Anodos. Studies of the Ancient World 4/2004, 133-147.

Arms and Armour from Amphipolis, Northern Greece.

Plotting the military life of an ancient city

Elpida Kosmidou and Dimitria Malamidou

Keywords: Greece, Amphipolis, Arms and Armour, Classical, Hellenistic.

Abstract: This is a preliminary consideration of arms and armour from Amphipolis with a commentary
upon the military iconography in varied media from the area. The pieces under discussion,
finds from excavated contexts and stray finds, date from the Iron Age to the Roman era and are in their
majority unpublished. Emphasis is given to links with military activity recorded in the area and toissues
of symbolism.

This paper concerns finds from varied stratified contexts of Amphipolis (walls, bridge,
gymnasium, houses and cemeteries) and individual acquisitions of the museum. The latter form
20% of the total volume of war-related stray finds. The data are considered vis-a-vis the literary,
epigraphic and archaeological record of military activity in the area. Amphipolis military importance
through the ages emanated from the economic, political and strategic benefits of its location. Its
advantageous geomorphology, in particular her enclosure by the river Strymon, ensured its defense
as well as commerce between the sea and the Thracian Macedonian inland. Its integration in a road
network joining areas of diverse ethnic composition and natural resources gave use to economic
and political claims by various powers over the region. The main poles of economic interest were
the timber of northern woodlands and the metalliferous Pangaean district. Politically, the occupation
of the area prompted competitive expansive plans; westwards for the Persian empire, eastwards
for the Macedonian kingdom and the Chalcidian League and northwards for the major powers
of Athens and Sparta (Fig. 1)1.
Military activity in the area prior to the foundation of the city in 437 BC2 can be traced
north-northeast in the area of Ennea Hodoi, southeast at Eion and southwest in the classical
cemetery of Argilos (site Kallithea, property of Chalkias).
The toponymic Ennea Hodoi or Anadraimos3, formerly identified with Hill 133 or
Amphipolis northern wall, has been recently reattributed to the broader inhabited area N-NE
of the site4. The iron swords 1187a and b (65 and 1.03 cm. in length respectively, Fig. 2) from
tombs D and E of Kastas cemetery were part of the equipment used by the inhabitants of
the Iron Age settlement on Hill 133.5 Both are cut-and-thrust swords of Naue II type with
a double-edged blade of slightly elliptical section and uniform width (1187b) or a slight
widening at 2/3 down the length (1187a). The flanged hilts, straight (1187b) or tongue-shaped

1
We are grateful to Dr. A. W. Johnston of University College London for his advise numerous topics addressed
n this paper and for correcting the draft, to Mr. P. Connoly for his helpful comments upon several pieces, to Prof.
J. Bouzek for his invaluable remarks on sling bullets and last but not least to Prof. R.R.R. Smith of Oxford University
for his kind contribution in the dating of L119 and L537.
On the archaeology, topography and history of Amphipolis, Lazaridis 1997; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 2002, 57-73;
Lazaridis 1986, 353-64 (account of the excavations from 1956 to 1985), Lorber 1990, 1-11, Lazaridis 1972, 1-56, MNG,
57-9; Maniatis et al (in press) with full bibliography). See also Hammond and Griffith 1979, 230-7 (they conclude
against any claims by Macedon, Athens and the Chalcidian league over the region in the fourth century), 351-6.
2
Thucydides IV.102.1; Lorber 1990, 2; Lazaridis 1997, 15; Lazaridis 1986, 354; Lazaridis 1972, 1-2, 13; Bengtson 1991,
186 (Pericles policy; Amphipolis was not a clerouchy though).
3
Herodotus VII, 114; Thucydides I, 100. For Anadraimos Lorber 1990, 1, footnote 2; Malamidou 2005.
4
Maniatis et al. (in press); Malamidou (in press) with further bibliography.
5
Kastas cemetery Lazaridis in PAE 1977, 39-42 and 1978, 51-3; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1993, 682-4.

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 Elpida Kosmidou and Dimitria Malamidou

(1187a), preserve traces of bronze nails for the attachment of organic plates.6 The slightly
bent blade of 1187b, if not resulting from use, reflects the symbolic killing of weapons, i.e.
the termination of any practical use through deformation7. 1187a is both in terms of typology
and date close to the sword 5250 from Vitsa cemetery (800-775 BC) and the sword of pyra
XIV from Halos, though the blades profile bears features of a sword from Perachora (after 750 BC)8.
1187b with a straight hilt is closest to the Ib category of Vitsa; its length, which exceeds
the maximum norm for swords of this type, is of interest9. No arms have been found in the area
that can be securely connected with later military events, such as those of the late archaid-early
classical colonial expeditions or the clash of Alexander I army with the Persians in 479 BC.10
Yet, a late archaic burial near Hill 133 including an iron spear head (Fig. 3) offers a hint; its
proximity to the route towards Myrkinos and the Ionian-Greek character of the offerings could
reflect one of the ill-fated Milesian or Athenian penetrations in the Edonian area11.

