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To cite this article: Malte Fuhrmann & Vangelis Kechriotis (2009) The late Ottoman port-cities and their
inhabitants: subjectivity, urbanity, and conflicting orders, Mediterranean Historical Review, 24:2, 71-78, DOI:
10.1080/09518960903487909
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Top row: Christine Lindner, Faruk Tabak, Marc Aymes, Julia Cohen, Vangelis Kechriotis,
Nazan Maksudyan, On Barak; bottom row: Marc Baer, Malte Fuhrmann, Eyal Ginio.
Mediterranean Historical Review
Vol. 24, No. 2, December 2009, 7178
EDITORIAL
The late Ottoman port-cities and their inhabitants: subjectivity,
urbanity, and conflicting orders
In memory of Faruk Tabak (1953 2008)
passionately and convincingly argue with others for his point of view, but who remained
completely free of personal vanity, and would not hesitate at the end of the day to enjoy
together with us the wine, food and countryside of Tuscany. In this spirit, we often agreed
to disagree, all the while taking pleasure in our arguments, and hoping that they would
carry us further in our pursuits in a field that we have come to enjoy greatly.
part pertaining to the Ottoman Empire until 1918, the region was subject to comparatively
slow and tentative colonization, but simultaneously exposed to intensive exchange with
the economically and militarily successful states of Western and Central Europe, thus
catalyzing a series of institutional innovations, identity formation processes and
migrations. In these processes, the port-cities of the Eastern Mediterranean were the nodal
points of exchange with the rest of the world, but, most importantly, also between
themselves, thus allowing us to speak of a common experience of urbanity although a
highly diverse one, subject to constant contestations.
interpretations, while putting into perspective earlier structuralist views through an intense
reading of local practices, in turn received criticism on the grounds that they painted too
rosy a picture of the late nineteenth century.6 This was, after all, the period of nascent
nationalism, in which ethnic or religious communities practised self-assertive ways of
dealing with other collectivities and with the state, and port-cities were no exception.7
However, studies focusing primarily on the role of individuals and less on institutions have
shown that city residents could navigate their social and economic relations fairly
untouched by state identity politics.8 If one follows the cultural studies approach to urban
history, and conceptualizes the city as an arena where cultural hegemony is contested, one
notices constellations that put into question the concept of nation-based communities, but
also the notion of an ordering power of the state or the world economy. What emerges are
communities that fall short of nation-building, individuals of indeterminate identity,
milieus based not on ethnic origin but on common practices or political convictions,
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Bridging the gap: towards a new dialogue in the study of late Ottoman port-cities
Is there a way to meaningfully engage these varied approaches in a dialogue that does not
lead to the dead-end of simply valuing one perspective over another? One approach has been
to trace the steps of certain individuals through a variety of archival materials, and in this
way try to reconstruct how they managed to weave a path between the different social arenas
outlined above, and how they were able to reconcile the often contradictory logic that this
multiple lifestyle entailed.11 Such individuals often proved astonishingly flexible as they
sought to comply with the expectations placed on them by such varying sources of meaning
as Europe, the Empire, the municipality, the community and, not least, their personal ties.
This approach, however, is limited by the fact that few subjects of this type have left
significant traces of themselves among the wide spectrum of sources, with the consequence
that only very tentative generalizations concerning the notably heterogeneous port-city
population can be made. Therefore, a wider perspective is necessary if we are to conduct a
more meaningful investigation of the late Ottoman port-city.
Rather than debating which thread predominated within the complex interweaving of
identities, loyalties and orders characterizing this urbanity, we raise the question of how
groups and individuals navigated between the different milieus, and how they made their
74 M. Fuhrmann and V. Kechriotis
choices from among the range of possibilities. We aim to attain a more composite
understanding of the way various discourses were combined to shape social practices and
create new forms of urbanity, by focusing on individual and collective subjectivity. It is
our thesis that the competing orders did not produce neatly divided camps among the city
population, but rather a terrain permitting or even demanding individual interpretation
and adjustment.
