Aff Supplement - SDI 2017 EER

aff supplement EER lab
notes
notes from Michael
CX strategy vs. Deschooling

Nail down in cross ex that there will still be teachers in these community groups. Then, all of the reasons
why the institution of the school is bad with regard to teachers are reasons why the alt would also be bad.
Then ask about the following Perm: Teach cultural competency to whoever leads these groups.
If children are confined to learning within their own communities and networks, wouldnt that just limit
out the perspectives of groups that arent a part of that childs community?
Offense vs. Alt
Offense vs. Deschooling Alt

Insularity DA: Is learning going to be the same in high income communities as it is in low income
communities? This just makes the polarity among learning experienced based on where you live much,
much worse. The alt makes the current property tax funding system look good in comparison to the
inequality in resources and educational tools that will result from insular learning experiences.
solvency
solvency bias
Culturally competent teachers resolve student biasesno alt causes

Acquah and Commins 16 Emmanuel O. Acquah, Centre for Learning Research and Department of Teacher Education,
University of Turku, Turku, Finland. Nancy L. Commins, Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Education, School of Education and Human
Development, University of Colorado, Denver, CO, USA. Teaching in Higher Education: Methods that matter in addressing cultural diversity
with teacher candidates. 22:5, 502-503. December 27, 2016.
http://srhe.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/13562517.2016.1273217?needAccess=true. Yoest.
It is widely acknowledged that the mainly white/mainstream teacher candidates in teacher education
programmes bring limited background experiences, prior socialisation, and skills about diversity (Ladson-
Billings 2009; Gay 2010; Lucas and Villegas 2013). In addition, these teacher candidates often hold deficit notions about diverse students
(Valencia 2012). Deficit theories presume that some students fail in education because of their own deficiencies (perceived lack of ability,
linguistic inferiority, and family dysfunction) not because of unfair school policies or differential treatment from teachers (Valencia 2012).
most teacher candidates need to analyse their tacit assumptions and beliefs and confront
Consequently,
biases that have influenced their value system. Teacher educators recommend helping teacher
candidates examine their own attitudes, assumptions and values as a basic foundation from which
to learn to become culturally competent (Ladson-Billings 2009; Banks 2010; Gay 2010), and multicultural teacher education
courses (or experiences) are an important means towards this end. But as noted by Trent and Artiles (1998), Ramsey (2000), and Ukpokodu
(2011), fostering students cultural awareness can be challenging and requires deliberate, intentional,
and clear efforts and strategies. This involves using instructional strategies that create exciting
active learning opportunities that put theory into practice, provide first-hand cultural interactions
and experiences, and spaces for students to reflect on their identities and those of diverse others, as
well as create a classroom atmosphere conducive for such learning to occur. Strategies identified in the
literature as fostering such conditions and atmosphere for learning include critical reflection, writing autobiographies,
structured field experiences combined with post experience reflection, preparing individual action plans
for implementing multicultural education, case study analysis, and discussions around issues of diversity
(Sleeter and Owuor 2011). Acquah and Commins (2015), Dray and Wisneski (2011), and Garmon (1998) suggest that critical reflection
challenges teacher candidates to examine their own beliefs and attitudes. Ukpokodu (2011) found that writing autobiographies allowed teacher
candidates to examine their assumptions and transform their attitudes. Lastrapes and Negishi (2012) and Bowles (2011) observed that structured
field experiences combined with post experience reflection fostered teacher candidates cultural awareness while Ramsey (2000) demonstrates
that engaging
teacher candidates in discussions around issues of diversity provides space for them to reflect
on and question assumptions and experiences. Consistent across this research, diversity courses that transformed teacher
candidates beliefs and dispositions towards diverse students employed multiple strategies (Sleeter and Owuor 2011; Acquah and Commins
2013). Informed by these findings, the framework presented in this research incorporated a number of these theory-driven teaching strategies.
solvency spillover
Cultural competence spills over to create more supportive classroom environments

Bonner et al. 17
Patricia J. Bonner, PhD, served as faculty and administrator at Azusa Pacific University for 29 years and is currently professor emerita in the
School of Education. She has presented and published in the areas of culturally responsive teaching, diversity in education, multicultural
education, parental roles in education, self-regulated learning, and self-determination theory. Susan R. Warren, PhD, director of Diversity
Programs at Azusa Pacific University, served 22 years as a PK-12 teacher/principal and directed MA programs in schools of education for 15
years. She has presented and published on topics of equity, social justice, teacher and multicultural education, school reform, and family
engagement. Ying Hong Jiang, PhD, is a professor in the doctoral studies in education leadership department in the School of Education of Azusa
Pacific University. Her main research interests include culturally responsive teaching and cross-cultural studies of covariates of self-regulated
learning strategies in K-12 settings. Voices From Urban Classrooms: Teachers Perceptions on Instructing Diverse Students and Using
Culturally Responsive Teaching. pgs. 4-6. June 15, 2017. http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0013124517713820. Yoest.
CRT evolved from a growing body of research that originated in the 1970s and 1980s (Boykin, 1986;
Edmonds, 1986; Ramirez & Castaneda, 1974) and was further developed beginning in the 1990s by
cultural difference theorists (Au, 1993; Delpit, 2006; Irvine, 2003; Ladson-Billings, 1995; Moll & Gonzalez, 2004; Nieto, 2010).
Cultural difference ideology critiques and offers an alternative to the cultural deficit paradigm that depicts the cultural capital in the homes and
communities of minority and low-income students as limited and the major factor causing their low achievement in school. Little
consideration is given in the deficit model to the impact of the structures within schools or the
political economy of the greater society on the achievement of low achieving, diverse students.
Instead, the victims are blamed for their dreadful educational status and structural exclusion (Banks,
2010). This viewpoint has continued to affect Americas schools and is still held by many educators,
resulting in uninspiring teaching and teachers low expectations for students, particularly in inner-city
classrooms with high populations of socioeconomically disadvantaged African American and Latino
students (Greene, 2009). Cultural difference theory, in contrast, focuses on the strengths and resilience of the cultures, families, and
communities of students from diverse ethnic, racial, and linguistic backgrounds (Wang & Gordon, 1994). Theorists with this ideology believe
that the discontinuities between the home and community cultures of students of color as well as socioeconomically disadvantaged students and
students will be more academically
the school culture greatly contribute to low academic achievement. Therefore, these
successful if educators and schools respect and utilize their language and cultural strengths. This is the
essence of CRT (Banks, 2010). Culturally responsive teachers understand the powerful role of culture in the
educational system and place culture at the center as they analyze techniques for improving the
performance of underachieving students of color. They largely believe that patterns in academic
achievement among groups of students in the United States are not a result of individual limitations but
rather due to the impact of institutional assumptions, structures, procedures, and operational styles of
schools, classrooms, and the greater society (Gay, 2010). Teachers who are culturally competent
purposefully incorporate the experiences and cultural orientations of students from diverse racial,
ethnic, and economic backgrounds into their teaching strategies . These educators honor their students and their
families and seek to develop the talent potential of underachieving diverse students, placing them at promise instead of at risk (Boykin, 2002).
Several scholars have introduced frameworks for CRT (Gay, 2002, 2010; Ladson-Billings, 2001; Phuntsog, 2001; Villegas & Lucas, 2002)
outlining the essential elements. For the purposes of this research, Gays (2010) framework will be used. At the heart of Gays model of CRT are
four dynamic components that are interwoven: caring, communication, curriculum, and instruction. Culturally responsive caring, the
ideological grounding of CRT, refers to how teachers relate to their students. The classroom interactions between
teachers and students and among students often determine whether learning will be a success or failure for diverse students. Teachers attitudes
and expectations (academic, personal, social, and ethical dimensions) as well as their pedagogical skills determine the tone, structure, and quality
of instruction. Caring teachers expect (highly), relate (genuinely), and facilitate (relentlessly) (Gay, 2010, p. 47). They place their students at
Culturally
the center of the learning process with their strengths and personal interests used as opportunities for academic success.
competent educators acquire a knowledge base about ethnic and cultural diversity as it relates to
education and are continually culturally self-aware and conscious about what they do in the
classroom as well as the effects of the educational system on their diverse students. They grow to view CRT
as a moral mandate for teaching culturally and linguistically diverse students (Gay, 2010). Effective communication, the tool of CRT, is also
essential for quality instruction in the classroom yet many teachers carry with them misconceptions and confusions about their diverse students
that cause them to struggle in communicating. While
complex and challenging, educators who practice CRT
incorporate elements of different cultural communication styles into classroom instruction. They analyze their
own preferred discourse modes and compare them with those of their students to better understand how well their students negotiate the teaching.
Using this information, culturally competent teachers seek ways to better communicate with their culturally and linguistically diverse students
(Gay, 2010). Curriculum that is culturally diverse and accessible to students is additionally critical for their success. Effective teaching and
learning for diverse students must allow all students access to knowledge that is regarded as high quality and prestigious with a guarantee that
they become literate in the core subjects. Curriculum, the resource of CRT, should be multicultural and accurately recognize the worth of the
Culturally competent teachers ensure that the curriculum is
knowledge various ethnic groups have contributed.
meaningful and relevant to students lives and that they are included in curriculum decision-
making (Gay, 2010). Finally, CRT acknowledges the importance of incorporating aspects of the cultural systems of diverse groups into
instruction. Instruction, the praxis of CRT, addresses the dialectic discourse, interaction, and engagement of students and teachers throughout the
teaching and learning processes. Academic achievement improves when the processes of teaching correspond with the learning styles
Culturally
(participation, thinking, mental schemata), work habits, and experiences that diverse students bring to the classroom.
competent teachers ensure that instructional processes are congruent with the learning styles,
cultural orientations, and experiences of their marginalized students and create learning spaces for
this to occur (Gay, 2010).
A culturally competent classroom opens positive dialogue about race both

among teachers and students
Cohen 16 (David B. Cohen is a National Board Certified English Teacher and the Blog Editor
of The Standard. Cohen taught high school English for 12 years in Palo Alto, Ca. For several
years, Cohen co-directed a teacher leadership network called Accomplished California
Teachers (ACT), What does a culturally competent classroom look like?, March 13, 2016,
http://boardcertifiedteachers.org/blog/culturally-competence-in-schools)
What does a culturally competent classroom look like? David B. Cohen, NBCT | March 13, 2016 The
Saturday [March 12] morning plenary session at the National Board's Teaching and Learning Conference
offered a powerful conversation about race and education. While Im sure it benefitted everyone in
attendance, I found it particularly powerful because it shows some continuity in focus from the National
Board. Last years conference featured a similar panel discussion on cultural competency. During the
summer academy in Scottsdale, National Board helped network leaders from around the country go
deeper into those conversations. David Johns reprised his role as moderator extraordinaire, keeping the
conversation balanced and well-paced, and engaging a large audience effectively as well. The panel
featured educators, Linda Darling-Hammond, Jose Vilson, Renee Moore, Ali Michael, and students,
Marley Dias and Maria Salmon. Johns emphasized the value - the necessity - of having students featured
in the conversations about education, and began the session with questions for both students on the panel.
Dias has made a splash on the national stage with her #1000BlackGirlBooks campaign, advocating for the
use and elevation of more diverse literature after a steady diet of school readings about "white boys and
their dogs." She deftly jumped into the conversation later to emphasize the importance of thinking not
about the black experience, but rather, experiences. Salmon leads a minority scholars program in her
high school, and spoke about the complexity of cultural identity, citing her own multi-ethnic background
as a source of strength. Later she mentioned how her parents have encouraged her to see differences as
something interesting and valuable, something to seek rather than shun. Linda Darling-Hammond
provided a more academic and scholarly frame for addressing cultural competence. She addressed the
intentional design of a teacher education program that has equity and social justice foremost among its
guiding principles. Teaching candidates at Stanford Teacher Education Program receive explicit teaching
around these issues from the moment they begin their studies. They are placed in schools that are
functional and addressing these issues, and have a full-year experience with mentor teachers who can
show how its done in the classroom. Michael talked about the challenge of developing cultural
competence and understanding of race when, early in life, white children (she cited her own experience)
receive mixed messages: on one hand were told everyone is the same inside, everyone is equal, and then
society shows us all the ways that some people are better than others, some are to be celebrated, some
feared. Her work serves to help educators understand and discuss race more productively in schools and
among ourselves. Renee Moore focused on the Teacher Leadership Initiative, a joint effort involving the
National Educators Association, Center for Teaching Quality, and National Board. The project aims to
develop teacher leaders who are culturally competent. Too many teachers in the Mississippi Delta are
unprepared, unskilled, but they can learn. We want to find teacher leaders, train them. The false notion of
color-blindness is not just about teacher to student, but also within the profession. Teachers of color have
been marginalized. To drive change, Moore said we can start by looking at the standards that guide
National Board Certification. Every certificate area addresses equity, diversity, and social justice. Those
standards can help people understand and improve practice. We also need to elevate the voices of our
teachers of color. Seek them out, listen to them, value them. Moore suggested that we must change the
conversations to change the profession, then well do a better job teaching children. Johns pushed for
more specifics: how do we know what a culturally competent classroom looks like? At this point, an
essential theme of the morning came through clearly, as Moore made it sound fairly simple: you get to
know your students and community. You know your subject and how to teach it to those specific
students. Moore cited the importance of mentorship early in her career, specifically the mentorship of
African-American teachers. Revisiting an idea Dias had raised earlier, Moore said that being a black
teacher didnt mean she was ready from day one to work with her students. Coming from Detroit, Moore
had to learn about students from the Mississippi Delta. Its not the same. Context matters. Johns pulled
out another thread in the conversation, citing the idea of community before turning the conversation to
#educolor - a community of educators building a movement for equity and liberation through activism,
particularly in the sphere of education. Vilson offered some background: We have a problem: how do we
start critical conversations about race, class, and gender in classrooms? Some people think those
conversations are too risky, too difficult. Educolor said, this is how you do it - by providing resources
and readings around current events and real experiences. Building competence in these areas is work for
everyone to do, as some of the troubling examples of violence and inequity happen in spaces where we
have teachers and principals of color too. Asked for a short, Tweet-length piece of advice about how to
make progress in this work, Vilson said, Decenter yourself, and center the children. Asked later about
role models for African-American males, Vilson suggested that young men may have role models that
they dont speak about, and that teachers can draw out their students if they can manage to just be cool.
Again, the idea of listening, creating safe spaces came through. Its not a radical new pedagogy, but
rather, a way of approaching our relationships with students that opens doors to important conversations
and new learning. There were several questions about improving the cultural competence of schools and
our profession by improving our recruitment of teachers of color. Moore suggested that recruitment will
be easier and more effective if we start by treating teachers of color with respect. She cited a variety of
ways in which education systems have marginalized teachers of color, or pushed them out entirely. Few
people looking from the outside in will want to be part of that. In the question and answer portion of the
event, there were many more specific concerns, but the answers shared common threads and themes from
the whole morning. I emerged from the plenary optimistic that the work of improving education equity
and cultural competence has no barriers we cant address. It comes down to some basic ideas: knowing,
respecting, valuing, elevating different people and perspectives. David Johns reduced it to a few basic
points. Meet students with love. Listen to them. Be there for them. Sometimes we overcomplicate
things. Johns pointedly ended the panel discussion by turning again to the students, asking them why and
how theyre brilliant. Salmon talked about coming to the U.S. for a reason, for opportunity, and sounded
confident and determined that shes on the path already, taking advantage of her opportunities. Dias said
the key is that she knows who she is and why shes special, but she also knows not to take that idea too
far in relating to others. I can change the world, she said, but so can everyone else.
With the rising demographic in culture, cultural competency is essential in school-