Fig. 1. Map of the Amphipolis area with the modern road network. In smaller
scale, map of the Greek mainland and the islands. Note: All photos have been
taken and all maps have been drawn by the authors unless otherwise stated.
6
The type Snodgrass 1999, 37; 1964, 93-8, 106-9, Type I; Everson 2004, 64, 125.
7
Snodgrass 1999, 37. An example is the sword from pyra V in Halos (Wace and Thomson 1911/12, fig. 15: 1).
8
Wace and Thomson 1911/12, 25-7, fig. 15: 2 (Halos); Vokotopoulou 1986, 291-2, fig. 85e (Vitsa); Snodgrass 1964, 95-6,
fig. 5g (Perachora).
9
Vokotopoulou 1986, 294, fig. 85 c, d (last quarter of the 7th century BC); Everson 2004, 64 (max. 90 cm).
10
Alexander I versus Persians, Romiopoulou and Touratsoglou 2002, 27; Lorber 1990, 1. On battles during colonial
attempts, Herodotus V. 124 and Thucydides IV. 102 (Ionians killed by Edoni in 497 BC), Thucydides I. 100.3, IV.
102.3 (Athenian attempts). Lorber correctly argues that only Athenian soldiers were killed at Draveskos in 465/4
BC and not the whole force of 10.000 colonists (Lorber 1990, 2).
11
Malamidou 2005 (in press).

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 Arms and Armour from Amphipolis, Northern Greece. Plotting the military life of an ancient city

Regarding Eion, conflicts in the late archaic period are suggested by a Parian epigram
(c. 520-490 BC, Fig. 4) which honors a deceased Thracian named Tokes for defending the city.
A consideration of its military context, particularly of the opponent parties, has to take into account
three local conditions: a) the hostilities between Parians and Thracians in the lower Strymon area
as noted by Callimachus; b) the contrary numismatic and epigraphic evidence for Parian influence
on and collaboration with Thracian tribes, and c) the presence of Persians in the area since 513 BC.
Under this scope a clash of Thracians and Parian colonists with either other Thracian tribes or
with the Persians before their occupation of Eion seems more than plausible12.
Bronze arrowheads from the classical cemetery of Argilos by the ancient road may afford
traces of a later Persian presence in the area (Fig. 5, Site Kallithea, Chalkia property; early 5th
- third quarter of the 5th century BC; nos. D6, D8, D9, 3/3/03, 16, 17, 25 and 16 mm. respectively,
Fig. 6, 7). The majority has three-sided, barbed blades, hollow for insertion of the shaft.
Two points must be considered for their possible historical placement: i) their physical
characteristics link them with the Persian forces of Xerxes at Thermopylae and the siege
of the Acropolis and ii) the same troops used the ancient road by the cemetery
of Argilos on their way towards the Chalkidike13.
For convenience the arms from the site of Amphipolis itself are hereafter discussed by category.
The majority of finds are lead sling bullets and bronze arrow heads of types well attested in most
Greek sites.
The sling bullets (, )
are of the common almond-shaped form,
rarely of biconical profile, with an average
weight of 30 gr. and an estimated range
of approximately 300-400 metres14; only
one piece weights c. 50 gr. and is securely
Fig. 2. Swords 1187a, 1187b. Kastas cemetery. Tombs D and E.
attributed to the presence of missile troops
in the Roman era15. Frequent legends on one
or both sides are variations of the ethnic
( and /, Fig. 8 side a), which first
appears as a legend on silver and bronze coins
of Amphipolis (circa 420-354/3 BC)16. Apart
Fig. 3. Iron spear head. Late archaic period.
from denoting the origin of a,
the ethnic could also refer to the city as
source or owner of the equipment17. A torch
(Fig. 9) depicted on numerous sling bullets
is a visual representation and substitute
of the ethnic. It clearly derives from the local
Fig. 4. Parian Epigram, 520-490 B.C.
cult of Artemis Tauropolos, but also alludes
to the bellicose hunting efficiency of Artemis/
12
Callimachus frag. 24, Herodotus VII. 25, 107, 113; Romiopoulou and Touratsoglou 2002, 26; Lorber 1990, 1, 10;
Malamidou (in press); Lazaridis in AE 1976, 164-81; 1972, 31, Maniatis et al. (in press).
13
For the type see Olynthus X: Type G cf. nos. 2121, 2117 (for D6), 2120, 2130 (for D8), 2099 (for D9), 2117 (for 3/3/03);
Robinson names the type Thraco-Macedonian within a fourth century context. See also ,
, . . ,
, , 2003, no. 392, p. 358 (Tomb 170, 430-420 B.C.; only those with no distinct shaft);
Walters 1899, 347, fig. 80G; Miller 1977, pl. 5, BR53; Comstock and Vermeule 1971, nos. 599, 600. For the Scythian type
of arrowhead and Persian troops see Snodgrass 1999, 99-100; Snodgrass 1964, 148-54 (Type 3); Lazaridis 1972, 48;
Herodotus VII, 114.
14
For physical characteristics and range see Foster 1978, 13; AM 1988, 228; Papakonstantinou-Diamantourou 1997,
252-3; Everson 2004,167; Olynthus X, 418-9; Snodgrass 1999, 84.
15
Papakonstantinou-Diamantourou 1997, cf. D118, fig. 3, p. 256 with further bibliography.
16
SNG Cop., Vol. II, Pl.1; Lorber 1990, AR tetrobols and obols p. 152-6, (57-63 end of coinage).
17
Compare the case of arrowheads and sling bullets bearing the badges of cities or rulers Everson 2004, 167; AM 1988,
no. 156; Foster 1978, no. 301.

