Professional Documents
Culture Documents
TINA HASCHER
Department of Educational Research,
University of Salzburg, Austria
ABSTRACT There is growing interest in and knowledge about the interplay of learning and emotion.
However, the different approaches and empirical studies correspond to each other only to a low
extent. To prevent this research field from increasing fragmentation, a shared basis of theory and
research is needed. The presentation aims at giving an overview of the state of the art, developing a
general framework for theory and research, and outlining crucial topics for future theory and research.
The presentation focuses on the influence of emotions on learning. First, theories about the impact of
emotions on learning are introduced. Second, the importance of these theories for school learning are
discussed. Third, empirical evidence resulting from school-based research about the role of emotions
for learning is presented. Finally, further research demands are stressed.
13 http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/eerj.2010.9.1.13
T. Hascher
approaches that make the topic so complicated, it is the phenomenon itself that challenges
researchers. Emotions are complex things and are strongly interwoven with cognition and
motivation. Even today the definition by Wenger et al (1962, p. 3) convey a part of the reality of
emotions:
Emotion is a peculiar word. Almost everybody thinks he understands what it means, until he
attempts to define it. Then practically no one claims to understand it. Scientists who investigate
it disagree. Philosophers, novelists, and others who write about it disagree.
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Learning and Emotion
Additionally, there is another categorization addressing the fact that emotions can be situation-
specific or apply to a broader context. This differentiation is described by the terms state- versus
trait-emotion. For example, anxiety as a state depends on the threatening features of the situation,
whereas anxiousness is a trait, a disposition of a person who is likely to react anxiously in different,
not necessarily menacing situations. Accordingly, Schutz et al (2009) recently suggested the
differentiation into three forms of emotional experiences:
core affect (moods like feeling blue);
emotional episodes (state emotions like sadness); and
affective tendencies (trait emotions like being depressed).
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T. Hascher
confirmed the impact of mood congruence whereas others did not. This means that positive
mood also can foster the process of negative information. How can that been explained? One of
the key variables seems to be the subjective importance of the information for the learners: If
the information is of low importance, mood congruence is effective. However, in the event of
high personal relevance, positive mood does not disturb the cognitive processes but negative
information also gains attention and the information process will be equally or even more
precise. Positive mood can even increase the speed of perception and processing, and the
achievement in logical reasoning (Abele, 1995). So, mood influence seems to be mediated by
subjective relevance and, hence, learning cannot to be reduced to the effects of mood.
(b) In terms of the effect of mood on motivation there is a well-known theory that people take
higher risks when they are in a good mood in the sense of an overestimation of their own
competencies, like I feel good ... I can do everything. This theory cannot be generalized. Yes,
individuals with positive emotions are shown to be less cautious but, here again, they were
only taking more risks if the tasks that they had to master were of little personal relevance
(Aspinwall, 1998). In the case of high relevance, people are even more conservative in terms of
taking risks. Thus, the general answer to the effects of positive mood is that positive mood has
a positive effect on learning as long as the learning contents are at least of some significance for
the learners.
So, to summarise so far: despite the evidence of the positive effects of positive mood and emotions
there are no clear rules such as: positive emotions foster learning, and negative emotions are
detrimental (Bless & Fiedler, 1999, p. 24). The results from different studies are sometimes
controversial and mediator variables have to be reconsidered. The valence of a mood or an
emotion (being positive or negative) is only one aspect of its quality. Accordingly, there is also
some evidence that other aspects of emotion, like their intensity, are relevant to learning. Schrer-
Necker (1984, 1994) demonstrated that texts were better recalled if they weere of high arousal for
the subjects independently, if their content was associated with positive or negative emotions.
Taken together, there are a handful of limited but very interesting theories but we need more
empirical evidence about them, we need to investigate the effects of different emotion qualities,
and we need to figure out the range of their validity. This also means that it is still an open question
how they fit into school reality.
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Learning and Emotion
3. Of special relevance also are the results which inform about variables mediating between
emotions and learning. Abele (1995) suggested simultaneous cognitive and motivational mediators.
Two arguments underline the function of cognition and motivation:
(a) Mood valence positive or negative is an influential factor and mood congruence can be
effective. Mood congruence, however, can hardly function as an instructional device for
teachers: one cannot recommend a teacher to induce a negative mood in students in order to
support their cognitive processes. From my point of view, the crucial information derives from
the findings about mood-discrepant information: mood congruence does not work if the
subjective relevance of a learning content is evident. Thus, possible undesired effects of mood
can be neutralized if students develop a sense of personal belonging to the learning contents.
