A Wedding Mass by Lasso

Author(s): James Haar

Source: The Journal of Musicology, Vol. 17, No. 1, A Birthday Tableau for H. Colin Slim
(Winter, 1999), pp. 112-135
Published by: University of California Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/764013
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 A Wedding Mass
by Lasso
JAMES HAAR

In looking through the MassOrdinarysettingsof

Orlando di Lasso, now all available in modern scholarly edition,' my at-
tention was caught by an unusual title: Missa Sesquialtera.2 Thinking that
this work, from its title apparently not a parody Mass, might show the
composer playing games with the mensural system, I turned to it with
some eagerness, hoping to find additional evidence of Lasso cultivating
an historicist vein.- This hope was unfounded. The Missa Sesquialterais
a modest composition showing no connection with the notational prac-
112 tices of Lasso's Franco-Netherlandish musical ancestors. It is however
of interest on several other counts, and even features a puzzle-uncon-
nected with the mensural system-awaiting solution. Perfect, I thought,
for an essay honoring that redoubtable musicological sleuth Colin Slim.
"All very well, if you can find the solution," Colin would say. Alas, I have
not found it, at least not completely. What I did come up with is pre-
sented here in affectionate tribute to a scholar who has solved many
musicological mysteries and will, I hope, solve quite a few more in years
to come.

Unpublished during the composer's lifetime, the Missa Sesquialtera

gets its name, given it by its modern editor Siegfried Hermelink, from
one of the two manuscript sources in which it is found, Augsburg,

VolumeXVII I Number i Winter 1999

? of the Universityof California
The Journal of Musicology@ 1999 by the Regents

I Orlando
di Lasso. Saimtliche Werke, Neue Reihe [=SWNR], vols. 3-12, ed. Siegfried Her-
melink (Kassel, 1962-1975).
2 SWR, vol. 0 no. 51, pp. 69-9o.
o,
3 On this subject see James Haar, "Lassoas Historicist: the Cantus-Firmus Motets," in
Hearing the Motel. Essays on the Motel of the Middle Ages and Renaissance, ed. Dolores Pesce
(New York, 1997), 265-85; idem, "Palestrina as Historicist: the L'homme armi Masses,"Jour-
nal of the Rryal Musical Association 121 (1996), 191-205 (a study dealing with questions of
mensuration).
 HAAR

Staats- und Stadtbibliothek, Tonkunst Schletterer MS 19, where it is la-

belled "Missa 03/2 Orlandi di Lasso. Quatuor Vocum. 158o."4 The
work was copied into this manuscript by Johannes Dreher (Dreer,
Treer), a Benedictine monk at the Augsburg monastery of Sts. Ulrich
and Afra, who transcribed many of Lasso's works, published and un-
published, into choirbooks for use at the monastery.5 His source was a
manuscript he himself had prepared in Augsburg the preceding year,
now Vienna, Oesterreichische Nationalbibliothek MS 11773.6 This
carefully copied and decorated codex was obviously intended to be a
gift, as its title page (Plate i) indicates:

OfficiumMisseNuptialeIllustriet GeneroseDomino D. OttavianoSe-

cundo Fuggero,Baroniin Kyrchberget Weissenhorn,a FratreJoanne
TornarioSS. Udalriciet AffreConventusMonacho,gratulationisergo
scriptum et dedicatum. 1579.7

Its contents, each work with a title page of its own, are as follows:

ff. 2-8 Deus Israel coniungat vos, 5v. Jacob de Kerle

ff. 9-39 Missa 0, 4 v. Orlando di Lasso 113
ff. 40-56 Nuptiae factae sunt, 6v. Orlando di Lasso
ff. 57-71 Domine Deus patrum nostrorum, 6v. Melchior Schrammio

Dreher's term "Officium"suggests that all this music was performed

at a wedding Mass. Lasso's Mass, here simply designated Missa brevis,is a

4
Clytus Gottwald, Handschriftenkataloge der Staats- und Stadtbibliothek
Augsburg,I: Die
Musikhandschriften(Wiesbaden, 1974), 114. All the pieces in the manuscript are dated
1580; the preface (written at the beginning of copying?) is precisely dated 15 January
1580. The Missa Sesquialterais the first piece in the manuscript. For general information
on Augsburg in the sixteenth century see Ernst Fritz Schmid, "Augsburg," Die Musik in
Geschichteund Gegenwart, 16 vols., ed. Friedrich Blume (Kassel, 1949-1979), I, cols.
825-40.
5 Dreher copied Tonkunst Schletterer manuscripts 2-4, 6-9, 14, and 17-25 over the
years 1572-1614. Many of these contain works by Lasso. Manuscripts written by Dreher
devoted entirely to Lasso are no. 9 (1572) and 17 (1579), containing Masses for four and
five voices respectively, and no. 14 (1583-84), devoted to Magnificats.
6 The
manuscript entered the Fugger library in Augsburg and was among those ac-
quired by Kaiser Leopold III in 1656. See Leopold Nowak, "Die Musikhandschriften aus
Fuggerschem Besitz in der 6sterreichischen Nationalbibliothek," in Die Osterreichisches Na-
tionalbibliothek:
Festschriftherausgegebenzum 25. JiihrigenDienstjubiliium... Dr.Josef Bick (Vi-
enna, 1948), 505-15. For the very few differences, mostly in text underlay, in the near-
identical Augsburg and Vienna copies, see SWNRvol. 0o, xiv-xv.
7 The "FraterJoannes Tornarius" is Dreher in Latin translation. On Octavianus Se-
cundus Fugger (so named because an older brother named Octavianus died in infancy)
see below and fns. 12-13.
 THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY

PLATE I. Ost. Nat. Bibl. MS 11773, title page

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114

complete setting of the Ordinary.8 Kerle's Deus Israel sets the Introit of
the votive Mass pro sponsoet sponsa.9Nuptiaefactae sunt, the text of which
is the Gospel narrative of the miracle at the wedding of Cana (John ii,
i-11), is not part of the post-Tridentine nuptial Mass.'o Given its appro-
8 Missa brevisin the sixteenth century meant simply a short musical setting of the Or-
dinary; see Lewis Lockwood, "Missa brevis," The New GroveDictionary of Music and Musi-
cians, ed. Stanley Sadie, 20 vols. (London, 198o), XII, 364. The Missa Sesquialteralacks a
setting of the Hosanna preceding the Benedictus, but this was common practice for Lasso
and perhaps for other Munich-based composers. The Mass's total length of 366 breves is
short by general sixteenth-century standards but not especially so for Lasso. See Rufina
Orlich, Die Parodiemessenvon Orlandodi Lasso (Munich, 1985), 54, 121, 313-14.
9 LiberUsualis (Tournai, 1950), 1288. The chant incipits used by Kerle for the an-
tiphon and verse of the Introit are not those of the modern nuptial Mass. I have not been
able to consult a sixteenth-century Augsburg chant source (none appear to survive for
Munich, which was in the diocese of Freising). But liturgical and musical conformity with
Rome did not reach completion in Bavaria until the early seventeenth century. See David
Crook, Orlando di Lasso's Imitation Magnificatsfor Counter-Reformation Munich (Princeton,
1994), ch. 2.
,o It is instead the Gospel for the second Sunday after Epiphany, a liturgical position
it had held for centuries. See MissaleRomanum(New York, 1942), 46.
 HAAR

priatenessto the occasion, it could have been substitutedfor the regu-

lar Gospel;or it could have been sung during the serviceas a Gospel or
Offertorymotet. Dominedeuspatrumnostrorum is a ratherlong prose text
which, though not part of the modern nuptial Mass,resemblesin con-
tent and tone the prayerDeusAbraham addressedto bride and groom at
the end of that Mass(see right-handcolumn below):"'
Domine deus patrum nostrorum Deus Abraham, Deus Isaac, et Deus
benedicant te celi et terra mare et Jacob sit vobiscum: et ipse adimpleat
fontes et flumina et omnes creature benedictionem suam in vobis: ut
tue que in eis sunt. Tu fecisti Adam de videatis filios filiorum vestrorum
limo terre dedistique ei adiutorium usque ad tertiam et quartam genera-
Evam. Et nunc domine tu scis quia tionem, et postea vitam aeternam
non luxurie causa accepi uxorem sed habeatis sine fine: adiuvante Domino
sola posteritatis dilectione et conti- nostro Jesu Christo, qui cum Patre et
nentie in qua benedicatur nomen Spiritu Sancto vivit et regnat Deus, per
tuum in secula seculorum. Et bene- omnia saecula saeculorum. Amen.
dicimus te deum celi quia fecisti
nobiscum misericordiam et exclusisti
a nobis inimicum persequentem 115
miserere nobis domine, miserere
nobis semper ut consenescamus ambo
pariter sani et salvi miserere nobis
duobus unicis et fac nobis domine mi
tibi benedicere et sacrificium laudis et
nostre suavitatis tibi offerre et bene-
dictio tua sit semper super nos et
super parentes nostros. Et ipse deus
benignus coniungat nos et in sua vir-
tute multiplicet ut simul videamus fil-
ios nostros et filios filiorum nostro-
rum usque in tertiam generationem et
sit semen nostrum benedictum a deo
nostro ut cognoscat universitas gen-
tium quia tu es deus solus in universa
terra qui es benedictus in secula secu-
lorum. Amen.

" For the prayerat the end of the nuptialMass("DeusAbraham")see MissaleRo-

manum,(72). I havenot found "Dominedeus patrumnostrorum"in anyliturgicalsource,
nor do I know of other musicalsettingsof this text. It appearsintended for the bride-
groom(s) to addressto the bride(s);note the first-person"accepiuxorem"and the vari-
ous uses of "nos,""nostros,"and "nobis."The phrase "duobusunicis"is borrowedfrom
the Introitantiphonof the nuptialMass.
 THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY

The Mass at which all this music was performed was in celebration
of a double wedding in the Fugger family. On Nov. 23, 1579, in Augs-
burg, Octavianus Secundus Fugger (1549-16oo) married his second
cousin Maria Jacobina Fugger (1561-1588); on the same day her sister
Anna Maria Fugger (1562-1592) married Wilhelm (or Philipp) von
Rechberg.12 The long decline of the Fugger family fortunes had already
begun, but they could still put on a good show; a sixteenth-century
chronicle of the family describes the festivities admiringly:

Und nachdem diser herr Octavian Sekundus Fugger 30 jar lang alters
auf sich bekomen het, da haben sich I. gn. mit dem wohlgebornen
freylein Maria Jacobina Fuggerin, des wolgebornen herrn Hans Fug-
gers ehelichter tochter, ehelichen verpflicht, und ward die hochzeit in
der stat Augspurg anno 1579 auf 23 november. Es ward auch auf dise
zeit die ander tochter vorgemelts herrn Hansen Fuggers, Anna Maria
Fuggerin genannt, dem wolgebornen herrn herrn Philiph von Rech-
perg ehelichen vertraut. Und war der einrit loblicher gestalt bestelt
mit vilen grafen freyherrn und ander herrn vom adl, wie auch die
ehrlichen geschlechter von beeden herrnstuben der statt Augspurg
116 ganz adelich geziert, der merer thail in gulden ketten und grossen sil-
bernen dolchen. Und es waren im einritt beederseits auf die 700 pferd
beisamen, und wurden soliche vier hochzeitliche tig nedes tags auf
die 200 tische mit allem volk gespeist. Es wurd auch der tanz gehalten
auf dem tanzhaus in augspurg in beysein viler grafen, freyherrn und
anderer herrn vom adl und einem statlichen frauenzimer von grS.fen,
freyherrn und anderer herrn von dem adl, wie auch der adelichen
burgerschaft der statt Augspurg gehalten. Das tanzhaus geziert mit
tapezereien und schwarzen sameten himmel, ganz herrlich zu sechen.
Alda wurde mit vilen schenen spilleuten kiinstlich aufgemacht zu tanz
und zu tisch.'s