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 Elpida Kosmidou and Dimitria Malamidou

Bendis18. Other legends refer to neighbouring cities, whose population was annexed by
Amphipolis, like T (Tragilos) (Fig. 10), or to personal names, such as [.][.],
/, / (Fig. 11, 12). The last name, known from inscribed
sling bullets unearthed at Torone and Olynthus, is considered to witness a general of
Philips II army in post during the sieges of those cities in 348 B.C. If the same legend
on bullets from Amphipolis applies to the same officer, they are evidence of Philips siege
of Amphipolis in 357 BC.19 Sling bullets bearing the legend / (Fig. 13) have two Olynthian
parallels of the same date20.
The retrograde script attested on numerous sling bullets is clearly the outcome of
casting in moulds with orthograde legends engraved. Whether this effect was deliberate or
accidental is a matter of further consideration. If the first case stands, an analogy could be
drawn from the anachronistic writing styles on curse tablets and the incentives behind such
a practise. The power that emanated from the mystic archaism of past scripts escalated
the vivifying power of words. Words did not simply refer to humans or future actions; they
vivified them21. Under this scope, the nature of those legends with messages addressed
to the enemy can be viewed as something more than merely humoristic22. Ethnic or personal
badges and their bearers could embody the individuals or cities themselves as if they had
delivered the strike in close combat. The irony in the re-use of sling bullets by the targeted
enemy against the initial users is evident and needs no further mention. A few sling bullets
have been found in stratified contexts. No. 4172 was found in the Eastern Cemetery23
(Section B, Tomb 52) (Fig. 14, no. 5) together with a black glazed skyphos of Attic A type and
a red-figured squat lekythos of the late 5th - early 4th century BC. It could place the buried among
the Athenians who fought against the Spartans in 422 BC or those who repeatedly tried to
recapture the city in the early fourth century24. Another sling bullet from the west section of
the north wall (site Parages, fourth-third century BC, Fig. 14, no. 1) preserves intelligible traces
of letters. It cannot be placed in a particular military context, since the attacks against the city
mainly by the Athenians (in 374, 370, 363 and 360/59 BC) and Philip II were numerous.25

Fig. 5. The ancient road by the cemetery of Argilos.

18
Cult of Artemis Tauropolos and Artemis/Bendis Lorber 1990, 10; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1981, 229-41; Lazaridis
1972, 44; Hatzopoulos 1996, 53 (footnote 2), 135, 150, 262 (footnote 4), 442 (dedications).
19
On Philip siege of the city, Hammond and Griffith 1979, 237; Lazaridis 1972, 15; Lorber 1990, 6. Sling bullets from
Torone and Olynthus, AM 1988, no. 171; Olynthus X, nos. 2202-2216.
20
Olynthus X, nos. 2217, 2218, p. 429 (suggesting a personal name or toponymic abbreviation).
21
On curse tablets and style of writing Gager 1992, 5; Farraone and Obbink 1991, 7-8.
22
Olynthus X, 421 with further bibliography; Foster 1978, 13.
23
On the Eastern cemetery: Malamidou 2002 (in press); Malama 2002, 55-70; Malama 2003, 111-26 (archaeological
report); Malama and Triantafyllou 2003, 127-36 (anthropological study).
24
On the battle between Athenians and Spartans in 422 BC, Thucydides V, 6-11; Snodgrass 1999: 105; Montagu 2000,
70; Anderson 1970, 80-1, 90; Hanson 1991, 168 (note 142). On Athenian attacks see note 25.
25
An outline of attacks, Lorber 1990, 3-6; Lazaridis 1972, 12-5; Hammond and Griffith 1979, 231, 233.

