachment styles, and
problematic relationships with their caregivers, particularly fathers. Ward and
colleagues work points to the fact that different sex offender types have
different attachment difficulties, and this is supported by the work of
Smallbone and colleagues. Ward and colleagues also suggest that although sex
offenders do have attachment difficulties, they may not be the only group of
offenders with such difficulties, further complicating the link between such
difficulties and sexual and general offending. This body of research represents
a good start in the examination of attachments in sex offenders, but further
research is needed to help us to further understand the processes linking
attachment style with offending behaviour.
CONCLUSIONS
In this chapter we have examined sexual offenders experience of
lonelinessspecifically emotional loneliness and the factors that are
assumed to cause such loneliness. Marshall was one of the first researchers to
examine the link between loneliness and sexual offending, and in this chapter
we have focussed on Marshalls theoretical ideas about the effect childhood
attachment bonds with caregivers have on the social skills development of sex
offenders and how these deficits, along with the experience of loneliness, may
lead to sexual offending. We have also discussed the extension of Marshalls
theory by Ward and colleagues which includes theoretical links between adult
attachment styles and the specific offending behaviour of different types of
offender. Despite the importance of this attachment theory of offending, there
has not been a great deal of research conducted in this area, and therefore it is
difficult to draw any firm conclusions from the research that has been
conducted. Thus, we are still not in the empirically privileged position where
we can fully understand the exact link between loneliness and sexual
offending. Consequently, it would be useful if more research was undertaken
to closely examine the attachment types, intimacy deficits, and loneliness
experience of sexual offenders, to fully understand how these factors interact
to facilitate offending behaviour. For example, the research we have examined
on sexual offenders experiences of loneliness, and the wider loneliness
literature highlights the complexity of the construct of loneliness. As we have
seen, most researchers agree that there are two different types of loneliness
social loneliness, and emotional lonelinesshowever there has not been a
systematic examination of both types of loneliness in sex offenders. Such
research could help us to understand the effects both of these experiences have
on offenders, and subsequently how these experiences might influence
offending behaviour. Similarly, it would be useful to investigate further the
causes of these types of loneliness to determine if social skills deficits and
intimacy deficits play a key role in either or both types of loneliness. This is
especially pertinent in the case of sexual offenders, because many sex offender
treatment programmes include social skills training (Beech, Fisher &
Thornton, 2003), and if we had a stronger idea of the exact deficits
demonstrated by offenders these programmes could be made more effective.
Another aspect that warrants further research involves specific parental
attachment types. We have seen that some researchers have examined child-
caregiver attachments in general, whilst others have specifically examined
paternal and maternal attachments discovering that sex offenders appear to
have different attachment styles associated with each parental figure. For
example, the work of Smallbone and colleagues suggests that sexual offenders
may have more insecure attachments with their fathers than their mothers. Due
to the fact this particular attachment relationship is not often examined,
researchers have so far been unable to determine whether this specific
attachment relationship plays a role in sexual offending. Further research in all
these areas will help us to form a better understanding of the associations
between childhood attachment, intimacy deficits and loneliness in sexual
offenders, and how these factors may influence sexual offending behaviour.
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Chapter 4
LONELINESS AND LIFE: FROM

BEGINNING TO END
Ami Rokach*
York University, Toronto Canada, and Centre for Academic Studies,
Yehuda, Israel
ABSTRACT
Loneliness is a prevailing experience, which every person has
experienced at some point in his or her life. It is a subjective experience,
which is influenced by ones personality, life experience and other
situational variables. The present study examined the influence of age and
gender on the experience of loneliness; not on its presence or absence, but
rather on its qualitative apects. Seven hundred and eleven participants
from all walks of life volunteered to answer an 82-item yes/no
questionnaire, reflecting on their loneliness experiences and what it meant
to them. Four age groups were compared: youth (13-18 years old), young
adults (19-30 years old), adults (31-58 years old) and seniors (60-80 years
old). Within and between gender comparisons were also done. Results
revealed that loneliness is indeed affected by ones age and gender.
*
Corresponding author: arokach@yorku.ca, Mailing address:, 58 Trumpeldor St., Petach Tikva
49403, Israel
70 Ami Rokach
Recent studies suggest that a large proportion of the population feel lonely
frequently (Cacioppo, Fowler & Christakis, 2009; Rokach & Brock 1995). It is
estimated that while only 5-10% of seniors (aged 65 and up) reported
experiencing loneliness occasionally, (e.g. Pinquart, 2003; Prince, Harwood,
Blizard, Thomas & Mann, 1997) 80% of older adults (aged 80 and above)
often feel lonely (Smith & Baltes, 1993). Ornish (1998) stated at the very
beginning of his book Love & Survival: Our survival depends on the healing
power of love, intimacy, and relationships. Physically. Emotionally.
Spiritually. As individuals. As communities. As a culture. Perhaps even as a
species. (p. 1). And indeed, loneliness has been linked to depression, anxiety
and interpersonal hostility (Hansson, Jones, Carpenter & Remondet, 1986), to
an increased vulnerability to health problems (Jones, Rose & Russell, 1990), to
suicidal ideation (Rudatsikira, Muula, Siziya & Twa-Twa, 2007), and even to
suicide (Cutrona, 1982, Seeman, 2000). Rook (1988) observed that
loneliness results from the interaction of person factors and situational
constrains. That interaction is closely associated with the changing
circumstances, which one encounters growing up from cradle to grave (see
also Cacioppo, Fowler & Christakis, 2009). Growing up, by definition, is
characterized by many physical, emotional and cognitive changes, that may be
related to, or enhance, the experience of loneliness.
Adolescence has been described as a period of storm and stress (Arnett,
1999). It is a difficult period of life (Buchanan, Eccles, Midgley, Feldanber &
Harold, 1990) characterised by conflicts with parents (Lawson, Coy & Collins,
1998), mood disruption including extreme emotions (Larson & Richards,
1994), Increased substance abuse (Johnston, Omalley & Bachman, 1994),
heavy reliance on peers and vulnerability to peer pressure and risky behaviour
(Arnett, 1999) which was described by Hall (1904) as a period of
semicriminality (Vol. 1, p. 404).
Young adulthood is a period, which in some way accentuates the changes,
which the adolescent has encountered (Hatcher, Trussell, Stewart & Stewart,
1994) but it lacks the sharp mood swings and frequent conflicts which
characterizes youth. During their 20s young adults in the Western culture
break away from their family and prepare themselves for life vocationally,
academically and socially (Coon & Miterrer, 2008; Rokach & Neto, 2006).
Around the age of 30 many people experience a minor life crisis questions
about the essence of life and the wavering assurance about previous choices
are at the heart of that crisis (Coon & Miterrer, 2008). Adults during their third
to fifth decades often strive to reach the height of their vocational experience
(Coon, 1992), attend to their nuclear family as well as family of origin and
Loneliness and Life: From Beginning to End 71
experience the birth, growth and striving for independence of their off springs
(Steinberg & Levine, 1997; Smetana, 1988) as well as deal with the daily
hassles of life (Arnett, 1999). Middle age is characterised by declining vigor,
strength, and youthfulness (Coon & Miterrer, 2008) as well as of letting go of
ones unrealistic dreams and aspirations. While women experience
menopause, men pass through a climacteric and so both genders experience
physiological changes (Coon & Miterrer, 2008).
The elderly, those we call seniors, frequently suffer from a variety of
chronic ailments (Roy, 1986), death of friends or a spouse (Rabasca, 1999)
and social isolation to varying degrees (Delisle, 1988; See also Tang et. Al.,
2004). As Perlman (2004) observed with national surveys finding that over a
quarter of North Americans report having felt lonely or remote from others in
the past few weeksmany consider it to be one of the main problems that
older adults face (p. 181).
Those changing circumstances, life events and opportunities undoubtedly
effect the manner in which people experience, evaluate and cope with lifes
demands. It therefore stands to reason that the essence of the experience of
loneliness [as well as the manner in which different age groups approach and
cope with it] would differ at various stages in life (Rokach & Brock, 1998;
Rokach & Bauer, 2004).
The present study is, in essence, a phemomenologically based study.
Rather than be diagnostic in nature and attempt to measure levels and intensity
of coping with loneliness (as others have done), it aims at understanding,
explaining and highlighting the experience of loneliness in the different stages
of the lifecycle.
METHOD
Participants
Seven hundred and eleven participants volunteered to answer the

loneliness questionnaire. The sample was composed of seventy- percent men
and 30% of women. They were recruited in urban Canadian centres. In an
attempt to overcome the methodological difficulty of other studies which
relied solely on college students (see Rokach, 2004; Vincenzi & Grabosky,
1987), participants were recruited from all walks of life (see Procedure for a
more detailed description).
72 Ami Rokach
Table 1. Demographics
1
range * = p<.05 **p<.01 ***p<.001 ****p<.0001
11
Ns and percentages may not add up due to missing data.
X2(1,3) sex by culture = 64.30*
X2(2,3) marital status by population = 189.22*
F(3,671) education by population = 30.14*
F(3,701) age by population = 1253.98*
The average age of all participants was 32.26 years with ages ranging
between 13 to 80. The mean level of education (i.e. last grade completed) was
11.56 with a range of formal education reported to be of 1 to 20. Fifty six
percent of the participants were single 23% married, and 21% have had a
relationship but were no longer in it due to separation, divorce or death of a
spouse. Table 1 provides a more detailed breakdown of gender, age, education
and marital status within each age group.
Procedure
Participants were asked to reflect on their past loneliness experiences and

to endorse those items which describe it. They took approximately ten minutes
to answer the questionnaire.
Adolescents participated in the study either in between of after classes, or
were recruited in community centres where they attended extra curricular
activities. Community centres also provided an opportunity to recruit
participants from other age groups. In addition, young adults were recruited in
a local university and during evening classes, which were offered by the local
parks and recreation department. Both, young adults and the adults were
recruited from community centres special interest groups (i.e. alcoholics
anonymous, Parent Without Partners, and a variety of extra curricular
courses). Seniors were recruited in community centres, groups for the
bereaved and alone, and from centres for the aged. Participants took part in the
study on a volunteer basis and were assured of anonymity.
The Loneliness Questionnaire
All items for the questionnaire were written by the author and based on
Rokachs previous research on loneliness (Rokach, 1988). That study yielded a
theoretical model of loneliness as reported by five hundred and twenty-six
(526) participants who were asked to describe their experiences of loneliness.
The present items were chosen from those descriptions and were modified to
provide clarity and gender neutrality. The draft was first reviewed by six
psychologists and two psychology students for any items or instructions,
which lacked clarity, relevance or content. The questionnaire was then
constructed incorporating this feedback. The questionnaire has 82 items,
74 Ami Rokach
which describe the experience of loneliness. Participants took an average of

ten minutes to complete the questionnaire. The general instructions request
that participants reflect on their previous experiences of loneliness and endorse
the items which describe them.
Principal components factor analysis with varimax rotation was applied to
the data with .40 being the minimum score for an item to load on a given
factor. The factor analysis procedure, using the SPSS program, extracted the
principal components and the factor matrix was subjected to a varimax
rotation. The items contributing to the factors were then examined for their
meaning. Five factors could be assigned meaning, and each accounted for
sufficient amount of the variance (at least 3%) to support statistical
meaningfulness. The remaining factors accounted for one or two percent of the
variance and so were ignored. Accordingly, repetitions of the varimax
rotations were limited to five factors each to permit the results to be restricted
to the most robust factors.
They factor analysed participants descriptions of their loneliness
experience. That analysis yielded five factors. The most salient factor to
emerge was Emotional distress (which accounted for 19% of the variance).
This included items that captured the intense pain, inner turmoil, hopelessness,
and feelings of emptiness associated with loneliness. The second factor, Social
inadequacy and alienation (7% of the variance) addressed the perception and
concomitant self-generated social detachment which were reported as part of
the loneliness experience. The third factor, Growth and discovery (4% of the
variance) captured the positive, growth-enhancing, and enriching aspects of
loneliness and increased feelings of inner strength and self-reliance, which
follow. Interpersonal isolation (3% of the variance) was the fourth factor. It
depicted feelings of alienation, abandonment, and rejection, which were
reported as related to a general lack of close relationships and/or absence of a
primary romantic relationship. The fifth factor, Self-alienation (3% of the
variance) describe a detachment from ones self that is characterised by
numbness, immobilisation, and denial. In all, these factors accounted for 36%
of the variance. Each factor was a subscale in the questionnaire and
participants scores are the sum of items they endorsed in each subscale (See
Appendix A for sample items). Kuder-Richardson internal consistency
reliabilities were calculated and yielded the following alpha values: F(1)=.86;
F(2)=.86; F(3)=.86; F(4)=.82; F(5)=.75. K-R alpha for the 82-item questionnaire
was .95.
RESULTS
Participants were divided into four distinct age group, in accordance with
Eriksons (1963) psychosocial stages. The youth ranged in age from 13 to 18
years, young adults 19 to 30, adults 31 to 58 and seniors were those 60 to 80
years old. Table 1 illustrates the breakdown of gender, age, marital status, and
educational level within each group.
Age (F(3,701)=1253.98; p<.0001) was, naturally, significantly different for
the four age groups. Education (F(3,671)=30.14; p<.0001) was similarly
significantly different amongst the four groups, with young adults reporting
the highest mean (12.08), and the adolescents obviously had the lowest mean
(9.37). Marital status differed significantly amongst the age groups
(X2(2,3)=189.22; p<.0001). Ninety three percent of the youth were single
whereas, for example 59% of seniors were alone due to separation, divorce or
spousal death. The composition of the age groups was also significantly
different in gender distribution (X2(1,3)=64.30; p<.0001). The highest
percentage of males was in the adult population (79%), while the adolescents
had the highest percentage of females (60%). Consequently, these
demographic variables were covaried in the following analyses.
Table 2 compared the mean subscale scores of participants in each age
group. An overall MANCOVA (F(15,1389)=2.92; P<.001) indicated that the
scores of the four age groups differed significantly on the five subscales. A
MANCOVA comparing how each gender, across age groups scored, indicated
that mens scores differed significantly (F(15,981)=3.62; p<.001), while womens
scores did not (F(15,384)=1.05 n.s). Further comparisons of the four age groups
on each subscale, by way of ANCOVAs, indicated that the overall mean
scores differed significantly on each of the subscales for the four age groups,
and for men.
76 Ami Rokach
Table 2. Mean Subscale Scores and F Ratios for the Populations

under Study
* p<.05 ** p<.01 ***p<.001

1
Education was covaried.
2
Education and age were covaried.
3
Marital status was covaried.
4
Age, education, marital status and gender were covaried.
5
Age, education and marital status were covaried.
DISCUSSION
Brown (1996) observed that aging concerns all humans because of our
unique ability to have an awareness of ourselves and others and to
conceptualize the future as well as the past and present (p. 1). Larson (1990)
aptly noted that spending too much time alone which may occur at any stage
in life may bring about loneliness. Focusing on the ageing process which we
all go through, Ernst & Cacioppo (1999) and Nexhipi (1983) addressing the
relationship between loneliness and aging, asserted that loneliness occurs at all
ages and the relationship between age and loneliness is a curvilinear one,
whereby the young and the old are especially prone to feelings of loneliness.
U.S surveys indicate that a quarter of North Americans report having felt
lonely in the past four weeks (Perlman, 2004).
The present study investigated the qualitative aspects of the experience of
loneliness across the life span, by examining how it is experienced during
adolescence, young adulthood, middle age, and the later years. To the best of
my knowledge, only sparse research attempts were made to address the
phenomenology of loneliness and its various facets and compare it across
different age groups. Loneliness is a distressing and painful multidimensional
experience which is universal among all humans, and as a unique subjective
experience, is affected by ones personality, history and background (Rokach
& Brock, 1997; Rokach & Neto, 2006). Results of the present study confirmed
that loneliness, indeed , is experienced differently throughout the life cycle. In
this study, I examined each of the five subscales as it was endorsed by
participants from the different age groups.
Rokach (2005; see also Cacioppo, Fowler & Christakis, 2009) observed
that a large portion of the population reported having experienced loneliness.
Research shows that loneliness is not experienced exclusively by the adult
population but that its prevalence trancends throughout many age groups
(Marceon & Brumagne, 1985; Rokach & Neto, 2006). Hartog (1980) keenly
observed that
We struggle against loneliness even before we know the adversary. As

children, we sense we are alone when we discover that our parents are not
omniscient and all-powerful. As adolescents we discover our own mortality
and this intensifies our awareness of loneliness. As adults we come to realize
that we are not merely alone within our bodies, but alone in the world (p. 1).
It, thus, highlights and further explains the results of the present study.
Overall, it was found that the four age groups not only experience loneliness,
but it is qualitatively a different experience which we, humans, go through as
we move through the life cycle. The four age groups differed on each of the
five subscales.
78 Ami Rokach
The emotional distress subscale captures the pain, emotional turmoil,