numerous benefits to passing plan
NASP No Date
National Association of School Psychologists, ( The Importance of Cultural Competence, Colby, S.L. &
Ortman, J. M. (2014). Projections of the size and composition of the U.S. population: 2014 to 2060,
Current Population Reports, P25-1143, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC, 2014. Retrieved from
https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2015/demo/p25-1143.pdf
Jones, J. (2014). Best practices in providing culturally responsive interventions, In P.L. Harrison & A. Thomas (Eds.), Best Practices in School
Psychology (pp. 49-60). Bethesda, MD: National Association of School Psychologists.
Mancoske, R. J., Lewis, M. L., Bowers-Stevens, C., & Ford, A. (2012). Cultural competence and childrens mental health service outcomes.
Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 21, 195211.
Miranda, A.H. (2014). Best practices in increasing cross-cultural competency, In P.L. Harrison & A. Thomas (Eds.), Best Practices in School
Psychology (pp. 9-19). Bethesda, MD: National Association of School Psychologists.
National Association of School Psychologists. (2010). Model for Comprehensive and Integrative School Psychological Services. Bethesda, MD:
Author. Retrieved from http://www.nasponline.org/Documents/Standards and Certification/Standards/2_PracticeModel.pdf )
With the ever-evolving demographics of our country, cultural competence has become an essential ingredient in the
creation of a positive school climate. Cultural competence is the ability to work effectively with people from a
variety of cultural, ethnic, economic, and religious backgrounds (Miranda, 2014). Cultural competence occurs
when members of the school community honor, respect, and value diversity in theory and in practice; and
teaching and learning are made relevant and accessible to students of various cultures, races, and ethnicities. There are numerous benefits
related to culturally competent practice including: promoting mental wellness and positive behavior, supporting
academic and behavioral success, ensuring access to the full range of school services and activities to all
students, and engaging students and their families in the school community.
Brief Research Facts and Cultural Considerations
By 2060, 64% of children under 18 in the U.S. are projected to belong to racial and ethnic minorities, as
compared to 48% of children in 2014 (Colby & Ortman, 2014).
Greater cultural competence of mental health service providers is associated with better overall outcomes
(access, participation, satisfaction, and service outcomes) for African American youth and their families (Mancoske, Lewis,
Bower-Stevens, & Ford, 2012).
Culture plays a crucial role in learning. School psychologists who are knowledgeable and sensitive to students unique cultural
backgrounds are better equipped to offer relevant academic, behavioral, and mental health interventions.
School psychologists with skills in providing culturally responsive interventions work with students through a cultural frame of reference,
recognize the complexity of culture, and incorporate individual differences in intervention planning (Jones, 2014).
What Can Be Done to Enhance Cultural Competence?
Its important to remember that cultural competence starts by recognizing that every cultural group brings values which
help define the concept of a true community. The following strategies (excerpted from Jones, 2014) can be utilized to begin
making a connection:
Continue exploring your own culture, beliefs, and values.
Believe you can serve individuals of a different race or ethnicity.
Develop a list of professionals for consultation on multicultural issues.
Engage in dialogue with colleagues and continue to increase cultural literacy.
Assume that there is heterogeneity within an ethnic group, but that the foundation of cultural values is likely to be homogenous.
Keep the family active in planning educational interventions and progress monitoring.
Learn more about the culture of the child through the child and family.
Always work from a strength-based perspective.
The Role of the School Psychologist
School psychologists who engage in culturally competent practice have greater self-awareness, better
understanding of the cultural characteristics of groups, and an increased likelihood of successful
interventions and support in the context of a students culture (Jones, 2014). The NASP Practice Model
includes diversity in development and learning as one of the foundations of school psychological service
delivery. School psychologists bring this understanding of culture and individual student differences to the
work they do in schools to help ensure that all students experience success in school, at home, and in life.
solvency teachers
Teaching cultural competency can be learned and practiced and will work in the educational
system as a whole- the aff is a step into solving
NEA No date
National Education Association (Diversity Toolkit: Cultural Competence for Educators,
http://www.nea.org/tools/30402.htm, date accessed- 7-22-2017)
Cultural competence is the key to thriving in culturally diverse classrooms and schools - and it can be learned,
practiced, and institutionalized to better serve diverse students, their families, and their
communities . Cultural competence is the ability to successfully teach students who come from a culture
or cultures other than our own. It entails developing certain personal and interpersonal awareness and
sensitivities, understanding certain bodies of cultural knowledge, and mastering a set of skills that, taken
together, underlie effective cross-cultural teaching and culturally responsive teaching.
Cultural competence doesn't occur as a result of a single day of training, or reading a book, or taking a course. Educators become culturally
competent over time, but researchers suggest some places to start.
Main Issues
We all have a culture that shapes us personally and professionally. According to NEA's C.A.R.E. Strategies for Closing the Achievement Gaps,
"Culture is the sum total of experiences, knowledge, skills, beliefs, values, and interests represented by the diversity of students and adults in our
schools. While culture is often defined and perceived by schools as the celebration of important people, religions, traditions, and holidays, as well
as an appreciation of the customs of different groups, it is also more than that. Culture is as much, or as little, as the everyday experiences, people,
events, smells, sounds, and habits of behavior that characterize students' and educators' lives. Culture
shapes a person's sense of
who he or she is and where he or she fits in the family, community, and society."
Understanding our culture is important so that we understand how we interact with individuals from
cultures that are different from ours. This understanding helps us see our students and their families
more clearly, and shape policies and practice in ways that will help our students to succeed.
There are five basic cultural competence skill areas. They apply to individual educators as well as the schools they work in
and the educational system as a whole. Growth in one area tends to support growth in another (Adapted
from Diller and Moule, Cultural Competence: A Primer for Educators, Thomson Wadsworth 2005):
Valuing Diversity. Accepting and respecting differencesdifferent cultural backgrounds and customs, different ways of communicating,
and different traditions and values.
Being Culturally Self-Aware. Culturethe sum total of an individual's experiences, knowledge, skills, beliefs, values, and interests
shapes educators' sense of who they are and where they fit in their family, school, community, and society.
Dynamics of Difference. Knowing what can go wrong in cross-cultural communication and how to respond to these situations.
Knowledge of Students' Culture. Educators must have some base knowledge of their students' culture so that student behaviors can be
understood in their proper cultural context.
Institutionalizing Cultural Knowledge and Adapting to Diversity. Culturally competent educators, and the institutions
they work in, can take a step further by institutionalizing cultural knowledge so they can adapt to diversity and better serve diverse populations.
Strategies
Culturally responsive teaching is how instructional staff (and schools) demonstrateor implementtheir cultural competence. Geneva Gaye, in
her essential text, Culturally Responsive Teaching: Theory, Research and Practice, published by Teachers College Press in 2000, defines
culturally responsive teaching as using the cultural knowledge, prior experiences, and performance styles of diverse students to make learning
more appropriate and effective for them; it teaches to and through students' strengths.
According to researchers at Brown University, culturally responsive teaching is characterized by:

Communicating high expectations
Learning within the context of culture
Culturally-responsive curriculum
Teachers as facilitators
Student-centered instruction
Positive perspectives on parents and families.
Culturally competent teachers are able to be more effective to students in the

classroom
NEA 08 (The National Education Association (NEA), the nation's largest professional employee
organization, is committed to advancing the cause of public education. NEA's 3 million members work at
every level of educationfrom pre-school to university graduate programs. NEA has affiliate
organizations in every state and in more than 14,000 communities across the United States. July 2, 2008,
Teacher Training, http://www.nea.org/tools/30402.htm )
Diversity Toolkit: Cultural Competence for Educators Found in: Teaching Strategies Share722 Main
Issues Strategies Cultural competence is the key to thriving in culturally diverse classrooms and schools -
and it can be learned, practiced, and institutionalized to better serve diverse students, their families, and
their communities. Cultural competence is the ability to successfully teach students who come from a
culture or cultures other than our own. It entails developing certain personal and interpersonal awareness
and sensitivities, understanding certain bodies of cultural knowledge, and mastering a set of skills that,
taken together, underlie effective cross-cultural teaching and culturally responsive teaching. Cultural
competence doesn't occur as a result of a single day of training, or reading a book, or taking a course.
Educators become culturally competent over time, but researchers suggest some places to start. Main
Issues We all have a culture that shapes us personally and professionally. According to NEA's C.A.R.E.
Strategies for Closing the Achievement Gaps, "Culture is the sum total of experiences, knowledge, skills,
beliefs, values, and interests represented by the diversity of students and adults in our schools. While
culture is often defined and perceived by schools as the celebration of important people, religions,
traditions, and holidays, as well as an appreciation of the customs of different groups, it is also more than
that. Culture is as much, or as little, as the everyday experiences, people, events, smells, sounds, and
habits of behavior that characterize students' and educators' lives. Culture shapes a person's sense of who
he or she is and where he or she fits in the family, community, and society." Understanding our culture is
important so that we understand how we interact with individuals from cultures that are different from
ours. This understanding helps us see our students and their families more clearly, and shape policies and
practice in ways that will help our students to succeed. There are five basic cultural competence skill
areas. They apply to individual educators as well as the schools they work in and the educational system
as a whole. Growth in one area tends to support growth in another (Adapted from Diller and Moule,
Cultural Competence: A Primer for Educators, Thomson Wadsworth 2005): Valuing Diversity.
Accepting and respecting differencesdifferent cultural backgrounds and customs, different ways
of communicating, and different traditions and values. Being Culturally Self-Aware. Culturethe
sum total of an individual's experiences, knowledge, skills, beliefs, values, and interestsshapes
educators' sense of who they are and where they fit in their family, school, community, and society.
Dynamics of Difference. Knowing what can go wrong in cross-cultural communication and how to
respond to these situations. Knowledge of Students' Culture. Educators must have some base knowledge
of their students' culture so that student behaviors can be understood in their proper cultural context.
Institutionalizing Cultural Knowledge and Adapting to Diversity. Culturally competent educators, and the
institutions they work in, can take a step further by institutionalizing cultural knowledge so they can adapt
to diversity and better serve diverse populations. Strategies Culturally responsive teaching is how
instructional staff (and schools) demonstrateor implementtheir cultural competence. Geneva Gaye, in
her essential text, Culturally Responsive Teaching: Theory, Research and Practice, published by Teachers
College Press in 2000, defines culturally responsive teaching as using the cultural knowledge, prior
experiences, and performance styles of diverse students to make learning more appropriate and effective
for them; it teaches to and through students' strengths. According to researchers at Brown University,
culturally responsive teaching is characterized by: Communicating high expectations Learning within the
context of culture Culturally-responsive curriculum Teachers as facilitators Student-centered instruction
Positive perspectives on parents and families.
Cultural competence allows teachers to become aware of racist stigmas surrounding