12
Octavianus Secundus Fugger was the son of Georg (1517-1569), a brother of
HansJacob (1516-1575), the member of the family with whom Lasso had the closest con-
nection (see below and fns. 20-23). See Chronikder Familie Fuggervom Jahre 1599, ed.
Christian Meyer (Munich, 1902), 53. On the business career of Octavianus see G6tz Frei-
herr von P6lnitz, Die Fugger(Frankfurt am Main, 1960), 295, 317; on his musical interests
see William E. Hettrick, "Fugger,"New GroveDictionary,VIII, 8; Ernst Fritz Schmid, "Augs-
burg," MGGI, col. 832, and the same author's "Fugger,"MGGIV, cols. I 118-26, esp. cols.
1120-2 1; Adolf Layer, Musik und Musikerder Fuggerzeit(Augsburg, 1959), 21-25. Octa-
vianus saved a manuscript lute book compiled during a boyhood period of study in
Bologna. For excerpts from this book (Vienna, Ost. Nat. Bibl. MS 18821) see Adolf
Lautenmusikim XVI.Jahrhundert.Denkmiler der Tonkunst in
Koczirz, ed., Osterreichische
Osterreich XVIII, 2, Bd. 37 (Vienna, 1954), xlvii-xlviii, ii 1-15. MariaJacobina and Anna
Maria Fugger were daughters of Hans (1521-1598), son of Anton (1527-1560) and first
cousin of Georg (see above); ChronikderFamilieFugger,54, 78, 81 (on p. 54 "Philiph"von
Rechberg is the other bridegroom; on p. 81 he is called "Wilhelm").
,s Chronikder Familie Fugger,54. The anonymous sixteenth-century author of the
Chronikgives very detailed genealogical information; he would appear to have been a
 HAAR

As is all too common in such descriptions, there is no mention of

the wedding music, although there is interesting information about the
dancing connected with the celebrations. For an illustration of an aris-
tocratic dance in Augsburg in the late sixteenth century, see Plate II,
Abraham Schelhas's "Augsburger Geschlechtertanz," the setting of
which is the Tanzhaus mentioned in the chronicle cited above.'4
There is no reference to the composers. Could Lasso (or Kerle and
Schramm, for that matter) have been present? Lasso was of course resi-
dent in Munich, not far away; but the death of Duke Albrecht V on 24
October 1579 (his funeral was on November 3, and a thirty-day obser-
vance, with daily singing of the Requiem chant, was then held at the
Frauenkirche) makes the composer's absence from the court at this
time unlikely.'5 Lasso's connections with the Fugger family will be dis-
cussed below. Kerle, who had been a member of the Augsburg cathe-
dral chapel from 1568 to 1575, was no longer in Augsburg in 1579;
perhaps his Introit motet had originally been written for an earlier wed-
ding, possibly the marriage of another member of the very prolific Fug-
ger clan.'6 As for Schramm, who in his youth served Archduke Ferdi-
nand of the Tyrol, in 1579 he was organist and chapel master of the
117
Hohenzollern court at Sigmaringen (near Ulm and thus not very far
from Augsburg); he has no known connection with the Fugger family,
but he was known to the chapelmaster of Augsburg Cathedral.'7
Dreher's presentation manuscript suggests that the music for his
patron's wedding was newly composed. In fact there is no proof that any
of the 1579 wedding music was written for this specific occasion, and

member or a close associate of the family. The elaborate description of the 1579 wedding
might be compared to the remarks in the Chronik,p. 52, on the wedding of Octavianus'
elder brother Philipp Eduardus: "und was die hochzeit in der statt Augspurg anno 1573
auf 21. april mit allen freuden und ehrlichen wollust gehalten." From Philipp Eduardus is
descended one of the surviving branches of the family, the counts Fugger von Kirchberg-
Weissenhorn; see P61nitz, Die Fugger,395-
'4 The painting, in the Stadt Augsburg Kunstsammlungen (which kindly sent me a
photograph) is undated. Several figures at the left of the painting have been identified as
members of the Fugger family, including Anton Fugger II and his wife, Barbara Montfort,
who were married in 1591; the painting might commemorate this wedding, described in
the Chronikder Familie Fugger 74, as "ganz herrlich und costlich gehalten." See Austel-
lungskatalog:Weltim Umbruch.AugsburgzwischenRenaissanceund Barock(Augsburg, 198o),
I, 217-18; Katalogder GemdldeDeutscheBarockgalerie(Augsburg, 1984), II, 216-17.
'5 Horst Leuchtmann, Orlandodi Lasso, 2
vols. (Wiesbaden, 1976-1977), I, 54.
'1 See ChronikderFamilieFugger,62, where it is said that in 1599 there were 90 living
(presumably male) members of the "Fugger von der Gilgen," to which branch all of the
Fuggers mentioned in this study belonged. On Kerle see Otto Ursprung, Jacobusde Kerle
1531/32-1591: sein Lebenund seine Werke(Munich, 1913).
'7 Theodor Wohnhaas, "Schramm," The New Grove
DictionaryXVI, 738. Bernhard
Klingenstein, chapelmaster at Augsburg Cathedral from 1574 to 1614, included a piece
by Schramm in his RosetumMarianum (RISM 16047). See William E. Hettrick, ed., Rosetum
Marianum (i604), CollectedbyBernhardKlingenstein.Recent Researches in the Music of the
Renaissance [=RRMR], 24-25 (Madison,
1977).
 00