sadness, helplessness, hopelessness and feelings of emptiness which are such
an integral part of experiencing loneliness. While the young adults had the
highest score, the seniors scored the lowest on this scale. Coon (1992)
reviewed Eriksons (1963) theoretical formulation and suggested that after
establishing a stable identity during the adolescence period, the person
experiences a strong need to establish an essential quality of intimacy in his
or her life (p. 417). At that stage in ones life, he or she is prepared to share a
meaningful love for deep friendship with others. In line with Eriksons view,
Bachman and Johnson (1979) reported that 75% of all college age men and
woman ranked a good marriage and family life as their primary adult goal.
Smith, Nolen-Hoeksma, Fredrickson and Loftus (2003) further added that
during that stage in ones life, the formulation of close friendships and
intimate relationships is vital to a healthy psychosocial development of young
adults. It is, thus, not surprising to evidence that the present findings suggest
that this group reported experiencing most acutely the pain and agony which
loneliness at that age entails.
The elderly, on the other hand, have been reported to experience less
loneliness, and when they do encounter its pain, they may evaluate it
differently, and thus reduce its influence on them. Delisle (1988) noted that, in
general, the majority of the aged lead a relatively active social life and many
of them are in contact with their children The majority of the elderly expressed
satisfaction with the quality of their relationships with loved ones (Coon &
Miterrer, 2008; Peplau & Perlman, 1982), and that overall the ones suffering
significantly from their isolation are in the minority (p. 364). Consequently,
the pain of loneliness and the emotional turmoil it generates, are lessened as
we age. Peplau, Miceli and Morasch (1982) advanced the notion that cognitive
apraisal and social comparison would precede ones labelling oneself as
lonely. The elderly experience retirement, death of loved ones and a
deterioration of their physical health and at times, cognitive functioning
(Brown, 1996). However, comparing themselves to their reference group
other seniors with similar losses, they likely see it as a natural occurrence at
that stage of life, and consequently are able to regulate their emotion more
effectively than younger people do (Rabasca, 1999; see also Davidson, 2001;
De Jong Gierveld, 2003).
The social inadequacy and alienation subscale addressed the perception of
social isolation and the concomitant self-generated social detachment and the
self-deprecation, which followed. Cole et al (2007) and Hawkley et al (2006)
highlighted the importance of the perception of loneliness and its affects on
ones shyness, hostility, and social anxiety and awkwardness, which in turn
intensify ones loneliness. The present findings indicated that young adults
experience it more intensely than the other age groups, while the seniors had
the lowest score. As we already mentioned the elderly are indeed by-and-large
less socially isolated than their stereotype may suggest (Delisle, 1988; Jylha,
2004). Anthony (1998) brings numerous example of seniors who are active,
well connected socially and productively create and contribute to society.
However, the young adults who are striving to establish themselves
economically, educationally and professionally, attempting to start a family,
keep their adolescent friends or make new ones and crave for relationships,
intimacy and love (Coon & Miterrer, 2008), may be acutely aware of possible
shortcomings which may prevent them from achieving their goals at the time
frame which they strived for, or all together not achieve them. The majority of
people break away from their families at that age, and leaving home in usually
associated with building new friendships with other adults. These friends then
serve as substitutes for the family and as allies in the process of breaking ties
(Coon & Miterrer, 2008). Seeing other young adults who may be socially well
supported and who may have achieved positions of power, prestige, social
desirability or marital and familial harmony could conceivably lead to self-
attribution of social inadequacy, self-deprecation and perceived social
alienation.
Growth and discovery depicts the beneficial effects of loneliness including
gaining a deeper understanding and appreciation of oneself, increase in the
value one assigns to friendships and to social support and to the discovery of
the resources one has in attempting to cope with the pain of loneliness. As
Moustakas (1961) so poignantly put it In absolutely solitary moments man
experiences truth, beauty, nature, reverence, humanity. Loneliness enables one
to come to a life with others with renewed hope and vitality [and] with a fuller
dedication (p. 102). This, maybe more than other facets of loneliness, relates
to ones cognitive appraisal of the experience, and the maturity and daily
lessons, which were accumulated along the path of living. And as Seligman
and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) pointed out whenever possible, people choose
behaviors that make them feel fully alive, competent, and creative (p.9).
Intuitively, then, we can expect a positive correlation between age and the
Growth and discovery scores. The present findings seem to support such a
trend. The lowest score was reported by the youth while the seniors had the
highest score.
Arnett (1999) in a meta analysis of the research on adolescence, noted that
this "storm and stress period, as Hall (1904) referred to it is not a myth that
80 Ami Rokach
has captured the popular imagination but a real part of life for many
adolescents and their parents in contemporary America (p. 324). Arnett
contends that going through a period which is rife with conflicts with parents,
mood disruptions, engaging in risky behaviour and establishing ones identity,
adolescence does indeed appear at least in North America - to be a stressful,
uneasy, conflictual period. During that period adolescents break away from
parental dominance, and prepare for their future, by dating, establishing
friendships and selecting a vocation or future career. Clearly, such a turbulent
and future-oriented stage is not amenable to the reflection and self-
understanding that the more stable life changes could encourage. Adolescents
possess the cognitive abilities to manipulate abstractions, to examine
hypothetical ideas and to generalize from the concrete to abstract ideas (Coon
& Miterrer, 2008; Dworetzky, 1991). However, they lack sufficient self-
knowledge, maturity and life experience to fully experience the growth and
discovery which loneliness can bring about.
The Interpersonal alienation subscale highlighted the sense of utter
aloneness associated with the experience of being abandoned. It also addresses
the absence of intimacy, having no satisfying meaningful intimate
relationships. As was the trend with the previous subscales, here as well,
young adults scored the highest while seniors scored the lowest.
Dworetzky (1991) contends that young adults face many choices and
predicaments in our society. They must make decisions about sexuality,
marriage, children, career friendships, social and civic interactions, and much
more (p. 383). Erikson (1963) highlighted the psychosocial crisis which the
young adult is said to deal with and which involves intimacy vs. isolation. In
that stage the individual experiences a need to achieve an essential quality of
intimacy, being prepared to share meaningful love or deep friendship with
others. As Coon (1992) observed, not all are fortunate to be socially accepted
and find, or be able to maintain, meaningful and close relationships, and yet,
even those who are married or sexually involved have no guarantee that
intimacy will prevail: many adult relationships remain superficial and
unfulfilling (p. 417). Failure to establish intimacy with others may result in a
deep sense of isolation. In light of the present results it appears that young
adults experience interpersonal alienation significantly more than the seniors,
the elderly who were viewed as having gone through irreversible losses
(Brown, 1996), as having suffered decreased physical capabilities and mental
capacities, lost social status and suffered from isolation and interpersonal
alienation (Arber, Davidson, and Ginn, 2003; Kuypers & Bengston, 1973;
Matras, 1990; Rokach, Matalon, Rokach & Safarov, 2007).
Recent research appears to shed light on the present results. Despite the
inevitable losses which accompany old age, those healthy and independent
seniors who participated in the present study enjoy peer group support and the
community of those which as Fischer (1978) referred to are roughly alike
(p.111). Brown (1996) reported that peer group participation is increasing
amongst the aged throughout the world. In North America, the healthy aged
may live independently, with their children, in retirement communities and age
concentrated public housing (Malakoff, 1991). Under those conditions, and
in light of Mroczeks (quoted in Rabasca, 1999) observation that seniors gear
their lives toward maximising positive affect and minimising negative affect
(p. 11), it stands to reason that they will experience Interpersonal isolation to a
significantly lesser extent than young adults who are not so generously
socially supported (see also Perlman, 2004; Pinquart & Sorensen, 2001a,
2001b).
Youth, young adults and adults scored significantly different on the Self-
alienation subscale. That subscale depicted self-detachment, which is often
characterised by numbness, immobilization and denial of the distress inherent
in loneliness. While youth scored the lowest, young adults scored the highest
on this subscale. As Hall (1904) and Arnett (1999) pointed out, adolescence is
indeed a period of storm and stress, of identity forming, rebelliousness,
independence seeking and mood disturbances. It is safe to argue that
specifically during this period, the developing person is very keenly in touch
with herself, is full of vigor and motivation to achieve, and/or change
unsatisfactory life situations and may experience loneliness as a painful and
distressing experience, but not an immobilizing event which results in self
detachment. The situation of the young adults is quite different. Those years
are occupied with striving to prepare for a secure future, redefining familial
relationships, building intimate friendships, marriage and family planning
raising children and caring for elderly parents (Blood, 1972; Doherty &
Jacobson, 1982; Rokach 2000; Smith et al, 2003). It is little wonder that very
little time is left for young adults to engage in solitude (Larson, 1990), to get
in touch with their deeper feelings and to reach a true understanding of the
meanings and significance which life events have for them. Naturally, they
will then experience self-alienation, numbness and the familiar participation in
the rat race. And as Cacioppo, Fowler and Christakis (2009) noted
Loneliness can affect, and be affected, by what one perceives and desires in
their social relationships (p.978).
Although this study did not investigate the extent of the occurrence of
loneliness in various life stages, present results indicate that with the exception
82 Ami Rokach
of Growth and development, young adults appear to experience most keenly

and painfully the various facets of loneliness. It is interesting to note that only
in the young adult group were significant differences found between men and
women, with women scoring consistently lower than men on all subscales.
North American sex role development of women, stress that they should be
subjective and emotionally sensitive (Feldman, 1982). Consequently, it was
observed that the North American women are more at ease sharing their pain
and anxiety (Rokach & Neto, 2006; Rokach & Sharma, 1996). It is thus
suggested that young adult women, in particular, experience less pain by
openly expressing their emotional distress and attracting social support. Their
male counterparts were not socialized to express their emotions openly, and
are more deeply involved in the early adulthood tasks of laying the financial,
vocational and social foundations of their future (Geary, 1998). It was
observed that men throughout the world compete for cultural success to a
larger degree than women do. That is, they compete for control of culturally
important resources and for the establishment of social status. They, thus, are
less apt to be reflective and expressive of their distress and experience
loneliness more keenly and painfully. It is, however, unclear why gender
differences exist only in that age group (see Rokach, 2000).
Examining each of the genders separately, while mens scores differed
significantly across age groups, womens did not. This finding lends itself to
the hypothesis that the North American socialization of men influences them
to a lesser extent than it does women. Whereas mens experiences of
loneliness change as they pass through life, depending on their age, maturity
and life experiences, womens loneliness experiences appear to be more stable
and somewhat less influenced by societal and situational factors. As Geary
(1998) so aptly pointed out, Men are not from Mars and women are not from
Venus, although there are many times when both sexes seem to be from
different planets (p. XI).
To conclude, the present findings support Rooks (1988) assertion that
loneliness results from a combination of personal and situational variables. It
appears in a consistent pattern, that North American young adults, in there
20s, report experiencing the pain and distress of loneliness to a significantly
greater extent than other age groups. Contrary to popular belief, the elderly
report lower distress levels, as part of loneliness, than the younger age groups
while due to their maturity and life experiences they are more able to
appreciate the growth and personal development which may result from
loneliness.
Further research is needed to expand on the present, exploratory study. A

replication of the present study, with a larger seniors group would be
beneficial. Additionally, future research may examine the influence of familial
relations, health, cultural background and socio-economic levels on the
experience of loneliness. Future research could also explore how each age
group can best cope with loneliness.
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APPENDIX A: THE LONELINESS EXPERIENCE- SAMPLE

ITEMS
Factor 1: Emotional distress
I experience feelings of intense hurt (.58)*
I experience being overwhelmed with feelings of dread (.47)
Factor 2: Social alienation and inadequacy

I felt that people wanted nothing to do with me (.56)
88 Ami Rokach
I felt I was boring and uninteresting (.63)
Factor 3: Growth and discovery

I discovered a personal strength I was previously unaware of (.64)
Life seems richer and more interesting than it was previously (.70)
Factor 4: Interpersonal isolation

I felt I had no one to love or be loved by (.52)
I felt that I did not matter to those closest to me (.58)
Factor 5: Self-alienation
I felt as if my mind and body were in different places (.54)
It felt as if I was in a dream and waiting to awaken (.48)
* The factor loading of the item.

Chapter 5
THE EXPERIENCE OF LONELINESS WHILE

STUDYING ABROAD
Holly A. Hunley1*
Loyola University Chicago, Chicago, Illinois USA
ABSTRACT
Anecdotal evidence and previous research have indicated that
experiencing some stress while traveling abroad is a rather common
occurrence. Part of this stress may be explained by the experience of
loneliness. Specifically, students who study abroad are removed, at least
in part, from their usual social support systems, which may lead them to
feel as though they lack close attachments or people on whom they can
rely for support. Undergraduate students studying abroad at Loyola
Universitys Rome Center during the 2004 fall semester (Rome Center
Study I) and the 2006-2007 fall and spring semesters (Rome Center Study
II) completed questionnaires, which examined aspects of loneliness,
psychological distress, and functioning while abroad. In general, these
studies provide evidence that loneliness is associated with adverse
consequences for students who study abroad. Specifically, students
experiencing more loneliness also experienced greater psychological
distress and demonstrated lower levels of functioning while studying
abroad. Further, having fewer friends was associated with greater
*
Corresponding author: Jesse Brown VA Medical Center, 820 S. Damen Avenue (Psychology
#116B), Chicago, IL 60612, +1-312-569-8067, hhunley@luc.edu
90 Holly A. Hunley
loneliness and lower levels of functioning, while having lower quality

friendships while studying abroad was related to greater loneliness, lower
levels of functioning, and greater psychological distress, particularly
depression. Finally, there was weak support that less frequent contact
with friends at home was related to the experience of more loneliness.
Despite the increasing numbers of students who study abroad each year,
there remains a limited body of research into the psychological aspects of
studying abroad. Therefore, it is important to investigate factors such as
loneliness and psychological distress that may hinder students from
taking full advantage of their study abroad experiences. The results of
these studies should be reviewed by universities and study abroad
programs and used to enhance students experiences while studying
abroad by nurturing students social support while abroad, providing
intercultural training, and offering mental health resources for students
abroad.
INTRODUCTION
More than 240,000 students studied abroad during the 2006-2007
academic year, an increase of nearly 200,000 students in only 20 years
(Institute for International Education, 2008). This increase is due in large part
to the many benefits of studying abroad such as personal growth, enhanced
foreign language acquisition, more awareness of international affairs, and
greater adaptability, and several studies have documented these benefits (e.g.,
Carlson & Widaman, 1988; McCabe, 1994; Drews & Meyer, 1996; Davidson
& Lehmann, 2001-2005; Jurgens & McAuliffe, 2004; Savicki et al, 2004;
Hadis, 2005; Langley & Breese, 2005). While studying abroad can be an
exciting and rewarding experience, it can also be stressful. Moving across the
world, away from family and friends, away from a familiar language, culture,
and way of life is a stressful situation. In fact, traveling abroad is stressful to
some degree for most people who travel abroad, a phenomenon described as
culture shock (Church, 1982). While many factors may contribute to culture
shock and stress abroad, one important factor is inadequate social support or
loneliness.
Despite the dramatic increase in popularity of studying abroad, relatively
little investigation has been done regarding the experiences, effects, and
outcomes of studying abroad. There is a particular insufficiency of research
regarding the experience of loneliness for students who study abroad and its
consequences. Because of the potential for loneliness to undermine the quality
The Experience of Loneliness While Studying Abroad 91
of students study abroad experiences, it is important to understand how

loneliness may impact students abroad.
LONELINESS
Social support has been defined as the presence of dependable people in
ones life (Braun & Hollander, 1989). A lack of social support can lead to
loneliness, which may occur when individuals feel empty because they lack
important persons in their lives or when individuals are not accepted or do not
belong to a group (Blai, 1989). It is well documented that loneliness can have
deleterious effects on general well-being as well as on mental health, including
increased feelings of anxiety and depression. Loneliness can cause individuals
to feel detached from others and develop negative emotional reactions such as
unhappiness and diminished self-esteem, which may lead to unhealthy
behaviors such as isolating themselves from others (Blai).
On the other hand, evidence reveals that social support, the opposite of
loneliness, can buffer the physical and psychological problems associated with
stress (Aneshensel & Stone, 1982; DeLongis et al., 1988). DeLongis,
Folkman, and Lazarus (1988) examined the relationship between self-esteem,
social support, and physical and psychological well-being. They found that
individuals had a greater chance of having a positive relationship between
stress and physical problems and stress and psychological problems if they had
low self-esteem and diminished social support. Pengilly and Dowd (2000)
examined social support as a buffer between stress and depression. Both
inadequate social support and stress were significantly associated with
depression. Further, lower levels of social support significantly predicted
depression regardless of stress.
Others have shown that social support is directly associated with
decreased physical and psychological problems (Furnham & Bochner, 1990).
Several studies have demonstrated a relationship between inadequate social
support and elevated anxiety and depression. Aneshensel and Stone (1982)
demonstrated that social support has a direct impact on depressive symptoms.
They found that having more close relationships and more perceived social
support were associated with lower levels of depression. A study by Rubio and
Lubin (1986) compared social support of a group of control subjects (i.e.,
college students not in therapy) to that of a group of students who were in
92 Holly A. Hunley
therapy. Among other things, the study demonstrated a significant relationship

between lack of social support and depression (Rubio & Lubin).
Whether social support has buffering or direct effects, it is clear that social
support is important for coping with stressful situations. Because people often
cope by eliciting feedback from others about situations that are ambiguous
uncertain, and unpredictable, this feedback can ease the undesirable aspects of
the situation and provide guidance for future experiences (Adelman, 1988). In
turn, this can create a sense of control and understanding for people who may
otherwise feel helpless and confused (Adelman).
Studying Abroad and Loneliness
The nature of studying abroad requires students to leave their social

support system of family, friends, and mentors that are available to them at
their home universities. Often students arrive in the host country without
knowing anyone or with limited social support networks. Upon arrival when
their environment is novel and unpredictable for students, their support
systems are usually not yet developed. As a result, students may feel lonely, as
though they do not have adequate close attachments or people on whom they
can rely for support. Even students who study abroad with other students at
foreign universities or at American campuses abroad may lack the emotional
attachment to others that they need when difficulties arise. In other words,
although they may be surrounded by acquaintances and people with whom
they can spend time, students may still feel lonely because they are away from
their meaningful support systems. Students may also not feel like they are a
part of the community around them. There may be a few explanations for this.
First, students may feel secluded from their usual routines and way of life and
therefore may not feel like they are a part of the foreign community in which
they are residing. Second, some students may not feel a sense of belonging in
the study abroad community. Some student bodies form immature social
climates such as cliques, which may dissuade some students from becoming a
part of that community. Also, while some students study abroad with friends
from home, others do not and may feel excluded by those who arrive with pre-
existing friendships. They must, therefore, cope with situations that arise
without the benefit of much support until true friendships and supportive
relationships have emerged.
Table 1. Means and Standard Deviations for Measures for

the Rome Center Study I & II
Rome Center Study I (N = 66)