the school environment and opens the door for discussion
Romo 16 (Vanessa Romo is a freelance education reporter based in Los Angeles. She has written
for LA School Report, TakePart, Southern California Public Radio, NPR, Marketplace, and the California
Report., How to Change white Teachers Lenses, http://www.slate.com/authors.vanessa_romo.html,
June 7, 2016)
How to Change White Teachers Lenses Americas students are now majority-minority, but its teachers
are not. Thats why they need to be culturally competent. By Vanessa Romo LOS ANGELESWhen
she began teaching a class of second-graders in South Los Angeles in 2002, Amy Davis expected shed
occasionally hit snags with issues like lesson planning. But she figured shed have little trouble relating to
her mostly low-income black and Latino students. After all, she was raised nearby, in a household headed
by a single mother who for years survived on welfare and food stamps. Like her students, Davis knew
what it was like to grow up poor. But Davis, who is white, struggled to connect with several of the
childrenparticularly a 7-year-old black student named Patrick. If Patrick came to school in good spirits,
Davis day generally went smoothly. But if he showed up in a sullen or angry mood, Davis knew there
was a good chance he would derail her plans for the class. She couldnt control his meltdowns, which
could be triggered by both his classmates and his schoolwork. On those days, shed often end up crying
throughout the car ride home. It took months of worrying, and the advice of a veteran colleague in the
classroom next door, for Davis to have an epiphany: Despite her own experiences as a child, she was
now, unlike her students, a firmly established member of the middle class. The leap from economic
insecurity to stability had created an inevitable chasm. Davis, now 48, marks that moment as the
beginning of her efforts to become a more culturally competent teacher, someone who strives to
understand where her students are coming fromliterally and metaphorically. In the most basic terms,
Davis represents the quintessential American teacher: white, middle-class, female. But where Davis
approaches teaching as a social-justice mission, and has painstakingly worked to build influential
relationships with her students, countless other well-intentioned educators never succeed in forging
similar bonds. Yet they are charged with changing lives and boosting test scores in some of the nations
poorest and most struggling schools. Its a disconnect thats raising alarms for educators and parents alike
at a time when minority children now account for more than half of all students in public schools and the
teacher workforce remains more than 80 percent white. And so teacher-training programs are increasingly
trying to figure out how to bridge this divide. The goal is to help make teachers more aware of their own
biases and enable them to understand more fully their students lives outside of the classroom. In recent
years, training programs focused on cultural competency have proliferated. Davis alma mater, University
of California, Los Angeles Graduate School of Education and Information Studies, created the Center X
in 1992 following the Los Angeles riots, with the mission of transforming teachers into social justice
educators in urban settings. And newly certified teachers heading into the Houston Independent School
District, where more than 60 percent of teachers are white (while nearly 70 percent of students are not)
are now automatically enrolled in a series of courses designed to help them address the diverse needs of
the citys public school students. Among the topics covered are how-tos for effective communication
between schools and families and guided instruction on addressing misunderstanding in the classroom.
Teach for America also launched a pilot program, Education for Justice, that helped college seniors
interested in teaching learn more about culturally relevant instructionthough the organization recently
ended the pilot as part of a broader reorganization. Becoming a culturally competent white teacher means
a lot more than setting a few Shakespeare sonnets to a hip-hop beat. It certainly takes more than a plucky
attitude and tireless will to buck the system, the way we often see it depicted in movies featuring
attractive white educators who swoop into rough low-income neighborhoods and save their hard-to-reach
students, like Michelle Pfeiffer in Dangerous Minds. When pursued with genuine commitment, its really
about removing the white, middle-class lens through which brown and black children are often judged.
Becoming a culturally competent white teacher takes more than a plucky attitude and tireless will to buck
the system. While these programs vary in focus and durationthey can range from several weeks to two
yearsthey all focus on producing educators with an awareness of personal and institutional biases, and a
willingness to immerse themselves in the communities where they will work. For instance, Teach for
Americas Education for Justice program included a yearlong virtual course. Students were asked to
shadow a student for a day, interview a parent, and plan and deliver a culturally relevant lesson that was
recorded and analyzed. The purpose of the exercises was to provide authentic and humanizing
interactions that help prepare college seniors of all backgrounds for the diversity of the classroom, says
Jamie Jenkins, former managing director of pre-corps development for TFA. Despite recently eliminating
several high-level positions, including TFAs chief diversity officer and 15 percent of its national staff,
TFA is designing a three-year plan to scale up the lessons learned through Education for Justice, which,
until this year, reached only about 1 percent of corps members. The first step toward becoming a
culturally sensitive teacher is understanding ones own culture, says Gloria Ladson-Billings, author of
The Dreamkeepers: Successful Teachers of African American Children who coined the term culturally
relevant pedagogy and is a professor at the University of WisconsinMadisons School of Education. She
says many of her (mostly white, middle-class, and young) student teachers are oblivious to their own
cultural practices. To change that, she assigns a daily journal in which would-be teachers record their
routines for a week, including meals, study habits, and TV consumption. After a handful of days they
begin to share their seemingly mundane records with the class. But Ladson-Billings says, without fail, at
the end theyre shocked that not everybody is just like them. One mistake white teachers often make is
conflating culture or race with social class, says Ladson-Billings. Several years ago, a student teacher
made the observation that most of her students came from single-parent householdscalling that a
common phenomenon within black culture. Ladson-Billings calmly corrected her, explaining that
single-parent households became much more common among poor black families in the 1960s, after the
federal government revised the Aid to Families with Dependent Children programthe chief instrument
of welfareto exclude two-parent households from receiving financial assistance. I was able to change
that young teachers mind in one conversationprobably something she believed her whole life,
Ladson-Billings says. The University of Wisconsin is one of a number of programs that weaves social
policy history into its teacher-training coursework. That means teaching how housing policies have
helped shape public school systems since the beginning of the 20th century and how racial segregation
has lingered in school systems. Ladson-Billings believes everyone has the capacity to become a culturally
competent teacher. But she says it can be challenging for white educators because they fear conversations
about their own whiteness and privilegeand the advantages they do not share with their students. Her
trainees think they are, in their words, just normal. So what does that make everybody else? she
scoffs. It makes them other. While her trainees appear to understand the damaging effects of that
attitude toward children of color, Ladson-Billings encourages young teachers to treat their newfound
wisdom like a delicate plant requiring ample nurturing and care. What I do is just plant the seed. Its up
to them to continue to care for it, she says. When she was 3, Davis and her mother moved from New
Orleans to South Central L.A. They lived on welfare and food stamps for several years until her mother
went back to school and earned a bachelors degree. After her mother landed an administrative job with
the school district, they made the leap from poor to kind of middle-class, says Davis. As a child, Davis
was one of just a smattering of white students at 61st Street Elementary, a predominantly black school
where Davis skin color was never discussed. But shortly before middle school, she was forced into the
districts court-mandated busing program and began making an hourlong journey into the San Fernando
Valley. The transition was painful. It was the first time I was surrounded by mostly white people and I
didnt fit in, she says. Other girls mocked the way she dressed and talked. They said I tried to act black.
That I sounded black. That I was a wannabe. Only a few months into the school year, Davis begged
her mother to enroll her in private schoolby then a financial possibility. That set her on a path to Mount
St. Marys, a womens college in L.A.s tony Brentwood neighborhood. As a college student, Davis
began working for a telecommunications company, rising through the ranks from a part-time customer
service representative in her teens to an executive in her early 30s. By then, she owned a modest two-
bedroom house in a mostly white suburb of L.A. In her early 20s, one of Daviss bosses, an older white
woman, had told her to stop talking like a black girl, so she resolved to start talking white, she says. It
wasnt so much what she said but how she said it. The cadence of Daviss speech still followed the
patterns of African American Vernacular, which shed picked up as a child. She would often drop the
hard consonant sounds at the end of words. So spent became spen. It took Davis at least three years of
teaching in South L.A. before she began to feel truly confident in her relationships with her students and
their families. Without explicitly saying so, Davis boss sent an old but familiar message: Sounding black
is bad. Although at the time she was a little ashamed and hurt, Davis now views the experience as an early
lesson in how not to be culturally competent: stating or implying that someones language, race, or culture
are somehow wrong. And as fond as she is of her old boss, Davis is certain that none of her black
colleagues were encouraged to change their speechnor were they offered the same professional
opportunities. I had doors opened for me even when I didnt have as much experience as my African
American counterparts, Davis says. After 15 years, Davis left the corporate world when her company
asked her to relocate to Chicago. A single mother with a son on the cusp of high school, she was daunted
by the upheaval of moving to a new city. She decided to become a teacher. In the late 1990s, the Los
Angeles school district faced a severe teacher shortage. Anyone with a bachelors degree could teach with
an emergency credential or proof of enrollment in a teacher-training program. Davis applied to UCLAs
teacher credentialing program. Six weeks later, she found herself back in South L.A., a few miles from
her childhood home, underprepared and standing in front of a room full of second-graders. After struggles
with students like Patrick forced Davis to recognize her relative economic security and racial privilege,
she began devoting much more time to understanding the home lives of her students. She stopped taking
it for granted that most of the children got a good nights sleep, had their own beds to sleep in, and ate
enough before arriving at school. With Patrick, she began scheduling regular phone calls with his mother.
I had to cultivate that relationship, but when he found out we talked almost once a week, he started
changing his behavior, Davis says. It took Davis at least three years of teaching in South L.A. before she
began to feel truly confident in her relationships with her students and their families. She sought advice
from veteran mentor teachers and signed up for as many professional development sessions as she could
fit into her schedule. She learned to scour catalogs for books featuring black American and Latino
protagonists that looked like her students. She adopted classroom management techniques that didnt
disproportionately single out black boys, an unfair but common practice in urban schools. And she
figured out how to talk to her students about the beauty and linguistic variations of the language they
spoke at homeusually African American Vernacular
Cultural competence allows for solution suggestions that can help marginalized students cope with
their realities
LEVY Et Al Professor of Psychology @ Northwestern University 2k16

Dorainne J. Psychological and Biological Responses to Race-Based Social Stress as Pathways to Disparities in Educational Outcomes
American Psychologist 2016 American Psychological Association 2016, Vol. 71, No. 6, 455473
In addition to these shifts in psychological connection with the academic domain, recent work has begun to examine the
effects of how individuals manage their emotional reactions to race-based stressors on any
number of important outcomes. Across a broad range of psychological stressors, research suggests that
certain emotion regulation strategies (e.g., cognitive reappraisal) lead to more adaptive
emotional, cardiovascular, and cognitive stress responses compared with other emotion
regulation strategies (e.g., expressive suppression or rumination; Gross, 2002; Jamieson, Nock, & Mendes,
2012; Webb, Miles, & Sheeran, 2012). Reappraisal involves the reframing or reinterpretation of anxiety
and/or physiological stress responses in a more positive light (Gross, 2002; Jamieson et al., 2012) and has
been found to buffer the negative effects of stereotype threat. Johns, Inzlicht, and Schmader (2008) found, for instance, that
stigmatized college students who were told that anxiety helps performance on certain tasks
prior to completing math and working memory tasks performed better than individuals who
did not receive the reappraisal instructions or those who were told to suppress their
emotions. Researchers posit that engaging in this type of reappraisal reduces the burden of
stereotype threat on working memory, thereby reducing negative performance outcomes
(Inzlicht & Kang, 2010; Schmader, 2010). Consistent with this work, reappraisal has been found to boost working memory and
improve reading comprehension among middle-school children (Autin & Croizet, 2012). Taken together, this work suggests that reappraisal in
response to race-based stressors might help to alleviate the negative impact of these experiences on
academic outcomes.
Impact
THERE IS A MORAL IMPERATIVE TO ALLEVIATE PSYCHOLOGICAL PAIN OF STUDENTS OF COLOR
Structural inequalities abound in the educational system that make the

achievement gap that favors white over ethnic minorities a daily reality. What is
just as bad is the psychological toll that racism takes on students of color stress to
perform well in order to not affirm negative stereotypes of ones group, these sorts
of stresses affect cognitive processes such as attention, memory, and executive
functioning, all of which are associated with academic achievement.

Since the landmark findings published in the Coleman Report in 1966 (Coleman et al., 1966), research has proliferated on the
topic of the educational disparities between Whites and disadvantaged racial/ethnic
minorities (e.g., Blacks and Latinos). Educational disparities between Whites and racial/ethnic minorities are
observed on a number of indicators, including test performance, high school graduation
rates, and college enrollment (Burchinal et al., 2011; Snyder & Dillow, 2012). Clearly, many factors affect
educational outcomes. Structural factors such as school and teacher quality have been
found to play a large role in influencing educational disparities between racial/ethnic
minorities and Whites (Boyd, Lankford, Loeb, Rockoff, & Wyckoff, 2008; Burchinal et al., 2011; Wiggan, 2007), but these
factors do not fully explain the achievement gap. In this article, we propose that psychological
stress associated with being a member of a racial/ethnic minority group, and the
psychological and biological responses elicited by that stress, may also contribute to the
achievement gap found between Whites and racial/ethnic minorities (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Key
race-based social stressors include perceived discrimination (the observation or
anticipation of unfair treatment based on race/ethnicity)1 and stereotype threat (the stress
of wanting to perform well to overcome negative expectations of ones racial/ethnic group;
Clark, Anderson, Clark, & Williams, 1999; Major & OBrien, 2005; Miller & Kaiser, 2001). Psychological and biological
responses to these stressors, in turn, have implications for motivation as well as basic
cognitive processes such as attention, memory, and executive functioning, all of which are
associated with academic achievement.

Perceptions of discrimination have their origins in encountered instances of discrimination as well as

the anticipation of discrimination that results from a history of past discrimination experiences (Pascoe &
Smart Richman, 2009). By adolescence, most members of stigmatized racial/ ethnic minority groups
are aware of discrimination in their environments (e.g., neighborhood) and in school settings (for
review, see Spears Brown & Bigler, 2005). For example, Fisher, Wallace, and Fenton (2000) found that Black and Latino
adolescents (between Ages 13 and 19) were more likely than their Asian and non-Hispanic White
peers to report being the victims of institutional discrimination. Such experiences with
discrimination are related to greater socioemotional difficulties, such as increased anger,
depressive symptoms, and conduct problems (Brody et al., 2006; Wong, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2003). Perceived
discrimination is associated with negative academic outcomes. Among Latino and Black adolescents, perceived
discrimination from teachers and/or expecting future discrimination are related to lower grades, less academic
motivation, lower academic success more generally, and less persistence when encountering an
academic challenge (Alfaro, Umaa-Taylor, Gonzales-Backen, Bmaca, & Zeiders, 2009; Eccles, Wong, & Peck, 2006; Neblett,
Philip, Cogburn, & Sellers, 2006; Stone & Han, 2005; Taylor et al., 1994) Stereotype threat occurs when individuals are wary of confirming
negative stereotypes held regarding their social identity group in important performance domains (see Steele, 2010, for a compelling review of
this body of work). Racial/ethnic minority students are susceptible to experiencing stereotype
threat in academic contexts, given their awareness of negative stereotypes that link their
racial/ ethnic identities to low intellectual ability (Steele et al., 2002). The activation of these
negative stereotypes leads to increased cognitive load, possibly related to efforts to suppress
these negative stereotypes and/or feelings of anxiety (Beilock, Rydell, & McConnell, 2007; Schmader, Johns, &
Forbes, 2008), which, in turn, undermines individuals ability to perform optimally on academic
and other cognitive tasks. In their classic study, Steele and Aronson (1995) found that Black students who were told that an exam
was diagnostic of intellectual capacity performed worse on the exam compared with Whites, but the same difference did not appear for Black
students who were told that the exam was not diagnostic of intellect. The negative effects of stereotype threat have
also been demonstrated in Latino students (Gonzales, Blanton, & Williams, 2002). These studies, bolstered by the rich body of
work in this area, suggest that making negative performance stereotypes salient can activate concerns about confirming those stereotypes, which
can be detrimental to performance.

Despite exposure to race-based stressors, extensive research finds that Black and Latino
adolescents and adults tend to have higher self-esteem relative to White adolescents and
adults (for reviews, see Gray-Little & Hafdahl, 2000; Twenge & Crocker, 2002). Although there are many causes of this differential, one
relevant factor in adolescence is the tendency for individuals to disengage their self-worth
or self-esteem from negatively stereotyped domains as a way of coping with group-based
discrimination or other group-based stressors (Major & OBrien, 2005; Steele et al., 2002). In the academic
domain, for instance, this can take the form of racial/ethnic minority students devaluing or
discounting performance feedback on tests (Crocker & Major, 1989; Schmader, Major, & Gramzow, 2001). For example, Taylor
and colleagues (1994) found that Black adolescents who were more aware of discrimination were more
likely to perceive education as less important, and consequently showed more
disengagement from their schoolwork compared with their peers who were less aware of discrimination.
The accumulation of these stressful experiences and subsequent efforts to cope can
ultimately lead to complete disidentification with the domainthat is, removing ones self-
worth from an academic domainwhich undermines the motivation to perform well in the
domain (Major & OBrien, 2005; Steele et al., 2002). In other words, although these coping responses may protect
self-esteem in the face of negative stereotypes, they can also come at the cost of
aspirations, motivation, and persistence in the academic domain (see Figure 1, Psychological and
Biological Stress Responses box, bottom left), ultimately affecting performance and educational attainment.

Biological responses to stress are characterized by multiple changes in stress-sensitive

biological systems, including autonomic nervous system activation, increased activation of
the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis, and modulation of immune system activity (McEwen, 1998; G. E. Miller,
Chen, & Zhou, 2007; G. E. Miller, Cohen, & Ritchey, 2002; Seeman, Singer, Rowe, Horwitz, & McEwen, 1997). These physiological responses
are thought to occur when perceived stress overwhelms the perceive availability of coping resources (for review see Lazarus, 1991). Activation of
the HPA axis, as indicated by increases in its primary hormonal product, cortisol, as well as cardiovascular reactivity, indicated by
increases in blood pressure and heart rate, have been found to occur in response to race-based stress
(Clark et al., 1999). Sleep is another system that is highly sensitive to stress, including race-based social stress
(kerstedt, 2006; Kim & Dimsdale, 2007). We focus here on changes in HPA axis activity and sleep, given that each of these two
systems is sensitive to race-based social stress, has been found to vary by race/ethnicity, and is known to impact
educational outcomes by way of their effects on critical cognitive processes such as attention, memory, and
executive functioning (see Figure 1, Psychological and Biological Stress Responses box, right side). Though few studies directly trace the full
pathways from race-based stress to physiological reactivity to detriments in academic performance, we argue that there is compelling
evidence that these stress response systems contribute to the negative academic outcomes that arise
in the wake of race based stress (Mendes & Jamieson, 2012).
AT: Cap
THE COLOR OF CAPITALISM
Students of color are more likely to be in a lower socio-economic bracket than their
white counterparts which negatively impacts early educational success and their
final academic attainments in a myriad of ways. However, that is not the whole
story the psychological pain of racism that include but are not limited to awareness
of systemic, symbolic, collective, and individual racial prejudice, as well as shock,
fear, and mourning in response to racially motivated violence, are as important of
an explanation of the academic achievement gap as structural inequality.