PLATE II. Augsburg Kunstsammlungen: [Abraham Schelmas], "Augsburger Geschl

ILIe:
P

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i:A

p:-11
 HAAR

several pieces are known to have been composed earlier. Lasso's Nuptiae
factae sunt was not new; it was published in a Venetian collection of
Lasso motets in 1566.'8 Kerle's Deus Israel was copied, by Dreher, in
Augsburg in 1576, so was also a "pre-owned" composition.'9 I know of
no earlier sources for Lasso's Mass or Schramm's Domine Deus; here
judgment remains suspended. The wedding music was appropriate and
of good quality, whether it was new or not. As for its performance, local
singers, certainly those at the Augsburg cathedral, could have handled
it without the presence of the composers or of imported musicians.2o
Lasso did have a sustained relationship with members of the Fugger
family. Hans Jacob Fugger (1516-1575), son of Raimund (1489-1536)
of the wealthy Fugger "von der Gilgen" branch, was for years in the ser-
vice of Albrecht V of Bavaria. In Antwerp when the young Lasso was
there (1554-1556), he was instrumental in getting the composer a po-
sition in the Munich court chapel.21 More successful as a bibliophile,
art lover, and parent (he had eighteen children) than as a businessman,
Hans Jacob was forced to leave the Fugger firm and Augsburg in 1563,
settling permanently in Munich.22 He became among other things su-
perintendent of Albrecht V's chapel and was in close contact with its
musicians and especially with Lasso.23s In 1559 Hans Jacob, then a wid- 119
ower, married for the second time, in Munich; here is a possible occa-
sion for Lasso's Nuptiaefactaesunt to have been written.24
Lasso knew other members of the family. In 1573 he dedicated the
"four language" volume of motets, lieder, chansons and madrigals to
Hans Jacob Fugger and his nephews Marx, Hans, and Hieronymus;
in that year he may have visited these latter in Augsburg.25 A volume of

'8 Gardano's Sacraecantiones,liberquartus (RISM A, [L796). The motet is printed in

Lasso, SamilicheWerke,21 vols., ed. F. X. Haberl and Adolf Sandberger (Leipzig, 1894-
1926), XV, 30. For a new edition of Gardano's motet book see Peter Bergquist, ed., Or-
lando di Lasso. TheCompleteMotets,5. RRMR 109 (Madison, 1997); Nuptiaefactaesunt is on
p. 172. The Liberquartuswas dedicated to Melchior Linck of Augsburg.
'9 See Gottwald, Handschriftenkataloge, Tonk. Schl. 7, no. 16, p. 87.
20
Klingenstein's expertise as chapelmaster was praised by the composer Gregor
Aichinger; see William E. Hettrick, "Klingenstein," The New GroveDictionaryX, 111.
21 See Leuchtmann, Orlandodi Lasso I, 1oo; Ignace Bossuyt, "Lassos erste Jahre in
Muinchen (1556-1559): eine 'cosa non riuscita'?," in Festschriftfir Horst Leuchtmannzum
65. Geburtstaged. Stephan H6rner and Bernhold Schmid (Tutzing, 1993), 55-67.
22 Richard Ehrenberg, Capitaland Finance in the Age of the Renaissance.A Study of the
Fuggersand theirConnections,trans. H. M. Lucas [1928] (repr. New York, 1963), 1 19, 124-
23 Leuchtmann, Orlandodi LassoI, 138, 181-82; II, letter no. 5.
2, Chronikder Familie
Fugger,46. The Bavarian ducal family was in attendance at the
wedding.
25 RISMA, [L86o. See Leuchtmann, Orlandodi LassoI, 51. There is some confusion
over the dedicatees, who are described in the composer's letter as members of the same
family, that is, as brothers; there was no brother named HansJacob, the latter being their
uncle. See Peter Bergquist, ed., Orlando di Lasso. The CompleteMotets, it. RRMR 102
(Madison, 1995), xiii.
 THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY

six-voice motets, dedicated to Jacob Fugger (brother of Hans, presum-

ably; see below), appeared in 1582, during which year Lasso attended
an imperial Diet in Augsburg.26 As for the bridal group of 1579, Octa-
vianus Secundus Fugger, son of Georg (1516-1569), was a nephew of
Hans Jacob; the two Fugger brides were daughters of Hans (1531-
1599), another nephew of Hans Jacob and one of the dedicatees of the
Lasso 1573 print mentioned earlier. This younger Hans Fugger was
married in Munich in 1559; here is another likely occasion for Lasso's
Nuptiaefactae sunt to have been composed, then to be reused in 1579
when two of Hans Fugger's daughters were married.27
There is thus plenty of evidence to support a connection of Lasso's
wedding motet to the Fugger family. The Missa Sesquialterais known
only from its use in the 1579 wedding. Is there anything about the work
to suggest its special appropriateness for that occasion? An examination
of the Mass is in order at this point.
The Missa Sesquialterasurvives, as we have seen, in two sources
copied by the same scribe in the same place, within a single year. The
fact that Johannes Dreher copied the Mass for use at SS. Ulrich and
Afra only after he had transcribed it for presentation to one of the 1579
120 bridegrooms indicates that he had not known the work earlier than
this; an avid student of Lasso's work, Dreher had included unpublished
Masses in earlier manuscripts copied for the monastery.28 This strength-
ens the possibility that this Mass may indeed have been written for the
Fugger wedding.
Sesquialterais a modemrntitle; the Mass as an unpublished work had
no need of a title, and composers probably gave titles to Masses only
rarely; titles were used by other people, such as theorists and publishers,
to distinguish compositions.29 Dreher had no name for it either. Missa
2C RISMA, [L939. Leuchtmann, Orlandodi Lasso I, 55. ForJacob (b. 1542), brother
of Hans, see ChronikderFamilieFugger,85-87. He might conceivably be, instead of Hans
Jacob, the fourth intended dedicatee of the 1573 print (see above, fn. 24). Another, if less
likely, possibility for the 1582 motet volume's dedication is Jacob (b. 1567), son of Hans
(Chronik,84).
27 ChronikderFamilieFugger,78. Hans's bride was a lady in waiting to Anna, Duchess
of Bavaria;the wedding was held at court.
28 See Gottwald, Handschriftenkataloge, Tonk. Schl. nos. 9 (1572; four-voice Masses)
and 17 (1579; five-voice Masses). The close relationship between Lasso and SS. Ulrich
and Afra began in 1568, when an all-Lasso volume (Tonk. Schl. 13, chiefly Magnificats)
was compiled by Ambrosius Meierhofer of Regensburg, later (1575-1583) to be abbot at
SS. Ulrich and Afra. Lasso responded by dedicating to Meierhofer the fifth volume
(1576) of the PatrociniumMusices ([L885), appropriately devoted to Magnificat settings.
See Gottwald, Handschriftenkataloge, 99.
20 Several Lasso Masses with
parody titles may be found lacking these titles in some
sources; thus Je ne mangepoinct de porcqis called Missa brevisand Missa sine nomine,La la
maistrepierreis found as Missa ad placitum, Pilons pilons lorgeis called Quinti toni. This may
indicate some post-Tridentine embarrassment over frivolously secular Mass models. Could
the Missa Sesquialterahave had such a model behind it? See Orlich, Die Parodiemessen, 1i.
 HAAR

brevisis a description, as we have noted not an altogether apt one. Missa

03/2 is also descriptive, misleadingly so since most of the Mass is in qt.
Is this Mass based on a pre-existent work? And if so can it be given the
name of that work? The answer to the first question is almost certainly
yes. The answer to the second is at this point, no; that is, I have not
found the model. This is the unanswered puzzle to which I referred at
the beginning of this study.
A couple of earlier scholars thought they did know the answer: the
Missa Sesquialterawas thought to be a parody of the motet Nuptiaefactae
sunt, part of the program for the 1579 wedding.3o This would be con-
venient, if an unusual juxtaposition in sixteenth-century practice; and at
first glance the openings of the two works (Examples i and 2) have a
certain similarity in the beginning melodic gesture of the top line and
in the similar metric signatures..' The Christe of the Mass, in (Z (as is
all of the motet after m. 17) opens with a motive that resembles the first
motive in the Cantus line of the motet following its change to duple
time (see Example 3).32 After this I see no relationship between the
Mass and the 222-breve motet. There are other difficulties. Both com-
positions have a G final, but their signatures differ; thus the motet is in
the eighth mode, the Mass in the transposed second mode. Parody by 121
compression, six voices to four, is an unlikely procedure; and the Mass
has too strong a character of its own, and too little of the manner of the
young Lasso, to predate a motet published in 1566 and thus be the
model for that motet. Finally,Johannes Dreher would surely have called
the Mass by the name of the motet if a parody relationship between the
two had been recognized at the time both were performed together.
I'm afraid that this is not the answer to the puzzle.
Kyrie I of the Mass (see Example i) is unusually self-contained and
unusually symmetrical in design, especially in the Superius line. As Ex-
ample 4 illustrates, it consists of a three-unit phrase which is repeated
with minor changes. The lower voices are more varied in the repetition,
making the texture seem all the more like accompanied melody. This is

3" See Robert Eitner, Biographisch-Bibliographisches Quellen-Lexikon der Musiker und

Musikgelehrten, lo vols. (Leipzig, 1900-1904), VI, 67; Johann Huschke, "Orlando di Las-
sos Messen," ArchivJfir MusikforschungV (1940), 84-103, 153-78, pp. 101, 176-77. Wolf-
gang Boetticher, Orlando di Lasso und seine Zeit, 1532-1594 (Kassel, 1958), 413, accepts
this; in a revisionary note, p. 863, he takes it back, blaming Eitner, Huschke, and Josef
Mantuani for the error. Mantuani's entry on Vienna 1'773 in his Tabulae codicum manu
scriptorum praeter graecos et orientales in Biblioteca palatina vindobonensi asservatorum, 1o vols.
(Vienna, 1864-1899), VII, 40, refers to the Mass simply as "Missa4v."; the fact that the
motet NuptiaeJactaesunt follows the Mass in the manuscript may have misled Eitner and
Huschke.
3' Ex. i: SWNVRto, 69; Ex. 2: RRMR 109, 172. The metric signature at the begin-
ning of the motet is 03, not 03/2.
'j Ex. 3a: SWNR 1o, 69; Ex. 3b: RRMR o109,
174.
 THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY

EXAMPLE 1. Lasso, Missa Sesquialtera, Kyrie I

I
-

Ky-ri- e e-lei - son, Ky-ri-e e-lei-

Ky - ri-e _ ee-lei-son, Ky-ri - ee

Ky -ri -e e-lei-son, Ky - ri-ee

Ky - ri - e e-lei - son, Ky-ri-e e-lei-

122
son, Ky-ri - -
- ri-e son,
e - Ky - ri - e-lei-son.
le-li

i - son, Ky-ri-Ky - lei - son, Ky - ri -e e-lei-son.

lei - son, Ky - ri -i -i-son, Ky-ri -e e-lei-son.

son,Ky-ri -e - lei - sonKy- ri- e - lei- son, e - lei-son, Ky-ri -e e-lei-son.

surely not simply Lasso's compositional fantasia but a real tune.3s What
sort of tune? It does not strike me as French or Italian, much less Latin;
to me it sounds like a German lied, perhaps in its original form the

ss Zarlino called writing without a pre-existent subject "comporre di fantasia." See

Le istitutioniharmoniche(Venice, 1558), iii, 27.
 HAAR

EXAMPLE 2. Lasso, Nuptiaefactae sunt, mm. 1-17

Cantus

Nu - pti - ae fa ctae
Altus I

T Nu - pti - ae fa ctae
Altus 2
-

Tenor Nu - pti - ae fa ctae

Bassus 1

Bassus 2

123

sunt in Ca -

WPM
. , , - - . .
sunt in Ca- na Ga-

sunt in Ca- na

Nu - pti - ae fa ctae
-1 - sunt

Nu - pti - ae fa ctae sunt

Nu - pti - ae fa - ctae sunt

 THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY

EXAMPLE2. (continued)
10
a
I o1
"" 'i

na Ga - li lae ae.

li - lae ae.

Ga li lae ae.
- - -

in Ca - na Ga - li

in Ca - na Ga li

124
in Ca - na Ga - ii - lae

Ca - na - ae
in
in Ca na Ga
Ga lii - lae
- -

-Id in Ca - na Ga - Ii - lae-

in Ca - na Ga - ii - lae - ae: et

- ae - ae. in Ca -na Ga - i- lae-

anI

ae ae. in Ca -na Ga - li-ae-

in Ca - na Ga li -lae-
-laeae.
 HAAR

EXAMPLE 3a. Missa Sesquialtera,Christe, mm. 8-13

10
I ag
,II ,
Chri - ste e - lei

Chri- ste e-lei son, e

Chri - ste e - lei son, - son

EXAMPLE 3b. Nuptiaefactaesunt, mm. 18-22

125

- ae: et e - rat ma terJe-su i

- ae: et e - rat, et e - rat ma - ter Je-su i - bi

e - rat. et e - ratma ter Jesu

onbi. i

- ae: et e 18-2et
rataesunt, mm.

-ae: ete - rat. et

- ae: et e - rat ma ter Je-su i - bi.

 THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY

EXAMPLE 4. Missa Sesquialtera,Superius line of Kyrie I

&So
! 1
-live. ,O - . .
a 0 K "

repeated opening section of a bar form.34 An example of a lied with

melodic, rhythmic, and structural similarities to Lasso's Kyrie is Thomas
Stoltzer's Ich wiinsch alle frawen ehr (Example 5).35 Stoltzer's song is a
Tenor lied, its melody presented most simply in that voice. Lasso's
Tenor has a good deal of character but is not I think the basis for the
composition. A Tenor lied by Ludwig Senfl (Example 6) is even closer
in melodic and rhythmic shape to the music of Lasso's Kyrie.:16
Among Lasso's lieder one, Im lant zu Wirtenbergso gut (Example 7),
shows a simpler form of the kind of music found in the Mass Kyrie.37
126 But no surviving lied by Lasso is the basis for the Kyrie; and searches
through the repertory of sixteenth-century German song have so far
not uncovered it. I shall keep on looking.
3--It could I suppose be the opening two lines of a villanella or even a chanson; it
could also be a German tanz, particularly a nachtanz (I owe this last suggestion to Harrison
O'Dell Williams). In connection with the idea of dance the remarks of Daniel Heartz on
a tradition of historical dance in sixteenth-century Augsburg are of special interest; see his
"Hoftanz and Basse Dance," journal of theAmericanMusicologicalSocietyXIX ( 1966), 13-36,
esp. pp. 25-26 and Plate VI, which reproduces the painting given here in Plate II. One
difficulty about the model being a lied is that Lasso drew on only one German source, the
monophonic Jesus ist ein siisser Nam, as model for a Mass. See Orlich, Die Parodiemessen,
313-14, for a list of known and suspected parody Masses (Sesquialterais among the latter)
by Lasso. Closest in character and in treatment of the model to the Missa Sesquialterais
the Missa II me suffit (1568), on a chanson the melody of which had a lot of currency as a
German chorale. See Orlich, Die Parodiemessen,210o-18.
3s Hundert und fiingftzehenguten newer Liedlein (Nuremberg: J. Ott, 1544 [=RISM
1544'20,
no. 35; edited in Leopold Nowak, ed., Das deutscheGesellschaflsliedin Osterreichvon
1482-I550. Denkmaler der Tonkunst in Oesterreich XXXVII. Jahrgang, 2. Teil, Bd. 72
(Vienna, 1930), 72. As Stoltzer's lied continues, the Superius dips down to d'(mm. 46-
48, 52-55) before cadencing at the end on g'.
6 Ex. 6: Ach
Elslein liebes Elselein / Es taget vor dem Walde, also in RISM 154420, no 15;
edited (from Basel, Univ.-Bibliothek Ms F X 1-4) in Senfl, DeutscheLieder,Erste Teil, ed.
Arnold Geering. Das Erbe deutscher Musik, erste Reihe, Bd. io (Wolfenbuittel, 1938), 13.
A possible ancestor for Lasso's music is Isaac's setting of O weiblichart, of which the open-
ing phrase (mm. 1-7), although written in 4, has an upper line very similar to Lasso's
Kyrie, mm. 1-4. For Isaac's song, which was included in the popular collection (reprinted
as late as 1561) Ein Ausszugguteraler und newerteutscherliedlein (RISM 153927), see Hein-
rich Isaac, WelilicheWerkeI, ed. Johannes Wolf. Denkmiler der Tonkunst in Osterreich
XIV, 1, Bd. 28 (Vienna, 1907), no. i7, p. 20.
37 Lasso,
SaimtlicheWerke,XVIII, 19.
 HAAR