Measure M SD
Week 4
FOSA Questionnaire 124.83 14.65
DACL 22.51 11.81
BAI 11.55 8.37
UCLA Loneliness Scale 51.68 21.26
Rome Center Study II (N = 67)
Measure M SD
Week 5
BDI 4.62 4.37
BAI 7.07 6.82
Week 9
BDI 4.98 4.30
BAI 4.04 3.93
Week 13
BDI 4.81 3.96
BAI 3.61 3.89
Research regarding the negative impact of loneliness and the positive

impact of social support has already been reviewed, and some work has been
done to extend these findings to the study abroad arena, particularly in regards
to mental health. Regardless of whether social support acts as a buffer or has
direct effects on psychological distress, students abroad are at a greater risk for
not getting adequate social support. As a result, students abroad may be more
inclined to feel lonely and have resulting physical and/or psychological
difficulties such as anxiety and depression. In turn, this may have
consequences for the overall quality of their study abroad experience.
A study by Surdam and Collins (1984) looked at the adjustment of foreign
students studying in the United States. They found that foreign students who
94 Holly A. Hunley
socialized with other foreign students did find it beneficial for their adaptation
(Surdam & Collins). Further, foreign students who socialized with local
American students were more adjusted than students who only socialized with
other foreign students (Surdam & Collins). A study by Heikinheimo and Shute
(1986) found similar results. The study was performed in Canada and looked
at two groups of foreign students, Asians and Africans enrolled at a Canadian
university (Heikinheimo & Shute). They found that Asian students who did
not socialize with Canadian students had significantly more problems with
adjustment than students who did socialize with Canadian students
(Heikinheimo & Shute). These results suggest the extent and type of social
contacts while studying abroad is important. This has implications for
American students who study abroad because many overseas programs are
island programs, which house American students on one campus where
contact with locals is scarce.
Another study of foreign students in the United States looked at both
buffering and direct effects of social support on stress (Mallinckrodt & Leong,
1992). The results showed that family support had direct effects on stress in
foreign graduate students, and graduate program support had buffering and
direct effects on stress for these students (Mallinckrodt & Leong). Peer social
support was not assessed. Again, this study demonstrates the importance of
social support on stress and the potential outcomes of stress.
Another study, this time done with North American students studying in
Israel, looked at social support and loneliness (Wiseman, 1997). Wiseman
found that the quality of relationships predicted loneliness more than the
quantity of relationships. This indicates that the depth of ones friendships is
more important than the overall number of friends. They also found that
students who were unhappy with their current friendships in Israel predicted
loneliness, as did students who were unhappy with relationships at home
(Wiseman). Because loneliness is a stressor, it can lead to many of the same
negative outcomes as any other life stress such as feelings of anxiety and
depression. Therefore, the experience of loneliness in students who study
abroad must be taken seriously.
Hypotheses
The aim of the present studies, Rome Center Study I and Rome Center
Study II, was to investigate the impact of loneliness in students while studying
abroad. In each of the studies, students studying abroad at Loyola Universitys
Rome Center completed questionnaires with regards to their experience of

loneliness, functioning, emotional experiences, and demographic information,
and several hypotheses emerged. First, students feeling greater loneliness
would demonstrate lower levels of functioning abroad. Second, students
feeling greater loneliness would demonstrate greater levels of psychological
distress (e.g., anxiety and depression) while abroad. Third, students having
fewer friends and lower quality friendships while abroad would experience
more loneliness. Fourth, students having less contact with friends and family
at home would experience more loneliness. Fifth, fewer friends and lower
quality of friendships abroad would be related to lower levels of functioning
and more psychological distress.
METHOD
Rome Center Study I
Design & Procedure

The Office of International Programs at Loyola University Chicago
identified students enrolled at the Rome Center for the 2004 fall semester and
then provided the researcher with a list of students names and addresses.
Questionnaires were used to collect data at two time-points. Students
completed the first questionnaire during the late summer before leaving for the
Rome Center and the second questionnaire during the fourth week of the
semester while attending the Rome Center. The analyses performed for the
purposes of this chapter were from the second data collection. After
participating, students were provided with more information about the study,
and those who completed both questionnaires received an international phone
card with 180 minutes of calling to the United States.
Participants
During the 2004 fall semester, 66 of 116 students attending the Rome
Center returned the first survey, and 58 of these students returned the second
survey, retaining nearly 90% of the original sample. The sample was 82.8%
female and 89.7% Caucasian with the remainder of the sample being African-
American, Hispanic, Asian, Middle Eastern, and Other. Students in their junior
year of college comprised 72.4% of the sample with a mean age of 20.26 years
96 Holly A. Hunley
(SD = .807). Two thirds of the sample came from Loyola University Chicago
while the remaining third came from other American universities.
Materials
The questionnaire for Rome Center Study I was four pages in length and
included a number of measures and demographic questions. First, students
completed the Functioning of Students Abroad Questionnaire (FOSA; Hunley,
In press) to measure students levels of functioning while abroad, which was
developed specifically for this study through an extensive review of the
literature. The FOSA is comprised of 23 items ranked on a 7-point Likert
scale. The items were summed to calculate students overall levels of
functioning while abroad. The items consist of activities and goals that
students typically experience while abroad, and students were asked the extent
to which they have participated in such activities while in Rome (e.g., to what
extent are you performing well academically, to what extent are you learning
about the local culture, to what extent are you learning about yourself). The
Cronbachs alpha for the FOSA was .86 in this study. Second, students
completed the Beck Anxiety Inventory (BAI; Beck, Epstein, Brown, & Steer,
1988) to measure levels of anxiety, which lists 21 symptoms of anxiety that
participants rated on a scale of 0 (not at all) to 3 (severely it bothered me a
lot). Responses were added to calculate their total anxiety scores. The BAI has
been used extensively to measure anxiety for both research and clinical
purposes and is a reliable measure for clinical and non-clinical populations
(Borden, Peterson, & Jackson, 1991). In the current study, Cronbachs alpha
for this measure was .88. Third, students completed Lists E, F, and G of the
Depression Adjective Checklist (DACL; Lubin, 1965) to measure levels of
depression. Each list on the DACL contains adjectives describing different
degrees of depression and happiness. Depending on which words were or were
not checked, participants levels of depression were calculated. Finally,
students completed the Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale, a 21-item measure of
loneliness (Russel, Peplau, & Cutrona, 1980). This scale is rated on a seven-
point Likert scale with good internal consistency in past studies (Russel,
Peplau, & Cutrona) and in the current study, Cronbachs alpha of .95.
Rome Center Study II
Design and Procedure

The administration at the Rome Center identified students enrolled during
the 2006 fall and 2007 spring semesters and then provided the researcher with
a list of students names and email addresses. Questionnaires were used to
collect data from the participants at 3 time-points over the course of the 14-
week semester. Participants completed questionnaires during the fifth, ninth,
and thirteenth weeks of the semester. At the end of each semester, participants
were given more information about the study and entered into a drawing for 3
prizes of $50.00. In addition to completing the questionnaires, students during
the fall semester participated in a writing task, during which they were
instructed to write about their study abroad experiences on three occasions
during the fifth week of the semester.
Participants
Of approximately 150 undergraduate students who attended Loyola
Universitys Rome Center during the fall semester 2006, 21 participated in the
study (writing task and questionnaires), and of approximately 180
undergraduate students attending during the spring semester 2007, 46
participated (questionnaires only) yielding a total sample size of 67 for the
present study. The study retained approximately 75% of the sample throughout
the study (dropout rate was approximately 25%), which is acceptable for
longitudinal research design. The sample was 85.1% female, with 64.2% of
students in their junior year and an average age of 19.98 years (SD = .59). The
sample was 89.6% Caucasian with the remainder of the sample being
Hispanic, African-American, Asian-American, or Middle Eastern. Just over
60% of the sample was comprised of Loyola students while the remaining
students came from other American universities.
Materials
The questionnaire for Rome Center Study II was also four pages in length
comprised of a number of measures and demographic questions. Rome Center
Study II used many of the same measures as Rome Center Study I including
the FOSA (Cronbachs alpha ranging from .79 - .92), BAI (Cronbachs alpha
ranging from .41 - .88), and Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale (Cronbachs
alpha ranging from .91 - .95). Of note, the BAI demonstrated poor reliability
during the first administration but acceptable reliability thereafter. Instead of
98 Holly A. Hunley
using the DACL to measure depression, the 21-item Beck Depression

Inventory II (BDI-II; Beck, Steer, & Brown, 1988) was used. The BDI-II
measures depressive symptoms on a four-point scale with responses ranging
from zero to three. The item regarding suicidal ideation was omitted for the
purposes of this study; therefore, the range of total scores on the BDI-II was 0
to 60. Several studies have demonstrated that the BDI-II has high internal
consistency and validity among both clinical and non-clinical populations
(Beck, Steer, & Brown, 1996; Dozois, Dobson, & Ahnberg, 1998). The
reliability of the BDI in this study ranged from.71 to .85.
RESULTS
The means and standard deviations for the FOSA Questionnaire, BAI,
DACL/ BDI, and UCLA Loneliness Scale were calculated for Rome Center
Study I and II and are presented in Table 1.
Rome Center Study I
The first hypothesis, that students feeling greater loneliness would

demonstrate lower levels of functioning abroad was supported, R = .431,
F(1,55) = 12.57, p = .001.
The second hypothesis, that students experiencing greater loneliness
would demonstrate greater psychological distress (e.g., anxiety and
depression) while abroad, was supported. Students feeling more lonely felt
more anxious, R = .460, F(1,55) = 14.74, p < .001. Students feeling more
lonely also felt more depressed, R = .516, F(1,54) = 19.54, p < .001. Further,
students who felt more anxious before studying abroad (i.e., during the
summer before they left for Rome), also felt more lonely while studying
abroad, R = .355, F(1,53) = 7.65, p = .008. Likewise, students who felt more
depressed before studying abroad, also felt more lonely while studying abroad,
R = .424, F(1,55) = 12.042, p = .001.
The third hypothesis, that students having more friends and having higher
quality friendships while abroad would experience less loneliness, was
partially supported. Having fewer friends was not significantly related to
experiencing more loneliness, R = .134, F(1,50) = .91, p = .345; however,
having lower quality friendships was significantly related to experiencing

more loneliness, R = .577, F(1,53) = 26.43, p < .001.
The fourth hypothesis, that students having more contact with friends and
family at home would experience less loneliness, was not supported.
The fifth hypothesis, that fewer friends and lower quality of friendships
abroad would be related to lower levels of functioning and more psychological
distress was partially supported. Fewer friends was not significantly related to
functioning or psychological distress; however, lower quality friendships
while abroad was related to lower levels of functioning, R = .353, F(1,54) =
7.71, p = .008, higher levels of anxiety, R = .286, F(1,54) = 4.82, p = .032, and
higher levels of depression, R = .444, F(1,53) = 13.01, p = .001.
Rome Center Study II
Preliminary Analyses
There were no significant differences between the fall and spring samples
on any of the demographic questions or the outcome measures (FOSA, GHQ,
BDI, BAI, UCLA Loneliness, Journaling Habits) with the exception of the
FOSA during the ninth week of the semester. During week nine of the
semester, the fall sample had significantly higher levels of functioning with a
mean of 125.70 (SD = 13.27) than the spring sample with a mean of 114.26
(SD = 12.60), t(55) = 3.241, p = .002. Other than this difference, the two
samples were quite similar and are presented as one sample. There were also
no significant differences between those who completed the study and those
who dropped out on any of the demographic questions or the outcome
measures with the exception of participants age. Participants who completed
the study were approximately six months older with a mean age of 20.08 (SD
= .57) than those who dropped out of the study with a mean age of 19.69 (SD
= .60), t(64) = 2.379, p = .02. Because of the similarity among participants
who completed the study and those who did not, all available data was used
for each analysis.
Main Analyses
The first hypothesis, that students feeling greater loneliness would
demonstrate lower levels of functioning abroad was supported at all three data
points: the fifth week of the semester, R = .331, F(1,64) = 7.89, p = .007, the
100 Holly A. Hunley
ninth week of the semester, R = .340, F(1,55) = 7.17, p = .01, and the
thirteenth week of the semester, R = .347, F(1,55) = 7.51, p = .008.
The second hypothesis, that students feeling greater loneliness would
demonstrate greater psychological distress was partially supported. Students
feeling greater loneliness demonstrated greater anxiety during the fifth week,
R = .254, F(1,64) = 4.42, p = .039 but not during the ninth or thirteenth weeks
of the semester. Students feeling greater loneliness demonstrated greater
depression at all points during the semester: fifth week, R = .717, F(1,64) =
67.68, p < .001; ninth week, R = .569, F(1,55) = 26.27, p < .001; and thirteenth
week, R = .422, F(1,55) = 11.95, p = .001.
The third hypothesis, that students having more friends and having higher
quality friendships while abroad would experience less loneliness, was
partially supported. Students with fewer friends did experience significantly
more loneliness during the fifth week, R = .256, F(1,60) = 4.21, p = .045, and
during the ninth week, R = .291, F(1,45) = 4.15, p < .048, but not during the
thirteenth week of the semester. Students with lower quality friendships did
experience significantly more loneliness throughout the semester: during the
fifth week, R = .765, F(1,60) = 84.80, p < .001, during the ninth week, R =
.624, F(1,48) = 30.65, p < .001, and during the thirteenth week of the
semester, R = .746, F(1,48) = 60.19, p < .001.
The fourth hypothesis, that students having more contact with friends and
family at home would experience less loneliness, was supported only during
the ninth week of the semester. Students having less contact with friends at
home were significantly more lonely, R = .444, F(1,49) = 12.01, p = .001.
The fifth hypothesis, that fewer friends and lower quality of friendships
abroad would be related to lower levels of functioning and more psychological
distress was partially supported. Fewer friends was significantly related to
lower levels of functioning during the fifth week of the semester, R = .284,
F(1,61) = 5.35, p = .024 and during the ninth week of the semester, R = .352,
F(1,45) = 6.35, p = .015 but not during the thirteenth week of the semester.
Fewer friends was not significantly related to psychological distress at any
time during the semester.
Lower quality friendships was significantly related to lower levels of
functioning during the fifth week of the semester, R = .272, F(1,61) = 4.87, p =
.031 and during the thirteenth week of the semester, R = .311, F(1,48) = 5.14,
p = .028 but not during the ninth week of the semester. Lower quality
friendships was significantly related to higher levels of anxiety during the fifth
week of the semester, R = .256, F(1,61) = 4.27, p = .043 but not during the
ninth or thirteenth weeks of the semester. Lower quality friendships was
significantly related to higher levels of depression throughout the semester:

during the fifth week, R = .694, F(1,61) = 56.60, p < .001, during the ninth
week, R = .384, F(1,48) = 8.28, p = .006, and during the thirteenth week, R =
.342, F(1,48) = 6.34, p < .015.
DISCUSSION
As expected, loneliness was significantly related to a number of key
variables, and the results were replicated in two studies. Thus, the results
provide consistent support for several of the major hypotheses. To begin with,
students who were lonelier demonstrated lower levels of functioning and
higher levels depression throughout the semester, while the relationship
between loneliness and anxiety was strong at the beginning of the semester in
both studies but then diminished over the course of the semester in Rome
Center Study II. This may be explained by students gradually becoming less
anxious over the course of the semester as habituation to their social situation
occurred, thereby having a weaker relationship with loneliness over time.
Another finding was that loneliness had a stronger relationship with
quality of friendships across both studies and throughout the semester than it
did with quantity of friends. In other words, having more meaningful
relationships with others while abroad was more important than the number of
friends one has while abroad in regards to the experience of loneliness. This
makes sense given past research findings and that loneliness has to do with a
lack of important connections with others and the lack of support that is
derived from those connections.
While it was expected that students having less contact with friends and
family at home would experience more loneliness, the results did not support
this. When considering the findings related to the third hypothesis, perhaps the
more important factor in having contact with friends and family at home is
whether students felt supported by those conversations, rather than the amount
of contact with family and friends at home.
The relationship between functioning and psychological distress and two
proposed manifestations of loneliness, having fewer friends and having lower
quality of friendships, received mixed support. Having fewer friends showed a
weak relationship with lower levels of functioning earlier in the semester
during Rome Center Study II but not later in the semester or in Rome Center
Study I. Having fewer friends was not related to anxiety or depression for
102 Holly A. Hunley
either study. On the other hand, having lower quality friendships showed a
strong relationship with experiencing higher levels of depression and with
lower functioning. There was a relationship between lower quality of
friendships and anxiety at the beginning of the semester in both studies, which
then diminished over the course of the semester in Rome Center Study II.
Overall, these results demonstrate yet again that having meaningful
relationships is more important than having more relationships.
Taken together, the relationships between loneliness and functioning as
well as between loneliness and psychological distress suggest that the
experience of loneliness while abroad has the potential to have detrimental
consequences for students who study abroad. As a result, students who
experience more loneliness may experience more emotional difficulties such
as feelings of anxiety and depression. Also, students who experience more
loneliness may not have the same quality of experience and may not reap as
many benefits from studying abroad as students who feel less lonely. This
finding is important because it underscores the potentially large influence that
loneliness may have on students abroad. On the other hand, it suggests that
while loneliness may have deleterious effects on students functioning and
mental health, social support may have a positive impact. Therefore, efforts
should be made not only to diminish loneliness but to actively promote and
educate students about the importance of utilizing available social support
networks.
There were some limitations inherent in this study. First, the sample sizes
for each study were relatively low, which limited power. Additionally, the
response rates for Rome Center Study II was particularly low for each
semester, presumably because students were asked to complete more surveys
for Rome Center Study II and were asked to complete a writing task during the
fall semester of Rome Center Study II. Also, students in Rome Center Study II
were asked to participate for less compensation than they received at the end
of the semester rather than immediately after their participation early in the
semester as in Rome Center Study I. In other words, not all students in Rome
Center Study II received compensation because it was a drawing, and the
drawing did not occur until the end of the semester. Furthermore, this low
sample size precluded investigation into trajectories of loneliness and mental
health and functioning across the semester with more sophisticated
methodologies such as hierarchical linear modeling, which would have been
appropriate given the repeated measures design. A second limitation, the
Rome Center is an example of only one type of study abroad experience. The
Rome Center is considered an island program where students from the United
States live together on a campus in Italy. As a result, these findings do not

necessarily generalize to other types of study abroad experiences. Different
types of experiences may lead to different experiences of loneliness, so
research should be conducted on other types of study abroad experiences.
Third, students who participated in these studies were self-selected and not
randomly sampled; therefore, the participants may not accurately represent the
larger population of students who study abroad. Also, it is important to
remember that not everyone who experiences stress or loneliness abroad is
negatively impacted. In fact, individuals appraisals and reactions to stressful
situations are quite varied and depend on individual characteristics (Lazarus &
Folkman, 1984). In other words, the characteristics of the situation and the
characteristics of the individual in combination lead to the appraisal of a
situation as stressful or not stressful and its resulting impact on well-being. It
is important to remember this high degree of individual variation as it limits
ones ability to make generalizations about students who study abroad and the
study abroad experience. Finally, the FOSA Questionnaire is a new instrument
that was developed specifically for these studies and, as a result, its optimal
administration and use, validity, and reliability are still under investigation. In
the context of these studies, the measure does appear to have face validity and
has demonstrated acceptable reliability. Future studies utilizing this measure
should work toward refining the items through factor analysis and further
establishing validity and reliability.
CONCLUSION
With the growing popularity of studying abroad, research into loneliness
and other issues that may affect students well-being abroad is important,
particularly when considering the potentially negative effects this can have on
students functioning while abroad. Having said that, this type of research
regarding mental health issues and emotional difficulties abroad is in its
infancy. It is important for study abroad programs to address the mental health
needs of their students both before and during the study abroad experience.
Intercultural training and orientation programs should include discussion of
the signs of loneliness, emotional distress, the potential impact of stress, and
the skills that students can use while abroad to optimize their experiences
abroad, which are key elements of successful intercultural training (Black &
Mendenhall, 1990; Bhawuk & Brislin, 2000). Further, given the importance of
104 Holly A. Hunley
not only preventing the negative emotional sequelae of loneliness but

promoting the positive impact of social support, study abroad programs should
facilitate the development of healthy social support networks for students
abroad. While students abroad do not often experience loneliness or
psychological distress to a clinically significant degree, it is still important for
study abroad programs to address mental health issues and teach coping skills
to students before departure and while abroad designed to enhance the quality
of students experiences and the long term benefits of studying abroad.
Studying abroad can be an enlightening and formative experience; programs
owe it to their students to provide an environment in which students can take
full advantage of all studying abroad has to offer.
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Chapter 6
DENYING THE NEED TO BELONG: HOW

SOCIAL EXCLUSION IMPAIRS HUMAN
FUNCTIONING AND HOW PEOPLE CAN
PROTECT AGAINST IT
Richard S. Pond*, Jr., Joseph Brey

and C. Nathan DeWall
University of Kentucky, Lexington, Kentucky USA
Humans are fundamentally social creatures. Our quality of life rests on the
people we connect with, and not just because we depend on them for food,
clothing, and shelter. Instead, we thrive on interpersonal contact, and because
of this our psychological, and even physiological, well-being is hampered
when we become socially disconnected. The current chapter focuses on what
happens when people experience unfulfilled belongingness. Specifically, we
review evidence about how social exclusion hampers us in ways that affect our
cognitions, emotions, and behaviors. We review evidence about how people
cope with the pain of exclusion. And we also discuss recent work that shows
how people can be buffered from the deleterious effects of exclusion. The
findings that we review demonstrate that social exclusion strikes at the core of
*
Corresponding author: Richard S. Pond, Jr, 0003 Kastle Hall, Department of Psychology,
University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY 40506-0044 Email: ricky.pond@gmail.com
108 Richard S. Pond, Jr., Joseph Brey and C. Nathan DeWall
human functioning, yet we also hope to show that the negative consequences
associated with social disconnection can be effectively reduced.
THE DESIRE FOR SOCIAL CONNECTION

Individual success in an interpersonal world requires the formation of
lasting social bonds. For early humans, access to resources and communal
knowledge increased the chance of survival, so people exhibited a natural
tendency to form, and resist the dissolution of, social connections (Baumeister
& Leary, 1995; Leary & Springer, 2001). Ancient hunters who shared their
resources with others, instead of hoarding them, left healthier offspring and
passed social genes on to posterity. Thus, an increase in the number of
human beings on our planet paralleled an increased likelihood to seek and
maintain close friendships.
Individuals seek to satisfy an inherent need to belong that is independent
from satisfying other needs (e.g., food, shelter), however humans, as social
creatures, are not interested in mere social contact. Individuals benefit from
interpersonal bonds, but relationships must also include a level of mutual
caring and concern (Shaver & Buhrmester, 1983). In cases of unrequited love,
both over-benefited and rejected individuals report lower satisfaction with the
relationship than individuals involved in mutually nurturing relationships,
suggesting that the investment of each individual must extend beyond selfish
gain to include genuine concern for other members (Baumeister & Wotman,
1992; Baumeister, Wotman, & Stillwell, 1993). And, as with other basic needs
(e.g., food, shelter), once people are satiated with belongingness, they are less
motivated to seek out future bonds (DeWall, Baumeister, & Vohs, 2008).
The desire for social acceptance is universal and instinctive. Humans
respond to a lack of social connectedness independently of the circumstances
that caused them to feel isolated. Indeed, moderately rejected people show the
same emotional reactivity as more extremely rejected individuals (Buckley,
Winkel, & Leary, 2004). To determine how much society accepts or rejects
them, people must have a way of measuring their social worth. Leary and
colleagues (1995) identified this internal gauge as the socio-meter, which is
used to constantly monitor the environment for changes in ones inclusionary
status. The existence of an active, internal meter that measures ones
inclusionary status indicates that deficits in belongingness have deep and long-
lasting consequences. For example, individuals report more positive reactions
Denying the Need to Belong: How Social Exclusion 109
when included in cost-ridden situations than when ostracized in personal gain

situations (Beest & Williams, 2006). Belonging more than compensates for the
personal sacrifice a social world requires.
HOW DOES SOCIAL EXCLUSION AFFECT PEOPLE?

The socio-meter hypothesis explains the mechanism through which
individuals identify decrements in social connectedness, but it does not
highlight the consequences of the continued failure to fit in. Unresolved
loneliness plays a key role in the depression people report throughout the
lifespan, even when controlling for demographic variability (Cacioppo,
Hughes, Waite, Hawkley, & Thisted, 2006). Lonely individuals suffer more
often from physical health problems, impairing their ability to function
optimally in their environments: lonely people also exhibit higher levels of
arterial resistance and daily stress, resulting in increased blood pressure
(Cacioppo et al., 2006; Hawkley, Burleson, Berntson, & Cacioppo, 2003).
With that, deficiencies in ones connectedness with others can arouse various
negative and severe psychological effects. Social exclusion is a particularly
powerful threat to belongingness, as it often elicits behavior that may
potentially hamper chances for future acceptance.
Effects on cognitive processing. Social exclusion produces a

deconstructed cognitive state in people, whereby they are more passive,
lethargic, emotionally numb, and unwilling to control their impulses (Twenge,
Catanese & Baumeister, 2003). Cognitive deconstruction is a defensive state
experienced by people who suffer a personal failure (resembling the pre-
suicidal mentality), and it is characterized by the rejection of meaningful
thought and self-awareness (Baumeister, 1990). When people are rejected by
others, they perform poorly on tasks that require a higher level of cognitive
processing. Yet excluded individuals can complete elementary tasks that
require little effort just as effectively as socially integrated people
(Baumeister, Twenge, & Nuss, 2002).
Effects on self-control. In general, people strive to direct themselves in a

way that will reap the greatest rewards while avoiding consequences.
However, self-control suffers with increased social isolation, and excluded
individuals struggle to maintain this reward-cost balance. Indeed, when people
believe that they will be alone in the future, they make self-defeating choices
by procrastinating, engaging in riskier money schemes, and engaging in less
healthy behaviors (Twenge, Catanese, & Baumeister, 2002). One hypothesis
advances the idea that this breakdown in self-control is the result of an implicit
bargain gone awry between the rejected individual and society (Baumeister,
DeWall, Ciarocco & Twenge, 2005). In essence, society binds individuals
through social expectations, rewarding compliant individuals with a social link
to other members of the community. People control their impulses in order to
receive the benefits that come with acceptance into this community. Yet, when
people are rejected by others, the bargain is broken and controlling ones
impulses no longer guarantees the benefits of acceptance. However, these
deficits in self-regulation can be reduced merely by offering socially excluded
people an incentive to self-regulate (e.g., money), which supports the notion
that excluded individuals are not unable to control their impulses but instead
are unmotivated to do so (Baumeister et al., 2005).
Since socially excluded individuals have an unfulfilled belongingness
need, the potential for future acceptance should serve as a particularly strong
incentive for improving self-regulation. Evidence shows that when excluded
people believe that a certain task is linked to social acceptance, they perform
better on that task compared to other excluded individuals who believe that the
same task is unrelated to social acceptance (DeWall et al., 2008). Presumably,
situations that diagnose social competency provide excluded individuals with a
direct route to re-establish the social bond they so desperately need. On the
other hand, people who have a fulfilled need to belong are not motivated to
gain future social acceptance. If accepted individuals believe a certain
behavior diagnoses belongingness, they perform less effectively than rejected
individuals, whereas situations that promise no interpersonal benefit reverse
this finding: accepted individuals perform much better than rejected
individuals (DeWall et al., 2008).
Effects on antisocial and prosocial behavior. Increased pro-social

behavior promises redemption, regardless of whether one feels increasingly or
constantly rejected. However, the negative consequences that individuals
experience as a result of social exclusion kindle a vicious cycle of rejection
(Cacioppo et al., 2006; Twenge et al., 2002). Socially excluded people view
the innocent actions of others as aggressive and respond in a corresponding
manner (DeWall, Twenge, Gitter, & Baumeister, 2009). Specifically, rejected
individuals struggle to regulate their actions, help others less frequently, and
engage in aggressive behavior more readily than accepted individuals
(Baumeister et al., 2005; Buckley et al., 2004; Twenge, Baumeister, DeWall,

Ciarocco & Bartels, 2007; Twenge, Baumeister, Tice & Stucke, 2001;
Warbuton, Williams, & Cairns, 2006). Excluded people even show less
empathetic concern for others, compared to accepted people (DeWall &
Baumeister, 2006; Twenge et al., 2007). Social rejection does more than lead
individuals to passively give up; it alters their analysis of social events to
actively undermine their interpersonal progress.
Yet just as social exclusion is linked to aggressive behavior, under certain
circumstances it can also promote prosocial behaviors (Maner, DeWall,
Baumeister & Schaller, 2007; Williams, Cheung & Choi, 2000; Williams &
Sommer, 1997). People deprived of belongingness are more desirous of future
social contact than socially connected people. For instance, excluded
individuals express more desire to participate in group work, compared to
accepted people, and they convey more positive attitudes towards student
services for making friends (Maner et al., 2007). They even perceive potential
candidates for future social contact as nicer and friendlier than accepted people
do (Maner et al., 2007). With that, friendly social interactions can reduce the
effect of exclusion on aggression (Twenge et al., 2001; Twenge, Zhang,
Catanese, Dolan-Pascoe, Lyche & Baumeister, 2007).
The need to belong powerfully motivates everyday behavior. Social
exclusion can influence ones decision-making in ways that seriously hamper
his or her future chances for acceptance. The role of social exclusion in
discouraging or promoting certain behaviors depends not just on the
circumstantial details of the events, but rather on how engaging in those
behaviors may or may not improve the individuals inclusionary status. All
people feel socially disconnected at some point or another in their lives
(Cacioppo et al., 2006). However, buffering against social exclusion allows
people to overcome the consequences of social isolation. In the next section of
this chapter, we will discuss the various coping responses that are instigated by
socially painful events.
COPING WITH SOCIAL EXCLUSION