We make the case that the effects of race-based stress on biological responses, including
changes in stress hormones and sleep processes, are important and particularly
understudied pathways to the emergence of racial/ethnic disparities in educational
achievement and attainment. We situate our investigation in the broader contexts of other
stressors (for example, stressors associated with socioeconomic status [SES]), relevant
developmental histories of stress, and individual and group differences in access to
resources, opportunity, and employment structures. These factors may either attenuate or
exacerbate the negative impact of race based stress on academic outcomes. A depiction of how
these processes could serve as pathways to disparities in educational and employment outcomes is shown in Figure 1, a model we are calling the
race-based disparities in stress and sleep in context model (RDSSC). Evidence for the RDSSC model will be elaborated in the sections that
follow Gaps in achievement are found both for race and by SES. Research and theory regarding the race-based
achievement gap, including the current article, typically consider lower academic achievement and lower levels of academic attainment found, on
average, among disadvantaged racial/ethnic minorities, with a particular focus on Blacks and
Latinos. For example, Burchinal and colleagues (2011) found in their longitudinal study that Black children
had lower reading and math scores in Grades 1, 3, and 5 compared with White children.
Similarly, Latino children tend to have lower reading and math scores when entering kindergarten, and
these differences persist through at least fifth grade (Reardon & Galindo, 2009). These differences are also found in
levels of academic attainment. Among 25- to 29-year-olds in 2011, the percentage of Blacks (88%) and Latinos
(71%) who had completed high school was lower than the percentage of Whites (94%) and Asians (95%; Snyder & Dillow, 2012).
Socioeconomic achievement gaps refer to differences in performance found between
children from families with higher versus lower SES circumstances, typically defined in this
literature according to parental occupation, education, and/or income levels (Sirin, 2005). For
example, students from lower SES backgrounds (e.g., lower family income and parental educational attainment) tend to have lower reading,
math, and science scores compared with students from higher SES backgrounds (Reardon, 2011; Sirin, 2005). Further, in 2009, children who
attended high-poverty schools (as defined by the percentage of students enrolled in free or reduced-price lunch) had lower National Assessment
of Educational Progress math and reading scores and reading achievement levels compared with students who attended low-poverty schools (Aud
et al., 2010). SES is a robust predictor of educational outcomes (e.g., Sirin, 2005), and recent research suggests that
the SES-based achievement gap (the achievement gap between high-income families at the 90th percentile of the income distribution and low-
income families at the 10th percentile of the income distribution) has not only widened since the mid-1970s, but is now twice as large as the
BlackWhite achievement gap (Reardon, 2011, 2013). Specifically, on both standardized reading and math scores, the SES-based achievement
gap has widened from roughly 0.9 of a standard deviation to approximately1.25 standard deviations, whereas the BlackWhite achievement gap
has narrowed from roughly 0.9 of a standard deviation to approximately 0.75 of a standard deviation (Reardon, 2013). The HispanicWhite
achievement gap in the elementary grades in standardized reading and math scores are similar to the BlackWhite achievement gap at 0.75 of a
standard deviation (Reardon & Galindo, 2009). Disadvantaged racial/ethnic minorities such as Blacks and
Hispanics are overrepresented among the lower social classes in the United States (Costello,
Keeler,&Angold,2001;Ratcliffe&McKernan,2010),and in high-poverty schools (Aud et al., 2010), which
might lead scholars to conclude that SES largely drives differences between disadvantaged
racial/ethnic minorities and Whites. Racial/ethnic disparities in educational achievement and attainment, however,
persist beyond the effects of SES (American Psychological Association [APA] Presidential Task Force on Educational
Disparities, 2012)that is, social class does not fully account for the racial/ethnic achievement
gap (Hedges & Nowell, 1999; Magnuson & Duncan, 2006; Sirin, 2005). Moreover, racial/ethnic minorities have
poorer academic achievement at every level of income, with disparities observed even at
higher levels of SES (Williams, 1999), and racial gaps in some academic outcomes (e.g., reading and
math) have remained stable or even widened since the early 1990s (Kao & Thompson, 2003; Neal, 2006). Taken together,
this work suggests that unique facets associated with race-based social experiences, that cannot be attributed
to SES, contribute to racial/ethnic disparities in educational achievement and attainment. We suggest
that race-based social stress may be one such factor. Complementing the extant research on
structural factors that influence racial/ethnic achievement gaps (e.g., Wiggan, 2007), recent work has
considered individual/psychological pathways that shape minority students academic
achievement. A growing body of research has linked race-based stressors such as perceived
discrimination and stereotype threat to racial/ethnic disparities in educational achievement and
attainment (see Stressors and Resourcesbox,left-handsideofFigure1;Steele, 2010; Steele, Spencer, & Aronson, 2002; Taylor, Casten,
Flickinger, Roberts, & Fulmore, 1994). Although we are focusing on these two sources of race-based stress in particular, because of their growing
evidence base, other sources of race related stress, such as awareness of systemic, symbolic, collective,
and individual racial prejudice, as well as shock, fear, and mourning in response to racially
motivated violence, should set in motion similar biological and psychological coping responses. In the following sections,
we highlight evidence that demonstrates the detrimental effects of race-based stress on educational
outcomes.
PERM DO THE AFF THEN THE K
The alt fails absent the affirmative default to the permutation. Being a racial
minority and having a lower social economic status creates a double disadvantage
for members of this category. No movements can be successful without those at
the bottom.

The presence of additional stressors, such as those correlated with low SES, are likely to increase the
overall levels of stress individuals face and may exacerbate the effects of race-based social stressors (e.g., Myers,
2009). Increased exposure to neighborhood stress, such as exposure to violence, pollution, and
toxins, and disturbances by neighbors (Ewart & Suchday, 2002; Steptoe & Feldman, 2001), in addition to daily life stressors, such
as higher levels of financial strain and associated increases in family conflict, may combine
additively or synergistically with race-based stressors to influence educational outcomes (see
Figure 1, Stressors and Resources box, right-hand side; Myers, 2009). For instance, low-SES racial/ ethnic minorities may
face a double disadvantage by being a member of a disadvantaged racial/ethnic minority
group and by living in areas of concentrated poverty (Farmer & Ferraro, 2005; Matthews & Gallo, 2011; Shavers,
2007). Specifically, in the context of academic achievement and attainment, low SES
racial/ethnic minority children are more likely to attend high-minority/high-poverty
schools that are more likely to be underfunded, have uncertified teachers, and have higher
teacher turnover rates (Arroyo, 2008; Burchinal et al., 2011; Uline & Tschannen-Moran, 2008). Furthermore, low-SES
racial/ethnic minority youth might have trouble envisioning an academically successful
future self because of a lack of successful minority group role models in low-SES contexts
(e.g.,Oyserman, Bybee,&Terry,2006;Oyserman&Destin,2010). This may cause students to be less academically
oriented and dedicate less time and resources to academically relevant tasks. These factors
are related to underperformance and, thus, are likely to contribute to the racial academic
achievement gap (Ronfeldt, Loeb, & Wyckoff, 2013).
Given that educational achievement and attainment disparities between racial/ethnic

minorities and Whites are also seen at higher levels of SES (Ferguson, 2002; Ferguson, 2001b; Williams,1999)
,racial/ethnic minority youth from higher SES backgrounds may also face unique psychosocial
stressors, not necessarily tied to structural constraints, that have bearing on educational
outcomes. Specifically, high-SES racial/ethnic minorities are more likely to report
experiences with discrimination compared with low-SES racial/ethnic minorities (e.g., P. B.
Jackson & Stewart, 2003; Kessler, Mickelson, & Williams, 1999). This might be in part because higher SES racial/ ethnic
minorities are likely to live in predominantly White neighborhoods and attend more
integrated schools with higher proportions of White peers and educators (Brody et al., 2006; Farmer &
Ferraro, 2005; Feagin & Sikes, 1995; Hamm, Bradford Brown, & Heck, 2005; Williams, 1999). Although research suggests that racial/ethnic
minorities derive many educational benefits by attending more racially diverse schools (APA Presidential Task Force on Educational Disparities,
2012; Rosenbaum, Fishman, Brett, & Meaden, 1992), the racial/ethnic minority students in these schools might also be exposed to more
interpersonal discrimination from educators and peers alike (Ferguson, 2003; Hughes, Gleason, & Zhang,
2005; McKown & Weinstein, 2008; Rosenbaum et al., 1992; Sellers, Copeland-Linder, Martin, & Lewis, 2006). The increased
exposure to discrimination, coupled with a lack of access to important social networks that
can mitigate the negative effects of discrimination (Colen, Geronimus, Bound, & James, 2006; Hudson, 2015;
Lareau, 2011), might contribute to elevated stress and racial/ethnic disparities in attainment
among middle- and high-income groups. The specific combination of stressors and available
resources (appraised and actual) determines the extent to which individuals experience stress (Perceived Stress box, middle
of Figure 1), which has important downstream impacts on psychological and biological outcomes
that, in turn, affect academic outcomes. Specifically, the ways in which individuals respond
to race-based stressors, either in terms of their psychological and biological responses, can
either attenuate or exacerbate negative outcomes such as poor academic performance (e.g., Steele et al., 2002). Although many of the
psychological and biological responses described here also occur for (and may be
exacerbated by) non-race-based sources of stress, our review focuses on how responses to race-based
stress in particular may contribute to disparities in academic achievement and attainment.
t curriculum
we meet
We meet curriculum and formal instruction (also included in solvency below)

Bonner et al. 17
Patricia J. Bonner, PhD, served as faculty and administrator at Azusa Pacific University for 29 years and is currently professor emerita in the
School of Education. She has presented and published in the areas of culturally responsive teaching, diversity in education, multicultural
education, parental roles in education, self-regulated learning, and self-determination theory. Susan R. Warren, PhD, director of Diversity
Programs at Azusa Pacific University, served 22 years as a PK-12 teacher/principal and directed MA programs in schools of education for 15
years. She has presented and published on topics of equity, social justice, teacher and multicultural education, school reform, and family
engagement. Ying Hong Jiang, PhD, is a professor in the doctoral studies in education leadership department in the School of Education of Azusa
Pacific University. Her main research interests include culturally responsive teaching and cross-cultural studies of covariates of self-regulated
learning strategies in K-12 settings. Voices From Urban Classrooms: Teachers Perceptions on Instructing Diverse Students and Using
Culturally Responsive Teaching. pgs. 4-6. June 15, 2017. http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0013124517713820. Yoest.
Curriculum that is culturally diverse and accessible to students is additionally critical for their
success . Effective teaching and learning for diverse students must allow all students access to knowledge that is regarded as high quality and
prestigious with a guarantee that they become literate in the core subjects. Curriculum, the resource of CRT, should be
multicultural and accurately recognize the worth of the knowledge various ethnic groups have
contributed. Culturally competent teachers ensure that the curriculum is meaningful and relevant
to students lives and that they are included in curriculum decision-making (Gay, 2010). Finally, CRT
acknowledges the importance of incorporating aspects of the cultural systems of diverse groups into instruction. Instruction, the praxis of CRT,
addresses the dialectic discourse, interaction, and engagement of students and teachers throughout the teaching and learning processes. Academic
achievement improves when the processes of teaching correspond with the learning styles (participation, thinking, mental schemata), work habits,
Culturally competent teachers ensure that instructional
and experiences that diverse students bring to the classroom.
processes are congruent with the learning styles, cultural orientations, and experiences of their
marginalized students and create learning spaces for this to occur (Gay, 2010).
at: federalism da
federalism thumpers
Non unique Trump violating federalism now with sanctuary cities

