Reforming Representation: The Diffusion of Candidate Gender Quotas Worldwide

Mona Lena Krook

Department of Political Science
Columbia University
420 West 118th Street, 7th Floor
New York, NY 10027
U.S.A.

mlk22@columbia.edu
http://www.columbia.edu/~mlk22

Paper presented at the International Studies Association Annual International

Convention, Montreal, Canada, March 17-20, 2004.

1
 Reforming Representation: The Diffusion of Candidate Gender Quotas Worldwide

In recent years, countries around the world have witnessed a surge of interest in patterns of
political representation. At the empirical level, political transformations around the world have
stimulated reflection on questions of institutional and constitutional design. In Latin America,
Eastern Europe, and Africa, reformers have sought to devise new political arrangements in light of
democratic transition and economic crisis. In Western Europe, pressures for devolution have
culminated in the creation of new regional bodies which, along with increased European integration,
have forced governments to recognize an emerging system of multi-level governance. At the
theoretical level, scholars have challenged the dominant conventions of liberal democracy by
rethinking the means and ends of the political process. Rather than viewing the political as a neutral
arena, in which all citizens play an equal role, these theorists argue that liberal political arrangements
create systematic distortions in public policies, as well as the potential for equal political engagement.
Alternatives they propose include civic republicanism, deliberative democracy, and multiculturalism,
all of which promote a notion of equality in a context of difference.
These developments, both empirical and theoretical, have led to various innovations in
political participation. The most common reforms, from a global perspective, have been provisions
for the increased representation of women. Today, nearly all countries in the world have pledged to
promote gender-balanced decision-making.1 More than eighty have seen the adoption of quotas for
the selection of female candidates, and more than twenty more have initiated quota debates over the
last ten years.2 These quota provisions fall into three broad categories: reserved seats, policies that set
aside a certain number of seats in parliament for women; political party quotas, party-specific measures
that aim at increasing the proportion of women among party candidates or elected representatives;
and national legislative quotas, policies that require political parties to nominate a certain percentage or
proportion of women among their candidates. Although some of these measures were adopted as
early as the 1950s, the overwhelming majority have emerged only since the mid-1990s, leading many

1
In September 1995, the 189 member states of the United Nations unanimously signed the Beijing Declaration
and Platform for Action, adopted at the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women. Section G outlines two
core objectives: to take measures to ensure womens equal access and full participation in power structures and decision-
making, and to increase womens capacity to participate in decision-making and leadership. See United Nations 1995.

2
Details on these policies are available on-line in the Global Database of Quotas for Women at
http://www.idea.int/quota.

2
to associate the rapid diffusion of candidate gender quotas3 with international trends and, especially,
to accord a central causal role to the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women held in
Beijing in 1995.4 Proponents of this view argue that this conference not only brought together
womens groups from all over the globe who then returned home and initiated quota debates in
their own countries, but that its conclusions in favor of gender-balanced decision-making also
contributed to the broader spread of gender quotas by leading other international organizations to
follow suit, including the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the Socialist International, the Council of
Europe, the European Union, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the
Commonwealth, the Southern African Development Community, and the Organization of
American States.5
At its core, this account views alliances between national womens movements, transnational
womens activists, and international organizations as responsible for the spread of gender quotas
around the world. A closer look at quota campaigns, however, suggests that national campaigns
interact in a number of different ways with international and transnational trends. I identify at least
four causal patterns with regard to the international and transnational influences on national quota
debates: cases where the international community is directly involved in quota debates, sometimes
but not always in cooperation with local womens movements and transnational non-governmental
organizations; cases where demonstration effects spur quota campaigns via transnational
information sharing, through international conferences, academic works, or personal contacts; cases
where international events act as catalysts to domestic debates already in progress, rather than as an

3
Throughout this paper I employ the term candidate gender quotas, although these measures are more
accurately candidate sex quotas. Following a distinction made in a great deal of feminist research, sex refers to
biological differences between women and men, while gender refers to social values given to these biological
differences. Quota provisions vary in the extent to which they suppose a link between descriptive representation, based
on sex, and substantive representation, based on gender. Although my study focuses on descriptive representation, I
adopt the term gender quota in order to retain consistency with the larger literature, which has tended to use gender
quotas to refer to sex quotas. I am thankful to Sarah Childs for drawing my attention to this important point.

4
Bataille and Gaspard 1999; Camacho Granados et al 1997; Dahlerup 2002; Gonzlez Arica 1998; Htun 2002a;
Htun 2002b; Htun and Jones 2002; Krook 2003; Krook forthcoming-b; Leijenaar 1997; Peschard 2002; Schmidt 2003b;
Stevenson 2000; Yez 2001.

5
Commission of the European Communities 2000; de Diop 2002; Inter-American Commission of Women
1995; Inter-American Commission of Women 1998; Krook 2002a; Krook 2003; Leijenaar 1997; Lovecy 2000; Lovecy
2001; Lubertino Beltrn 1992; Lubertino 2003; Nordlund 2003; Pintat 1998; Southern African Development Community
1999; Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men 1992; Tripp 2001.

3
initial inspiration for these campaigns; and cases where international organizations are pivotal to the
rejection of quotas, despite mobilization by local womens groups and transnational NGOs in
support of these measures. Drawing on examples from both developed and developing countries
and from quota campaigns both before and after 1995, I conclude that various configurations of
national, international, and transnational actors combine to promote or thwart the adoption of
candidate gender quotas. I call on scholars, consequently, to move away from simple accounts of
diffusion and to recognize instead the multiple processes shaping the spread of gender quotas
worldwide.

The adoption of candidate gender quotas: conventional explanations

Although candidate gender quotas are still a relatively new phenomenon, research on quotas
has grown exponentially in the last few years. Taken as a whole, this emerging literature identifies
four basic accounts as to who supports quota policies and why quotas are adopted for elections to
parliament:6 women mobilize for the adoption of gender quotas to increase womens representation,
political elites recognize strategic advantages for supporting gender quotas, quotas are consistent
with existing or emerging notions of equality and representation, and quotas are supported by
international norms and are spread through transnational sharing. I review the evidence supporting
and contradicting each of these narratives, and I reconcile these claims by noting that the four causal
stories capture distinct elements of specific quota campaigns and thus do not necessarily operate in
all places at all times. More accurately, individual quota campaigns engage multiple causal narratives,
variously incorporating actors and strategies at the local, national, international, and transnational
levels. I argue that the key to situating single cases within the wider universe of quota campaigns lies
in the international and transnational dimensions of domestic quota debates which are, to date, the
most under-theorized of all four causal accounts.