The previous section showed that social exclusion can have a powerful
influence on our thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. We now highlight the
natural coping responses that are initiated by social exclusion experiences.
Specifically, we review research that shows how social exclusion can cause
temporary analgesic responses to physical and emotional pain. We also review

some work that demonstrates how excluded individuals are highly attuned to
positive information.
Overlap between physical and social pain systems. For early hunter-
gatherers, ostracism from the group meant certain death. To guard against such
an outcome, we developed psychological mechanisms for detecting and
protecting against decrements in belongingness (e.g., the sociometer) (Leary et
al., 1995; Leary & Springer, 2001). Pain warns us of when we are in danger
(Price, 1988). As such, some have argued that evolution co-opted the bodys
existing physical pain system for responding to social threats (DeWall &
Baumeister, 2006; Eisenberger & Lieberman, 2004; Herman & Panksepp,
1978; MacDonald & Leary, 2005; Panksepp, Herman, Conner, Bishop &
Scott, 1978; Panksepp, Vilberg, Bean, Coy & Kastin, 1978). Both, physical
injury and social disconnection can have traumatic consequences for ones
survival. Therefore, having one neurobiological system that monitors and
responds to physical and social pain similarly would be more efficient and
economical than having two separate systems devoted to either physical pain
or social pain.
Several lines of research support the theory that the physical and social
pain systems are intimately linked (for a review, see MacDonald & Leary,
2005). People even use the same terms to describe instances of rejection as
they do to describe physical injury, such as feeling hurt or crushed (Leary
& Springer, 2001). And this phenomenon is not just a product of Western
culture, as people equate social pain with physical pain in many languages
across the globe (MacDonald & Leary, 2005). Yet, the connection between the
two types of pain goes much deeper than this linguistic similarity.
Recent work shows that some of the same neural regions that are activated
by physical pain also respond to social threats. For instance, the anterior
cingulate cortex (ACC), which is a neural structure that alarms us to threats in
the environment (Bush, Luu & Posner, 2000; Nelson & Panksepp, 1998) is
also activated when our belongingness is threatened (Eisenberger, Lieberman,
& Williams, 2003). When people are socially excluded, activity in the dorsal
ACC increases. Yet, people who report interacting with close and supportive
others on a daily basis appear to be buffered by the effect of social exclusion
on their dACC. They, in effect, show less dACC activity after being excluded
than those who experience little meaningful social interactions on a daily basis
(Eisenberger, Taylor, Gable, Hilmert & Lieberman, 2007).
Another neural region shared by physical and social pain is the

periaqueductal gray brain structure (PAG). The PAG is a neural structure
associated with pain detection and reduction, but it is also implicated in animal
bonding behavior (Craig & Dostrovsky, 1999; Price, 1988). For instance, the
PAG is associated with separation distress cries in rats (Panksepp, 1998;
Wiedenmayer, Goodwin, & Barr, 2000). As well, just as the PAG initiates
analgesic responses to physically painful stimuli (Price, 1988), social isolation
can elicit similar analgesic effects in animals (Kehoe & Blass, 1986; for a
review, see MacDonald & Leary, 2005).
If the two pain systems share a common neurobiological overlap, then one
might expect that the body responds to socially painful events as it does to
traumatic physical injury. That is, when the body is physically hurt, a state of
temporary analgesia (i.e., physical numbness) is produced as a way of keeping
people from being debilitated by the strong affective component associated
with the pain (Price, 1988). Similarly, socially painful events, such as social
exclusion, may also produce these analgesic effects within the body, and this
insensitivity may, in turn, relate to the emotional numbness that is often
associated with exclusion (Twenge et al., 2003).
DeWall and Baumeister (2006) tested these hypotheses in a set of studies
that focused on how social exclusion affected pain tolerance. They found that
peoples pain threshold and tolerance measures (using a pressure algometer)
significantly increased when they believed that they would end up alone later
in life, compared to non-excluded people. This suggests that social exclusion
causes people to become numb to physical pain. Socially excluded participants
also showed signs of emotional insensitivity. Participants were asked to
predict how happy they would feel if their schools football team won or lost a
game against a local rival. Social exclusion impaired their emotional
responding, as excluded participants forecasted less intense emotional
reactions. Excluded participants also exhibited less empathetic concern to a
student who experienced a recent romantic rejection. With that, the measures
of physical and emotional insensitivity were significantly correlated, as would
be expected if physical and social pain overlapped with each other.
These findings suggest that the body responds similarly to physically and
socially painful events. When we are interpersonally rejected, we experience a
numbness that temporarily protects us from the distressing emotional
component of the event. Yet, eventually this analgesic effect will fade away,
increasing the chance that people will suffer from future emotional distress
caused by the rejection experience. We now turn to work that concerns how
people cope with the emotional component of rejection, but at a nonconscious

level.
Focusing on the positive. The analgesic response to social exclusion is a

short-term strategy the body uses to protect the self from intense emotional
distress. To further reduce emotional distress, strong nonconscious coping
responses should be activated immediately after experiences of social
exclusion. DeWall and colleagues (2010) tested this hypothesis by examining
whether excluded individuals become especially attuned to positive
information. In their studies, participants experienced either a manipulation of
social exclusion or acceptance and then completed a measure of nonconscious
emotional accessibility. Across each of the studies, socially excluded
participants exhibited higher levels of nonconscious positive affect, compared
to non-excluded participants. Compared to non-excluded participants, those
who experienced social exclusion recalled more positive childhood memories
and completed more ambiguous word stems (e.g., J _ _) with positive emotion
words (e.g., JOY) rather than neutral words (e.g., JOT). And when asked to
categorize words by similarity, excluded participants put more weight on the
positive emotional tone of the words, rather than the semantic meaning.
These findings offer support to the idea that social exclusion initiates a
nonconscious coping response, in which positive emotion becomes highly
accessible. Socially rejected people seem to be seeking out positive
information. This coping response, in conjunction with the analgesic effects of
exclusion, may help shelter individuals from the emotional distress brought on
by socially painful events. It may also provide a route through which excluded
individuals can pursue and restore their social bonds with others. The next
section focuses on how people can be buffered against the negative effects of
socially painful events, using the existing knowledge about how the body
responds to these threats.
BUFFERING PEOPLE FROM SOCIAL EXCLUSION

In the previous section, we demonstrated that social exclusion can produce
similar pain responses (i.e., temporary analgesia) to that of physical injury
(DeWall & Baumeister, 2006). This similar reaction to both social and
physical pain supports a model where the two types of pain share a common
neurobiological organization. A better understanding of this link between
social and physical pain will lead to better strategies for buffering the negative
effects of social exclusion. For instance, one implication concerning the neural
overlap between the two types of pain is that methods used to relieve one type
of pain should have a parallel effect on the other type. That is, we could expect
that the effects of social exclusion can be reduced through common pain
relievers associated with the treatment of physical ailments.
This proposal has received some support from the animal literature. For
instance, low doses of morphine (an opioid commonly used to treat physical
pain) can reduce the distress cries that are due to separation from conspecifics
in a wide variety of species, including birds, rats, dogs and primates (for a
review, see MacDonald & Leary, 2005). There is also some preliminary
evidence that suggests a link in humans. People with a rare form of the -
opioid receptor gene (OPRM1), which is related to enhanced physical pain
sensitivity, also exhibit greater self-reported and neural sensitivity to social
exclusion (Way, Taylor, & Eisenberger, 2009).
Acetaminophen reduces social pain. Emerging evidence from DeWall and

colleagues (in press) provides support for the hypothesis that a physical pain
reliever can ameliorate social injury. Specifically, their research focused on the
extent to which acetaminophen (i.e., the main active ingredient in Tylenol)
could reduce hurt feelings (the emotional response linked to social pain; Leary,
Springer, Negel, Ansell, & Evans, 1998). They randomly assigned participants
to either ingest acetaminophen twice daily (1000mg each day) for three weeks,
or to a take a placebo twice daily for three weeks. At the end of each day,
participants reported on how much they have experienced hurt feelings and
positive emotion. If a physical pain reliever can reduce feelings of social pain,
then those who ingested a daily dose of acetaminophen should have reported
less hurt feelings throughout the study.
Consistent with their hypothesis, hurt feelings significantly decreased over
time for participants in the acetaminophen group. The placebo group
experienced no significant change. Participants in both groups did not differ
from each other in reporting hurt feelings on day one. Yet, participants who
ingested acetaminophen daily began to report fewer hurt feelings than those
taking the placebo on the ninth day, and they continued to do so throughout
the remainder of the investigation. This decrease over time in hurt feelings was
not do to an increase in positive emotion, as the drug condition had no effect
on daily reports of positive emotion. These findings offer initial support that a
common, over-the-counter painkiller can be used to reduce the pain of social
exclusion.
Acetaminophen reduces neural activity associated with social pain.

DeWall and colleagues (in press) demonstrated that hurt feelings can be eased
with the use of a physical pain reliever (i.e. acetaminophen). To examine the
underlying mechanism associated with this effect, they examined how
acetaminophen acts on the neural correlates of social and physical pain.
Specifically, the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex (dACC) and anterior insula
are involved in registering physical pain (Apkarian, Bushnell, Treede, &
Zubieta, 2005; Peyron, Laurent, & Garcia-Larrea, 2000; Rainville, Duncan,
Price, Carrier, & Bushnell, 1997) and are also activated by social rejection
(Eisenberger et al., 2003). If acetaminophen can reduce hurt feelings (i.e., a
marker of social pain), then perhaps it also reduces activity within the dACC
and the anterior insula in response to social exclusion.
Again, participants were randomly assigned to take either acetaminophen
or a placebo for three weeks. At the end of the three-week period, participants
came to a lab to ostensibly play a virtual ball-tossing game (Cyberball;
Williams et al., 2000) with two same-sex partners, while having their brains
scanned in an fMRI scanner. In reality, participants played the game against
pre-programmed players. During the first round, participants were included by
the computer (i.e., ball was tossed to the participant) for the duration of the
game. During the second round, participants were excluded by the computer
after having received the ball three times. After the game was completed,
participants reported how much distress they experienced due to the rejection.
Consistent with their hypotheses, those in the acetaminophen group
showed less dACC and anterior insula activity during exclusion (vs inclusion)
compared to participants who took the placebo. Participants in the
acetaminophen group also showed reduced activity, compared to participants
in the control group, in other regions of the brain linked with affective
processes (e.g., bilateral posterior insula and the right amygdala). Yet,
participants from both groups did not differ in their self-reported distress after
the virtual ball-tossing game.
Social exclusion is a painful experience. These findings demonstrate that
acetaminophen (a common, over-the-counter medicine) can effectively reduce
both, the painful feelings and the neurological activity that is associated with
social exclusion. If acetaminophen can reduce the effects of social pain at the
neural level, does ingesting it eliminate the need for nonconscious coping in
response to social pain?
Acetaminophen reduces nonconscious coping responses. If acetaminophen

can reduce hurt feelings, then the need for nonconscious coping, in response to
rejection, should be reduced. DeWall, Stillman, and Finkel (2010) examined

this issue by measuring peoples implicit desire for closeness with others.
People who have chronic belongingness deficits should have a greater implicit
desire for closeness. If acetaminophen reduces the negative effects of
unfulfilled belongingness, then ingesting the drug should then reduce ones
implicit desire for closeness.
Participants first reported their relationship status (i.e., single vs
romantically attached) and were then randomly assigned to take either
acetaminophen or a placebo for three weeks. After the three-week period,
participants returned to the laboratory to complete a drawing task. They were
asked to draw a picture that contained one tree, one car, one house, and two
people. Ones implicit desire for closeness was measured as the physical
distance (in millimeters) between the two people in the picture. Because single
participants have chronic deficits in belongingness (compared to romantically
attached participants), they should draw the two people in their pictures closer
together. Yet, for single participants who took acetaminophen, this effect
should be reduced.
Consistent with their hypotheses, their results showed that, among
participants in the placebo group, single participants drew the two people in
their pictures closer together than romantically attached participants. This
indicates that the single participants had a stronger desire for closeness with
others than those in romantic relationships. However, taking a daily dose of
acetaminophen diminished this effect. Among participants in the
acetaminophen group, single and romantically attached participants did not
differ from each other, in terms of how close together they drew the two
people in their pictures. Thus, numbing people to physical pain also reduced
the psychological desire for closeness with others.
CONCLUSION
Belongingness is among the most fundamental of human motivations
(Baumeister & Leary, 1995). It is deeply rooted in our evolutionary history.
And for this reason, people thrive on interpersonal contact and despise social
rejection. Social disconnection, from loneliness to outright ostracism, is
detrimental to our psychological and physical well-being. Social exclusion
causes people to be cognitively lazy, unwilling to control their impulses, and
even aggressive and antisocial. This chapter highlights the fact that social
exclusion really is a painful experience. Our bodies respond to this type of

social pain in much the same way as it responds to physical pain. Those who
feel rejected experience both, physical and emotional insensitivity. But
understanding this link between physical and social pain is beneficial for
learning how to buffer people from the effects of exclusion. Among people
who are deficient in belongingness, Tylenol, a common pain reliever, is
effective in reducing hurt feelings and the psychological desire for closeness
with others. An increased understanding of this link between physical and
social pain will help us gain further knowledge about how belongingness can
impact our health.
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Chapter 7
SEXUAL ALIENATION: A REVIEW

OF FACTORS INFLUENCING
THE LONELINESS OF GAY, LESBIAN,
AND BISEXUAL ADOLESCENTS
Bradley J. Bond
University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign, Illinois USA
ABSTRACT
Adolescence is a tumultuous time of development, as transformations
continually influence the emotional well-being of the American teenager.
Lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LGB) teens experience loneliness with more
saliency than their heterosexual peers. It is important to understand the
factors influencing the loneliness of sexual minority youth given the
social hindrances that they face. This commentary reviews the
socialization agents known to influence feelings of loneliness among
LGB adolescents. By reviewing the socialization agents in an effort to
provide researchers with a concise review of important variables that
need to be explored in future studies of LGB adolescents to better
understand the emotional development of this population.
124 Bradley J. Bond
INTRODUCTION
Adolescence is a tumultuous time of development. Biological and social
transformations during adolescence strain the emotional well-being of the
American teenager, often creating a period of upheaval and turmoil. The
turbulent nature of adolescence often creates feelings of alienation (Arnett,
1999). Although feelings of loneliness may exist in all teens, sexual minority
adolescents experience a unique form of alienation and ostracism more potent
than that experienced by their heterosexual peers (Martin & DAugelli, 2003).
Lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LGB) teens experience many of the same obstacles
to development as heterosexual teens, but their concerns can be intensified by
feelings, desires, and physical attractions that run contrary to the dominant
messages and norms of a heterosexual society. Many also experience
additional stressors due to victimization related to sexual orientation, fear of
revealing their sexuality, and high-risk sexual behaviors (Anhalt & Morris,
1998; Remafedi, 1987). The manifestation of homophobia and heterosexism in
society has also led to self-destructive behaviors among LGB teens
(DAugelli, 1994a). In fact, suicide is the number one cause of death among
LGB teens (APA, 2001). It is important to understand the factors influencing
the loneliness and emotional stability of LGB adolescents given the social
hindrances they face in developing sexual identities.
Scholars often examine the lives of gay men and lesbians from
unidimensional perspectives that focus solely on biological or genetic factors
without explicitly including socio-environmental factors that may influence
the development of LGB individuals (DAugelli, 1994b). This commentary
proposes a collection of variables that scholars should take into consideration
as possibly moderating the emotional well-being of LGB adolescents.
Specifically, family, peers, school, the community, and media will be
reviewed as important factors influencing the loneliness of LGB teens that
should be further investigated in future scholarship on this population. These
socialization agents are among the most salient factors influencing adolescent
development (Arnett, 1992). Consequently, it is important to understand how
each of these factors influences the development of LGB teens specifically.
Media, although commonly cited socialization agents (see Arnett, 1995), are
often omitted from social science research examining LGB teens. However,
the ever-changing nature of the media landscape has made homosexuality a
visual part of the social and human fabric (Gross, 2005). Consequently, the
media are given the most attention in the proceeding review of environmental
factors influencing the emotional well-being of LGB adolescents.
Sexual Alienation: A Review of Factors Influencing 125
Family
Parent-child relationships undergo changes during adolescence with

periods of increased conflict (Kroger, 2007). Increased conflict can lead to
distancing between parents and their children during the early adolescent
years. For heterosexual teens, support from peers can be therapeutic during
parental clashes. LGB adolescents, however, may believe that their hidden
sexualities are the cause of these conflicts, making it difficult for LGB teens to
maintain a positive sense of self (Radkowsky & Siegel, 1997). Graber and
Archibald (2001) also noted that the conflicts heterosexual youth experience
with parents ultimately lead to more supportive, nurturing, and compassionate
relationships between the child and parent. In contrast, LGB youth may lack
parental support, creating more challenging relationships with parents and, in
turn, increasing feelings of loneliness.
Coming out to parents is one of the greatest causes of stress among LGB
teens who have accepted a gay, lesbian, or bisexual identity personally but
have not publicly integrated the sexual identity into their lives (Rotheram-
Borus, Hunter, & Rosario, 1994). The negative reaction that many parents
have upon their childs disclosure of an LGB sexual identity can exacerbate
many problems that an LGB adolescent faces. The family can hinder the
development of LGB sexual identities for teens (Remafedi, 1987). Many
parents believe that they have caused their childs homosexuality, a belief that
puts the family and the teen in irresolvable conflict that can lead to
estrangement and violence (Hunter & Schaecher, 1987). For many youth, the
conflicts that arise from their sexualities set the stage for rejection, ranging
from a simple begrudging acknowledgement of the adolescents sexual
identity to a forceful ejection from the household (Harrison, 2003). Regardless
of the initial reaction, the distance created between parents and their children
sparked by disclosure of sexual orientation creates grief and loneliness for
many LGB teens.
Peers
The peer group becomes increasingly important for experimentation with

new roles and exposure to new ideas during adolescence. It is vital that
adolescents be accepted by peers with whom they can establish relationships
outside of the family (Anderson, 1987). Ackard and Neumark-Sztainer (2001)
found that teens expressed more confidentiality within friendships than any
126 Bradley J. Bond
other relationship. It is within the safety of friendships that adolescents are