EXAMPLE 5. Thomas Stoltzer, Ich wuiinsch

allnfrawen ehr

Ich wuinschalln fraw - en ehr durch ei - ner fraw - en

ich lieb jr freunt-lichsberd gar heim - lich und gar
A.

Ich wiinsch alln fraw - en ehr durch ei - ner fraw - en

T.

Ich wiinsch alln

B

Ich wiunschalln fraw-en ehr durch ei - ner fraw - en

10
(21)

I ,,. I
. ! I , ,. 127
wil - I- " len
stil - len

wil len

fraw - en ehr durch ei ner fraw - en wil - len

wilen
wil - len

The material of Kyrie I is important in the sound

and structure of the Mass as a whole. First of all there are its repetitions.
Kyrie II ends (mm. 40-44) with a mensural change back to 03/2 and
an almost exact citation of mm. 1-4. As the Credo nears its end (m.
147) all four voices use coloration, the equivalent of sesquialtera
mensuration. Mm. 147-49 state a version of the A unit and part of
the B unit (see Example 4) of the Kyrie I melody, cadencing on G; then
in mm. 149-53 a slightly altered statement of mm. 1-4 of Kyrie I
is given-a technique like that used by Brahms approaching the final
 THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY

EXAMPLE6. Ludwig Senfl, Ach Elslein, liebesElselein/ Es taget vor dem

Walde

A A Ach Els - lein lie - bes El - se-lein mein wie

gem war ich bei dir... so sein zwei tie - fe

128

r
A J r I
a

-
J0 -

o ,
.
[hei]-a ho o. du bist
-

Io .

was - ser wohl zwi - schen dir und mir.

I II "l '

mi so bin ich din stand uf kiit-ter -

-n.
 HAAR

EXAMP LE 7. Lasso, Im lant zu Wirtenbergso gut

5
D r -1

Im lant zu Wir - ten - berg so gut, im herbstmon

A.
k r r

Im lant zu Wir-ten-berg_ so gut, im herbst mon

Im lant zu Wir-ten- berg so gut, im herbstmon

B.

Im lant zu Wir-ten - berg so gut, im herbstmon

r

Im lant zu Wir - ten - berg so gut, im herbstmon

129

10

r B.

drau - ben schnei-den thut, den wein thut man auss - pres - sen

r -' '
,
drau-ben schnei - den thut, den wein thutman auss - pres - sen
r

drau - ben schnei-den thut,den wein thut man auss-pres- sen

 THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY

restatement of the theme in his Haydn Variations.Something very simi-

lar happens as the Agnus Dei ends; first the use of colored notation pro-
duces sesquialtera (m. 17), and a phrase cadencing on G is heard; then
(mm. 20-24) the music of the opening of the Kyrie is heard for the last
time (Example 8; compare with Example 1).:3i
This use of the Mass's opening as a refrain is unusual but within
the bounds of parody technique as practiced in the sixteenth century. It
is not the only use of the putative model in the Missa Sesquialtera.Lasso
draws upon the music of Kyrie I in a variety of ways, ranging from cita-
tion to paraphrase to very free variation.39 In the Christe the opening
motive (see Example 3 above) seems derived from A'B (see Example 4)
of the Kyrie I melody. The next melodic idea (Example 9), used imita-
tively for the remainder of the Christe, is a diminution of the o. J o
rhythm so prominent in the Kyrie.40The motive seen in Example 9 re-
turns in the Crucifixus duo of the Credo (mm. 78-81) and also in the
Agnus Dei (mm. 10-14), confirming the idea that it is derived from the
model.
The Gloria, which on the whole seems least dependent on the
model, opens with a nine-breve chordal exordium in sesquialtera; on
130 close inspection this shows itself to be an altered and re-arranged ver-
sion of Kyrie I's opening (Example 1o).4' The movement is full of sug-
gestions of the Kyrie's contents, none close enough to be unarguably
derived from the model but giving an impression of unity with the rest
of the Mass.
The Credo ends, as we have seen (Example 8) with direct reference
to the model. Like the Gloria it begins with a passage in sesquialtera,
chordally declamatory but distant melodically from Kyrie I. The move-
ment proceeds for the most part in much the same way as the Gloria,
connected to the model in mode and in frequent use of G cadences but
only in a very fragmented way suggestive of Kyrie I. There are two ex-
ceptions to this. The Crucifixus duo's reference to the Christe has al-
ready been noted. Et ascendit, another duo (mm. 93-116), is close to
the Tenor and Altus, then the Superius and Altus, of Kyrie I's opening.
Neither Sanctus nor Agnus Dei opens in sesquialtera. Mm. 1-9 of
the Sanctus contain unmistakable references, in Altus and Tenor, to

3' Ex. 8: SWNR 10o, 9o.