Women mobilize for the adoption of gender quotas to increase womens representation.
One of the most ubiquitous causal stories about the adoption of candidate gender quotas
views women as the source of quota proposals. These scholars argue that efforts to nominate more
6
Most research on quotas centers on elections to national parliaments and, as such, is the main focus of this
paper. Nonetheless, candidate gender quotas may exist for a variety of other political offices, including internal party
positions, local council elections, and regional or provincial elections. Literature on these types of quotas includes
Davidson-Schmich 2002; Guldvik 2003; Holli, Luhtakallio, and Raevaara 2003; Jones 1998; Leijenaar 1997; Reyes 2002.

4
women never occur without the prior mobilization of women, even when male elites are ultimately
responsible for the decision to establish quotas. Various groups of women, however, may be
responsible for articulating quota demands, including grassroots womens movements who work
both nationally and internationally to promote womens political participation;7 cross-partisan
networks among women who make connections with each other through national and international
womens gatherings, or through transnational womens networks;8 womens organizations inside
political parties who propose specific quota policies or draw on gains made by women in other
parties to press for changes within their own parties;9 individual women inside political parties who
lobby male leaders to promote female candidates; 10 and women involved with the national womens
machinery who support gender quotas as a means of accomplishing their broader goal of women-
friendly policy change.11
While efforts to nominate more women rarely occur in the absence of womens
mobilization, however, this literature largely ignores the many women who oppose quota policies.
Indeed, evidence from numerous cases reveals that women as a group are frequently divided as to
the desirability of quotas,12 with some of the strongest opposition coming from feminists, both
inside and outside the political parties, who argue that quotas do not further the cause of female

7
Baldez forthcoming; Beckwith 2003; Bih-er, Clark, and Clark 1990; Costa Benavides 2003; Dahlerup 1986;
Htun 2002a; Htun and Jones 2002; Krook 2003; Leijenaar 1997; Lokar 2003; Lovenduski 1993; Lubertino Beltrn 1992;
Lubertino 2003; Matland 1998; Meier 2000-Hacia; Nelson and Chowdhury 1994; Nordlund 2003; Pires 2002; Schmidt
2003b; Stevenson 2000; Yez 1998; L. Young 2000.

8
Bruhn 2003; Costa Benavides 2003; Chama 2001; Durrieu 1999; Howard-Merriam 1990; Lubertino Beltrn
1992; Lubertino 2003; Myakayaka-Manzini 2002; Sacchet 2003.

9
Bergqvist et al 1999; Bruhn 2003; Caul 2001a; Caul 2001b; Caul 2001c; Connell 1998; Costa Benavides 2003;
Dahlerup and Freidenvall 2003; Christensen 1999; Christensen and Raaum 1999; Haavio-Mannila et al 1985; Howard-
Merriam 1990; Kaiser 2001; Krook 2002b; Lovenduski and Norris 1993; Myakayaka-Manzini 2002; Nelson and
Chowdhury 1994; Norderval 1985; Sacchet 2003; Sainsbury 1993; Siim 1994; Siim 2000; Skard and Haavio-Mannila
1985-ch4; Skjeie 1992; Skjeie 1993; Skjeie and Siim 2000; Tripp 2001; Zulu 2000.

10
Arajo 2003; Bonder and Nari 1995; Camacho Granados et al 1997; Caul 2001a; Caul 2001b; Chama 2001;
Feijo 1994; Molinelli 1994; Schmidt 2003a; Stevenson 2000; United Nations Office in Vienna 1992.

11
Chama 2001; Costa Benavides 2003; Garca Quesada 2003; Jones 1996.

12
Stevenson 2000.

5
empowerment.13 This resistance to quotas takes on a variety of different forms, ranging from limited
grassroots mobilization14 to active denouncements by prominent female politicians.15 Further, even
when a large number of women support gender quotas, their proposals still rarely gain consideration
until they are embraced by at least one well-placed elite man who pressures his own party, or his
own colleagues in parliament, to approve quotas for women.16 Before such leaders come out in
favor of quotas, such measures are often not considered or are simply ridiculed as a demand made
by a few hysterical women.

Political elites recognize strategic advantages for supporting gender quotas.

A second common account focuses on political elites and the strategic advantages they
perceive for adopting candidate gender quotas. While this story also comes in a number of different
versions, it basically centers on the role of male elites in blocking or opening up opportunities for
women to run for political office. In contrast to the previous causal narrative, which pinpoints
different groups of women and their common motivation for pursuing gender quotas, literature in
this vein highlights roughly the same group of elites and the variety of different reasons they
embrace quota reform. On the top of the list is party competition, or contagion, with scholars
observing that political parties often adopt quotas after one of their rivals establishes them,17 setting
in motion either a virtuous circle where all parties adopt, apply, and even increase quotas,18 or a
vicious cycle where no parties move at all to recruit more female candidates.19 These effects are

13
Amar 1999; Arajo 2003; Howard-Merriam 1990; Huang 2002; Jenkins 1999; Kishwar 1998; Martin 1998;
Patel 1993; Schmidt 2003a; Varikas 1995.

14
Garca Quesada 2003.

15
Badinter 1996; Girard and Rayski 1999; Mariyah 2002; Rai 1999; Scott 1998.

16
Schmidt 2003a.

17
Baldez forthcoming; Bystydzienski 1995; Caul 2001a; Caul 2001c; de Diop 2002; Edwards and McAllister
2002; Freidenvall 2003; Kaiser 2001; Kolinsky 1993; Krook 2002b; Lovenduski 1993; Lovenduski and Norris 1993;
Matland and Studlar 1996; McDonagh 2002; Opello 2002; Skjeie 1993; Steininger 2000; Wisler 1998; Wngnerud 2002;
L. Young 2000.