willing to self-disclose personal information about sensitive topics (Di Iorio,
Kelley, & Hockenberry-Eaton, 1999), helping to construct sexual identities
and an understanding of sexual practices (Berndt & Savin-Williams, 1993; Di
Iorio, Kelley, & Hockenberry-Eaton, 1999; Kallen, Stephenson, & Doughty,
1983). For LGB adolescents, the vague feeling of being different typifying the
beginning of the sexual identity formation process can lead to feelings of
isolation from peers (Martin, 1982). In response to the feeling of being
different, many lesbian and gay teens date members of the opposite sex in
order to fit in with their peers (Zera, 1992). The faux relationships these teens
develop with members of the opposite sex can increase feelings of loneliness
and frustration. In addition, the development of close friendships is often
hindered for lesbian and gay teens because they feel the need to distance
themselves from same-sex peers for fear that closeness will be misunderstood
(Martin & Hetrick, 1988; Zera, 1992).
During a time of development when acceptance from peers is so crucial,
LGB teens are more likely to feel isolation that inclusion. In one study, over
95% of gay youth expressed feelings of isolation from peers (Gover, 1994).
Bidwell (1988, p. 5) nicely summarizes the research on LGB adolescents and
peer relationships:
Many of those rites of passage through which other teens pass are not
open to the gay and lesbian adolescent. The glances and shy smiles
exchanged across a classroom, the sending of a valentine, the agony of the
first telephone call asking for a date, the shared bag of popcorn in a movie
theatre and the walk home on a moonlit night with arms around one another,
the first kiss and touchall of these are simply not realities for most gay and
lesbian teens or are experienced heterosexually with a sense of falseness and
confusion.
LGB teens often perceive an inevitable isolation from their classmates and
friends because of their sexuality. In turn, many LGB adolescents attempt to
distance themselves from supportive friendships with same-sex peers and date
classmates of the opposite-sex to display heterosexual tendencies to the public,
regardless of their genuineness. These relational behaviors only further
exacerbate feelings of loneliness.
School
The school is far from a safe haven for adolescents developing LGB
sexual identities. Instead, school can be a frightening and isolating setting for
LGB teens. Studies of gay adolescents continually report that anywhere
between 20% and 60% of LGB adolescents report being victimized in middle
school and throughout high school (Berrill, 1990; Pilkington & DAugelli,
1995; Garofalo, Wolf, Kessel, Palfrey, & DuRant, 1998). A recent national
survey of self-identifying LGB adolescents between the ages of 13 and 21
revealed that the school climate towards LGB students has remained damaging
(GLSEN, 2007). Nearly 90% of LGB students reported being verbally
harassed at school because of their sexual orientation. Almost 50% of students
reported being physically harassed at school in the past year because of their
sexual orientation.
Warren (1984) observed that when students had disclosed their sexual
orientation to teachers in hope of enlisting their aid, very little help was
offered. Even if a teacher does desire to act as a role model for LGB teens, he
or she may fear being accused of sexual exploitation or of promoting
homosexuality or recruiting defenseless and vulnerable youth into
homosexuality (Rotheram-Borus & Langabeer, 2001). In addition, many LGB
teachers and administrators fear the negative consequences (e.g., harassment,
job loss) of revealing their sexual orientation (Anderson, 1995; Lyons &
Atwood, 1994). Consequently, teachers are unlikely to be an available or
supportive resource for LGB teens already experiencing isolation from their
families and peer groups.
In many cases where adolescents are victimized at school for their sexual
orientation, law enforcement officials are replaced with school administrators
to keep such matters internal for the school. When this occurs, LGB youth are
often encouraged to conform to avoid being attacked (Rivers & DAugelli,
2001). The national survey of self-identifying LGB teens previously
mentioned (GLSEN, 2007) found that 60% of teens who were harassed in
school did not report the incident to school staff because they believed that
little or no action would be taken or the situation would just become worse if
reported. Of students who did report an incident, over 30% said that school
staff did in fact do nothing in response. The literal request to conform to
heteronormative standards in schools diminishes an adolescents ability to
explore their sexuality, creating alientation beyond what heterosexual
adolescents experience. For many sexual minority youth, it seems that school
128 Bradley J. Bond
is more of a vitriol catalyst creating feelings of loneliness than a safe space for
learning.
Community
In the pilot study for a project focusing on the long-term consequences of

victimization in school, Rivers (1995) found that most LGB participants not
only recalled being bullied in school, but also in their communities more
broadly. LGB participants could remember situations where they were
physically abused, verbally abused, or simply frightened on the school bus,
walking down city streets, and in shopping malls, to name a few. Although
attitudes towards homosexuality in society tend to be gradually improving
(Rivers & DAugelli, 2001), LGB adolescents continue to experience rejection
and ridicule because of their sexual orientation. Many LGB adolescents report
trying to pass as straight in public settings when dealing with others, such as
police officers, sales clerks, or waiters/waitresses (Pilkington & DAugelli,
1995). The lack of positive gay and lesbian role models in the community has
a significant impact on the social acceptability of homosexuality and, in turn,
on how adolescents perceive others views of homosexuality. Both Davies
(1996) and Rothblum (1990) suggest that the lack of positive lesbian and gay
role models has a negative impact upon feelings of self-worth among gay
youth, thereby increasing feelings of loneliness.
Media
Danks (1971) theoretical model of male homosexuality argued that in

order for a man to be able to label himself as gay, he must understand that gay
male is even an option. He found that men who were questioning their sexual
identity were faciliated in fostering a sexual identity by entering a new social
setting that allowed them to become more knowledgeable about
homosexuality and ultimately led to a greater understanding of their own
sexual self-representation. Dank noted that such knowledge can be gained
through media outlets, concluding that books, magazines, and pamphlets were
outlets for gay men to utilize in accepting their sexuality. Cass (1979) wrote
that reading books, listening carefully to any discussion of homosexuality,
[or] consulting a professional counselor (p. 223) were examples of
information-seeking practices by adolescents who are exploring their sexual

identities. Translating these articles into modern society, one could easily see
where reading books may be replaced with watching television, renting gay-
and lesbian-oriented films, or surfing the Internet for information.
With the absence of a supportive family, peer group, school, or
community, LGB teens may be particularly vulnerable to the portrayals of
LGB people in the mass media (Fejes & Petrich, 1993; Gross, 1991; Raley &
Lucas, 2006). Indeed, the media may serve as the primary information source
for LGB adolescents (Bond, Hefner, & Drogos, 2009; Rotheram-Borus &
Langabeer, 2001). However, several scholars have argued that the under-
representation of LGB characters in mainstream media diminishes the
availability of role models who may facilitate the development of self-
acceptance and, consequently, decrease feelings of loneliness (Brookey, 1996;
Fouts & Inch, 2005). Recent content analyses of prime-time television
reinforce the dearth of LGB characters on television (Raley & Lucas, 2006).
Fisher et al. (2007) conducted a content analysis of sexuality across two
seasons of prime-time television by adapting measures used by Kunkel et al.
(2005) in the commonly-cited Sex on TV studies that measure heterosexual
behavior and sexual talk on television. Fisher et al. (2007) found that nearly
8% of episodes contain same-sex behavior and 13% of programs analyzed
contain nonheterosexual talk. The latest findings of the Kunkel et al. (2005)
content analyses of heterosexual sex on television revealed that 35% of
programs contain sexual behavior and nearly 70% contain talk about sex. A
comparison of the Fisher et al. (2007) findings with those of Kunkel et al.
(2005) suggests quite a stark difference in the portryal of sexuality on
television.
The clear absence of LGB characters on television has important
implications for feelings of alientation, ostracism, and apartness in LGB teens.
Gross refers to the absence of LGB role models on television as symbolic
annihilation (Gross, 1991). That is, the lack of LGB portrayals likely results
in an unawareness of sexual diversity within society, representing LGB
individuals lack of importance. Symbolic annihilation reinforces the
powerless position of LGB viewers (Fouts & Inch, 2005). Although content
analytic studies have argued that under-representation on television is harmful
to the emotional well-being of LGB individuals, research examining the
influence of the media on LGB teens does not come to the same conclusions.
In a survey of self-identifying LGB adults, over 70% reported some form
of media as their primary means of gathering information and learning about
gay lifestyle, culture, and sexual behaviors (Bond et al., 2009). Participants in
130 Bradley J. Bond
this study detailed how they discovered the gay community by writing open-
ended essay-like responses. An 18-year-old gay male participant noted that,
it was good to see characters such as Will from Will & Grace or Marco
from Degrassi because they showed other gay people were out there (p. 41).
A 22-year-old gay male participant reiterated the importance of the media,
specifically television, films, and the Internet when he stated, I would watch
television shows or movies that I rented that had gay characters in them. I
would also use the Internet and look up AOL profiles to talk to other gay
people (p. 43). Among participants in this study, the portryals of gay and
lesbian characters in the media were influential even if they were sparse.
A study conducted by McKee (2000) used transcripts from semi-
structured interviews with 16 self-identifying gay men in their teens or early
adulthood to qualitatively analzye the role of media in the development of self-
esteem. McKee concluded that parents provided little information about
homosexuality and that the only information about gay men or lesbians
received as school was as a non-specific insult (p. 5). The media provided
the men in McKees sample with the portrayals of gay males that were needed
to overcome feelings of isolation and loneliness, in turn, improving their self-
esteem. Ryan and Futterman (1998) argued that media, specifically the
Internet, play an important role in early adolescents declaration of sexuality
because they provide information that allows teens to label feelings and figure
out who they are. These studies illustrate how portrayals of LGB individuals in
the media may serve as catalysts in decreasing feelings of alientation,
loneliness, and apartness and increasing the chances that LGB teens eventually
develop an understanding that they are not alone, thereby increasing their
emotional well-being. Even though the inclusion of LGB characters in the
media may still be scarce, the influence of the LGB characters that do exist
may be quite strong.
Interestingly, when research participants are asked about media exposure
and emotional well-being, many times they will respond with comments about
media that are specifically targeted towards gay or lesbian audiences. For
example, The Advocate has been a gay-oriented newsmagazine published
monthly since 1967. In 2005, Viacom launched Logo, an American cable
network geared towards lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered viewers. In
the Bond et al. study (2009) previously mentioned, participants mentioned
several magazines and films that are geared directly towards a lesbian, gay, or
bisexual audience as media that assisted them in developing feelings of
belonging. Media outlets that are specifically designed for a gay audience may
be extremely assisting for questioning teens attempting to develop a sexual

identity, but no medium has received as much attention as the Internet.
The Internet has become a virtual safe haven for sexual minorities; it is a
medium that allows adolescents to communicate interpersonally with like
others in a setting that is perceived to be safe, anonymous, and distant from
their real lives. Establishing virtual friendships and creating online social
support networks with other gay youth can lead to feelings of inclusion, higher
levels of self-acceptance, and earlier disclosure of sexual identity to family and
friends (McKenna & Bargh, 1998). The perceived safety and anonymity of the
Internet makes communicating with others about stigmatized sexualities an
attractive option for lonely LGB teens trying to discover a social network with
similar feelings, desires, and concerns (Tikkanen & Ross, 2000). Social
science research on gay- and lesbian-oriented media is still in its infancy in the
gay identity literature and the mass communication literature. However, it is
clear that future research should continue to examine the influence of media on
feelings of loneliness in sexual minority youth.
CONCLUSION
LGB teens are vulnerable to self-destructive behaviors, high-risk sexual
behaviors, and high levels of anxiety; LGB teens commit suicide at higher
rates than their heterosexual peers. Understanding the factors that influence the
emotional well-being of LGB adolescents is vital to future research examining
identity development, sexual practices, or academic achievement in this
population, just to name a few. In order to further our knowledge of how LGB
adolescents see themselves and their world, scholars need to continue
examining the family, peers, school, community, and media as moderating
variables that could provide new and interesting insight into the development
of LGB adolescents.
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New York: Columbia University Press.
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Cyberpsychology & Behavior, 3, 605-616.
Underwood, A. (1999). How well do you know your kid? Newsweek
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gay and lesbian adolescents. Adolescence, 27, 849-854.
Chapter 8
BEING LONELY IN A CROWD: POPULATION

DENSITY CONTRIBUTES TO PERCEIVED
LONELINESS IN CHINA
Zhenzhu Yue, Cong Feng, Xinyue Zhou

and Ding-Guo Gao
Department of Psychology and Center for Socio-Cultural Studies
and Mental Health, Sun Yat-Sen University, Guangzhou, China
ABSTRACT
A number of porcupines huddled together for warmth on a cold day
in winter; but, as they began to prick one another with their quills, they
were obliged to disperse (Schopenhauer, 1964, p. 226).
People feel lonely even they live in heavily populated areas like
China, in spite of being surrounded by millions of people. Yet it is
unclear why loneliness cannot be alleviated by high population density.
In this article, we argue that population density not only cannot lessen the
feelings of loneliness, it also has the potential to exacerbate the perceived
loneliness. We propose a number of possible mechanisms. First of all, we
argue that people tend to disconnect themselves from others as a
protective mechanism in heavily populated areas because crowding
environment can be harmful to them physiologically and psychologically.
And this self-defense mechanism may have the potential to decrease
138 Zhenzhu Yue, Cong Feng, Xinyue Zhou and Ding-Guo Gao
social ties and contribute to the feelings of being utterly alone and cut off.
Moreover, habituation of social withdrawal may be over-generalized, so
that people exposed to crowded living conditions for a long period
become defensive and hostile chronically (Baum & Valins, 1977, 1979).
This will make people around them more vulnerable to loneliness.
Finally, since loneliness is contagious, when people come into contact
with large number of other people daily, the perceived loneliness will
spread out rapidly. Therefore, the quantity of contact does not translate
into quality of contact (LoD, 2006). Quantity of contact may also have
the potential to decrease the quality of contact. The implication for
heavily populated societies like China is discussed.
Keywords: Loneliness Crowding Social withdrawal China

Loneliness is a complex set of feelings that occurs when peoples social
needs are not satisfied and that drive individuals to seek the fulfillment of
these needs (Cacioppo et al., 2006). People feel lonely when they perceive
themselves to be isolated or when they live solitary lives. As our planet rapidly
urbanized, the population density in the city becomes much higher than before.
As our living environment becoming increasingly crowded, people have to
interact with large number of other individuals daily. Would this alleviate the
feelings of loneliness? Unfortunately, this does not seem to be the case.
According to the World Population estimate, the world population has
been growing continuously since the end of the Black Death around 1400.
The world population has doubled in the past 50 years. Do people seem less
lonely than before with the increasing number of companions living in the
same planet? On the contrary, this planet has become lonelier than ever.
Taking U.S. as an example, in 1985, the U.S. population was around 238
million, which expanded by nearly 56 millions people in 2004. By contrast,
Americans felt lonelier than ever during the same 20 years. McPherson and his
colleagues conducted a face-to-face survey of the non-institutionalized United
States adult population. Based on the data from 1,531 respondents in 1985 and
1,467 in 2004 respectively, researchers found that the number of people who
said there was no one with whom they can discuss important matters, has
tripled to 25 percent (McPherson, Smith-Lovin & Brashears, 2006). Moreover,
based on a survey of 210 U.S. urban places, residents lived in the denser
places (e.g. metropolis) were more likely to reported loneliness, depressed
mood, and generally lower satisfaction within their life (Oliver, 2003). Here
we argue that not only is loneliness not lessened by the crowdedness, it is also
likely that loneliness can be exacerbated by crowds.
Being Lonely in a Crowd: Population Density 139
PSYCHOLOGICAL CONSEQUENCES OF CROWDEDNESS

Crowding, both objectively reported and affectively perceived, can be
considered as the concomitant of population density. Studies of both animal
and human suggested that crowding may influence physical and mental health,
and high levels of population density could lead to pathological behaviors.
Calhouns ground-breaking study (1962) revealed that overcrowding
contributes to increased mortality, lowered fertility rates, overly aggressive
and conflict-oriented behavior and almost total withdrawal from the
community of rats. Moreover, there are evidence suggesting that crowding
environment is associated with enhanced feeling of loneliness with human
participantsand people residing in high-density areas had more symptoms of
nonspecific, psychological distress (Evans, Palsane, Lepore & Martin, 1989).
With a sample of 122 bedspace residents in Hong Kong, Cheung, Leung, Chan
and Ma (1998) revealed that the perceived noise and crowdedness in peoples
living environment had an adverse effect on loneliness, depression, social
support and other social problems.
Previous research showed that higher population density was associated
with lower psychological sense of community (Sagy, Stern, & Krakover,
1996). Moreover, the size of community had a negative effect on the sense of
community cohesion (Robinson & Wilkinson, 1997; Zani, Cicognani, &
Albanezi, 2001). Individuals may have less chance to develop truly
meaningful relationships with others when they have to interact with a large
number of people. In contrast, people living in a small community may know
others better and interact at a deeper level. In this sense, crowdedness may
jeopardize the quality of social contact and hinder social cohesion, which may
in turn lead to the perceived social isolation. Therefore, the quantity of contact
does not translate into the quality of contact (LoD, 2006). In a similar vein,
Falci and McNeely (2009) found that adolescents with either too large or too
small number of friends have higher levels of depressive symptoms. Having
too many friends, individuals are entailed with many obligations beyond their
abilities. Such a strain could further contribute to poor self-assessment of
oneself as well as the relationship (Falci & McNeely, 2009). In summary,
quantity of social interaction has the potential to decrease the quality of social
interaction and the decreased quality of social interaction can enhance the
perceived loneliness.
SOCIAL WITHDRAWAL IN THE CROWDING ENVIRONMENT