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 Arms and Armour from Amphipolis, Northern Greece. Plotting the military life of an ancient city

Arrowheads of varied types have been located at the north wall (west section, site Parages),
the Gymnasium, a building complex (Kyprianidou property) and the Eastern cemetery26 (Fig. 14,
nos. 1, 4, 2 and 5 respectively). The complementary evidence of hundreds of stray finds betrays
a significant presence of archers in Amphipolis from the late fifth century BC onwards. This
is of no surprise if one considers the general rise in the use of light-armed troops at a Pan-
Hellenic level following the Persian Wars26. With regard to local conditions, the arrow-heads,
as is the case with the sling bullets, conform to the intense military activity, particularly in the
fourth century, sketched out above. With the exception of arrowheads found at the north wall
(west section, Gates C and B, Site Parages), the others are not necessarily indicate violent events.
Those from an excavated building complex (Kyprianidou property) may reflect military forces
within the city as either permanent garrisons or occasionally encamped corps under exceptional
circumstances27. Some of the arrowheads from the Gymnasium may also be connected with the
training of ephebes in archery (). In the ephebarchical law of 24/3 BC archery is included
in the sports under instruction. Considering the increasing status archery achieved from the
5th century and the attested training of Athenians in it henceforth, its early incorporation in the
local athletic programme cannot be excluded28.
The following types of arrowheads are found in the available material for study from contexts of
the fifth to third centuries BC; all are bronze, the category I excluded (of iron):
i) four-sided blade; preserved the beginning of the solid cylindrical tang for insertion into
the shaft (building complex: Kyprianidou property, Section XI late 4th - early 3rd century BC,
D56, l. 4,6cm., Fig.15)29;
ii) trilobate blade and short, hollow socket of circular section (Gate C of the north wall: Site
Parages, Section V 4th - 3rd century, l. 2,7 cm, Fig. 16; building complex, Section X, 4th century BC,
Site Kyprianidou, D23, l. 3,4 cm., Fig. 17)30;
iii) blade of small size and triangular section (Eastern Cemetery, Tomb 87 late fifth-first half
of fourth century B.C., no. 4270, l. 1,5 cm., Fig. 18; Gymnasium no. 3395, l. 1,9 cm.)31;
iv) double-edged blade of leaf-shaped form with solid tang of circular section (west section
of the north wall: Site Parages, Section VII 4th-3rd century, l. 8,6 cm., Fig. 19)32;

Fig. 6. Bronze arrowhead, D8, cemetery of Argilos, site Kallithea. Fig. 7. Bronze arrowhead, cemetery of Argilos, site Kallithea.

26
Everson 2004, 167; Snodgrass 1999, 89, 98-9; Hammond and Griffith 1979, 429.
27
On the garrisons of Perdiccas III and Philip II and the concentration of forces within the city in 422, under Philip II
and in 168 BC; Hammond and Griffith 1979, 233-4; Lorber 1990, 5; Lazaridis 1972, 2, 15, 17; Hatzopoulos 1996, 178
(Philip).
28
Malamidou 1999, 11; Hatzopoulos 1996, 182 (footnote 2, date of the law), 209 (footnote 1, social status of ephebes);
Snodgrass 1999, 98 (Athenian training).
29
Richter 1915, Type IIIa, cf. nos. 1499-1501 (from Cyprus); Olynthus X, Type E (4th century BC), cf. nos. 2010, 2013?,
Miller 1977, pl. 5 IL97 IL99, pl. 6 IL66, pl. 7 IL70 IL77 (Nemea).
30
Olynthus X, Type F (397-8 discussion and bibliography); Comstock and Vermeule 1971, cf. no. 596 (from Assos);
Walters 1899, Type F (p. 347); Broneer 1935, Type I, p. 114, fig. 4.
31
Snodgrass 1964, Types 3B5, 3C2-3, fig. 10, p. 152-4; Olynthus X, Type G, cf. nos. 2103, 2113, 2117.
32
Olynthus X, Type D (p. 383-4 with further bibliography); Richter 1915, Type IIIb, cf. nos. 1502-1505; Snodgrass 1964,
Type Ib4 fig. 9, p. 146-7.