18
Bruhn 2003; Caul 2001c; Meier forthcoming; Steininger 2000.

19
Davidson-Schmich 2002.
6
often heightened when political parties are seeking to overcome a long period in opposition20 or a
dramatic decrease in popularity21 by, among other things, closing a gap in support among female
voters.22
Studies, however, identify a number of other strategic reasons that political elites adopt
gender quotas, including promoting female candidates in order to overcome a perceived crisis in
representation,23 to win an electoral campaign,24 or to sustain an existing regime.25 In both
scenarios, elite support for gender quotas usually involves empty gestures, with quotas representing a
relatively easy way of demonstrating commitment to womens rights without necessarily altering
existing patterns of political representation.26 Indeed, numerous scholars suggest that quota
measures are often passed nearly unanimously,27 because party and legislative elites perceive that
quota policies will not affect them,28 will never be implemented,29 or will be deemed
unconstitutional or illegal before they can ever be applied.30 Recent work finds that elites also
respond to a range of non-electoral incentives, like the possibility to apply quotas as a means of
consolidating control over party representatives and political rivals. In these cases, elites draw on

20
A quintessential example is the Labour Party in the United Kingdom. See Gelb 1989; Lovenduski 1994;
Norris 1997; Perrigo 1996; Perrigo 1999.

21
A good example is the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) in Mexico. See Stevenson 2000.

22
Harvey 1998; Htun 2002; Htun and Jones 2002; Kolinsky 1991; Mueller 1988; Steininger 2000.

23
Costa Benavides 2003; Giraud and Jenson 2001; Millard and Ortiz 1998; Richter 1990-1991; Stevenson 2000;
Varikas 1995; Yez 2003.

24
Examples are Lionel Jospin and Jacques Chirac in France, and King Simon in Bulgaria. See Bird 2002; Giraud
and Jenson 2001; Mossuz-Lavau 1998a; Mossuz-Lavau 1998b; Scott 1998; UNIFEM 2002.

25
Examples include Alberto Fujimori in Peru, Ragiv Gandhi in India, Carlos Menem in Argentina, and Anwar
Sadat in Egypt. See Chama 2001; Durrieu 1999; Howard-Merriam 1990; Rai 2002; Schmidt 2003a; Schmidt 2003c.

26
Craske 1999; Htun 2002a; Htun and Jones 2002.

27
Baldez forthcoming; Durrieu 1999; Opello 2002; Rai 1999.

28
Rai 1999; Rai and Sharma 2000.

29
Arajo 2003; Htun and Jones 2002; Jenkins 1999; Stevenson 2000.

30
Durrieu 1999; Mossuz-Lavau 1998a.

7
quotas to hand-pick malleable women who will not challenge the patriarchal status quo,31 or to
institutionalize procedures for candidate selection that enforce central party decisions.32 Where
quotas take the form of reserved seats, further, such provisions provide parties with a crucial
resource for building alliances with potential coalition partners33 or for strengthening their base in
parliament.34 In a somewhat similar fashion, local and national courts sometimes lend their support
to quotas in an effort to demonstrate their autonomy from other branches of government.35
While a great deal of evidence supports the argument that elites respond to strategic
incentives when they adopt gender quotas, this research as a whole is largely silent on the fact that
quota proposals in these and other cases often meet with fierce opposition, particularly among party
leaders and male politicians.36 Indeed, rather than outspoken and pragmatic convergence on the
issue of gender quotas, many parties either deliberately abstain from taking public positions for or
against quotas;37 adopt quotas, but do not publicize this policy widely;38 or engage in acrimonious
debate both within and across their own parties as to the desirability of adopting quotas for
women.39 Even as parties in some countries become more aware of the exclusion of women, many
still remain reluctant to implement quotas, choosing in some cases to disregard womens demands40

31
Costa Benavides 2003; Dahlerup 2002; Goetz 1998; Goetz and Hassim 2003.

32
Baldez forthcoming; Bruhn 2003.

33
Chowdhury 2002.

34
Report of the Commission of Inquiry for Women 1997; Shirkat Gah Womens Resource Center 1998.

35
Baldez forthcoming.

36
Baldez forthcoming; Haug 1995; Huang 2002.

37
Arajo 2003; Meier 2000c; Schmidt 2003a; Sgier 2003.

38
Baldez forthcoming; Bruhn 2003.

39
Kolinsky 1989; Scott 1998; Sgier 2003; Squires 1996.

40
de Diop 2002; Erickson 1998.

8
and in other cases to adopt only non-quota measures to facilitate womens political candidacy.41
Various studies, further, cast doubt on many of the specific strategic incentives outlined in this
literature. Most notably, scholars find that increased party competition more often works against the
selection of female candidates, as parties uncertain about electoral outcomes fall back on more
traditional male politicians,42 while lack of party competition sometimes facilitates womens
recruitment, as single party regimes seek to include a wide array of social groups as a way of gaining
social legitimacy.43 At the same time, studies suggest that elite strategies are not exclusively
pragmatic, but may in fact reflect normative concerns. In certain countries, for example, elites
engage in repeated attempts to improve womens access to political office, establishing party quotas
because of failure to establish national quotas,44 passing national quotas after failure to implement
party quotas,45 pursuing national quotas because of successes with party quotas,46 or increasing party
quotas because of the establishment of national quotas.47 Recent work, finally, finds that elites
frequently espouse gender quotas not as an effort to consolidate control, but as a response to
internal party struggles initiated among the rank-and-file, as women inside the party draw on
electoral competition to strengthen their position for reforming party statutes,48 make alliances with
a rising reformist party faction,49 or imitate tactics employed by women inside other political parties
to gain leadership support for gender quotas.50

41
Non-quota measures range from informal targets regarding the nomination of female candidates to the
provision of political training for prospective female candidates. See among others Caul 2001c; Davidson-Schmich 2002;
Freidenvall 2003; Htun 2002; Steininger 2000.