Quigley 7/19/17 (Aidan Quigley is an intern at Newsweek Trump administration to send thousands of
ice agents to target sanctuary cities http://www.newsweek.com/trump-administration-ice-target-
sanctuary-cities-immigration-enforcement-639256 FM)
The Trump administration is planning on targeting so-called sanctuary cities for additional scrutiny by
allocating more agents and resources to those cities. Thomas Homan, the acting director of Immigration
and Customs Enforcement, told the Washington Examiner Tuesday that border crossings have plummeted while arrests and demands
for removal of undocumented criminals from localities have increased 80 percent since Trump entered office. Homan also criticized
sanctuary cities, which he called ludicrous. In the America I grew up in, cities didn't shield people who violated the law," he
told the Examiner. The president recognizes that you've got to have a true interior enforcement strategy to
make it uncomfortable for them. Sanctuary cities are localities that do not fully cooperate with federal efforts to enforce
immigration laws. Often, these localities do not let ICE agents into local jails to detain undocumented immigrants who have committed crimes.
Sanctuary cities include New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, San Francisco and Austin, Texas. Actually, cities like Austin are safer and have
better economies, Austin Mayor Steve Adler tells Newsweek in a statement Wednesday. ICE should be figuring out why thats true and
applying those lessons. Proponents of sanctuary cities argue sanctuary status increases trust between undocumented immigrants and police,
making them feel safe to report crimes and speak out as witnesses. Opponents argue localities should comply with federal immigration laws.
ICE plans on hiring 10,000 more agents, Homan told the Examiner. He said he believed sanctuary cities would create
more fear in immigrant communities as ICE agents would have to track down criminal and fugitive undocumented immigrants at their homes or
workplaces. "What I want to get to is a clear understanding from everybody, from the congressmen to the politicians to law enforcement to those
who enter the country illegally, that ICE is open for business. We're
going to enforce the laws on the books without
apology. We'll continue to prioritize what we do. But it's not OK to violate the laws of this country
anymore. You're going to be held accountable," he added. This crackdown on sanctuary cities lines up with
Trumps prioritization of immigration during his campaign. The president has also spoke in support of Kates Law, which
increases the penalties for those who are deported and attempt to return to the United States.
Uniqueness overwhelms the link Trump is worse then Obama with states rights
Will 5/10/17 (George Will is an opinion writer in DC for The Washington Post Trumps violations of
federalism would make Obama jealous https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/trumps-violations-of-
federalism-would-make-obama-jealous/2017/05/10/7cf6b5d6-34dd-11e7-b4ee-
434b6d506b37_story.html?utm_term=.713c970dd851 FM)
Southey, a pacifist, wrote his antiwar poem long after the 1704 battle for which the Duke of Marlborough was awarded Blenheim Palace, where
his great-great-great-great-great-great-grandson Winston Churchill would be born. We, however, do not need to wait 94 years to doubt whether
the Trump administrations action against sanctuary cities is much ado about not much. Four months have sufficed to reveal twas a
constitutionally dubious gesture. The
executive order was perpetrated in a helter-skelter, harum-scarum, slapdash
manner five days after the inauguration, before the administration was humming like a well-tuned
Lamborghini. The order says that sanctuary cities have caused immeasurable harm to the very fabric
of our republic, a thunderous judgment offered without evidence of the shredded fabric or even a
definition of sanctuary city. They are cities that limit the cooperation of local law-enforcement personnel with federal immigration
enforcement efforts. There are defensible reasons for some non-cooperation: e.g., preserving cooperative relations between local police and
immigrant communities, which facilitates crime-fighting. But many such cities anoint themselves sanctuaries as an act of self-congratulatory
virtue-signaling and to pander to immigrant communities. The executive order is either a superfluous nullity or it is
constitutional vandalism. It says cities that fail to comply with applicable federal law shall not receive federal funds, except as
mandated by law. A U.S. district judge in Northern California has held that the executive order is toothless if it pertains to merely a few
federal grants, and even they do not unambiguously state in their texts that funding is conditional on active cooperation with federal immigration
enforcement. If, however, the order extends to other federal grants, it violates the separation of powers: The spending power is vested in
Congress, so presidents cannot unilaterally insert new conditions on funding. Several senior White House officials, operating in pre-Lamborghini
mode, denounced this judges decision as another excess by the much-reversed U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit. Actually,
although this court might hear an appeal of the judges decision, it had nothing to do with the decision.
During remarks at an event on April 29 to mark his 100 days in office, President Trump said his administration is taking the fight to "criminal
gangs and that means taking the fight to the sanctuary cities that shield these dangerous criminals from removal." (The Washington Post) It
is
federal law that a state may not prohibit, or in any way restrict, any government entity or official from
sending to, or receiving from, the Immigration and Naturalization Service information regarding the
citizenship or immigration status, lawful or unlawful, of any individual. This does not, however, prevent
any government entity from voluntarily withholding information. Furthermore, the Supreme Court has held
that the 10th Amendment (The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are
reserved to the states respectively, or to the people) means that the federal government may not commandeer state
and local officials to enforce federal laws. The function of the anti-commandeering doctrine is, in the
words of Justice Antonin Scalia, the preservation of the states as independent and autonomous political
entities. Last Sunday, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott (R) signed legislation setting criminal and civil penalties
for state and local officials who refuse to comply with federal immigration laws and detention requests . As
policy, this may or may not be wise; as an exercise of the states police power, it is not constitutionally problematic. But regarding the federal
executive order, professor Ilya Somin of George Mason Universitys Antonin Scalia Law School says: Trumps order is
exactly the kind of high-handed federal coercion of states and undermining of separation of powers that
outraged conservatives under [President Barack] Obama. In fact, Obama did not go as far as Trump seems
to do here. Obama never claimed sweeping authority to impose new conditions on federal grants beyond
those specifically imposed by Congress. Neither the Trump administrations semi-demi-ukase against sanctuary cities, nor the
judges ruling against it, has significant discernible consequences. The executive order illustrates the descent of American
governance into theatricality. In the satirical British television series Yes, Prime Minister, a politician exclaims: Something must be
done, this is something, therefore we must do it. The executive order is barely anything at all, beyond, in the words of the Cato Institutes Ilya
Shapiro, just one more episode of Trumpian signaling. It is government inspired by Animal House, in which movie the character Otter says:
I think this situation absolutely requires a really futile and stupid gesture be done on somebodys part!
Trump violating federalism now voter fraud commission seen as infringing upon
states rights
Berman & Wagner 7/5 (Mark Berman covers national news for The Washington Post and anchors
Post Nation. John Wagner is a national political reporter covering the White House. Almost every state
resists Trumps voter fraud commission. Chicago Tribune. July 5, 2017. Accessed July 22, 2017.
<http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/politics/ct-most-states-resist-voter-fraud-
commission-20170705-story.html>) #LP
In a rare display of bipartisanship, officials in nearly every state have said they will partially or fully
refuse to comply with President Donald Trump's voting commission, which has encountered criticism and
opposition after issuing a sweeping request for voter data nationwide. Even as some of the resistance centers on Trump
and members of his commission, the broader responses from the states indicate a strong and widespread belief that
local officials should be managing elections and that the White House's request for volumes of
information went too far. "What it says is some Republicans actually still believe in federalism and that our
constitution still governs the way states hold their elections," still Rick Wilson, a longtime GOP strategist and frequent
Trump critic, who called the resistance by Republican state-level officials "commendable." He also pointed to the commission's origins in
Trump's repeated and unsubstantiated claims that voter fraud is widespread and cost him the popular vote last year. "If Trump's theory is
correct, that means these states allowed voter fraud to occur," Wilson said. "By definition, it will have to include a bunch of Republican states,
and they don't like that. ... Most elections in the states are run beautifully." The
resistance has swept across red and blue states
alike, drawing in Democratic critics of the president and Republicans uneasy about a broad federal request
they suggest intrudes on states' rights . It also casts a continued shadow over a probe Trump said could lead officials to
"strengthen up voting procedures." In his executive order, Trump said the group would issue a report identifying "vulnerabilities ... that could lead
to improper voter registrations and improper voting." Experts and voting-rights advocates called the group a "sham," saying they fear it will lead
to increased voting restrictions. It is unclear what the pushback against the recent requests could mean for the panel's ultimate report, expected in
2018. This unease has been notable for expanding beyond Democratic critics of the president and including Republicans such as Arizona
Secretary of State Michele Reagan, who called the commission's request a "hastily organized experiment," and Louisiana Secretary of
State Tom Schedler, who described it as "federal intrusion and overreach."
Asset forfeiture thumps

Somin 7/20 (Ilya Somin is Professor of Law at George Mason University. His research focuses on
constitutional law, property law, and the study of popular political participation and its implications for
constitutional democracy. Jeff Sessions attack on federalism and property rights. The Washington Post.
July 20, 2017. Accessed July 22, 2017. <https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/volokh-
conspiracy/wp/2017/07/20/jeff-sessions-attack-on-federalism-and-property-
rights/?utm_term=.a591dbbdec84>) #LP
Earlier this week, Attorney
General Jeff Sessions announced that the Justice Department is going to expand
asset forfeiture a badly flawed policy under which the government is allowed to confiscate the property
of people suspected of a crime, even in many cases where they are never charged, much less convicted. The new policy would
reinstate and expand a program under which the federal government adopts forfeiture cases initiated by
state and local law enforcement agencies, and then lets the state agency keep 80% of the proceeds through equitable sharing,
thus creating a strong financial incentive to pursue forfeiture cases. Sessions claims that the policy is needed to ensure that criminals are not
allowed to keep the proceeds of their crime. In reality, however, some 87% of federal asset forfeiture cases do not require any prosecution or
conviction. Often, authorities seize property they think might potentially have been used to commit a crime, even if the owner did not violate any
criminal laws himself. The opportunity to profit from the sale of forfeited assets creates perverse incentives to seize as much as possible. In recent
years, asset forfeiture has attracted widespread opposition on both right and left, because it undermines property rights, harms numerous innocent
people, and especially tends to victimize the poor and minorities, who often lack the resources to contest seizures. In many states, owners have
little opportunity to contest seizures, thereby enabling authorities to hold on to their seized property for months or even years, without so much as
a hearing. In my view, such practices violate the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, but the Supreme Court has yet to rule on the
issue. Justice Clarence Thomas also raised serious concerns about the constitutionality of asset forfeitures in a recent opinion. Sessions
expansion of asset forfeitures has already inspired a petition asking Congress to reverse it, joined by groups as varied as the ACLU, the libertarian
Institute for Justice (which has long been active on this issue), the NAACP, Americans for Prosperity, the Goldwater Institute, and others. In
2015, Obama attorney general Eric Holder instituted a new policy significantly curtailing, though by no means abolishing, equitable sharing.
Sessions has now reversed Holders policy, and fully reinstated equitable sharing. The situation might potentially get even worse than it was in
the pre-Holder era, because Sessions also seeks to expand the federal role in the War on Drugs, including even ramping up marijuana
prosecutions in states that have legalized it. The War on Drugs is a major source of federally-sponsored asset forfeitures. The restoration of
equitable sharing, combined with greater aggressiveness in the War on Drugs, will create many more opportunities for asset forfeitures, and
ensure the victimization of many more innocent people. In fairness, Sessions policy includes a few modest safeguards for property owners:
Volokh Conspiracy newsletter An independent voice on law and public policy. Sign up The Justice Department did include several requirements
that it says will safeguard the due process rights of property owners. The directives require state and local police to provide additional
information showing probable cause that a crime occurred before federal authorities will adopt the seizure. Seizures of under $10,000 will have to
be accompanied by a warrant, a related arrest, or the seizure of contraband. Absent those provisions, a U.S. attorney would have to sign off on an
adoption. I doubt these restrictions will do much to curb abuses. A showing of probable cause is a long way from actually convicting anyone of
a crime, and the alleged crime in question does not even have to be committed by the person whose property is seized. It is also notable that most
of the restrictions can be set aside if a US attorney decides to sign off on the adoption anyway. as conservative Republican Rep. Darrell Issa puts
it, Im glad that at least some safeguards will be put in place, but their plan to expand civil forfeiture is, really, just as concerning as it was
before. Radley Balko rightly points out that Sessions
new policy is a menace to federalism as well as property
rights. Many states have enacted reforms preventing law enforcement agencies from profiting from asset
forfeitures, thereby reducing incentives to seize the property of people who have not been convicted of
any crimes. Equitable sharing circumvents these state laws, by enabling police to profit from seizures
through payments funneled through the federal government. As a result, law enforcement agencies will have incentives to
prioritize drug cases that are likely to net them money over violent crime and other objectives that state governments might value more.
Control over the funding and priorities of state and local law enforcement is a core element of state
sovereignty. Sessions asset forfeiture policy is a frontal attack on it. Sadly, this undermining of
federalism is of a piece with his positions on sanctuary cities (where Sessions is a leading advocate of
Trumps efforts to undermine constitutional federalism in this area) and marijuana enforcement (where
Sessions wants to ride roughshod over states that have legalized pot). Sessions eagerness to sacrifice federalism and
property rights to the War on Drugs was entirely predictable, based on his longstanding record prior to becoming attorney general. It was among
the reasons why I urged the Senate to just say no to his nomination for the position of attorney general. At least for the moment, we are stuck
with Sessions. But hopefully it is not too late for the country to just say no to his ill-conceived asset forfeiture policy.
Non-Unique Trumps sanctuary city Executive Order already undermined

federalism
Somin 17 Ilya Somin is Professor of Law at George Mason University. His research focuses on
constitutional law, property law, and popular political participation. He is the author of "The Grasping
Hand: Kelo v. City of New London and the Limits of Eminent Domain" and "Democracy and Political
Ignorance: Why Smaller Government is Smarter." Why Trumps executive order on sanctuary cities is
unconstitutional 1/26/17 https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/volokh-
conspiracy/wp/2017/01/26/constitutional-problems-with-trumps-executive-order-on-sanctuary-
cities/?utm_term=.4ee614806de7, Papoutsis
Yesterday, President Donald Trump
signed an executive order denying federal funding to sanctuary cities
jurisdictions that choose not to cooperate with federal efforts to deport undocumented immigrants.
The order has serious
constitutional problems. Unless interpreted very narrowly, it is both unconstitutional and a very dangerous
precedent. Trump and future presidents could use it to seriously undermine constitutional federalism by forcing
dissenting cities and states to obey presidential dictates, even without authorization from Congress. The circumvention of Congress makes the
order a threat to separation of powers, as well. The
order indicates that sanctuary cities that fail to comply with
applicable Federal law do not receive Federal funds, except as mandated by law. More specifically, it mandates
that the Attorney General and the [Homeland Security] Secretary, in their discretion and to the extent consistent with law, shall ensure that
jurisdictions that willfully refuse to comply with 8 U.S.C. 1373 (sanctuary jurisdictions) are not eligible to receive Federal grants, except as
deemed necessary for law enforcement purposes by the Attorney General or the Secretary.Section 1373 mandates that a
Federal, State, or local government entity or official may not prohibit, or in any way restrict, any
government entity or official from sending to, or receiving from, the Immigration and Naturalization
Service information regarding the citizenship or immigration status, lawful or unlawful, of any
individual. There are two serious constitutional problems with conditioning federal grants to sanctuary cities on compliance with Section
1373. First, longstanding Supreme Court precedent mandates that the federal government may not impose
conditions on grants to states and localities unless the conditions are unambiguously stated in the text of the law so that the
States can knowingly decide whether or not to accept those funds. Few if any federal grants to sanctuary cities are explicitly conditioned on
compliance with Section 1373. Any such condition must be passed by Congress, and may only apply to new grants, not ones that have already
been appropriated. The executive cannot simply make up new conditions on its own and impose them on state and local governments. Doing
so undermines both the separation of powers and federalism.
federalism bad
Federalism will hurt minorities

Somin 16 (Ilya Somin, Ilya Somin is Professor of Law at George Mason University. His research
focuses on constitutional law, property law, and popular political participation. He is the author of "The
Grasping Hand: Kelo v. City of New London and the Limits of Eminent Domain" and "Democracy and
Political Ignorance: Why Smaller Government is Smarter.": The Washington Post, Federalism, the
Constitution, and sanctuary cities, November 26, 2016, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/volokh-
conspiracy/wp/2016/11/26/federalism-the-constitution-and-sanctuary-cities/?utm_term=.69a348fa6178)
President-elect Donald Trump has repeatedly promised to engage in large-scale deportation of undocumented immigrants. In order to accomplish that goal, he is likely to need the cooperation of
state and local governments, as federal law enforcement personnel are extremely limited. But numerous cities have sanctuary policies under which they are committed to refusing cooperation
with most federal deportation efforts. They include New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, Seattle, and other cities with large immigrant populations. Sanctuary cities refuse to facilitate deportation
both because city leaders believe it to be harmful and unjust, and because local law enforcement officials have concluded that it poisons community relations and undermines efforts to combat
violent crime. They also recognize that mass deportation would have severe economic costs. Under the Constitution, state and local governments have every right to refuse to help enforce federal
the Supreme Court has ruled that the Tenth

law. In cases like Printz v. United States (1997) and New York v. United States (1992),
Amendment forbids federal commandeering of state governments to help enforce federal law.
Most of the support for this anti-commandeering principle came from conservative justices such as the late Antonin Scalia, who wrote the majority opinion in Printz. Trump has said that he
intends to break the resistance of sanctuary cities by cutting off all of their federal funding. The cities might continue resisting even if they do lose some federal funds. But Trumps threat is not
as formidable as it might seem. Few if any federal grants to state and local governments are conditioned on cooperation with federal deportation efforts. The Supreme Court has long ruled that
conditions on federal grants to state and local governments are not enforceable unless they are unambiguously stated in the text of the law so that the States can knowingly decide whether or
Trump
not to accept those funds. In ambiguous cases, courts must assume that state and local governments are not required to meet the condition in question. In sum, the
administration cant cut off any federal grants to sanctuary cities unless it can show that those
grants were clearly conditioned on cooperation with federal deportation policies. The looming fight
over sanctuary cities is an example of how federalism and constitutional limitations on federal
power can sometimes protect vulnerable minorities in this case undocumented immigrants.
States and localities have a reputation for being enemies of minority rights, while the federal
government is seen as their protector. That has often been true historically. But sometimes the
situation is reversed a pattern that has become more common in recent years. Many deportation advocates claim it
is essential to enforce the law against all violators. But the vast majority of Americans have violated the law at some point in their lives, and few truly believe that all lawbreaking should be
punished, regardless of the nature of the law in question or the reason for the violation. And few have more defensible reasons for violating law than undocumented migrants whose only other
even if there is an obligation to enforce a particular law, it

option is a lifetime of Third World poverty and oppression. In any event,
does not follow that the duty falls on state and local governments. At this point, it is not yet clear how far Trump intends to push
his deportation agenda. Election exit polls suggest that mass deportation is not a popular policy, with 70% of the public believing that undocumented migrants working in the US should be
offered permanent residency, and only 25% indicating they should be deported. The spectacle of the federal government trying to deport large numbers of people in the face of local resistance is
unlikely to make good PR for the Trump administration. Perhaps that will lead them to scale back their ambitions. Should Trump choose to pursue a policy of mass deportation regardless of the
potential downsides, sanctuary cities can refuse to cooperate with it. And they will have the Constitution on their side. UPDATE: It is worth noting that if Congress were to pass a law stripping
sanctuary cities of all their federal funding unless they help facilitate federal deportation efforts, it would be unconstitutional under the Supreme Courts decisio n striking down the Obamacare
Medicaid expansion in NFIB v. Sebelius (2012), which forbids funding conditions so coercive that they amount to a gun to the head of a state or local government. While the exact limits of this
principle are debatable, denying a state all federal grants for the purpose of compelling cooperation with federal deportation policy surely qualifies, if anything does. At the very least, that would
be true for local governments that depend on federal funds for a substantial proportion of their budget.
at: state cp
no solvency
Federal education reform is better to solve