This result underlines the function of cognitive mediator variables. Accordingly, Efklides &
Petkaki (2005) investigated the influences of induced mood on metacognition like students
estimation of the level of difficulty of a task during mathematical problem solving. As
predicted, mood did not show a direct influence on learning outcome as achievement in maths
was to a large extent predicted by mathematical ability. Mood, however, did influence
metacognition, motivation and long-lasting learning emotions which regulate learning activity.
(b) Positive emotions and feelings of success during learning increase self-efficacy beliefs and
motivation. They also encourage students to become attached to difficult tasks and previous
failures (Trope & Neter, 1994). Transferring these results to school learning shows that we
should be more sensitive to processes of unsuccessful learning situations. Failure will stimulate
negative emotions which will amplify the turning away from the learning situation. Especially
in those situations, however, students need positive emotions to stay on the task, to be open
for feedback and to look at mistakes, which, in turn, might help them to improve their learning
process and the learning outcomes.
These findings support the role of motivational mediator variables. Gendolla (2003) analysed the
correlation of induced mood on the activation of investment in school. He hypothesized that the
instructive function of mood will influence student motivation because the mood will be
interpreted as an information source related to the task. One of his findings was that students rated
task challenges when they were in a negative mood higher than when they experience a positive
mood. As a consequence, investment was higher when they were in a negative mood. However,
an increase in investment due to a negative mood was only found for easy tasks. High-level tasks
led to less investment because students evaluated the demands as too high. Conversely, students
experiencing a positive mood showed high investment in high-level tasks because of a lack of
overestimation of task requirements or because of minor underestimations.
4. Not only the learning situation but also the learning context and learning materials carry
emotional potential. According to Schrer-Necker (1984, 1994), information needs to be
physiologically activating and emotionally touching to be processed and remembered in high
quality. First steps towards a confirmation of this hypothesis were made in motivation research.
Ainley and colleagues (Ainley et al, 2002, 2005) investigated affective reactions during text reading.
As it turned out, situational interest was the main predictor of persistence in reading a text, which
was positively influenced by emotions. For persisting with a text, strong emotions like joy, surprise
or even disgust were important.
Taken together, currently only a handful of studies testing the results of mood research for
school learning exist. This might be due to a reduction of mood research to affective valence in
terms of positive versus negative mood. It might also be due to the difficulty of inducing a specific
emotional quality in school learners. As Efklides & Petkaki (2005) had to admit, they had been
partly unsuccessful in inducing a negative mood. The theories and results of mood research are
only seldom implemented in educational research. One can find some very general notes that
positive emotions lead to positive learning outcomes and negative emotions to negative results a
statement that is not correct. This might result from the fact that mood research used to be
experimental and, thus, the effects of the learning tasks were isolated and not integrated into a
learning setting. The learning environment is controlled, not analysed. School learning, however, is
highly situation and context specific. Nevertheless, it could be useful for future research to examine
the different approaches systematically because there are some promising first indicators of the
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T. Hascher
relevance and transferability of at least some parts of theories resulting from mood research for
school learning.
Figure 1. Effects of mood and emotion on school learning, according to Edlinger & Hascher (2008, p. 63).
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Learning and Emotion
emotional phenomenology of everyday school life. In order to get an insight into students
perspectives we used day-to-day diaries and asked adolescent students (n = 58) to report emotional
situations which occurred to them during a school day (Hascher, 2004, 2007, 2008). The students
reported more than 1300 episodes over a time period of six weeks. An analysis of the causes of very
strong, intense and frequent emotions (n = 109) showed that 33% of the emotions were attributed
to interactions with teachers and an additional 26% to a specific subject, which is usually closely
related to specific teachers behaviour (Figure 2). So, it can be concluded that teachers are a very
important source for students emotions.
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30
20
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Teacher Subject Peers School
During the last 10 years, research on student emotion has increased significantly. Unfortunately,
current studies on student emotion seem to be only loosely connected. They choose different
theoretical approaches and some of them are not even based on any theory of emotion. Thus, the
research field is highly fragmented. Nevertheless, three approaches can be differentiated:
2. students state emotions: emotional episodes;
3. students trait emotions: affective tendencies;
4. the emotionality of the learning setting (teachers and instruction).
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T. Hascher
anxious students show a high degree of self-attention because they cannot detach their thinking
from the image of a high failure probability (Sarason, 1975). Interestingly, boredom shows similar
effect-patterns to anxiety (Lohrmann, 2008).
Although a lot of research has already been done during the last 30 years, new results have
been added to the field that legitimise the ongoing interest surrounding this emotion. For example,
the experience of anxiety is, to a high degree, sensitive to appraisal processes during a situation, as
the following research will illustrate.