42
Bruhn 2003; Green 2003; Randall 1982; Stevenson 2000.

43
Goetz 1998; Goetz and Hassim 2003; Lovenduski 1981; Nechemias 1994.

44
Stevenson 2000.

45
Mossuz-Lavau 1998a.

46
Arajo 2003; Meier 2000c.

47
Meier forthcoming.

48
Krook 2002bs; Langston 2001.

49
Caul 2001b.

50
Bruhn 2003.
9
Quotas are consistent with existing or emerging notions of equality and representation.
A third causal story for the adoption of candidate gender quotas asserts that quotas are
simply an extension of existing or emerging notions of equality and representation. This normative
consistency, again, takes on a number of different forms, depending on how quota provisions mesh
with reigning conceptions of equality and representation. One explanation equates quota adoption
with ideas about equality and fair access, noting that quotas in left-wing parties match their more
general goals of social equality and grassroots decision-making.51 A second account, in contrast,
interprets quotas for women as a logical extension of other types of representational guarantees
meant to recognize difference and the need for proportional representation.52 These provisions may
cover groups based on language, religion, race, ethnicity, youth, or occupation,53 and typically spring
from attempts to safeguard the participation of vulnerable groups54 or to redefine citizenship in
more inclusionary or multicultural directions.55 A third school of thought, finally, views quota
adoption in the context of democratic innovation, observing that demands for quotas frequently
emerge during periods of democratic transition or the creation of new democratic institutions. In
these cases, quotas for women are included in broader packages of political reform,56 in order both
to guarantee the representation of traditionally under-privileged groups and to establish national and
international legitimacy for the new regime.57
While these accounts are correct in observing connections between quotas and broader
political ideals, new research casts doubt on these explanations by noting that proposals for gender
quotas often encounter fierce opposition among a wide range of domestic groups. In countries

51
Caul 2001c; Connell 1998; Frankland 1989; Hassim 2002; Kolinsky 1989; Kolinsky 1991; Opello 2002.

52
Inhetveen 1999; Meier 2000a; Meier 2000c; Skjeie 1992; Skjeie 1993; Valen 1988.

53
Bih-er, Clark, and Clark 1990; Bird 2003; Lijphart 1986; Meier 2000a; Meier 2000c; Safran 1994.

54
Chowdhury 2002; Jenkins 1999.

55
Scott 1998; Sgier 2003.

56
Brown et al 2002; Garca Quesada 2003; Guadagnini 1998; Holli, Luhtakallio, and Raevaara 2003; Howard-
Merriam 1990; Huang 2002; Jenkins 1999; Peschard 2003; Raman 2002; Reyes 2002.

57
Camacho Granados et al 1997; Howard-Merriam 1990; Myakayaka-Manzini 2002; Nechemias 1994; Reyes
2002.

10
where quotas are framed as a means for promoting equality and fair access, for example, proposals
to institute special policies for women often meet with strong negative reactions,58 with detractors
arguing against quotas on the grounds that quotas for women discriminate against men and,
ultimately, hurt both women and men by illegitimately restricting voters freedom to elect their own
candidates. In some instances, opponents challenge quotas on the grounds that quotas are
unconstitutional or illegal, because they contravene principles of equality as established by the
constitution or by the legal code,59 or on the grounds that quotas are unnecessary, because women
and men are considered equal by the law and by the general public.60 In countries where quotas are
introduced as a question of recognizing difference and proportional representation, proposed quotas
for women interact in a variety of different ways with claims for the representation of other groups.
Some governments acknowledge a range of different groups, while others recognize gender as a
relevant category, but not class, race, or ethnicity,61 and yet others recognize groups based on class,
race, ethnicity, language, or religion, but not gender.62 These patterns lead groups to compete among
each other for the various normative and material benefits associated with acknowledgment of
group identity,63 competition which sometimes precludes group recognition altogether, as
governments avoid adopting quotas for one group out of concerns that this will escalate claim-
making by other groups.64 In countries undergoing democratic innovation, finally, reformers many
times reject special provisions for women, particularly in cases where the former regime applied
gender quotas as a means of gaining social legitimacy. Opponents in these instances frame quotas as
fundamentally anti-democratic and thus contrary to the spirit of the transition.65

58
Chama 2001; Garca Quesada 2003; Haug 1995.

59
Guadagnini 1998; Htun 2002; Lovenduski 1997; Nivon 2001.

60
Christensen and Damkjr 1998.

61
Goetz and Hassim 2003; Hoskyns and Rai 1998; Sgier 2001; Sgier 2003.

62
Catt 2003; Howard-Merriam 1990; Rai and Sharma 2000; Raman 2002; Sgier 2001; Sgier 2003.

63
Jenkins 1999.

64
de Diop 2002; Klausen and Maier 2001; Scott 1998.

65
Golosov 2001; Jaquette and Wolchik 1998; Karaev 2003; Nechemias 1994; Shvedova 1998; Sloat and
Galligan 2003; Waylen 1994; Yoon 2001.
11
Quotas are supported by international norms and are spread through transnational sharing.
A fourth and final causal narrative explaining the adoption of gender quotas centers on the
role of international norms and transnational information sharing. While varied in focus, these
accounts all call attention to actors beyond the nation-state and their part in the rapid diffusion of
candidate gender quotas around the globe. These researchers locate the origin of gender quotas in
international recommendations, negotiated during the course of international meetings and
conferences, which commit member-state governments to finding ways for improving womens
access to political decision-making. Two of the most important documents in this regard are the
Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW, passed
in 1979) and the Beijing Platform for Action (PfA, approved in 1995), both elaborated within the
framework of the United Nations.66 In recent years, other international organizations have followed
suit and issued similar recommendations embracing quotas for women.67 At the same time, these
scholars note, numerous transnational actors have emerged and served as catalysts to the rapid
spread of quota policies around the world, particularly in the years following the UNs Fourth World
Conference in Beijing in1995. These actors include non-governmental organizations, groups formed
under the auspices of international institutions, and formal and informal networks among scholars,
activists, and politicians.68 By sharing information across national borders, these groups enable
domestic campaigns to learn new tactics for reform and import strategies from other countries into
their own. The process of exchange, however, sometimes also contributes to the spread of

66
Bataille and Gaspard 1999; Camacho Granados et al 1997; Dahlerup 2002; Gonzlez Arica 1998; Htun
2002a; Htun 2002b; Htun and Jones 2002; Krook 2003; Krook forthcoming-b; Leijenaar 1997; Lubertino Beltrn 1992;
Peschard 2002; Schmidt 2003b; Stevenson 2000; Yez 2001; United Nations Office in Vienna 1992. The role of the
United Nations in promoting womens political participation, however, goes back as far as the 1940s, when the General
Assembly unanimously adopted Resolution 56 (1) recommending that all member states adopt measures to grant women
the same political rights as men in order to fulfill the aims of the UN Charter. The UNs Commission on the Status of
Women also convened international seminars to increase the participation of women in public life in 1957, 1959, and
1960. See United Nations 1966; United Nations 1968; United Nations 1995.