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 Elpida Kosmidou and Dimitria Malamidou

v) variation of III with straight sides and barbs at the base of the blade; tang of square
section (Gymnasium, nos. 3396, 3392 (Fig. 20), 3397, max. l. 9,5 cm.)33.
Other types attested among stray finds are double-edged and three-edged blades with
cylindrical hollow shafts and attached spurs34.

Fig. 8. Lead sling bullet, chance find, side a,

legend AM. Fig. 9. Lead sling bullet, chance find, symbol torch.

Fig. 10. Lead sling bullet, chance find, legend

.

Fig. 11. Lead sling bullet, chance find, side a,

legend .

Fig. 12. Lead sling bullet, chance find, side b,

legend . Fig. 13. Lead sling bullets, chance finds, side a, legend .

33
Snodgrass 1964, Type Ic, fig. 9, p. 147-8; Walters 1899, Type D, fig. 80; Richter 1915, Type IV, nos. 1510-1512; Olynthus
X, Type D1, cf. nos. 1949, 1960 (387-8 with further bibliography).
34
Comstock and Vermeule 1971, cf. no. 595 (near Athens); Walters 1899, Type H, fig. 80; Miller 1977, cf. pl. 6, BR221,
pl. 7 BR77 (Nemea); Broneer 1933, fig. 13g (north slope of Acropolis).

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 Arms and Armour from Amphipolis, Northern Greece. Plotting the military life of an ancient city

The only piece of body armour from the area of Amphipolis is a bronze pilos helmet
(chance find, north section of the ancient city, west of the Acropolis, Site Gouvia Fig. 14, no. 3,
acc. no. 37, height 20,1cm, diameter 22,6-20,9 cm, Fig. 21). Its conical, raised crown slightly
protruding from a vertical brim follows the morphology of fourth century examples. One side
is slightly deformed with cracks and small pieces missing, while a diagonal crack from the
brim to the peak of the crown may have came from a blow. Two holes (diam. c. 1 cm) on each
side secured riveted cheek-pieces; there is no sign that a crest was attached. Its wide adoption
by hoplite armies of various states, including Athens and Macedon, both active in the Strymon
area throughout this period, does not allow associations with a specific event or army35.
A Thracian helmet is depicted in relief on a lead seal (P750, chance find, Fig. 22). Its
raised bell-shaped crown is reinforced with a repousse forehead-guard and a horizontally
protruding brim; crenellated cheek-pieces are attached36. It clearly reproduces the reverse coin
types of silver autonomous Macedonian issues (tetrobols, 185-168 BC) under the reigns of
Philip V and Perseus.37 It was found together with a lead seal bearing in relief the legend BA

Fig. 14. Map of Amphipolis. 1 - western section of the north walls, wooden
bridge, gates B and C (site Parages); 2 - house complex (sites Kyprianidou
and Ioannides); 3 - site Gouvia; 4 - ancient Gymnasium; 5 - Eastern cemetery;
6 - Byzantine tower of Marmarion (site Pyrgos).

35
Closest parallels of the helmet Richter 1915, no. 1540; Dintsis 1986, Taf. 22, no. 3; Pflug 1989, no. 17. A discussion
of the type Dintsis 1986, 57-85; Pflug 1989, 22-3; Everson 2004, 136; Anderson 1970, 29-37.
36
On Thracian helmets see Dintsis 1986, 113-33 (he names the type Pseudo-Attic); Pflug 1989, 24-7 (as Attic);
Everson 2004, 136; Snodgrass 1967, 95.
37
Brett 1955, cf. no.724 (mint Amphipolis); Grose 1926, pl. 136, nos. 11-12; SNG Cop., Vol.II, Mac., nos. 1282, 1288.
See also Dintsis 1986, Taf. 30, nos. 7, 8 and p. 70 (Pilos/Konos Category).

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 Elpida Kosmidou and Dimitria Malamidou

and sword, a frequent reverse type on bronze coins of Philip V (220-179 BC) and Perseus (179-
168 BC)38. The helmet, however, deviates from numismatic parallels in its relief decoration;
traces of a head in profile to right wearing a possibly Phrygian helmet are apparent (Fig. 23).
It is tempting to associate the head with that of the hero Perseus in winged Phrygian cap,
which occurs on silver and bronze coins of Philip V and Perseus39. In this case the helmet on
the seal employs the same symbolism with its counterparts on coins; a symbol of military tradition
and supremacy, a necessary psychological and nationalistic strengthening, given the military
preparations for the forthcoming war with Rome40. The addition of Perseus image, if that is
the case, explicitly associated through coinage with Philip V and Perseus and easily recognizable,
functions as a symbol of royal status. Thus an image, which would be widely disseminated,
represented the two sources of power in the Macedonian state: the royal house and the army.
The use of images with intelligible military and political connotations may be seen in
two shield-shaped plaques made of gilded terracotta, which bear a twelve-rayed star in relief
within dotted border (Eastern Cemetery, Section B, Tomb 66, 4th century BC, no. 4230, diam.