Schilling 17
Schiling, partner, TPG capital, 2017(John, national review, Dear Education-Reform Advocates: Go Big
and Bold on School Choice, july 21, 2017, http://www.nationalreview.com/article/449723/school-
choice-federal-education-tax-credit-include-private-faith-based-schools)
A defense of the federal education tax credit. My friend Lindsey Burke from the Heritage Foundation
is off base regarding a federal education tax credit and the tremendous benefit it could have for
millions of children across the country. The fact is, policy papers cant withstand contact with
policymakers. Groups on the ground doing the difficult work of building coalitions to pass legislation,
engaging in elections to create and defend school-choice-friendly legislative bodies, and making parents
aware of their educational options understand that strict allegiance to the policy paper doesnt get the job
done. The only aim for those of us fighting to expand school choice and supporting a federal education
tax credit is to give a lot more children access to the school of their parents choice. Millions of struggling
low-income and middle-class parents around the country are desperately seeking more and better
educational options. These families cant afford to wait for their neighborhood school to improve or for
some larger agenda to be achieved. For them, greater educational choice is an urgent need right now.
Nobody disputes that K12 education is a state and local issue. However, suggesting that a federal
education tax credit is unconstitutional is something we would normally hear from the teachers unions
that are vehemently opposed to school choice. Saying that it would lather regulations on states and
schools or homogenize the private-choice sector is like screaming fire in a crowded theater when theres
no smoke. A federal education tax credit would not be a federal program, no matter how anyone tries to
spin it. Education secretary Betsy DeVos has said that the administration has no intention of imposing
anything on states a view the majority in Congress shares making it clear that the feds wont be
doing any regulating of private schools, which is a state responsibility. In addition, corporate and
individual charitable contributions to in-state nonprofits that provide scholarships to children are private
money contributed voluntarily by taxpayers who would receive a federal tax credit. U.S. bans citizens
from visiting North Korea 00:20 00:57 The suggestion that faith-based schools could not participate in a
federal education tax credit is also inaccurate. No school-choice advocate or pro-school-choice
policymaker would ever support a proposal that prevented faith-based schools from participating or
would require private schools to change how they operate. Any federal education tax credit would
absolutely allow faith-based schools to participate, as they do now in every state, through a private-school
choice program. These schools are successfully educating millions of children every day. As two decades
of research has shown, children participating in a private-choice program most are in faith-based
schools are graduating and going on to college at much higher rates than do their peers at traditional
public schools. Saying that the administration should limit its support for school choice to select groups of
children is no better than the Obama administration saying that choice in K12 education should be
limited to public schools. There are children in every part of this country who want and deserve better
educational options, and parents should have the power to choose the educational environment that best
meets their childs needs. A well-designed federal education tax credit would empower parents and create
educational opportunity for children. It would not, contrary to what Ms. Burke suggests, create a new and
regulation-laden federal program. The real battle is between those who oppose choice in education and
those who see choice as an essential component of a more innovative and successful 21st-century K12
model. Full choice and public funding are embraced in higher education and pre-K. Why the continued
resistance to full choice in K12 education? What is public education really about? Why should it matter
whether a child is in a traditional public school, private school, magnet school, charter school, home
school, or personalized blend of learning environments? Opponents of school choice make wild and
unsubstantiated claims that private choice doesnt work. They tell us that only district-sponsored and
heavily regulated charter schools should be allowed to educate kids. We believe that what really matters
is giving every child, regardless of income or family circumstance, access to a high-quality education
freely chosen by his or her parents. Imagine how the lives of millions more children can be helped by a
great education attained through a federal education tax credit. Imagine the economic benefit to our nation
from another million children graduating high school and going to college a result that private-school
choice programs have proven they can produce. Imagine an improvement in surrounding public schools
as a result of greater choice. The greatest form of local control in education is giving the parents the
power to choose the best learning environment for their child. This used to be a universally recognized
and supported idea among education reformers. Rather than denounce the opportunity to facilitate an
expansion of school choice, reformers should embrace the opportunity to go big and bold.
State control of education doesnt work and cant solve

Stotsky 17
Stotsky, former senior associate commissioner at the Massachusetts Department of Elementary and
Secondary Education, is professor of education emerita at the University of Arkansas, 2017(Sandra, New
Boston Post, Is there anything common core gets right?, July 7, 2017,
http://newbostonpost.com/2017/07/07/is-there-anything-common-core-gets-right/)
Most books on public education in any country do not favor workforce preparation for all students in
place of optional high school curricula or student-selected post-secondary goals. Nor have parents in the
USA lauded Common Cores effects on their childrens learning or the K-8 curriculum. Indeed, few
observers see anything academically worthwhile in the standards funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates
Foundation and promoted by the organizations it has subsidized to promote them (e.g., the Thomas B.
Fordham Institute, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and Jeb Bushs Foundation for Educational
Excellence).
Joy Pullmanns The Education Invasion: How Common Core Fights Parents for Control of American
Kids (Encounter Books, 2017) is a recent addition to the critics side of the Common Core controversy.
Her purpose is to explain what Common Core is and how it got to be implemented in almost every public
classroom in almost every state in a remarkably short period of time (less than five years). She does so
chiefly from the perspective of the many parents and teachers she quotes.
Organized in seven chapters, her book describes how the Gates Foundation promoted and continues to
promote one extremely wealthy couples uninformed, unsupported, and unsupportable ideas on education
for other peoples children while their own children are enrolled in a non-Common Cored private school.
It explains how (but not exactly why) the Gates Foundation helped to centralize control of public
education in the U.S. Department of Education. It also explains why parents, teachers, local school
boards, and state legislators were the last to learn how the public schools their local and state taxes
supported had been nationalized without Congressional knowledge or permission; and why they were
expected to believe that their local public schools were now accountable for what and how they teach
not to the local and state taxpayers who fund them or to locally-elected school boards that by law are still
supposed to set education policies not already determined by their state legislature but to a distant
bureaucracy in exchange for money to their state department of education to close achievement gaps
between unspecified groups.
Overnight, teachers discovered they were accountable to anonymous bureaucrats for students scores on
tests these teachers had not developed or reviewed, before or after their administration. Amazingly, state
boards and governors believed all teachers were accountable to the federal education department despite
the fact that the federal government pays for only about 8 to 10 percent of the costs of public education on
average across states, and not for teachers or superintendents salaries.
The complex story of how sets of English language arts and mathematics standards (and, later, compatible
science standards) created by non-experts selected chiefly (so far as we know) by Gates got adopted
legally by mathematically- and scientifically-ignorant state boards of education is carefully told in a
relatively short book. What we miss are analyses of four crucial topics: the academic quality of Common
Cores standards, why they were adopted by mathematically-illiterate state boards of education, why
school choice doesnt address the problems in Common Cores standards, and how the peer review
process for approving a State Plan under the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA) ensures continuing
federal control of a states public schools.
The first topic is perhaps the most controversial aspect of the Common Core project the inferior
academic quality of its standards. The mission statement in the first documents released by the Common
Core project claimed that its English language arts and mathematics standards are designed to be
robust and relevant to the real world, reflecting the knowledge and skills that our young people need for
success in college and careers. Yet, curiously, there is no chapter in Pullmanns book on whether
independent academic experts in mathematics, science, or literary scholarship have ever judged its
college readiness standards and the tests aligned to them as robust. Pullmann does make it clear in a
subsequent blog post how Common Cores mathematics and English language arts standards limit if not
damage the education of all children, including those it claims to want to make college ready. But there
is no cogent discussion of this central issue in her book.
Second, since the Common Core standards were never judged by independent academic experts as
reflecting the knowledge and skills needed for success in college and careers, why did state boards of
education (often appointed by a governor) make a decision in 2010 to adopt them knowing that billions
would be needed to implement them, alter textbooks and other curriculum materials, prepare new
teachers, retrain practicing teachers, and, above all else, assess them, and that more billions would
eventually be needed for continuing implementation? Pullmanns book offers no analysis of this situation.
Case studies might shed light on why mathematically- and scientifically-illiterate state boards of
education across the country chose to adopt secondary mathematics standards (and, later, compatible
science standards) without a public meeting with academic experts at their own public universities. Why
did they think they could rely on the staff at their own departments of education or on a sales pitch from
organizations subsidized by the Gates Foundation, rather than on those who actually teach mathematics or
science at the post-secondary level to their own high school graduates?
Third, how does school choice address any of the problems with the Common Core project?
Pullmanns commendable effort to describe the spider web spun by two wealthy people to ensnare all the
nations children in their misconceived education agenda ends with a puzzling recommendation extolling
school choice, as if giving low-income parents a choice of school building or school management solves
the many problems that parents have had with Common Cores standards, tests, and data collection
activities. Where readers might expect suggestions for how states or school districts might escape or have
tried to escape from the spider web, we find, instead, a justification for school choice. It is common
knowledge that charter schools or vouchers for private schools (the forms in which school choice most
often occurs) are available chiefly to low-income parents and their children. No means test was used for
many of the original charter schools in the 1990s. But by 2017 it is quite clear that charter schools and
vouchers are to be designed for low-income children to help them escape failing schools.
If the entire system of public education is trapped in Common Cores spider web, what helps children of
low- to middle-income families (the bulk of those in our public schools) to escape the curriculum shaped
by its standards, state-mandated tests, and data collection activities in the schools they apparently must
attend unless they are homeschooled? How can charter schools (mostly public schools) escape the
Common Core net?
Fourth, despite the oft-stated intention of the Every Student Succeeds Acts major sponsor Senator
Lamar Alexander of Tennessee to reduce federal control of public education and restore some
modicum of control to state and local government, ESSA does not give parents or state/local taxpayers
any freedom to shape their own public school curriculum. Instead, it not only mandates that all states
must submit a State Plan to to the U.S. Department of Education in 2017 in order to get Title I and other
federal funds, ESSA also mandates that all State Plans must be approved by peer reviewers appointed by
a federal education department. (A State Plan, developed by a states unelected department of education,
indicates what the state will commit to for at least four years, regardless of cost, to address ESSAs many
requirements for closing achievement gaps, including the standards and tests it will use.) Even when
the current use of a variety of state tests (to judge by their titles) might suggest that federal education
officials would not be able to control the curriculum in all public schools in the country, there was no
public debate or media analysis of how the left hand took away what the right hand gave.
The deceptive strategies used by Rhode Island and Massachusetts in the past year to pretend they were/are
mandating better tests than those aligned to Common Cores standards (implying the K-12 curriculum
would be strengthened) give away the game embedded in ESSAs approved State Plan. The game
involving Common Core-aligned tests began in November 2015 when the Massachusetts Board of
Education agreed to a compromise on what to call a Common Core-aligned state test. It could choose
between a test called PARCC (Partnership for Assessment of Readiness for College and Careers, created
originally with Race to the Top funds as part of a U.S. Department of Education initiative) and a test
called MCAS (Massachusetts Comprehensive Assessment System) mandated in the 1993 Massachusetts
Education Reform Act and until 2010 based on the states pre-Common Core standards. By 2015, MCAS
was based solely on Common Cores standards, which the Board had adopted in 2010. The Boards
compromise was to call the one test it would henceforth give MCAS 2.0.
The compromise (over what to call a Common Core-aligned state test) grew out of controversy over the
use of Common Cores standards and the PARCC tests. In fact, a large statewide group consisting mainly
of parents had sought to place a question on the November 2016 ballot allowing voters to decide whether
they wanted to keep Common Cores standards and tests. Gates Foundation grants to the Massachusetts
Business Alliance for Education (over $400,000, according to an article in Bay State Parent) had enabled
the alliance, a small organization that had played NO role in the development of the states first-class pre-
Common Core standards, to hire Foley Hoag, a very expensive law firm in Boston, to challenge the
constitutionality of the question that the Massachusetts Attorney Generals office had declared in 2014
was constitutional. Justice Margot Botsford on the states Supreme Judicial Court agreed with Foley
Hoags peculiar legal reasoning that the release of used test items was unrelated to a tests transparency
and therefore took away the opportunity for the states voters to decide on the use of Common Cores
standards and tests. She declared unconstitutional the question that the Attorney Generals office had
declared constitutional a year earlier. In addition, she apparently persuaded her colleagues on the court to
follow her (and Foley Hoags) reasoning.
MCAS 2.0 tests were given to Bay State students in March and April 2017. At this time, Rhode Islands
Department of Education decided to adopt these tests in place of PARCCs tests, which had also been
used in Rhode Island, although there, too, they were disliked by parents. Even though MCAS 2.0 consists
mainly of PARCC test items and has been called PARCC in disguise, we do not know if Rhode Island
state officials really believe that tests called MCAS 2.0 resemble the original MCAS tests.
Unfortunately, they bear no resemblance. (Example: original MCAS tests featured four teacher-corrected
Open Responses at every tested grade level. The new test doesnt.) But Rhode Islands commissioner of
education and his staff have so far told Rhode Island parents little about the source of the test items in
MCAS 2.0. What is likely is that PARCCs sale of its test items to Rhode Island (and possibly to other
states in the future), on the deceptive grounds that tests called MCAS are different from tests known to be
aligned to Common Cores standards, would get PARCC out of its current financial hole.
More important, it would serve the Every Student Succeeds Acts goal of nationalizing public education
in this country. Other states may/might be encouraged by federal education officials peer reviewers to
commit to tests called MCAS in the future, with common test items developed by PARCC and pass/fail
scores determined by wizards behind a green curtain at the U.S. Department of Education all designed
to make parents everywhere think their state was using the original MCAS tests and the standards on
which they had been based.
There has been NO transparency about who if anyone has vetted the contents of Common Core-aligned
tests against the content of Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study tests in math and
science and who would determine the pass/fail scores for all performance levels of college readiness
tests in high school. As valuable as Pullmanns current book is, parents badly need a follow-up soon.
at: deschooling k
compulsory education good
Compulsory education is key to avoid high drop out rates empirics check
Oreopoulos 07 (Phillip Oreopoulos is Professor of Economics and Public Policy at the University of
Toronto. He received his Ph.D. from the University of California, at Berkeley and his M.A. from the
University of British Columbia. He is a Research Associate of the National Bureau of Economic Research
and Research Fellow at the Canadian Institute For Advanced Research, Do dropouts drop out too soon?
Wealth, health and happiness from compulsory schooling?, Journal of Public Economics, 2-5-07,
Accessed 7-24-17, http://oreopoulos.faculty.economics.utoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/Do-
dropouts-drop-out-too-soon.pdf)
Compulsory schooling laws affect those wanting to leave high school as soon as possible. Individuals
that go on to college are not likely to fall into this category. Therefore, as a check to the interpretation of
the results in Table 1, we can look to see if compulsory schooling laws have no estimated effect on those
with college.8 If we do estimate an effect, it could indicate that changes to other policies or economic
conditions are going on and that these changes are the real reasons behind the results. Column 3 and 6
show this is not the case, and the specification check holds. For the sample with more than 12 years of
schooling, none of the changes to the school-leaving age relate to their educational attainment or earnings.
Table 2 also presents parallel results for Canada. The results are similar to those from the U.S. extract.
High school grade attainment is 0.41 grades higher, on average, for those that faced a dropout age
of 14, compared to those that faced a lower age limit. Grade attainment is 0.23 years higher on top
of that, for the group of Canadian youths that faced a dropout age of 15 or 16.
at: community schools
Community Schools fail, instill poverty and encourage inequality. Typical public
schools solve
Spencer, 14 (The Uncomfortable Reality of Community Schools
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/article/the-uncomfortable-reality-of-community-schools/ Kyle
Spencer is a reporter who writes for PBS about education and co-producer of Separate and Unequal. 7-15-
14) ES
Students in East Baton Rouge Parish, La.
Neighborhood schools: Hard to take issue with such a wholesome concept,
right? Kids walking to school, backpacks slung over their shoulders. Unless your neighborhood is one of the thousands across
Americas blighted urban landscape, where kids, mostly minority and mostly poor, attend struggling
schools. Heres the uncomfortable reality surrounding todays neighborhood and community schools movement: More often than not these
schools are racially and economically segregated, and the parents who relish them are largely the middle
class and the rich. The impulse to want a neighborhood school for your children is understandable, says Warren
Simmons, executive director of The Annenberg Institute for School Reform at Brown University. But because schools in upper middle class, white neighborhoods are
often better performing than ones in poor African-American and Latino neighborhoods, he says, when
you promote them, you are essentially
promoting inequality. You are part of the problem, Simmons says, not part of the solution. But that is certainly not how
the leaders of community school movements across the country view their cause as we saw while reporting Separate and Unequal. In Baton Rouge, like in many
cities, parents say they are trying to reverse what even experts agree has been a flawed experiment in school desegregation. They say they are responding to
integration efforts that have failed their children even as those programs tried to correct longstanding racial injustices. Its about bringing community back to our
school systems and bringing schools back to our community, says Norman Browning, leader of the group, Local Schools for Local Children, which is based in St.
George, a mostly middle-class enclave on the southeastern edge of Baton Rouge. Brownings group has been behind an effort to break away from the East Baton
Rouge Parish School District and form a new independent school system. Browning says the effort is not about race, noting that there would be black families in the
new district. He says its about getting kids the best education possible in their own neighborhoods, as opposed to transporting children out of the neighborhoods
to go clear across town to go to school. Theyre failing our children because our children are not getting the education
they deserve, he says. Brownings allies point to previous efforts to develop neighborhood schools that they say often end up being more diverse than their
detractors let on. One day last fall, State Senator Mack Bodi White (R) gave us a tour of a high school in a district that broke away in 2002. While Zachary High
School is less economically and racially diverse than the average Louisiana district, around 40 percent of the students are African-American and more than a third of
them receive free or reduced lunch, according state education figures. Whats more, in 2013, the school got an A rating from the state. What a lot of people dont
understand is that this isnt a real wealthy suburb district, says White, adding, This is middle-class, working people, and even more than that, theres diversity.
Community School Movements Across the Country Many community school movements such as those in Georgia, Tennessee, California, Pennsylvania, Utah,
Texas and Iowa are born out of frustration. Parents say they are tired of negotiating with the leaders of struggling school districts whose priorities are often split
between those of higher-achieving children and at-risk kids. In Malibu, Calif., a group of parents are seeking to break away from a school district they now share with
the less well-off community of Santa Monica. They want to inject more arts programs into their schools and renovate the facilities without having to answer to a
seven-member school board that also wants to devote money to math and literacy programs for struggling learners in Santa Monica. Outside of Memphis, Tenn.,
parents in several middle-class communities that have recently broken away say they did so to achieve more local control. They are planning on infusing more
technology into elementary school classrooms, and college prep classes into their high schools. Economics also plays a role. In the Salt Lake City, Utah area, middle-
and upper-class communities that have sought to break away have lured converts by insisting a split would positively impact their property values. And in Baton
Rouge, Browning says both the housing market and local industry have suffered in his community because young employees dont want to buy homes in a school
district where more than 40 percent of the schools received a D or F rating in 2013. A lot of what is motivating these middle-class families is economic stress, says
Amy Stuart Wells, a professor of sociology and education at Columbia Universitys Teachers College. Her recent study on schools in the New York City suburbs
found that even as those areas have gotten more diverse, their schools have remained heavily segregated. So What Happens Next? All this is happening against a
startling backdrop: American schools are more segregated than they were in 1968. In 2011, close to 80 percent of the nations African-American students were
enrolled in mostly minority schools, according to a report released by The Civil Rights Project at the University of California, Los Angeles. The report, which is a
comprehensive effort to examine the current make-up of American schools, has put the spotlight on the community school movement and its role in the re-segregation
trend. And there is another hidden twist in this whole debate: Re-segregation runs counter to seminal education research.
Educators have come to understand that what really helps poor kids get ahead is exposure to middle-class
students and their families. This was first documented by researcher James Coleman in his legendary 1966 Coleman Report and it was reaffirmed in a
1997 national study, authorized by Congress. So, what to do? Richard D. Kahlenberg, a senior fellow at The Century Foundation, has a plan. For years, he has
urged school districts to assign students based on their economic make-up, particularly through magnet
schools, which pull students from across a district to attend schools with themed programs or areas of concentration. It is a plan that has, in recent years, garnered
a fair amount of publicity, in large part because of a 2007 Supreme Court ruling that curbed school districts ability to assign students to schools based on race. During
our time in Baton Rouge, we saw some of these schools. And people on both sides of the breakaway debate agree that they are impressive but not necessarily the
solution. The truly high-performing magnet schools in Baton Rouge are good, in large part, because they screen students, admitting only the
ones who have scored well on standardized tests. Then where does that leave a middle-class student who is not gifted or a high scorer? One mother that we spoke to
in Baton Rouge said her daughter had not been admitted to one of these magnet schools. She ended up in one of the districts struggling high schools. The mother is
now advocating for the breakaway district. Across the nation, test scores and dropout rates suggest that many school districts are ill equipped to deal with these
challenges. Only 5 percent of African-American students leaving high school are ready for college, according to a 2013 ACT College Admissions readiness report,
and a quarter of high school seniors read below grade level. So, until educators can persuade parents regardless of race that they have a viable plan that works
for everyone, its very likely that the breakaway movements are here to stay.
Community Schools make racism worse