67
Commission of the European Communities 2000; de Diop 2002; Krook 2002a; Krook 2003; Leijenaar 1997;
Lovecy 2000; Lovecy 2001; Lubertino Beltrn 1992, Lubertino 2003; Nordlund 2003; Pintat 1998; Southern African
Development Community 1999; Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men 1992; Tripp 2001. In
September 2003, the Council of Europe even passed a regulation whereby every country had to include at least one
woman in its delegation. Malta still sent an all-male delegation and, consequently, its voting rights have been suspended
until the matter is rectified. See Bonici 2004.

68
For examples of such groups, see Krook 2003.

12
misinformation, like the myth that quotas are responsible for the high proportions of women in
parliament in the Nordic countries.69 Despite efforts by Nordic scholars to dispel this myth by
arguing that quotas in these countries have typically been adopted only after women have increased
their numbers in parliament,70 these countries are frequently referenced by many scholars, activists,
and politicians around the world as a central example of the need for and success of quotas in
producing changes in patterns of political representation.71
Although gender quotas are frequently adopted in the wake of recommendations issued by
international organizations, however, this literature rarely traces the explicit causal connections
between international and transnational trends and domestic quota campaigns. Instead, most
scholars mention these effects only in passing and limit their observations to a restricted number of
well-known international and transnational events, like the Beijing Platform for Action produced at
the UNs Fourth World Conference on Women. A closer look at certain individual studies,
nonetheless, reveals a host of less systematic references to influences beyond the nation-state. In
post-conflict societies, for example, international actors often play a direct role in pressing for the
adoption of quotas for women.72 In other cases, campaigns originate in lesser-known processes of
transnational learning and develop locally before international conferences establish the legitimacy of
quotas as a measure to increase womens political representation.73 In these and other instances,
international events act as catalysts to domestic campaigns already in progress, rather than as initial
inspirations for these campaigns.74 Finally, in some contexts, international actors are in fact pivotal

69
For many years, the five Nordic countries Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden occupied
five of the top six spots in the world in terms of womens parliamentary representation, ranging between 35 and 43%
until the most recent elections. Today womens representation in the lower house of parliament is 45.3% in Sweden
(rank=2), 38.0% in Denmark (rank=3), 37.5% in Finland (rank=4), 36.4% in Norway (rank=5), and 30.2% in Iceland
(rank=13). This compares to a world average today of 15.3%. See Inter-Parliamentary Union 2004a; Inter-Parliamentary
Union 2004b.

70
Dahlerup and Freidenvall 2003; Freidenvall 2003.

71
See among many others Gidengil 1996; Phillips 1991; Phillips 1995. Such pronouncements are also common
in documents issued by international organizations.

72
Krook 2003.

73
Lubertino Beltrn 1992; Schmidt 2003a.

74
Arajo 2003; Garca Quesada 2003; Stevenson 2000; Yez 2003.
13
to the rejection rather than the promotion of quotas as a measure to foster womens political
representation.75

Conclusions
Research on candidate gender quotas is relatively new, but it has already generated four
distinct causal accounts with regard to the actors and motivations behind quota adoption. These
stories apparently contradict one another, privileging grassroots movements or elite actors, and local
and national projects or international and transnational trends. Each of the narratives, however,
emerges from a limited range of cases, suggesting that the four causal stories do not necessarily
operate in all places at all times. Treating quota adoption as a global phenomenon, I propose that
these stories may in fact form part of a larger sequence of events: womens mobilization may
precede and influence elite decision-making, while international and transnational norms may affect
democratic innovation at the local and national levels. At the same time, elite decision-making in one
region may shape the development of global norms which, in turn, may influence womens
movements in another region to mobilize for change. I argue, therefore, for conceiving these
narratives as parts of multiple causal trajectories, crossing regions and unfolding over extended
periods of time. This approach not only recognizes that individual campaigns may follow distinct
paths to quota reform,76 but it also calls attention to the international and transnational dimensions
of all quota campaigns. To facilitate comparative analysis, I identify four international and
transnational influences on domestic quota debates international pressure, transnational emulation,
international catalysts, and international blockage which, I contend, explain the trajectory of
national quota campaigns, as well as the rapid diffusion of gender quotas worldwide.

The diffusion of candidate gender quotas: international and transnational influences

International and transnational dynamics influence national quota debates in at least four
ways: international actors impose quotas on national actors, transnational sharing inspires national
quota campaigns, international events tip the balance in national quota debates, and international
actors block the adoption of national quotas. In elaborating each of these four causal stories, I draw

75
Ciezadlo 2003; Pires 2002.

76
Bruhn 2003; Dahlerup and Freidenvall 2003.

14
on a range of examples that are normally associated with processes of diffusion, as well as several
cases that are rarely viewed from this perspective. Although I address each account as analytically
separate, these dynamics sometimes intersect, as in cases where transnational emulation and
international catalysts combine to facilitate quota adoption or, alternatively, international blockage
frustrates transnational emulation to remove quotas from the political agenda.