In two studies we tested how the ongoing evaluation of a performance evokes anxiety in the
classroom (e.g. Oblasser, 2007). At the beginning, 46 students (compulsory education, aged 12-15,
20 girls and 26 boys) were asked about their general expectancies and about their anxiety (DAI
[Differential Test Anxiety Inventory], Rost & Schermer, 1997). The students then worked on a
grammar test in the German class which was split into five tasks. Each task was followed by five
questions: Two questions addressed anxiety:
Emotionality: While solving this task I was very nervous (anxiety: arousal);
Worries: I always thought about something different other than the task
Three questions addressed the subjective appraisal of:
Success: I think I have solved this task correctly;
Task difficulty: The task was very difficult;
Future success: Im confident that I will solve the following task.
What about the results of the correlation of students evaluation and anxiety while working on the
tasks?
1. Firstly, high and medium negative correlations between subjective success expectation and
both anxiety components (emotionality: r = -0.53; worries: r = -0.85) for each task were found.
2. Also (very) strong positive correlations of subjective evaluation of task difficulty with both
2
anxiety components were found: emotionality (r = 0.65, p < .01, R = 42%); worries (r = 0.87, p
2
< .01; R = 74%)
3. Thirdly, there seems to be a negative transfer from task to task: For example, emotionality and
worries in task 1 were negatively correlated to success expectations for task 2 (emotionality: r =
-0.39, p < .05; worries: r = -0.45, p < .01).
Thus, although the sample was very small, the results are promising: Particularly the detrimental
worry component seems to be highly reactive to actual work on a task.
To summarize: from state anxiety research it can be learned
1. that a single emotion can be very detrimental for students academic development;
2. that different components of one emotion can serve different functions;
3. that a students emotion can be easily influenced; and
4. which cognitive processes are causes of emotions and how emotions influence cognitive
processes.
Students Habitual Emotions and their Influence on School Learning: affective tendencies
We know from everyday life experiences and from scientific research that the frequent experience
of an emotion can lead to a form of habituation. These so-called affective tendencies or trait
emotions are probably more influential on learning than a short-term emotional episode about a
single event in school and, thus, they are of special interest for educational research. First, one
important result from anxiety research and then new results about learning enjoyment will be
outlined.
Anxiety as a trait/an affective tendency. The main cause of anxiety in school is a multifaceted thread
of the self, which is stimulated by the frequent achievement situations and continuous evaluation
of the learners (Schnabel, 1996). It could be shown that highly anxious students pay more attention
to intimidating information like a comment about achievement or expected learning outcomes.
This phenomenon was described as hyper-vigilance (Eysenck, 1992). From a phylo-genetic point
of view, one of the most important functions of anxiety is the very fast recognition of danger.
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Learning and Emotion
Anxious students, however, react in an exaggerated manner to stimuli in their environment. Two
forms of hyper-vigilance can be differentiated:
1. General hyper-vigilance means that a student is in a steady search for perils in the school
environment. In every situation she/he expects some harmful aspects.
2. The more specific hyper-vigilance is seen if a student tends to get absorbed by harmful cues
which she/he has identified. She/he focuses on those cues and cannot distract herself/himself
from them.
One can easily imagine that those students can hardly concentrate on learning, nor can they
involve themselves in learning processes because they lack a sense of emotional safety in school.
Anxious students also interpret learning situations as covered achievement situations and, thus, are
also handicapped by anxiety in a relatively riskless environment (Schnabel, 1998). Learning is
impeded because those students misinterpret learning situations and, hence, react equally to
learning and achievement situations: during the learning process they avoid checking their actual
state of knowledge and they avoid using metacognitive skills, which in turn reduces the quality of
the learning process. So, test-anxiety is detrimental not only for achievement but also for learning.
Enjoyment as a trait/affective tendency. We all can observe the enjoyment and anticipation of
schoolchildren looking forward to starting their school career. Many children can hardly wait to
become schoolchildren and to learn reading, writing and mathematics. Hence, childrens learning
enjoyment seems to be a form of positive pre-attitude towards school. However, there are studies
that show that learning enjoyment starts to decline as soon as the children enter school (Helmke,
1993) and it decreases further during adolescence (Fend, 1997; Eder, 2007; Hagenauer, 2009). How
serious is this problem in school?
In several studies we tested the development of well-being in school (e.g. Hascher, 2004,
2007). Enjoyment in school is one of six constitutive dimensions of student well-being. Students of
different ages, from different countries and from different school settings were asked to report how
often they had felt joy during the last weeks in school. As is shown in Figures 3a to 3c, the results
clearly indicate the decrease of enjoyment until grades 7 or 8 (age 13-14), and this decline represents
an increasingly distant attitude towards school. Coming closer to the end of their school career,
however, enjoyment in school is improving.
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T. Hascher
So far, academic enjoyment has been investigated in terms of different events of enjoyment or as
enjoyment in specific subjects. Rarely, enjoyment was addressed to the learning activity itself. So,
more precise data about learning enjoyment is needed.