Spencer 14
Kyle Spencer, a journalist for PBS, the Uncomfortable reality of Community Schools, PBS,
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/person/kyle-spencer/, July 15, 2014
Neighborhood schools: Hard to take issue with such a wholesome concept, right? Kids walking to school,
backpacks slung over their shoulders.
Unless your neighborhood is one of the thousands across Americas blighted urban landscape, where kids,
mostly minority and mostly poor, attend struggling schools.
Heres the uncomfortable reality surrounding todays neighborhood and community schools movement:
More often than not these schools are racially and economically segregated, and the parents who relish
them are largely the middle class and the rich.
The impulse to want a neighborhood school for your children is understandable, says Warren Simmons,
executive director of The Annenberg Institute for School Reform at Brown University. But because
schools in upper middle class, white neighborhoods are often better performing than ones in poor African-
American and Latino neighborhoods, he says, when you promote them, you are essentially promoting
inequality.
You are part of the problem, Simmons says, not part of the solution.
Community schools result in more segregation

Spencer 14
Kyle Spencer, a journalist for PBS, the Uncomfortable reality of Community Schools, PBS,
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/person/kyle-spencer/, July 15, 2014
All this is happening against a startling backdrop: American schools are more segregated than they were
in 1968.
In 2011, close to 80 percent of the nations African-American students were enrolled in mostly minority
schools, according to a report released by The Civil Rights Project at the University of California, Los
Angeles.
The report, which is a comprehensive effort to examine the current make-up of American schools, has put
the spotlight on the community school movement and its role in the re-segregation trend.
And there is another hidden twist in this whole debate: Re-segregation runs counter to seminal education
research. Educators have come to understand that what really helps poor kids get ahead is exposure to
middle-class students and their families. This was first documented by researcher James Coleman in his
legendary 1966 Coleman Report and it was reaffirmed in a 1997 national study, authorized by Congress.
at: sustainability learning
Sustainability learning doesnt work its detrimental to humanities education

Feat 10 (Feat, Anne-Marine, has been a professor in the Modern Languages, Literatures and Linguistics
department since 2006. Some of her course topics include Intermediate French, Francophone Literature
and Culture, and Introduction to French Culture, Teaching Sustianability in the Humanities
Classroom?, Associated Colleges of the Midwest, 6-2-10, Accessed: 7-22-17,
https://serc.carleton.edu/acm_face/sustainability/workshop10/essays/feat.html)
Of course, one can teach about the natural world in Rousseau's Les Rveries du Promeneur
Solitaire and see it as a starting point for a critical analysis of the need for sustainability.
However, not all novels I teach have a natural world component nor is it always their main
"point". I am thus weary that adopting the concept of academic sustainability at the forefront of
the curriculum would just be another way of instrumentalizing the humanities in a context
where we seemingly have lost confidence in our ability to contribute directly to general
education programs. Of course, talking about concepts such as sustainability is not a bad thing
but if it is my main "angle", am I not losing sight of what teaching literature should really be
about and just embracing a "mercenary redemption" of my discipline?
trans- bathroom aff
at: francois goes neg
Be skeptical of single paragraphs out of context trans- discrimination exists in

other forms, but access to bathrooms can still mean the difference between life and
death for trans- people of color
Francois 17
et al; Aderson B. Francois currently serves as the Director for Institute for Public Representation Civil Rights Law Clinic as well
as a Professor of Law at The Georgetown Law School. Prior to joining the Georgetown faculty, Professor Francois directed the
Civil Rights Clinic at Howard University School of Law, where he also taught Constitutional Law, Federal Civil Rights, and
Supreme Court Jurisprudence. Professor Francois received his J.D. and B.A. from New York University. While the author serves
as the Counsel of Record for this Amicus Brief. it is important to note that this Amicus Brief is submitted on behalf of REAGAN
GREENBERG, ACHIM HOWARD, ALEXA RODRIGUEZ, JEYMEE SEMITI, AVATARA SMITH-CARRINGTON,
SAVANNA WANZER, & SAM WILLIAMSON who, identity as transgender people and individuals whose gender identity
may not fit the rigid categorization of male or female. Amicus Brief - Gloucester County School Board, Petitioner, v. G.G., by his
next friend and mother, Deirdre Grimm, Respondent. On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth
Circuit - BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE REAGAN GREENBERG, ACHIM HOWARD, ALEXA RODRIGUEZ, JEYMEE
SEMITI, AVATARA SMITH-CARRINGTON, SAVANNA WANZER, & SAM WILLIAMSON IN SUPPORT OF
RESPONDENT - Available at SCOUTS blog along with all amicus briefs on this matter- March modified for language that
may offend - #CutWithKirby - http://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/16-273-resp-amicus-greenberg.pdf
C. The lived experiences of transgender people illustrate how todays society strips them of human
dignity in a manner similar to other historically marginalized groups.
If you cant use the bathroom at your work, you cant go to work, and if you cant go to work, you cant
pay bills. If you cant pay bills, you wont have a place to live . . . . [N]ot being able to use the
bathroom at work renders you homeless. It is a downward spiral into death.
Jeymee Semiti, Black, Age 27, Washington, DC
[The Negs card starts here]

Although it seems obvious that every human being should be treated with dignity, this has not been a
reality for the transgender community. Rampant discrimination still exists against the transgender
community36 with regards to education, employment, health, family life and public accommodation, and
the ability to use the bathroom just touches the surface of the myriad of hardship faced on a daily basis.37
Further, despite the diversity of gender expression that has existed for centuries in the United States,
transgender people have historically faced a unique set of challenges in accessing institutions and public
accommodations. Shortly after the Civil Rights Movement in 1969, riots at the Stonewall Inn began
where the LGBTQ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender) community as a group forcefully and
vocally asserted their rights.38 However, largely left out of the gay rights narrative are the voices of
those who spearheaded the riot: transgender women of color such as Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia
Rivera.39 Even historic LGBTQ establishments such as The Stonewall Inn had exclusionary practices
regarding transgender individuals, rendering them with no sanctuary to express their gender safely.40
[The Negs card ends here]

The roots of transgender discrimination, especially in the context of bathrooms, unnervingly
mirror the roots of Jim Crow . White Americans of the World War II era began employing the idea
that social equality for African-Americans would lead to sexual danger for white women in
bathrooms.41 The racially and sexually charged image of bathrooms that followed specifically
targeted black people and their use of public accommodations, and is now employed to depict
transgender people as sources of sexual danger.42 In the same way that segregation allowed white
women [to] refuse to share bathrooms with black women, unsupported fears of transgender people have
enabled the promulgation of the notion that civil rights protections sexually endanger women and
children in public bathrooms.43 For the vast majority of amici, transgender people of color, these
policies represent a continuation of their exclusion from basic public facilities.
aff v. free market
at: tax credits
Tax credit programs are a terrible idea6 Warrants