International pressure and domestic quota campaigns

International pressure influences domestic quota campaigns to the extent that international
actors are directly involved in quota adoption, either by making the decision to apply quotas or by
compelling local leaders to make this same decision themselves. While the international community
often exerts this pressure in cooperation with local womens movements and transnational non-
governmental organizations, sometimes it acts in a more unilateral fashion and imposes quotas
despite womens opposition or lack of mobilization in favor of such measures. Empirically, this
dynamic is mainly present in post-conflict societies, where international bodies have not only
assumed a central role in post-conflict reconstruction, but have also become more heavily involved
in electoral processes over the last 25 years.77 Quotas have been adopted in post-conflict societies
without the intervention of international actors,78 but international efforts to promote womens
representation in such countries have grown in recent years, especially since the passage of UN
Resolution 1325 in October 2000 calling on member states to ensure womens participation in post-
conflict regimes.79 Even with this mandate, however, the United Nations usually acts in conjunction
with other international organizations when it actively supports quotas as a measure for increasing
womens representation.
Two recent examples of this dynamic are Kosovo and Afghanistan, where different
combinations of international actors effectively pressed for the inclusion of women in the emerging
post-conflict regimes. After the end of the war in Kosovo in 1999, the UN Security Council
authorized the creation of the UN Interim Administrative Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and, in an

77
Maley 2004.

78
Examples include Mozambique, South Africa, and Uganda. See Ballington and Matland 2004; Hassim 2002;
Goetz and Hassim 2003; Tripp 2000.

79
See http://ods-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N00/720/18/PDF/N0072018.pdf?OpenElement.

15
unusual step, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) assumed a central
role in the UN-led mission in the areas of democracy-building and human rights. Discovering that
many women did not have adequate documentation to register as voters or as candidates,80 these
authorities decided in October 2000 to introduce UNMIK Regulation 39 establishing a 30% quota
for women among the first fifteen candidates on party lists for all local and national elections.81
UNMIK did not hold any public meetings with local or transnational actors in Kosovo before
passing the quota regulation, choosing instead simply to replicate the provision adopted in Bosnia
several months earlier, where international officials had extensive contact with local womens groups
and the Stability Pact Gender Task Force, a transnational group formed by female activists, experts,
and politicians from Southeastern Europe in cooperation with the European Union.82 The passage
of this regulation provoked both international and local resistance, with some UN officials
expressing concern that Kosovar society was not ready for such a measure and local political elites
arguing that they would never be able to find enough competent women to meet the quota.83 This
opposition, however, was overcome by strong support from the OSCE and from political and NGO
women in Kosovo, who worked to ensure that the quota was applied.84 Although all the political
parties managed to find enough women to put on their candidate lists,85 nonetheless, some female
candidates chose to resign their posts after the local elections in 2000, voicing their opinion that the

80
Corrin 2001.

81
Corrin 2002. The same quota was passed in Bosnia in April 2000 and was further refined by a new electoral
law in August 2001, which specified the minimum positions on party lists where women must be placed: at least one
minority gendeer candidate among the first two candidates, two among the first five, three among the first eight, etc.
Serbia (2002) and Macedonia (2002) have also passed quota laws, but these have been the product of national campaigns
without the extensive involvement of international actors. Quotas have been proposed but rejected in Slovenia (1996),
Croatia (1999), Bulgaria (2001), Albania (2001), and Montenegro (2002), largely because of disunity among womens
groups across the political parties and weak support from womens organizations in civil society. See Lokar 2003;
Rukavina et al 2002.

82
Lokar 2003; Lyth 2001; Nordlund 2003.

83
Lyth 2001.

84
Ballington and Matland 2004; Lyth 2001; Pires 2004.

85
Lyth 2001.

16
quota system was an instrument imposed by the international community and one that did not
actually guarantee equality between women and men.86
In Afghanistan, the most recent end to conflict in 2001 generated similar pressures for the
inclusion of women. The United Nations was already present in this country in the form of the UN
Special Mission to Afghanistan (UNSMA), which had been established in December 1993 following
two peace accords that temporarily ended many years of civil war. After the overthrow of the
Taliban regime, the UN convened the Petersberg Conference87 in December 2001 to set the
milestones for Afghanistans return to democratic government. Given widespread awareness of
violations to womens rights under the Taliban, the Petersberg Agreements mandated that the
interim government and the Loya Jirga Commission were to ensure the participation of women in
both the new government and parliament. In addition, two women were designated ministers in the
interim government and three women were appointed to the Loya Jirga Commission, due to massive
pressure from UNSMA, the UN, and the United States.88 As a consequence, the new Afghan
constitution, approved in January 2004, requires each province to send at least one female
representative to the Loya Jirga, establishing a 25% quota for women in the lower house of
parliament, and calls for the president to appoint women to half of the appointed seats in the Senate,
creating a 17% quota for women in the upper house of parliament.89 Despite international
consensus on the importance of womens representation, Afghan women themselves were divided
as to the desirability of quotas, with many women inside Afghanistan viewing quotas as unrealizable
and even dangerous and many women in the Afghan exile community demanding quotas as a
measure to ensure womens participation in the new regime.90

86
Nordlund 2003.

87
This conference is also known as the Bonn Conference, and Petersberg Agreement and Bonn Agreement are
often used interchangeably.

88
Bauer 2002.

89
Gall 2004; Kaufman 2003.

90
Bauer 2002.

17
Transnational emulation and domestic quota campaigns
Transnational emulation is a sine qua non of many domestic quota campaigns, since most
quota debates begin through some form of information sharing across national borders, be it
through international conferences, academic works, or personal contacts. While some instances of
sharing are truly global, with participants coming together from all over the world for meetings of
the United Nations or the Inter-Parliamentary Union, transmission most commonly occurs across
countries with similar languages or across political parties with similar ideologies. The diffusion of
quotas across Latin America, for example, stems largely from the common use of Spanish in many
countries across region. Women in the first Latin American country to adopt national quotas,
Argentina, learned about gender quotas through extensive contacts with women in the Spanish
Socialist Party (PSOE) and with women in Costa Rica mobilizing for the Bill on Real Equality
between Women and Men, before they lobbied legislators to pass a national quota law in 1991.91
After the UN Fourth World Conference on Women, Argentina itself became an important model
within the region, being the subject of a series of meetings among Latin American female politicians
in 1995,92 which later culminated in the adoption of quota laws in fourteen Latin American countries
in 1996, 1997, and 2000.93 The spread of quotas across Western Europe, in contrast, springs in part
from connections among socialist and social democratic parties within the region. Although very
few case studies explicitly address transnational effects,94 various authors mention such influences in
passing, referring to quotas in the Norwegian Labour Party in the decision by the German Social
Democratic Party to adopt quotas, or the example of socialist parties around Europe in the decision
by the British Labour Party to adopt all-women shortlists.95 European socialists, in turn, helped
effect a change within the Socialist International, which now promotes the use of quotas by its

91
Lubertino Beltrn 1992. I elaborate on these influences in Krook forthcoming-a, chapter 7.

92
Htun 2002; Htun and Jones 2002.

93
For a brief overview of these policies, see http://www.oas.org/CIM/English/Laws-Cuota.htm.

94
Case studies on France are the only ones that consistently mention the importance of international and
transnational factors, in large part because activities within the Council of Europe enabled activists to reformulate their
demand for quotas into a demand for parity. See Hoskyns 1996; Leijenaar 1997; Lovecy 2001; Wisler 1998; Scott 1998.