39 See Orlich, Die Parodiemessen,129, on Lasso's varied and often free treatment of
models. Despite the rarity of its appearance in the sixteenth century Orlich chooses the
term parody,used without apology, for its aptness and convenience. I have done the same
thing in this study.
so Ex. 9: SWNR 10o, 7o, mm. 15-25.
4, Ex. Jo: SWNR 10, 72, mm. 1-4.
 HAAR

EXAMPLE8. Missa Sesquialtera,Agnus dei, mm. 16-24

r

- di: mi se - re re no - bis, mi-

r

- di: mi - se - re - re no - bis,
r

- di: mi - se - re - re no - bis, mi -
ri.

- di: mi - se - re - re no - bis, mi-

20

se- re re no - bis, mi - se - re

mi -se - re - re no- bis, mi - se - re - re 131

se - re - re no bis, mi - se - re - re no

se - re - re no - bis, mi - se - re - re no - bis, mi - se -

re no - bis, no bis.
- "1

no - bis, mi - se - re - re no bis.

bis, mi - se - re - re, mi - se - re - re no - bis.

re - re no - bis, mi - se - re - re no - bis.
 THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY

EXAMPLE9. Missa Sesquialtera,Christe, mm. 14-27

15 r,..3

son, Chri - ste e - le-

r .

Chri-ste e - lei son, Chri - ste e - lei-son, Chri -

lei - son, Chri-ste e - lei - son, Chri -

_.--- -
r'r. 3.. 3

Chri - ste,

S 20
,
132
i- son, Chri - ste e - lei - son, Chri - ste
s -ns
rr..e 3
..

ste e - lei - son, Chri - ste

A r r
.r-

r P --1
MI J rCi
3--

ste ;
e- lei - son, Chri - ste e - lei -

3 -----
Chr'-te,
________------

Chri - ste, Chri

Kyrie I.42 The next six measures are in coloration, thus sesquialtera, and
refer to B (see Example 4) of Kyrie I's melody. The Benedictus, a trio,
paraphrases A-B of that melody.43 This is followed by a four-voice
Hosanna in 03/2, based on mm. 5-7 of Kyrie 1.44 The relationship of

,2 SWNR to, 85; note in particular mm. 1-5 in the Tenor, 1-3 in the Altus.
'4 SWNR io, 86.
44 The mensural signature 03/2 is often used by Lasso for the Hosanna; see, among
others, the Missa Dittes maistresse,the Missa Qual donna attende(both in SWNR6) and the
Missa Confundantursuperbi(SWNR9).
 HAAR

EXAMPLE 9. (continued)

e-le - i -son, Chri - ste e -lei - son, Chri -

3 3

e - lei - son, Chri - ste e

son, Chri - ste e - le - i - son, Chri -ste

-
rr3---
P"
--3-7- r-- ---1--- 3

ste,
0. Chri - ste. e - lei - son,

25

, all
133
ste e - lei - son, e - lei son.

lei - son, Chri - ste e - lei - son.

e - lei son, Chri-ste e - lei - son.

Chri - ste e lei - son.

the brief single Agnus Dei movement to the model has already been dis-
cussed.45
Siegfried Hermelink thinks that the Missa Sesquialteraalthough "ge-
nial konzipiert" was written in haste and may even include the work of

,5 It is typical of Lasso's Masses, except for the very earliest ones, to contain only
one Hosanna setting and a single Agnus Dei. The composer's general pattern is to write a
longish Kyrie, average Gloria, shorter-than-average Credo and Sanctus, and very brief
Agnus Dei. This may reflect usage at the Bavarian court, where sung Masses though com-
mon were obviously expected not to drag on. There is no reason to think that the single
Hosanna was customarily sung both before and after the Benedictus. See Orlich, Die Paro-
diemessen,54, 121.
 THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY

EXAMPLE 10. Missa Sesquialtera, Gloria, mm. 1-io

Et in ter - ra pax ho - mi - ni - bus

Et in ter ra pax o - mi - ni - bus

Et in ter - ra pax ho - mi - ni - bus

I6 "
Et
Et in
in ter - ra
ter ra ho -- mi
pax ho
pax ni - bus
mi -- ni
- -bus
5

bo-nae vo- lun-ta - tis. Lau

- da-mus te. Be - ci -mus te.
134 ne-di-
bo- nae vo - lun-ta - tis. Lau -da - mus te. Be - ne-di - ci - mus te.

10

Ad- o - ra- mus te.Glo-ri- fi - ca - mus te.

Ad - o - lun-ta - tis. te.Glo-- ri - fi

mus
Laua ca- mus
ci - te.

Ad o ra - mus teGlo-ri fi - ca-mus te. Gra - ti

Ad -nae ovo - lun-ta

ra- mus
tis da temus
.Lau
Glo -te.
nri- fi-
- -ri- fi ca
Be-mus
- te. -
cca-muste. Ora te.
Gramus
 HAAR

some of Lasso's students.46 The idea of a composer and his students

producing a work in the manner of a painter and his workshop is cer-
tainly an intriguing one, however difficult it might be to substantiate.
The high degree of unity and of relatedness to a model shown in the
Mass might seem to disprove the notion of collaboration. It could as
easily support it, were one to imagine Lasso assigning parts of the Mass
as exercises in composing from a model.47
What does seem clear is that there was a model. In the absence of
identification of this model it seems idle to speculate on whether the
lied-if that is what it was-had any special connection with a wedding
theme or with members of the Fugger family. There could, in other
words, be a little nest of puzzles here, awaiting solution.

Universityof North Carolina,

ChapelHill

,6 SWNR 10o,vii. For some examples of Masses attributed both to Lasso and to his

younger colleagues and pupils Yvo de Vento and Johannes Eccard (the latter lived in
Augsburg in the service ofJacob Fugger in 1578), see Hermelink in SWNR9, vii.
135