Davis 16 Carl Davis is a Research Director at the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy. He works on a wide range of issues related to
both state and federal tax policy including tax incidence analysis, tax expenditure reporting, and gasoline tax policy. He is an author of Judging
Tax Expenditures (2009), The ITEP Guide to Fair State & Local Taxes (2011), Building a Better Gas Tax (2011), and Who Pays: A
Distributional Analysis of the Tax Systems in All 50 States (2009, 2013, and 2015 editions). Carls work has appeared in such outlets as The New
York Times, USA Today, and National Public Radio, and his writing on tax policy has been printed by The Wall Street Journal, The Washington
Post, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, The Sacramento Bee, and other major media outlets around the country. Prior to joining ITEP, Carl
worked as part of the State Economic Issues team at AARP. He holds Bachelors Degrees in both Economics and Political Science from Virginia
Tech and a Masters in Public Policy from George Washington University. Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy: State Tax Subsidies for
Private K-12 Education. October 12, 2016. https://itep.org/state-tax-subsidies-for-private-k-12-education/#.WQU-C1Pyu1t. Yoest.
Tax subsidies, or neovouchers, for private education are problematic both as tax policies and as education
policy initiatives. Aside from the profit-making schemes just described, other issues associated with these programs include:
Dubious educational benefits for recipients. Neovouchers are often touted as a way to improve educational outcomes by making it
possible for families in areas with underperforming public schools to send their children to private schools instead. But there is little evidence that
voucher programs of any kind have improved educational outcomes, and some recent studies suggest that
students switching from public to private schools in Indiana and Louisiana actually scored lower on
reading and math tests after making the switch.[19] Moreover, it can be difficult for parents to determine the
actual quality of private schools in their area when those schools are not subject to the same
accountability mechanisms as public schools. In Pennsylvania, for instance, schools benefiting from the states neovoucher program are
exempt from state testing requirements and from reporting information on student progress or achievement.[20] Erosion of the public education
system. While neovouchers are unlikely to improve educational outcomes for students moving to private schools, the negative impact on those
students remaining in public schools is even clearer. Thirty neovouchers across twenty states are draining
over $1 billion in public revenues from state coffers every year. Every dollar of revenue diverted toward
private schools is revenue that cannot be invested in the public education system. Allowing certain
taxpayers to opt out of funding an institution as fundamentally important as the nations public school
system erodes the publics level of investment in that institutionboth literally and figuratively. Exaggerated cost
savings. Neovoucher proponents often claim that state and local governments can realize substantial savings by moving students out of the public school system
and into private schools. But while reductions in public school enrollment may reduce certain costs in certain
circumstances, many costs are relatively fixed (maintenance, utilities, administration, etc.) and cannot be
easily cut when students leave.[21] Moreover, when neovouchers are provided to families whose children
would have been enrolled in private school anyway, the result is a loss of revenue without any actual
reduction in enrollment or school district expenses. Research on Arizonas tax credit program, for instance, found that most spending is
directed toward students already enrolled in private schools.[22] And dramatic increases in funding for Arizonas neovoucher programs do not appear to be leading to
Poorly
an exodus of public school studentsenrollment in private schools has stagnated while public school enrollment has increased significantly.[23]
targeted. Though frequently justified as a lifeline for disadvantaged children, the beneficiaries of neovoucher programs are often
not low-income students. States such as Oklahoma and Pennsylvania allow upper-middle income families to benefit from scholarship subsidies, while
other states such as Arizona, Georgia, and Montana allow even high-income families to benefit. Subsidies for tuition and other private school expenses are also
typically made available regardless of income level. Making
matters worse are the specific design decisions behind many of
these tax subsidies. Tax deductions and nonrefundable credits are of no help to low-income families that
earn too little to owe income tax. For that reason, even neovoucher advocates have suggested converting programs such as Wisconsins tuition
deduction into refundable credits (though it is important to note that such a conversion would likely result in a dramatic increase the programs overall cost).[24]
Constitutional issues. Advocates of state subsidies for private education, such as the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), often encourage
states to administer their voucher programs via the tax code in order to circumvent state constitutional prohibitions on the public funding of religious schools.[25]
According to ALEC, while lawmakers in eighteen states are constitutionally forbidden from offering
direct vouchers for religious schools, tax credit neovouchers can be used to accomplish a nearly identical
result in all but two of those states.[26] In some cases, these schools have curricula (such as biblical
versions of science and history) or personnel policies (such as firing teachers if they enter a same-sex
marriage or become pregnant outside of wedlock) that would be prohibited at a public institution and that
raise questions about the appropriateness of directing public dollars toward these schools.[ 27] Arizona is perhaps
the most well-known example of a state that succeeded in labeling its subsidies as tax reductions rather than direct spending in order to circumvent its own
constitution. In 1998, the Arizona Supreme Court ruled 3-2 in Kotterman v. Killian that, unlike a traditional voucher, the states tax credit scholarships were not in
violation of the Arizona Constitution in part because the credits are technically diverted to private schools before reaching the states coffers. In 2011, the U.S.
Supreme Court reached a similar conclusion in a 5-4 ruling in Arizona Christian School Tuition Organization v. Winn. But while neovouchers have so far been upheld
on relatively narrow grounds, Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan cut to the heart of the matter when she explained in her dissent that cash grants and targeted tax
Lack of
breaks are means of accomplishing the same government objectiveto provide financial support to select individuals or organizations.
budgetary oversight. Subsidies for private education provided via neovouchers are often not subject to
the same budgetary oversight as ordinary spending on public education. Most notably, once a neovoucher is enacted into law
it typically continues indefinitely without reexamination as part of the appropriations process. Moreover, those neovouchers not subject to an
aggregate budgetary cap can grow significantly in cost without any action on the part of lawmakers. And
even those neovouchers that are subject to caps sometimes see the cap structured in a way that allows for
growth that far outpaces other areas of the budget, such as one of Arizonas neovouchers for corporate
taxpayers which is currently growing at a rate of 20 percent per year.[28]
at: vouchers
No accountability for private schools covered by voucher programs: they arent

subject to state performance standards or evaluations
Brown 17 Emma Brown, Reporter at the Washington Post (2009-Present) MJ, Bachelor in Journalism
from UC Berkeley. Washington Post: DeVos praises this voucher-like program. Heres what it means for
school reform. April 9, 2017. https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/education/devos-praises-this-
voucher-like-program-heres-what-it-means-for-school-reform/2017/04/09/78b28f52-08f2-11e7-b77c-
0047d15a24e0_story.html?utm_term=.8fe3a293e9cb&tid=a_inl. Yoest.
Florida has channeled billions of taxpayer dollars into scholarships for poor children to attend private
schools over the past 15 years, using tax credits to build a laboratory for school choice that the Trump
administration holds up as a model for the nation. The voucherlike program, the largest of its kind in the
country, helps pay tuition for nearly 100,000 students from low-income families. But there is scant
evidence that these students fare better academically than their peers in public schools. And there is a
perennial debate about whether the state should support private schools that are mostly religious, do not
require teachers to hold credentials and are not required to meet minimal performance standards. Florida
private schools must administer one of several standardized tests to scholarship recipients, but there are no consequences for
consistently poor results. After the students leave us, the public loses any sense of accountability or
scrutiny of the outcomes, said Alberto Carvalho, the superintendent of Miami-Dade County public schools. He wonders what happens
to the 25,000 students from the county who receive the scholarships. Its very difficult to gauge whether theyre hitting the mark. Education
Secretary Betsy DeVos, a longtime advocate for school choice, does not seem to be bothered by that complaint. She is driven instead by the faith
that children need and deserve alternatives to traditional public schools. At a recent public forum, DeVos
said her record in office
should be graded on expansion of choice-friendly policies. She did not embrace a suggestion that she be
judged on academic outcomes. Im not a numbers person, she said. In a nutshell, that explains how the Trump administration wants
to change the terms of the debate over education policy in the United States. In the past quarter-century, Republican and Democratic
administrations focused on holding schools and educators accountable for student performance. Now, President Trump and DeVos seem
concerned less with measuring whether schools help students learn and more with whether parents have an opportunity to pick a school for their
children. They have pledged billions of dollars to that end. And they have visited private schools in Florida to underline their support for funding
private-school tuition through tax credits. In February, Trump plugged the Florida program during a speech to a joint session of Congress in
which he introduced as his guest a scholarship recipient named Denisha Merriweather. In March, the president went to Orlando to tour St.
Andrew Catholic School, where students rely on the scholarships. It was his first, and so far only, school visit since taking office. On Thursday,
DeVos visited another Florida private school to highlight the program. Christian Academy for Reaching Excellence (CARE) Elementary is an
awesome example of the opportunities provided through the Florida tax-credit scholarship, DeVos told reporters. She said that the
administration is working on how to expand choice nationally and that there is a possibility its efforts might be patterned on Floridas tax-credit
program, according to Politico. Floridas program, created in 2001 with the full-throated support of then-Gov. Jeb Bush (R), was one of the first
to harness corporate tax credits to help low-income families pay private school tuition. Sixteen other states have enacted variations on the idea.
Using tax credits to fund the scholarships, instead of direct payments from public treasuries, enabled lawmakers to work around state bans on the
use of public funds to support religious institutions. The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that tax-credit programs are constitutional. Taking
the
idea to the federal level is one of the clearest ways Trump could make good on his promise to supercharge
private-school choice across the country. If embedded in a larger tax bill that the GOP-held Congress
passes via the budget reconciliation process, it would be protected from a Senate filibuster and therefore
would require only 51 votes instead of the 60 usually required to pass legislation. Vouchers are popular
with the Republican majority on Capitol Hill but anathema to most Democrats. The Republican-controlled Congress
in 2004 approved a voucher program that provides direct federal funding to help poor children in the District of Columbia attend private schools.
In Floridas tax-credit program, businesses receive a dollar-for-dollar credit when they donate to nonprofit scholarship-granting organizations. A
corporation that owes $50,000 in Florida taxes, for example, could donate $50,000 and pay nothing to the state. The nonprofit then dispenses
money to students for tuition at participating private schools, although in some cases, the payment from the state does not cover the full cost of a
private education. Private schools do not need to be accredited to participate. They must show only that
theyve been in business for three years; that they comply with anti-discrimination and health and safety
laws; and that they employ teachers who have gone through a background check and hold a bachelors
degree, three years experience or special skills. About 82 percent of scholarship recipients attend
religious schools, according to state data. Many teach creationism instead of evolution and require
students and parents to adhere to certain principles of religious doctrine. The Family Life Academy in
Archer, Fla., requires parents to subscribe to corporal correction, according to its handbook,
and to sign a form giving the school permission to paddle their children. Colonial Christian School
of Homestead, Fla., makes clear in its handbook that students will be expelled if they engage in
homosexual conduct. Critics say the public shouldnt subsidize religious instruction, even indirectly. Supporters dismiss that argument.
No one is coerced to go to a faith-based school. Its a free decision, said Doug Tuthill of Step Up for Students, which administers most Florida
scholarships. All the program does is provide the resources so they can exercise that freedom. The program is projected to receive more than
half a billion dollars this year that otherwise would have gone to Floridas treasury. But a 2010 analysis found it saves Florida money because
each scholarship costs less than the state would spend to educate the same child in public school. The scholarship is now worth $5,886 per year.
In contrast, a federal tax credit would not save money for the federal government. For
more than 15 years, Florida has been out
front in the movement to hold public schools accountable for academic results. It was one of the first
states to use the results of standardized math and reading tests to grade every public school on an A to F
scale, with rewards for the best-rated and sanctions for the worst. As in other states, annual report cards
laid out how students at each school fared on the tests, with performance broken down by race and
socioeconomic status. But Florida exempts private schools from that accountability regime, even if they
participate in the scholarship program. Schools must give scholarship students standardized tests, but the
outcomes are largely irrelevant. No matter how poorly a private school performs, it can continue
receiving scholarship dollars. The state commissions an annual report on the performance of scholarship
students as a group, but their performance cant be compared with that of poor children in public schools,
who take a battery of different tests. And parents seeking test data from a particular private school are likely to find none: Scores are
reported separately only for private schools with at least 30 scholarship recipients. In the 2014-15 school year, just 198 of more than 1,600
participating schools met that threshold. The
stakes for parents are high: Although a disproportionate number of the
states best schools are private, so are a disproportionate share of its worst, according to Northwestern
University economist David Figlio, who has studied Floridas tax-credit scholarships and produced the
annual program report for six years. There are some schools that, year in and year out, seemed to be
adding considerable value, and other schools year in and year out that seemed to be leaving kids to fall
further behind, Figlio said.

Aff Supplement - SDI 2017 EER

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Aff Supplement - SDI 2017 EER

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

aff supplement EER lab

CX strategy vs. Deschooling

Offense vs. Deschooling Alt

Culturally competent teachers resolve student biasesno alt causes

Cultural competence spills over to create more supportive classroom environments

A culturally competent classroom opens positive dialogue about race both

With the rising demographic in culture, cultural competency is essential in school-

Continue exploring your own culture, beliefs, and values.

Believe you can serve individuals of a different race or ethnicity.

Develop a list of professionals for consultation on multicultural issues.

Engage in dialogue with colleagues and continue to increase cultural literacy.

Always work from a strength-based perspective.

The Role of the School Psychologist

According to researchers at Brown University, culturally responsive teaching is characterized by:

Culturally competent teachers are able to be more effective to students in the

Cultural competence allows teachers to become aware of racist stigmas surrounding

LEVY Et Al Professor of Psychology @ Northwestern University 2k16

Structural inequalities abound in the educational system that make the

LEVY Et Al Professor of Psychology @ Northwestern University 2k16

LEVY Et Al Professor of Psychology @ Northwestern University 2k16

Perceptions of discrimination have their origins in encountered instances of discrimination as well as

LEVY Et Al Professor of Psychology @ Northwestern University 2k16

LEVY Et Al Professor of Psychology @ Northwestern University 2k16

Biological responses to stress are characterized by multiple changes in stress-sensitive

LEVY Et Al Professor of Psychology @ Northwestern University 2k16

LEVY Et Al Professor of Psychology @ Northwestern University 2k16

Given that educational achievement and attainment disparities between racial/ethnic

We meet curriculum and formal instruction (also included in solvency below)

Non unique Trump violating federalism now with sanctuary cities

Asset forfeiture thumps

Non-Unique Trumps sanctuary city Executive Order already undermined

Federalism will hurt minorities

the Supreme Court has ruled that the Tenth

even if there is an obligation to enforce a particular law, it

Federal education reform is better to solve

State control of education doesnt work and cant solve

Community Schools make racism worse

Community schools result in more segregation

Sustainability learning doesnt work its detrimental to humanities education

Be skeptical of single paragraphs out of context trans- discrimination exists in

Jeymee Semiti, Black, Age 27, Washington, DC

[The Negs card starts here]

[The Negs card ends here]

Tax credit programs are a terrible idea6 Warrants

No accountability for private schools covered by voucher programs: they arent

You might also like