95
Wisler 1998.

18
affiliates in countries around the world.96 A third common means of transnational sharing, and one
which frequently intersects with the other two tendencies, takes place through individual contacts
and experiences. In Egypt, Anwar Sadat introduced reserved seats for women in 1979 following a
trip by his wife Jihan to Sudan, where a quota had already been in effect in for several years.97
Similarly, feminists in Taiwan initiated a campaign in the late 1990s to transform an existing
provision for reserved seats, mandating about 10% female representation, into national and political
party quotas of at least 25%, after a leading Taiwanese feminist, Peng Wan-Ru, learned about the
notion of critical mass98 from an American feminist, Jo Freedman, during an international women
and politics training camp.99
Due to these processes of exchange, transnational sharing introduces a more active role for
domestic campaigners than in instances of international pressure, international catalysts, and
international blockage. Indeed, few cases of emulation reveal direct application of lessons learned,
but rather uncover a variety of ways in which actors seek to translate quotas to suit specific
domestic contexts.100 The dynamics of translation often take one of two paths: actors reduce long,
complex analyses into concise recommendations for action in order to devise their own quota
strategies, or actors draw on international examples as inspiration for novel home-grown solutions
for adopting and applying gender quotas. The first dynamic contributes, among other things, to the
propagation of certain myths about the origin and impact of quota policies. Two opposing myths
concern the Nordic countries, where increases in womens representation are inaccurately attributed to
gender quotas, and the former Soviet-bloc countries, where high levels of female participation in the

96
See http://www.socintwomen.org.uk/QUOTA/QUOTAEng1.html. Lubertino Beltrn 1992 details the
importance of the Socialist International resolutions in the quota debates in Argentina.

97
Howard-Merriam 1990.

98
The notion of a critical mass argues that for women to have an impact on policy-making, they must
constitute a certain proportion of legislators, somewhere between 15 and 40%. The debate over the existence and the
importance of a critical mass of female legislators is one of the most enduring controversies in the literature on
womens political representation, but it holds important sway in many international documents as a justification for
gender quotas. Key contributions on this topic include Dahlerup 1988; Kanter 1977; Thomas 1994. For a critical review
of this literature, see Studlar and McAllister 2002.

99
Huang 2002.

100
Dahlerup and Freidenvall 2003.

19
Communist regime are wrongly attributed to the presence of quota provisions.101 The Nordic myth
has led many to promote gender quotas as a measure for bringing more women into politics, while
the Soviet myth has largely delegitimized the pursuit of quotas in countries seeking to overcome
their Communist pasts.
The second dynamic produces less systematic results, since home-grown solutions may vary
enormously across countries and across political parties. One particularly effective example is
Rwanda, where women now occupy 48.8% of the seats in the lower house of parliament.102 After the
1994 genocide, the Tutsi-dominated Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) came to power after many years
of exile in Uganda. As the ruling party, the RPF pressed for provisions to guarantee womens
representation, inspired by their experiences in Uganda, where seats had been reserved for women in
parliament since 1989,103 and their contacts with South Africas African National Congress (ANC),
where a 30% party quota for women was adopted in 1994.104 Consequently, they integrated a 30%
quota for women in the new Constitution that came into effect in May 2003, in addition to creating
two specific mechanisms for promoting womens participation in all levels of governance as early as
2001. The first innovation was a triple-balloting system at the district level, where voters cast three
ballots a general ballot, a womens ballot, and a youth ballot. The district council, which forms the
basis of all higher-level councils, includes all those elected on the general ballot, one-third of the
women, and one-third of the youth. The second innovation was a parallel system of womens
councils and women-only elections to guarantee a venue for representing womens concerns. While
these councils exist parallel to the general councils, the head of each womens council holds a
reserved seat on each general local council in order to ensure official representation of womens
concerns and to provide a link between the two systems.105 While the idea for gender quotas
originated abroad, then, policies for promoting womens representation in Rwanda present a unique
approach for incorporating women into the new regime.

101
Both myths are addressed at length in Dahlerup forthcoming.

102
Inter-Parliamentary Union 2003; Inter-Parliamentary Union 2004a.

103
Tripp 2000.

104
Hassim 2002.

105
Powley 2003; Powley 2004.

20
International catalysts and domestic quota campaigns
International catalysts shape domestic quota campaigns already in progress, often tipping the
balance in favor of actors mobilizing for quotas by providing new sources of normative leverage in
domestic debates. These catalysts include international documents, as well as international meetings,
that introduce or popularize new ideas and strategies for increasing womens representation. The
UNs CEDAW and Beijing PfA, for example, called on governments around the world to foster
womens full and equal participation in public life and proposed various concrete measures to ensure
womens access to positions of political power,106 while a series of seminars sponsored by the
Council of Europe developed and promoted the concept of parity democracy within the broader
context of democratic renovation in Europe.107 These events conferred international legitimacy on
candidate gender quotas and, in many cases, offered renewed inspiration for campaigns to bring
more women into politics.108 Their visibility, combined with the rapid adoption of quotas in their
wake, however, has led many to mistake their role as catalysts for their role as the cause or origin of
specific quota policies.
Research on Latin America, in particular, highlights the central importance of the Beijing PfA
in the rapid diffusion of gender quotas across the region after 1995.109 In reality, domestic
campaigns were already under way in many Latin American countries before 1995, and the Beijing
Conference provided crucial momentum for those arguing in favor of quota adoption. In Mexico,
debates began as early as 1988, when the Party of Democratic Revolution (PRD) adopted a 20%
quota for women in leadership positions that was then extended to candidate lists in 1993. That
same year, the Chamber of Deputies dominated by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI)
amended the electoral law to encourage political parties to promote the nomination of female
candidates, and the PRD increased its party quota to 30%.110 In 1995, women returning from the
Beijing Conference began working together for a more specific quota law, and they succeeded in
106
United Nations 1979; United Nations 1995.