One can look with a certain envy at the comparable field of social history of the Indian
Ocean, which never lost sight of how the maritime cities were part of a network.12
However, what we are attempting to do here must not be mistaken for a premature attempt
to reach a new synthesis on the late Ottoman port-cities. Rather, we intend to initiate a
dialogue between different methodological approaches to the history of the nineteenth-
century Levantine port-cities, while also eliciting more general observations by
integrating the findings based on single-city studies into broader contexts. Recent local
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tendency to bridge this gap,14 On Barak focuses on the city street itself, which he interprets as
an agent and not merely as an object of human social interaction, whereby changes in the
physical environment, and the emerging modes of perception that such changes entailed,
must be read in parallel with the new traffic conditions on the streets, and the modern
infrastructure being installed beneath them. In the study of port-cities, social conflict and
political controversies have at times been overestimated, and at others downplayed. In his
contribution, Vangelis Kechriotis seeks to overcome this deadlock by providing a close
reading of a dispute between municipal and local state institutions, focusing on the particular
subjects and language employed in the context of the Second Constitutional Period. The new
political exigencies related to the emergence of nationalism did not allow, he argues, for the
implementation of an urban modernizing agenda, as the division between Muslims and non-
Muslims becomes more acute, despite the declared intentions of the regime.
Finally Edhem Eldem takes a 1926 Egyptian consular list of personae non gratae as
point of departure to reflect on the terms of port city and cosmopolitanism. He pleads to
locate them predominantly on the fringes of the respective urbanities: more among the
underworld than among the middle strata; around the rue franque, but not as a
characterization of the city as a whole. Port cities, according to Eldem, should be read as
embedded in a set of contradictions, exclusions and socio-cultural hierarchies. Their
cosmopolitanism might not have been as elegant as previously imagined, but it went
beyond being a mere reflection of (semi-)colonial order.
Notes
1. See for example Berov, The Course of Commodity Turnover; Frangakis-Syrett, Commerce
in the Eastern Mediterranean; and Implementation of the 1838 Anglo-Turkish Convention.
2. Fundamental in this respect is the critical account in Kasaba, Was There a Comprador
Bourgeoisie?. Kasaba, being himself one of Immanuel Wallersteins disciples, together with
the economic historian Sevket Pamuk and the sociologists Caglar Keyder and Faruk Tabak,
apart from their contributions to the Review of the Fernard Braudel Center (see for instance
Keyder, Ottoman Empire: Nineteenth-Century Transformations), later played a leading role
in the Research Working Group on the Ottoman Empire and the World Economy coordinated
by Keyder and Wallerstein; see Kasaba, Keyder and Tabak, Eastern Mediterranean Port Cities
and their Bourgeoisies. Keyder with Donald Quataert and Eyup Ozveren later published the
special issue, Port-Cities of the Eastern Mediterranean.
3. See for instance Anastassiadou, Salonique 1830 1912; Eldem, Goffman and Masters,
The Ottoman City Between East and West; Hanssen, Philipp and Weber, The Empire in the
City; and Raymond, Arab Cities in the Ottoman Period.
76 M. Fuhrmann and V. Kechriotis
4. In this respect, the debate was already initiated in Rosenthal, Foreigners and Municipality
Reform in Istanbul. For a more recent account see: Lafi, Municipalites mediterraneennes.
5. Among the earlier accounts, see Abu-Lughod, Urbanization and Urbanism in Beirut. Later
on, however, the volumes edited by Georgeon and Dumont, Villes ottomanes a la fin de
lempire, and Vivre dans lempire ottoman, would set the state of the art even until today. See
also Ilbert and Yannakakis, Alexandrie 18601960.
6. Criticism of an all-comprising notion of cosmopolitanism has already been articulated in Ilbert,
Alexandrie cosmopolite?. The author, however, does not consider ethnic nationalism as a
parameter in the particular patterns of urban development. For contemporary accounts
regarding this issue, see Fuhrmann, Meeresanrainer Weltenburger?, and Sakis Gekass
article Class and Cosmopolitanism in this issue.
7. See for instance Keyder, Peripheral Port-Cities and Politics; Trimi-Kirou, Quel
cosmopolitisme a lere des nationalismes?; Georgelin, La fin du Smyrne.
8. Schmitt, Levantiner; Panzac, Les villes dans lempire ottoman; Smyrnelis, Une societe hors de soi.
9. See for instance Zandi-Sayek, Orchestrating Difference; Kendall, Between Politics and
Literature; Exertzoglou, The Cultural Uses of Consumption; Rogan, Outside In; Gorman,
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