A recent study showed that requirement of personal space increased as
population density increased (Sinha & Nayyar, 2000). People live in high
household density environment have more negative feelings of crowding and
social behaviors, which increased their need for more personal space.
Moreover, the increased requirement for personal space could decrease the
sense of interpersonal intimacy, which may in turn induce the feeling of
loneliness. On the basis of data from residents of four kinds of population
density levels in India, Jain (1992) reported that comfortable interpersonal
space was larger in the high density environment than in the low density
condition, indicating that high density can increase the intent to augment
personal space to compensate for spatial constraint. With the decrease of
interpersonal distance in the crowded circumstance, the probability of
intrusion on personal space is heightened, which has been reported as stressful
(Jain, 1987).
It has been suggested that people adapt to crowded conditions by
withdrawing from others (Aiello, DeRisi, Epstein, & Karlin, 1977; Evans et
al., 1989; Sinha & Mukherjee, 1996), and this strategy in turn would decrease
social ties. Baum and colleagues reported that residents in a crowded
dormitory coped with unwanted social interaction by social withdrawal (Baum
& Valins, 1977, 1979; Baum et al., 1981), i.e. they were more likely to report
excessive, unwanted social interaction and socially disengage in a group game
and exhibit various non-verbal behaviors than their uncrowded counterparts.
Thus, the residents in the high density situation are prone to be left alone
substantially by cutting off mutual communication and physical interactions
more often than their counterparts in the low density environment. Moreover,
they appears to regard strangers around them as nonhuman objects, i.e.,
neutral objects but not human per se (Osamu, 1992). This coping strategy
for crowding could be explained by Mental-overload theory (Milgram,
1970): crowding increases both the amount and the complexity of information
that must be processed in order to successfully negotiate ones environment,
thus leading to mental overload. Subsequently, mental overload leads to
deterioration in decision making, decreased performance and negative effects
on cognitively complex tasks (Langer & Saegert, 1977; Saegert, 1978).
Social withdrawal can be served as an effective means for reducing
unwanted social communication in the social interaction. Edward (1980)
conducted a study in South Africa cities where different racial groups lived in
separated residential areas and the whites had larger living space than the
blacks. Adapting the crowding perception test, he found that for high school
students, the blacks showed adaptation to the crowded living situation,
compared to the whites, since they put more pegs in the room which symbols
their tolerable density in this test. However, the blacks did not prefer closer
interaction distances than the whites, despite that they usually lived in a
crowded environment. Thus, the results indicated that adaptation to crowded
circumstance made people to withdraw from interaction, instead of interacting
each other at close quarters (Edward, 1980).
HABITUATION OF SOCIAL WITHDRAWAL

AND LONELINESS
Social withdrawal as a coping strategy for crowding may be over-

generalized, so that residents in crowded circumstances react to people with
greater precautions even when they are in uncrowded situations. It is likely for
people to filter out or ignore social information as a byproduct of their efforts
to cope with social overload in crowded living conditions. Baum and Valins
(1977, 1979) found that residents of crowded dormitories sat further away,
were less likely to initiate conversations, and had less eye contact with a
stranger in a low-density lab setting compared with their uncrowded
counterparts. Residents of crowded homes, relative to those of uncrowded
homes, were less likely to support others affirmatively when they are in need
(Evans & Lepore, 1993). The habituation of social withdrawl may lead to
hostile or insensitive behaviors towards others.
As a result of habitual employment of social withdrawal, individuals are
apt to cope with chronic crowding by engaging in behaviors that lead to
increasing detachment and loneliness. When an individuals hostile behaviors
elicit negative feedback from others, their negative social expectations are
buttressed, which probably reduces the likelihood of receiving altruistic
reciprocity from co-workers, friends or family members. Hence, this vicious
cycle of interpersonal interactions with others make the lonely individual more
vulnerable to loneliness Cacioppo, & Hawkley, 2009).
OTHER FACTORS THAT MIGHT INTENSIFY THE HIGH

POPULATION DENSITY--LONELINESS PROCESSES
Modern Living Styles
Due to civilization, new living styles entailed by modern technologies

(e.g. chat via MSN or communicate with Email, not face to face; inhabit apart
from our friends even in the same city, etc.) enhance social isolation, which
elicits more loneliness. Although highly developed technologies might
somewhat reduce the costs of communicating with others and make contacts
much easier than before, they also enhance the physical estrangement. As
Venkatesh (2009) argued, technology separates us and makes more of our
communication indirect, impersonal and emotionally flat. People tend to be
quite distant from one another in the modern life, even if they share intimate
interpersonal space. As we stated above, the reduce in the physical interactions
might result in the over-generalized use of social withdrawal, which further
drive individuals to rely more on internet and to escape from face-to-face
interaction. Nie and Hillygus conducted a time-diary study and found that the
time spent on surfing at home was negatively associated with the time spent
with friends or the family, especially on weekends (Nie & Hillygus, 2002).
Kraut et al.s study also revealed that overuse of the Internet was associated
with small, but statistically significant decline in social involvement as
measured by communication within the family and the size of people' s local
social networks (Kraut, Patterson, Lundmark, Kiesler, Mukopadhyay, &
Scherlis, 1998). Further evidences indicated that the grade of reported
loneliness after online-chat was higher than that after the face-to-face
communication (Hu, 2009), and people spending more time browsing the web
tended to report more lonely and less satisfied with life than those who logged
on less frequently (Stepanikova, Nie, & He, 2010).
Sheldon (2008) found that individuals who felt anxiety and fears in their
face-to-face communication prefer to use Facebook to ease loneliness, but they
tend to have a minority of friends in the Facebook. A study by Kim, LaRose
and Peng (2009) also found that individuals who lack offline social skills
might benefit from the online interaction. Lonely individuals try to alleviate
the feeling of isolation through internet surfing, but unfortunately their strong
compulsive behaviors of internet use results in negative life outcomes, which
could isolate them from surroundings and increase loneliness. So, even if you
have hundreds of Facebook friends but never see any of them face-to-face,
there's only a facade of being connected. It can only make you lonelier.
Social Moving
Mobility and crowdedness are two interweaving features of modern

societies. Social networks before and after a move is clearly different. In many
cases, social moving decreases the size of the social network because people
lose contact with relationships connected to their former living environment,
which might intensify the social negativity of lonely people. Long-distance
moving cut off the large number of relationship with old friends (Bloem,
Tilburg & Thomese, 2008), and it could be extremely energy-consuming and
stressful to rebuild new social network under the crowded living environment.
Loneliness, for instance, tends to be elevated in college freshmen, because
their arrival at the college is associated with a rupture of normal ties with their
family and friends (Cutrona, 1982).
The Contagious Nature of Loneliness
Crowdedness can make the transmission process fast and extensive.

Loneliness spreads through a contagious process and moves lonely individuals
closer to the edge of social networks over time (Cacioppo, Fowler, &
Christakis, 2009). According to the shared environment hypothesis, connected
individuals jointly experience contemporaneous exposures that contribute to
loneliness. People who intimately interact within a social network are more
likely to resonate with social challenges, e.g. job loss or retirement, and so on.
With increasing number of people living in a shared environment, loneliness
will spread faster than ever.
LONELINESS AMONG PEOPLE IN CHINA

China has the largest population in the world. According to data of
demographic situation in China provided by CIA, by the late 2010s, China's
population is expected to reach 1.4 billion. Moreover, the demographic
distribution in China is rather unbalanced, and over 452.3 Chinese squeeze
into 1 km2 in the east part of China. However, in spite of being surrounded by
millions, people in China nevertheless feel lonely. Adapting older people in
China, Yang and Victor (2008) conducted two surveys in 1992 and in 2000
respectively, and they found that the prevalence of loneliness was 15.6 percent
in 1992 and 29.6 percent in 2000. The evidence from both surveys suggested
that loneliness was relatively prevalent among Chinese, especially those aged
65 or more years.
People in China received collectivistic ideas since they are very young.
The collectivism/individualism facet of culture may moderate the effect of
population density on perceived crowding. Iwata (1975) required a group of
Japanese and Americans to image a situation in which they shared an elevator
with strangers. The results suggested that Japanese males generally had greater
sensitivity of crowding than Americans did. Another study conducted also by
Iwata (Iwata, 1990, cited by Iwata, 1992) indicated that compared to
Canadians, Japanese had less altruistic behaviors towards the less intimate
friends, although they were equally amicable to their close friends. Since
ingroup members are more clearly delineated from nonmembers or outsiders
in the collectivistic culture than in the individualistic culture, people are
friendlier to ingroup members than to nonmembers or outsiders in the
collectivistic culture (Iwata, 1992). It is reasonable to assume that people in
China under collectivistic culture might have more difficulty in sharing space
with members of outgroups.
Furthermore, some special social-economic factors in China might also
modulate the perceived loneliness, since Chinese society has undergone
dramatic social and economic changes since the late 1970s. In the past years
China has speeded up urbanization. Due to economic reforms in late 20th
century, many Chinese rural residents have migrated to towns and cities,
especially big cities. Big city living has its many appeals more chances and
opportunities, better medical care and education service etc. Ironically, it is the
place with most of people can often be the loneliest. Nowadays, China has
about 900 million rural residents and about 150 million of them have left their
hometowns to work in cities. Meanwhile many Chinese youngsters have to go
to college or find a job in another city that is far from their hometown, since
China has vast land. Consequently, the number of migrating people sometimes
is larger than the resident population. For the emigration, they have generally a
special loose context in the cities and experience social loneliness, since their
originally stable and strong family ties exist not any more (Zhou, Sedikides,
Wildchut, & Gao, 2008).
The restrictive Hu Kou system might also poses a problem. Hu Kou is the
household registration system in China, which assigned each person and
household a residential status, either urban or rural (Kirkby, 1985). If city
residents have Hu Kou that is not registered in the city where they live, they
have little access to social welfare and are imposed restrictions on receiving
some public services, such as education, medical care, housing and
employment etc., regardless of how long they have lived or worked in the
cities. For the migrants who have no Hu Kou, their sense of belonging to the
city is rather weak, so that they are apt to perceive more loneliness than others
in the daily life. On the other hand, with the implementation of the One-child
policy, only children spend their childhood alone without siblings, which
might also augment their loneliness and impact their social life in future. It is a
paradox that such a country with high population density should have so many
lonely people living in it. Future studies should be conducted to identify the
influence of these factors upon loneliness in China.
CONCLUSION
Loneliness is a particularly relevant psychological outcome in modern
societies. We hold that loneliness could be exacerbated in a crowded
environment. People tend to disconnect themselves from others as a protective
mechanism in heavily populated areas because crowding environment is
harmful to them physiologically and psychologically. People adapt social
withdrawal as coping strategy, thereby exacerbating feeling of loneliness. In
addition to China, it is worth investigating this issue further in diverse social
and cultural contexts.
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INDEX
American Psychological Association, 84, 86,
A
120, 132
analgesic, 112, 113, 114
abuse, 56, 66, 70
anatomy, 21, 84
academic performance, vii, 2, 12, 13, 14,
annihilation, 129
15, 16, 20, 25
anterior cingulate cortex, 112, 116, 119
accessibility, 114
anthropology, 84
acetaminophen, 115, 116, 117
anxiety, 3, 11, 24, 50, 51, 70, 79, 82, 85, 91,
adaptability, 90
93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 104,
adaptation, 94, 105, 141
131, 142
adaptations, 134
arrest, 53
adjustment, vii, viii, 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 11, 12, 14,
assessment, 7, 23, 32, 33, 47, 64, 139
15, 16, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 39,
attachment, 6, 9, 21, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60,
40, 41, 42, 65, 83, 84, 93, 104, 106, 132,
61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 92, 120,
146
148
administrators, 127
attachment theory, 21, 55, 59, 63
adolescent development, 124
attribution, viii, 2, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 66, 79
adolescents, vii, x, 25, 27, 75, 77, 80, 83, 85,
attribution bias, 18
87, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129,
autism, 21
130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 139
autonomy, 37, 38, 39
adulthood, vii, 1, 3, 4, 8, 45, 56, 57, 59, 61,
aversion, 7, 34
70, 77, 82, 130, 134
avoidance, 14, 24, 56
affective dimension, 35
affective reactions, 33
aggression, 67, 111, 121 B
aggressive behavior, 110, 111, 121
AIDS, 135 basic needs, 108
alcoholics, 73 Beck Depression Inventory, 98, 104, 105
alienation, 74, 78, 80, 81, 87, 88, 124 behaviors, x, 21, 79, 91, 107, 110, 111, 120,
alters, 111 124, 126, 129, 131, 139, 140, 141, 142,
altruistic behavior, 144 144
152 Index
benchmarks, 14 cluster analysis, 6, 17

beneficial effect, 79 cognition, 119, 146
birds, 115 cognitive abilities, 80
birth rate, 30 cognitive function, 78
births, 30 cognitive process, 109, 118
Black Death, 138 cognitive processing, 109
blame, 17, 23, 66 coherence, 25
blood pressure, 84, 109 collectivism, 144
bonds, 57, 63, 108, 114 college students, 3, 71, 91
boredom, 3, 4, 11, 51 community, viii, 49, 52, 73, 81, 85, 92, 110,
brain, 113, 116, 121 124, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 134, 139,
brain structure, 113 148, 149
breakdown, 73, 75, 85, 110 compatibility, 135
browsing, 142 compensation, 102, 122
complexity, 53, 63, 140
composition, 75
C
compulsive behavior, 142
conceptualization, 43
cancer, 86, 87
confidentiality, 125
candidates, 111
conflict, 10, 24, 54, 66, 125, 139
caregivers, 55, 56, 62, 63
conflict avoidance, 24
catalyst, 128
conflict resolution, 54
causal relationship, 53
consensus, 50
causality, 10, 20
construct validity, 45, 47, 48
chaos, 45
consulting, 128
child development, 62
content analysis, 129
child molesters, 52, 53, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62,
control group, 6, 116
65, 66
convention, 85, 87
childhood, vii, viii, 1, 2, 4, 5, 8, 10, 11, 16,
convergence, 33, 47
21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 55, 56, 57, 59, 61,
coping strategies, 24
62, 63, 64, 67, 68, 85, 114, 145
correlation, 34, 35, 79
childhood sexual abuse, 68
correlations, 34, 39, 42
China, vi, x, 137, 138, 143, 144, 145, 147,
cortex, 112, 116, 119, 121
149
cost, 58, 109
CIA, 143
counseling, 25, 105, 135
civilization, 142
criminality, 60, 62
clarity, 73
cross-sectional study, viii, 2
classroom, 10, 12, 13, 24, 25, 27, 126
cues, 134
classroom environment, 12
culture, 70, 72, 86, 90, 96, 112, 129, 144
clients, 133
climate, 127, 133
close relationships, 4, 9, 37, 50, 54, 60, 66,
74, 80, 91
Index 153
elementary school, 23, 25, 26