107
Lovecy 2001; Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men 1992.

108
Garca in Camacho Granados et al 1997; Hacia una Democracia Paritaria 2001; Htun and Jones 2002; Lovecy
2000; Lovecy 2001; Mazur 2001; Mossuz-Lavau 1998a; Mossuz-Lavau 1998b; Steininger 2000; UN Office in Vienna
1992.; Wisler 1998.

109
Garca in Camacho Granados et al 1997; Htun 2002b; Htun and Jones 2002.

110
Baldez forthcoming.

21
getting the Chamber of Deputies to approve a temporary article of law in 1996 recommending that
political parties nominate no more than 70% of candidates of the same sex among their candidates
to parliament.111 This article was later strengthened through a revision to the electoral code in 2002
requiring that parties adopt a 30% quota for women.112 In Costa Rica, a quota law was also discussed
as early as 1988 as part of the proposed Bill on Real Equality between Women and Men.113 When
this provision was not included in the final version of the law passed in 1990, supporters lobbied for
similar revisions to the electoral code in 1992 and 1995, until legislators finally adopted a 40%
national quota law in 1996.114 Similar patterns appear in Brazil and Peru, where parties began
debating gender quotas in 1986 and 1990, respectively, but legislators passed national measures only
in 1997, in large part because of the publicity generated by the Beijing Conference but also stemming
from a series of IPU meetings in 1997.115

International blockage and domestic quota campaigns

International blockage affects domestic quota campaigns to the extent that international
actors seek to prevent the adoption of gender quotas, despite mobilization by local womens groups
and transnational NGOs in favor of these measures. This dynamic is relatively rare across quota
campaigns, since international organizations in general tend to support commitments to increase
womens political representation.116 Two notable exceptions are East Timor and Iraq, where
international officials have opposed gender quotas, albeit with two quite distinct outcomes.
In East Timor, the quota debate took place during the UN Transitional Administration of
East Timor (UNTAET) between 1999 and 2001. Women were extremely active in politics during
this period, and in 2000, women came together from all over East Timor to draft a Platform for
111
Stevenson 2000.

112
Baldez forthcoming.

113
Olsen de Figueres 2002; Saint-Germain and Morgan 1991.

114
Garca Quesada 2003; http://www.idea.int/quota/displayCountry.cfm?CountryCode=CR.

115
Arajo 2003; Schmidt 2003a; Yez 2003.

116
Domestic opponents of gender quotas, however, have sometimes made reference to international law in
order to justify their opposition to quotas at the national level. In the UK, for example, some lawyers suggested that
efforts to change the Sex Discrimination Act to allow parties to apply gender quotas would put the UK in violation of
the European Union Equal Treatment Directive. See Russell 2000.

22
Action for the Advancement of Timorese Women, which included a 30% target for women in
decision-making. A delegation of these women then lobbied the National Council of Timorese
Resistance, which passed a resolution to pressure UNTAET to adopt a 30% gender quota for all
public offices. Despite the various quota provisions that UNTAET had already applied to ensure
womens election to local development councils, the National Council, the National Consultative
Council, and the public administration, UN officials actively interfered in the debate surrounding
quotas for elections to the Constituent Assembly. Although the National Council had already
approved a quota for these elections, UN staff warned that the UN would be forced to pull out of
East Timor if these quotas were applied. Despite support for quotas from the High Commissioner
for Human Rights and the UN Division for the Advancement of Women, the UN Electoral
Assistance Division in New York concluded that electoral quotas for women did not constitute
international best practice for elections. UN staff in East Timor then actively lobbied National
Council members, who eventually contravened their original decision to support quotas including
women who had attained their positions on the National Council through such quotas in the first
place. Protests by womens groups, however, convinced UNTAET to provide funds for training
female candidates, as well as to provide extra air time on UNTAET-controlled media for parties that
took steps to include women.117
In Iraq, the U.S.-led Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) assumed temporary leadership
following the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in 2003. In October, women from all over the country
presented a list of demands to Paul Bremer, the top U.S. administrator in Iraq, calling for a 30%
quota for women in local and national elections, the cabinet, and the assembly in charge of drafting
the new constitution. Despite support from women at the grassroots, women in the interim
government, and women in the cabinet, the CPA rejected the idea of quotas in favor of more
indirect ways of involving women in the political process.118 Women then initiated a petition
campaign to demand that 40% of the seats in the new national assembly be set aside for women,119
and while a February 2004 draft of the constitution incorporated this demand,120 the version

117
CIIR 2001; Pires 2002; Pires 2004.

118
Ciezadlo 2003.

119
Banerjee 2004; Borst 2004.

120
Knox 2004.

23
approved in March 2004 reduced the quota to 25% and left open the question of how this quota
would be implemented.121 Despite CPA opposition, then, quotas were eventually adopted in Iraq,
but only after extensive mobilization by Iraqi women in favor of these measures.122

Conclusions
These four causal patterns international pressure, transnational emulation, international
catalysts, and international blockage reveal that national quota campaigns do not simply follow
international trends, but rather interact in different ways with international and transnational actors
and ideas. Further, some of these patterns intersect, as in cases where transnational emulation
combines with international catalysts to promote quota adoption, or cases where transnational
emulation clashes with international blockage to deflect quota demands. Although current research
on gender quotas rarely considers the international and transnational dimensions of quota debates,
the rapid diffusion of gender quotas around the globe suggests that various quota campaigns are
related to one another in that they react to the same international stimulus, they share information
across national borders, they receive a boost from international developments, or they deflate
through contact with international actors. These connections shed light on the local, national,
international, and transnational aspects of all quota debates, no matter how local they appear. The
possibility of at least four different dynamics thus signals the need to move away from simple
accounts of diffusion to recognize the multiple processes shaping the spread of candidate gender
quotas worldwide.

121
Friedlin 2004; Shelby 2004.

122
Hogan 2004.

24
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