In a PhD project Gerda Hagenauer conducted a two-year longitudinal study with 375 adolescent
students in Salzburg about the development of learning enjoyment. She directed the experience of
enjoyment to learning as an activity, e.g. I enjoy learning, I feel well during learning or I like
learning new things in school. As it turns out, learning enjoyment decreases significantly during
grades 6 and 7 (age 12-13) (see Figure 4).
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Learning and Emotion
Of course, most students experience at least some enjoyment in school. However, some research
indicates that this enjoyment is primarily addressed to positive learning results such as good grades
(e.g. Pekrun, 1998; Rheinberg & Fries, 1998; Glser-Zikuda, 2001). What about the development of
this kind of enjoyment, which can be defined as performance or achievement enjoyment? Maybe
the enjoyment about learning outcomes compensates for the decrease of enjoyment in the learning
process? In the same study, the process of performance enjoyment was investigated. Figure 4
indicates that learning enjoyment and performance enjoyment follow a similar pattern. Thus, both
forms of enjoyment decrease over time.
Generally speaking, eavluation of the processes of learning and of academic achievement
become more and more negative during the school years. What effect does it have on learning?
One could argue that students will find a way of coping with the unpleasantness of school, and the
learning process will stay untouched. It seems, however, the opposite is true. Educational research
could show that enjoyment correlates with important preconditions for successful learning, like an
effective use of learning strategies, activation of cognitive resources and investment in schools (e.g.
Fend, 1997; Pekrun & Hofmann, 1999; Pekrun et al, 2002; Pekrun, 2006). The decline of enjoyment
is not only detrimental for school learning but for a persons academic development in general
because students negative attitudes towards learning also will impede future learning processes.
Possibly, it is one of the most precarious findings in school research: school is not able to retain the
high level of the initial learning enjoyment of children. Instead, learning enjoyment decreases over
the years at school, and the decline seems to be caused by the characteristics of the organization of
school learning, like a poor fit between students interests and needs and the learning environment
(Hagenauer, 2009). Thus, there is a negative spiral of learning and emotion, which might be one
important reason for insufficient learning outcomes and the high amount of inert knowledge
developed during schooling.
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T. Hascher
teacher emotions, although school learning is an emotional context not only for students but also
for teachers (Krapp & Hascher, forthcoming). But how do teacher emotions interfere with
students school learning? Several preliminary research findings can illustrate the relevance of this
topic for student learning:
Some first results outline the positive effects of positive teacher emotions (e.g. Hargreaves,
1998; Witcher et al, 2001; Kunter et al, 2008): teachers who enjoy teaching are more creative and
more supportive during student learning than teachers who enjoy teaching less. By caring about a
positive social climate, teachers can foster the development of the academic self-concept of
students and their motivation to invest in learning (Valeski & Stipek, 2001). Teachers positive
emotions can support the learners interests and their intrinsic motivation (Krapp, 2002) a
phenomenon that was called value induction by Pekrun (2000, p. 157). Similarily, Frenzel and
colleagues (2009) found that teachers enjoyment is to some degree transmittable to students in
mathematics instruction. Of special importance seems to be teachers enthusiasm. Interestingly,
however, it is not the teachers enjoyment of the subject which is effective, but the teachers love of
teaching the subject to students which is essential (Kunter et al, 2008).
On the other hand, there are also detrimental effects: if teachers often experience anger
during instruction and if their anger leads to detachment from teaching and the students, their
instruction will be less supportive in comparison to teachers with more positive emotions and
attitudes. The same can be found for teacher anxiety (Sutton & Wheatley, 2003): The instruction is
to a high degree teacher-centred. Opportunities for students self-regulated learning are rare. The
teachers focus more on outcomes than on learning and their tolerance for making mistakes is low.
In such a classroom, students often react with anxiety. As a consequence they try to meet the
teachers demands and expectancies. At the same time, however, they try to hide when they need
help in understanding; they give up responsibility for learning, and their extrinsic motivation
increases.
These results indicate that the effects of emotions on student learning cannot be reduced to
student emotions. Direct influences from teacher emotions are to be expected as well as mediated
effects through instruction and through learning material.
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Learning and Emotion
their multiple components. Crucial sources of cognition and emotion are the learners themselves,
other protagonists of the learning situation like teachers and peers, as well as learning tasks.
Figure 5. A model for the dynamic interplay of learning and emotion in the school context.
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TINA HASCHER is a full professor for science of education at the University of Salzburg. Her
research/teaching interests are: empirical school-based research about learning and instruction,
motivation and emotion, and teacher education. Correspondence: Tina Hascher, Department of
Educational Research, University of Salzburg, Akademiestrasse 26, A-5020 Salzburg, Austria
(tina.hascher@sbg.ac.at).
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