D
emigration, 144
emotion, 35, 45, 78, 114, 115, 119, 120,
damages, iv
121
danger, 112
emotion regulation, 119
data collection, 95
emotional distress, 78, 82, 103, 113, 114
data set, 41
emotional experience, viii, 2, 32, 95
death rate, 30
emotional reactions, 33, 91, 113
deconstruction, 58, 109
emotional stability, 124
deficiencies, 109
emotional state, 50, 57
deficit, 30
emotional well-being, x, 33, 34, 123, 124,
demographic transition, 29, 30
129, 130, 131
denial, 74, 81
empathy, 37, 54, 56
depression, x, 3, 9, 21, 25, 50, 65, 70, 87,
employment, 141, 145
90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101,
enforcement, 127
102, 104, 106, 109, 139
environmental factors, 124
depressive symptoms, 91, 98, 139
estrangement, 125, 142
deprivation, 121
exclusion, x, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113,
detachment, 74, 78, 81, 141
114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121
detection, 113
exercise, 105
developmental psychology, 44
experiences, vii, viii, ix, x, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7,
disclosure, 10, 22, 51, 54, 125, 131, 133
8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20,
disposition, 57
31, 32, 51, 52, 54, 62, 63, 67, 69, 73, 78,
dissatisfaction, 22, 26
79, 80, 82, 90, 92, 95, 97, 103, 111, 114,
distortions, 68
135
distress, ix, 4, 17, 74, 78, 81, 82, 87, 89, 93,
exploitation, 127
95, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 105, 113,
exploration, 48
114, 115, 116, 120, 121, 139
exposure, 125, 130
disturbances, 81
external locus of control, 3
diversity, 129, 133
dogs, 115
dominance, 80 F
draft, 73
drawing, 97, 102, 117 face validity, 103
dream, 88 Facebook, 142, 148
duality, 31 face-to-face interaction, 142
factor analysis, 74, 103
family conflict, 87
E
family life, 78
family members, 61, 141
economic change, 144
family planning, 81
economic reform, 144
family support, 94
economic reforms, 144
fears, 142
elderly population, 29, 48
154 Index
feedback, 73, 92, 141 helplessness, 78

feelings, viii, x, xi, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 16, 17, 26, high school, 127, 141
27, 32, 34, 37, 49, 50, 52, 53, 55, 57, 59, homosexuality, 124, 125, 127, 128, 130,
74, 77, 78, 81, 87, 91, 94, 102, 111, 115, 133, 134
116, 118, 120, 123, 124, 125, 126, 128, Hong Kong, 139, 146
129, 130, 131, 137, 138, 140 hopelessness, 74, 78
fertility, 139 hospice, 87
fertility rate, 139 host, 92
films, 129, 130 hostility, 70, 79
football, 113 housing, 81, 145
forecasting, 119 human condition, vii, 2
foreign language, 90 human development, 30
formal education, 73 human experience, vii, 1, 2
foundations, 45, 82, 120 human motivation, 117, 118
framing, 119 Hunter, 125, 134, 135
friendship, 9, 10, 11, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 78, hunter-gatherers, 112
80 hypothesis, 4, 17, 34, 60, 61, 82, 98, 99,
100, 101, 109, 110, 114, 115, 120, 143
G
I
gay men, 124, 128, 130, 133, 134, 135
gender differences, 15, 82, 105, 131 ideal, 31
gene expression, 83 image, 144
genes, 108 imagination, 80
genetic factors, 124 immobilization, 81
genre, 42 impulses, 57, 109, 110, 117
gerontology, 45 incarcerated sex offenders, 53
graduate students, 94, 106 incarceration, ix, 49, 53, 60
group processes, 121 independence, 34, 45, 71, 81
group work, 111 India, 140, 147
Guangzhou, 137 individual character, 103
guidance, 92 individual characteristics, 103
guilt, 34, 118 individualism, 144
individuality, 37
infancy, 103, 131
H
infants, 56
information processing, 16
habituation, xi, 101, 138, 141
ingest, 115
happiness, 12, 30, 31, 32, 34, 40, 45, 47, 96
integration, 9, 12
harassment, 127
interdependence, 51
harmony, 79
interest groups, 73
health problems, 70, 109
internal consistency, 19, 40, 42, 74, 96, 98
height, 70
Index 155
international affairs, 90 life satisfaction, 32, 33, 35, 40, 42, 45, 46,
Internet, 122, 129, 130, 131, 135, 142, 147, 148
148 linear model, 102
interpersonal contact, x, 107, 117 linear modeling, 102
interpersonal interactions, 141 living conditions, xi, 138, 141
interpersonal relations, 11, 50, 120 living environment, 138, 139, 143, 146
interpersonal relationships, 11, 50, 120 locus, 3, 16, 46
intervention, 20, 23, 86 longevity, 36
intimacy, 2, 21, 22, 34, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, longitudinal study, 18, 27, 85
57, 58, 59, 60, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 70, 78,
79, 80, 85, 140
M
Ireland, 105
isolation, 3, 6, 9, 26, 37, 50, 51, 68, 71, 74,
magazines, 128, 130
78, 80, 81, 87, 88, 109, 111, 113, 126,
majority, 78, 79
127, 130, 139, 142, 146, 148
manipulation, 114
Israel, 69, 94, 148
marginalization, 134
Italy, 103
marital status, 72, 73, 75, 76, 86
marriage, 78, 80, 81
K mass communication, 131
mass media, 129, 133
Kentucky, 107 matrix, 74
Keynes, 49 media, 124, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133,
kindergarten, 10, 22, 24, 25 134
kindergarten children, 10 mediation, 120, 145, 146
medical care, 144, 145
menopause, 71
L
mental health, x, 43, 45, 90, 91, 93, 102,
103, 106, 119, 139
landscape, 124
messages, 124
language acquisition, 90
meta analysis, 79
languages, 112
meta-analysis, 85, 86, 121
later life, 83
meter, 108, 109
law enforcement, 127
methodology, 54
learning, 13, 25, 96, 105, 118, 128, 129, 135
migrants, 145
learning disabilities, 25
minorities, 131, 133
lesions, 122
modeling, 102
lethargy, 34, 121
modelling, 41, 42
level of education, 73
moderators, 106
life changes, 80
modern society, 129
life course, 85
mood change, 48
life expectancy, viii, 29, 30, 37
mood swings, 70
life experiences, 32, 82
morphine, 115, 120
life quality, 44
156 Index
motivation, 21, 81, 118

P
MSN, 142
multidimensional, vii, 2, 5, 37, 77, 86
pain, x, 36, 74, 78, 79, 82, 87, 107, 112, 113,
multiple regression, 19
114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121
parallel, 115
N parallelism, 37
parental influence, 56
negative consequences, vii, x, 2, 9, 108, parental relationships, 7
110, 127 parental support, 125
negative emotions, 58 pathology, 30, 43, 146
negative experiences, 16 pathways, 120
negative feedback, 141 peer group, 10, 26, 81, 125, 127, 129
negative outcomes, 94 peer rejection, 8
negative relation, 15 peer relationship, vii, 1, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 20,
negativity, 143 25, 126
nervousness, 34 peer support, 11, 12
neuroscience, 120 pensioners, 41, 42
noise, 139 peptides, 121
non-clinical population, 96, 98 performance, vii, viii, 2, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16,
nonconscious, 114, 116 20, 25, 43, 119, 140
non-institutionalized, 138 permission, iv
non-sex offenders, 52, 53, 60, 61 permit, 74
norepinephrine, 120 personal control, 43
normal aging, 85 personal relations, 26, 36, 50, 51, 86
North America, 71, 77, 80, 81, 82, 94 personal relationship, 36, 50, 51, 86
nostalgia, 149 personality characteristics, 66
nuclear family, 70 personality traits, 3
nurturance, 55 phenomenology, 77, 120
physical attractiveness, 25
physical environment, 11
O
physical health, 78, 109
physical interaction, 140, 142
objective criteria, 43
physical well-being, 42, 117
obstacles, 124
physiology, 84
offenders, vii, viii, 49, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 59,
pilot study, 39, 128
60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68
placebo, 115, 116, 117
old age, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86
pleasure, 31, 32, 36
opioids, 120
police, 128
opportunities, 13, 71, 144
poor relationships, 55
optimism, 30
population density, vii, x, 137, 138, 139,
overlap, 113, 115, 119
140, 144, 145, 147
population pyramid, 30, 36
Index 157
positive attitudes, 111 reality, 43, 116

positive correlation, 79 reasoning, 87
positive mental health, 45 rebelliousness, 81
positive relationship, 35, 37, 38, 39, 91 reciprocity, 141
predictive validity, 44 recognition, 8, 12
preschool, 23, 25 recommendations, iv
preschool children, 25 recreation, 73
preschoolers, 27 recruiting, 127
prestige, 79 reforms, 144
prevention, 67 regression, 19
prisoners, 53 rejection, 7, 8, 10, 17, 24, 26, 55, 58, 59, 74,
probability, 140 109, 110, 112, 113, 116, 117, 119, 120,
productivity, 34 122, 125, 128
prosocial behavior, 110, 111, 121 relationship quality, 65
psychological distress, ix, 89, 93, 95, 98, 99, relationship satisfaction, 54
100, 101, 102, 104, 105, 139 relevance, 36, 73
psychological health, 147 reliability, 19, 36, 41, 52, 65, 97, 103
psychological problems, 91 religion, 84
psychological variables, 33 repetitions, 74
psychological well-being, viii, 29, 31, 36, 37, replication, 83
38, 39, 40, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 86, 91, 147 resistance, 109
psychology, ix, 32, 44, 45, 46, 47, 50, 65, 73, resolution, 54
84, 133 resources, x, 31, 51, 79, 82, 90, 105, 108,
psychometric properties, 7, 41, 104 147
psychosocial development, 78 response format, 19
psychosomatic, 3 retirement, 78, 81, 143
puberty, 133 rewards, 109
public housing, 81 risk factors, 23, 67, 149
public service, 145 romantic relationship, 53, 58, 74, 117
rotations, 74
routines, 92
Q
quality of life, x, 30, 43, 44, 47, 107 S

questioning, 128, 131
sadness, 3, 6, 11, 34, 65, 78
safe haven, 127, 131
R
saturation, 41
scholarship, 124
race, 81
school activities, 14
rapists, 52, 53, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 65, 66
school adjustment, vii, 2, 5, 11, 12, 14, 15,
reactions, 33, 91, 103, 105, 108, 113
16, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27
reactivity, 108
school climate, 127, 133
reading, 128
158 Index
schooling, 26 signs, 30, 103, 113

self esteem, 50, 134 skills training, 64
self-assessment, 139 slaves, 31
self-awareness, 109, 121 sociability, 11, 148
self-concept, 23, 46, 86 social acceptance, 11, 16, 108, 110
self-confidence, 56 social adjustment, 65, 83, 146
self-control, 109, 148 social anxiety, 24, 79, 85
self-destructive behavior, 124, 131 social behavior, 110, 140
self-efficacy, 37 social behaviour, 66, 85
self-esteem, 3, 11, 17, 25, 91, 130 social comparison, 78
self-knowledge, 80 social competence, 10, 24, 43, 50, 66
self-perceptions, 5, 16, 23 social consequences, 148
self-regulation, 110, 118 social context, 26
self-reports, 14 social desirability, 16, 79
self-understanding, 80 social development, 24
self-worth, 11, 128 social environment, 11
semi-structured interviews, 130 social events, 111
sensitivity, 115, 122, 144 social exclusion, x, 107, 110, 111, 112, 113,
separateness, 26 114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121
sex, viii, 25, 49, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, social information processing, 16
60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 72, 82, social integration, 9
83, 84, 116, 121, 126, 129 social life, 78, 145
sex differences, 84 social network, vii, 2, 3, 5, 6, 8, 10, 16, 50,
sex offenders, viii, 49, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 59, 51, 65, 83, 131, 142, 143, 146
60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68 social problems, 17, 139
sex role, 82 social relations, 3, 5, 10, 27, 50, 56, 68, 81
sexual abuse, 66, 68 social relationships, 3, 5, 10, 27, 50, 56, 68,
sexual behavior, 124, 129, 131, 134 81
sexual behaviour, 66, 67 social resources, 105
sexual contact, 57, 58 social situations, viii, 2, 16, 19, 20
sexual development, 132 social skills, viii, 24, 49, 54, 56, 57, 58, 63,
sexual diversity, 129 142
sexual identity, 125, 126, 128, 131 social skills training, 64
sexual offences, 57 social status, 80, 82
sexual offending, viii, 49, 51, 55, 57, 59, 61, social support, ix, 4, 24, 37, 79, 82, 89, 90,
62, 63, 64, 66 91, 92, 93, 94, 102, 104, 106, 120, 131,
sexual orientation, 124, 125, 127, 128, 132, 139, 146, 147, 148
133 social support network, 4, 92, 102, 104, 131
sexuality, 80, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130 social welfare, 145
shelter, x, 107, 108, 114 social withdrawal, xi, 138, 140, 141, 142,
shock, 90 145
shyness, 3, 79 socialization, x, 82, 123, 124, 132, 134
siblings, 145 solitude, 22, 81, 84
Index 159
South Africa, 140 typology, 22, 27, 50

Spain, 29
species, 70, 115
U
standard deviation, 98
stigmatized, 131
unhappiness, 91
stimulus, 33
United Kingdom (UK), viii, 1, 2, 14, 18, 44,
stressors, 124
49, 53
subjective experience, ix, 7, 50, 69, 77
universities, x, 90, 92, 96, 97
subjective well-being, viii, 29, 31, 32, 35,
urban population, 147
36, 38, 39, 40, 45, 46
urbanization, 144
substance abuse, 70
substitutes, 79
substrates, 120 V
suicidal ideation, 70, 98
suicide, 70, 124, 131 Valencia, 29
suppression, 35 validation, 47, 48
survey, 85, 95, 105, 127, 129, 133, 135, 138 vans, 139
survival, 70, 85, 108, 112 varimax rotation, 74
symptoms, 3, 91, 96, 98, 139 victimisation, 11
systolic blood pressure, 84 victimization, 23, 24, 25, 124, 128, 132, 135
victims, 52, 59, 61
violence, 125, 132
T violent crime, 54
violent offenders, 52, 54
teens, x, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 129, 130,
vision, 37
131
vocabulary, 32
terminally ill, 87
vulnerability, 70
thalamus, 119
The New York Times, 148
theatre, 126 W
theoretical assumptions, 62
therapy, 65, 66, 67, 83, 86, 91, 133, 146 walking, 128
thoughts, 57, 111 wealth, 50
threats, 112, 114, 122 welfare, 59, 145
time frame, 79 withdrawal, xi, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 145
traditions, 31, 45 workers, 141
training, x, 90, 103, 104
traits, 3, 65 Y
trajectory, 32
transcripts, 130 young adults, ix, 69, 70, 73, 75, 78, 79, 80,
transformations, x, 123, 124 81, 82
transmission, 143

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PSYCHOLOGY OF EMOTIONS, MOTIVATIONS AND ACTIONS

Additional books in this series can be found on Novas website

Additional E-books in this series can be found on Novas website

Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

NOTICE TO THE READER

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA

Psychology of loneliness / editor, Sarah J. Bevinn.

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. New York

Chapter 7 Sexual Alienation: A Review of Factors

Feelings of loneliness are central to the human experience. Therefore,

Lucy R. Betts and Anna S. A. Bicknell

adjustment, and academic performance (Wentzel, 1999), the chapter will

feelings associated with loneliness tend not be a permanent condition but

often does not assess childrens experiences of emotional loneliness.

One of the challenges associated with the assessment of loneliness is that

LONELINESS AND PEER RELATIONSHIPS

Vaillancourt, McDougall, & Renshaw, 2002). Together, these studies suggest

CONSEQUENCES OF CHILDHOOD LONELINESS

LONELINESS AND SCHOOL ADJUSTMENT

regarded as one of the indexes of childrens school adjustment. School

may be indicative of lower school adjustment and negative perceptions of

LONELINESS AND ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE

on the Stanford Diagnostic Reading Test. Other researchers have reported a

GENDER DIFFERENCES AND LONELINESS

surrounding the social desirability of disclosing loneliness and childrens

Attribution Style and Loneliness

So far throughout this chapter, we have discussed the consequences of

attempt to interact with others and leading to loneliness. Further, these

Adults (DiTommaso, 1997), to assess childrens family loneliness and social

negative attribution style, regardless of social outcome predicted higher levels

Anderson, C. A., Miller, R. S., Riger, A. L., Dill, J. C. & Sedikides, C.

Hymel (Eds.), Loneliness in childhood and adolescence (pp. 34-55).

Galanaki, E. P. & Vassilopoulou, H. D. (2007). Teachers and children's

Hymel, S., Vaillancourt, T., McDougall, P. & Renshaw, P. D. (2002). Peer

Ladd, G. W., Buhs, E. S. & Seid, M. (2000). Children's initial sentiments

Page, R. M. (1991). Assisting children avoid loneliness and isolation:

Rotenberg, K. J. (1999). Childhood loneliness: An introduction. In K. J.

AGEING AND PSYCHOLOGICAL

Juan Carlos Melndez-Moral

2. ORIGINS OF THE STUDY OF WELL-BEING

Although the scientific study of well-being is relatively recent, as

3. SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING: THE HEDONIC APPROACH

individuals make on their lives, defining relevant aspects such as material

time interval increases. Therefore, in a period of several weeks (or in a longer

4. PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING: EUDAEMONIC MODEL

provides the capacity to resist social pressure to a greater extent, and to

Particularly, and according to the research made by Ryff (1989), they

5. MEASUREMENT OF THE PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING

cross-saturation of environmental mastery and self-acceptance were included

adjustment is not completely satisfactory in any of the models and consider, as

Cummins, R. A. (1996). The domains of life satisfaction: An attempt to order

Kushman, J. & Lane, S. (1980). A multivariate analysis of factors affecting

Strawbridge, W. J., Wallhagen, M. I. & Cohen, R. D. (2002). Successful aging

LONELINESS IN SEXUAL OFFENDERS

Emily Blake* and Theresa A. Gannon

A great number of researchers and clinicians have observed that sexual

loneliness has on offending behaviour. First we define loneliness using

social loneliness. According to Weiss, an individual suffering from emotional

LONELINESS IN THE SEXUAL OFFENDING LITERATURE

fulfilled by such superficial relationships, again fostering feelings of emotional

Research Findings for Loneliness in Sex Offenders

In one of the early studies to empirically examine loneliness in sex

experiences of intimacy and intimate relationships. Interestingly, both groups

* p<.05 p<.01 *p<.001