Fig. 15. Iron arrowhead, D56, Site Kyprianidou. Fig. 16. Bronze arrowhead, 6.10.77, Site Parages, section V.

Fig. 17. Bronze arrowhead, D23, Site Kyprianidou, section X.

Fig. 18. Bronze arrowhead, no. 4270, Eastern cemetery, tomb 87.

Fig. 19. Bronze arrowhead, Site Parages, section VII. Fig. 20. Bronze arrowheads, nos. 3396, 3392, Gymnasium.

38
Touratsoglou 1993, pl. IV, nos. 8-9 (under Philip V); SNG Cop., Vol.II, no. 1281 and Grose 1926, pl. 137, nos. 5-6 (under
Perseus).
39
Cf. Grose 1926, Philip V nos. 3635-3636 (AR tetradrachms), 3642-3643 (Bronzes), Perseus nos. 3677 -3680 (bronzes).
40
Touratsoglou 1993, 39 note 23 (Philips V policy).

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 Arms and Armour from Amphipolis, Northern Greece. Plotting the military life of an ancient city

1 cm, Fig. 24). The star or sun symbol evokes the royal Macedonian house through its established
use by successive kings and its role in the dynasty foundation noted by Herodotus. It also
alludes to the army through its frequent use as an emblem on Macedonian shields. In our case,
it is carried by a decorative element on clothing41.
Not a collective but a private statement of military status is illustrated made on the marble
relief stele L119 (handed over to the museum; height: 75 cm, width: 73 cm, Fig. 25). Hellenistic
period; third-second centuries BC. On the left, an armed male figure is standing before an altar
holding a phiale. He is dressed in a short chiton, shoulder-piece cuirass and chlamys. Visible is
the right shoulder-piece () fastened by laces to the chest. The torso plates extend to the
waist, where two sets of pteryges are adjusted, the lower reaching the middle thigh. Short pteryges are
also attached to the shoulder-pieces for additional protection of the upper arm. The cuirass is
fastened at the waist with a belt forming a Heracles knot ( ), indicative of its
high position in the hierarchy of the army. On the right, his attendant is depicted in a smaller
scale walking by his masters horse. The theme, as Hatzopoulos notes, is known from a stele
from Kellion and a relief sarcophagus from Beroia (c. 200 BC) and may refer to the 1: 1 ratio
of horsemen to their attendants established since the fourth century BC. The attendant wears
a Thracian helmet reinforced with a ridge on the crown and carries his masters round, flat
shield of Celtic type. The ridge on helmets for extra protection against downwards blows and
the Celtic shield, which were adopted by Greek cavalry forces after the Celtic invasions, point to
a date after c. 275 BC. Similar shields are carried by Macedonian cavalrymen on a frieze slab from
the monument of Aemilius Paulus at Delphi and a funerary stele from Kalindoia. Cavalry was
an indispensable part of Hellenistic warfare as is attested by the populus in service and
a corps of Amphipolitan cavalrymen was already active in Alexanders III time42.
The marble statue of a Macedonian armed in the same fashion was unearthed in the earth
filling of a building complex (Ioannides property, Fig. 14, no. 2, L. 537, H. 1,60 m. Late fourth-
third centuries BC (Fig. 26). His head, right arm and leg below the knee are missing. He is
depicted standing, wearing a short chiton, shoulder-piece cuirass and a chlamys wrapped around
his left arm and covering his right leg and waist. His Thracian helmet is placed on the ground

Fig. 21. Pilos helmet, acc. no. 37, chance find, site Goubia. Fig. 22. Lead seal, chance find, P750.

Tsigarida 1997, 363-9; Themelis and Touratsoglou 1997, 55 no. A19; Adam-Veleni 1993,18-28; Pantermalis 2000, xix-xxi.
41
!!!
Discussion of the stele and parallels: Hatzopoulos 2001, 53-4, pl. IIIa, b. The monument of Aemilius Paulus, Kleiner
42

1992, 27-8, fig. 5 (the slab in the middle). On Thracian helmets see note 35. For close parallels of this helmet see Dintsis
1986, Taf. 55, nos. 2-3; Choremis 1981, fig. 8. On shoulder-piece cuirasses Snodgrass 1967, 90-1; Everson 2004, 145-59,
165, 193-5, 198-9 (on cavalry and Celtic shields). For the representations and duties of attendants see Anderson 1970,
29-30; van Wees 2004, 68-71. For the Amphipolitan cavalrymen see Lazaridis 1972, 16; Lorber 1990, 8; Hammond
and Griffith 1979, 352-3.

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 Elpida Kosmidou and Dimitria Malamidou

by his left leg. Pteryges are attached to the shoulder-pieces and to the lower part of the torso
plates, where the upper set of pteryges is scarcely distinguishable under the folds of the chlamys.
The pteryges of the lower set, broader, shorter and less dense than those of the cuirassed officer
of L119, point to an earlier model of the type43.
The significance of the army for monarchical regimes, such as the Hellenistic kingdoms,
and the necessity of its healthy state, particularly in turbulent periods, are evident in Philips V
military diagramma from Amphipolis. Its content, Pan-Macedonian scope and regulative tone
regarding military affairs have already been the subject of many studies and need no further
analysis here. However, a few points should be stressed. First of all, apart from illustrating
the organisation of the army, it implicitly demonstrates the degree of absolutism in the royal
control over military life. Political and military power was interwoven, with the former being
achieved and retained through the latter. With regard to arms and armour, the imposition of
fines for specific pieces is of particular interest. Further to pointing the state as supplier of all
equipment, it reveals that all orthodox hoplite arms were in use despite variations in quality
by hierarchical grade. The previous lightening of infantry armour had been superseded by
a retrograde favour for heavily armed soldiers44.
Of military, but rather obscure character is a set of six miniature plaques made of gilded
terracotta in the shape of nude male figures carrying shields in equal number (no. 4455,
Eastern Cemetery, Section B, Tomb 130. Height of figures 4,3 cm, diameter of shields 9 mm,
Fig. 27). Their posture is identical, with the left arm extended forwards evidently bearing
the shield and the right arm bent at the waist. Their projecting left leg denotes a captured
moment of action, not of running though, since such a movement with both left arm and left
leg extended would be unnatural. They are represented in front and back views, thus allowing
three possible reconstructions of their principal arrangement: in three couples of confronting
men or in two groups of three men each, either a) confronting or b) separating. Their nudity

Fig. 24. Two shield shaped plaques, Eastern cemetery, section B,

Fig. 23. Detail of fig. 22. Male head in right profile; in relief. Tomb 66.

Fig. 27. Set of six miniature plaques; nude male figures bearing shields, Eastern Cemetery, no. 4455, Section B,Tomb 130.
Photo taken by S. Stournaras.

43
For Thracian helmets and shoulder-piece cuirasses see notes 35 and 42 respectively.
44
Analysis of various aspects of Philips V diagramma see Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1977; Hatzopoulos 1996, Vol. I, 396,
423, 453-6 (with analysis of Philips army), 459-60 and Vol. II epigraphic appendix no. 12; Welles 1938, 245-60; Roussel
in RA 3 (1933), 39-47; Feyel in RA 5 (1935), 29-68; Juhel 2002, 402-12; Everson 2004, 193-5. On the increase of infantry
equipment during the 3d century see Gerson 1981, 1. On kings, war and their army see Austin 1986, 450-66.

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 Arms and Armour from Amphipolis, Northern Greece. Plotting the military life of an ancient city

could accordingly be viewed from three perspectives; as heroic, athletic or simply artistic.
There is no sign that a weapon was attached to their right hands. Considering that they were
decorative elements either of clothing covering the thorax of the diseased or of a diadem
placed there, it is possible that the weapons were attached as separate pieces. The position
of their bodies as already noted makes the current interpretation of them as hoplitodromoi (armed
hoplites in a running race) less than plausible. However, their nudity and their shields could
invoke a discipline of military character within an athletic context. Two possible interpretations
are suggested here; either they represent youths under training or competing in hoplomachia

Fig. 25. Marble relief stele, L119.

Fig. 26. Marble statue, L537. Fig. 28. Marble statue, L62.

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 Elpida Kosmidou and Dimitria Malamidou

(use of shield and spear) and in this case the set should be reconstructed as confronting groups
or couples, or they perform a pyrrhic dance, mimicking combat action in armour to the sound
of flutes; in this case the third reconstruction remains open. Both practices were in use and
constituted part of the athletic and military training of the ephebes. The context of the grave
suggests a date in the last third of the fourth-early third centuries BC and that the buried was
of pre-pubertal age. A wreath that was found on the head perhaps places the dead among the
winners in such contests taken place in Amphipolis45.
In the Roman imperial period, arms and armour were explicitly used as tokens of both
private prestige and state propaganda through a martial, triumphal repertoire. This applies
to the cuirass of the marble statue L62 (H. 92 cm, W. 50 cm, Fig. 28; built into the wall
of a Byzantine tower, Site Pyrgos Fig. 14, no. 6). The only preserved parts of the statue are the thighs
and torso, the surface of which is in places worn with missing pieces. The cuirass presents
no major deviations from cuirasses of this kind worn by high rank military figures, notably
cavalry officers and emperors. It is of the muscle type with anatomical waist line, to which
a set of overlapping, tongue-shaped pteryges is attached. The decorative scene in high relief
is explicitly victorious; a pair of Victories sacrificing bulls flanks a trophy of arms. Two captives
are seated at its base bound with their arms resting on the ground. Every component of the
scene is an autonomous account of victory and as a synthesis the symbolism is reinforced;
commemoration of military triumph and supremacy. Both Nikae sacrificing bulls and trophies
iconographically marked military success already from the fourth century BC. Images of trophies
had the same psychological effect as their real-life counterparts in battlefields; constant reminders
to the enemies of their defeat. The cuirass on our trophy is not preserved, but the helmet is clearly
of the pilos type. Considering the garments of the captives as well as their Phrygian (?) caps,
the whole scene denotes victory over eastern nations. Above the trophy, a gorgoneion, badly
preserved, served as an apotropaic device46.
The finds examined for the purposes of this paper indicate a preponderance of arms from
the late fifth and fourth centuries BC over other eras. A rise in numbers throughout this period
not only conforms to the increased military activity in the area as recorded in the literary sources;
it also echoes changes in warfare practises, notably the increasing use of light armed troops.
The traces of military activity prior to the foundation of Amphipolis or in the Roman era remain
scarce. With regard to the latter, the absence of arms from excavated Roman layers is intriguing;
especially if one considers that those layers bear signs of destruction that comply with relevant
literary accounts. However, much in these observations is provisional on broader excavation of
the ancient city, less than one third of which has been unearthed to date.

Elpida Kosmidou Dr. Dimitria Malamidou

University College London 18th Ephorate of Antiquities of Kavala
Institute of Archaeology, Er. Stavrou 17, 651 10 Kavala, Greece
31-34 Gordon Square d.malamidou@free.fr
GB-LONDON WC1H 0PY
e.kosmidou@ucl.ac.uk

45
The closest parallel of no. 4455 is D22 (Hellenistic cemetery of Amphipolis, Tomb 240) now at the museum of Kavala.
See Lazaridis 1997, fig. 74. However, the male figures of D22 considerably differ from our example; they wear helmets
and greaves and carry swords. Their current interpretation as hoplitodromoi should be reconsidered given their posture
and identical relief scenes which admittedly depict pyrrhists (for example Ridgway 2002, pl. 104, a neo-attic base with
pyrrhists). On military training with references to pyrrhic dances, races in arms and hoplomachia see Chaniotis 2005, 46-51;
Anderson 1970, 24-5; van Wees 2004, 89-92; Hanson 1991, 29-30.
46
PAE 1976, 90, pl. 58b. On pilos helmets see note 35. On trophies generally Chaniotis 2005, 233-5; van Wees 2004, 136-7.
On Nikae and trophies Nike-Victoria on coins and Medals, Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Numismatic Museum, 2004, 41,
52, 73. For Nikae sacrificing bulls and gorgoneia see Kleiner 1992, 209 and fig. 173 (cuirassed statue of Trajan).

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 Arms and Armour from Amphipolis, Northern Greece. Plotting the military life of an ancient city

Abbreviations
AAA Athens Annals of Archaeology
AE
AEMTH
AJA American Journal of Archaeology
AM 1988 Ancient Macedonia, 1988, Athens: Greek Ministry of Culture, National Hellenic Committee
- ICOM, International Cultural Corporation of Australia.
BSA The Annual of the British School at Athens
CQ Classical Quarterly
MNG Vokotopoulou, . (ed.), 1996, Macedonians, the Northern Greeks, Athens: Greek Ministryof
Culture, ICOM, National Hellenic Committee.
Olynthus X Robinson, D. M. 1941. Excavations at Olynthus, Part X, Metal and Minor Miscellaneous
Finds, An original contribution to Greek Life, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, London:
Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press.
PAE
RA Revue Archaeologique
SNG Cop. Sylloge Numorum Graecorum, The Royal Collection of Coins and Medals, Vol. II, Macedonia,
1982, Copenhagen: Danish National Museum.

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