AITON 1927 - Antonio de Mendoza, First Viceroy of New Spain

Antonio de Mendoza
First Viceroy of New Spain
BY
ARTHUR SCOTI AITON

A110ti1111 Prof111,,-o/ Histor, lnlll Un;.,,.,;,,
o/ Mithi111
D.UKE UNIVERSITY PRESS

DUHAM, NOR.TH CAROLINA
1917
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D U K E UN 1PERS1TYPUBL1CAT1 O NS
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ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
FIRST VICEROY OF NEW SPAIN
' . ...
. COPYJUOHT, 192.7, BY
DUKE UNIVER.SITY PR.ESS
PIUNTED BY
THK IEEMAN PUSS, INC
.l>UJUIAM, N. C.
To
THOMAS MAITLAND MAR.~HALL

. Teaclzer and.Friend
PREFACE
Antonio de Mendoza was the first great admi~istrator in
the New World, but despite this fact no tlcquatc study oi
bis labors exists in any fanguage. His work as first Viceroy
of New Spain included the establishment of .stablc govem-
ment, the completion of "the conquest of Mexico,'J.the organ-
ization of social, political, and economic life and the promo-
tipn of important dis~overy and colonization. - This study
represents an attempt to gather the f acts concerning bis
achievements from widely sattered sources, both printed
and manuscript. The great bulk of the new materials used
by the writer were found in the Archivo General de Indias
in Seville_, the most important single find being the complete
papers of the first .great general visita jn America made by
Francisco Tello de Sandoval, from 1543 to 1547.
The character of the viceroy's task and of the resu!tan~
historical materials make this study preeminently institu:.
tional. Since the man and bis work cannot be divorced, his
biography is best written in terms of his most intimate care:
the social, po?itical, and economic development of New Spain
during his tenure of office. If an excuse for a treatment of
this nature is considered necessary, it les in the f act that the
time to examine the projection of institutions from a parent
country toan overseas colony is during the critica! period of
the installation and adjustment of those institutions for New
Spain. The epic conquest of Corts has excited the admira-
tion of historians from Prescott's time to the present to such
a degree that not only has the work of his companions been
unduly overshadowed, but the whole subsequent movement
of conquest and consolidation has been comparatively neg-
lected. The capture of Tenochtitln wa~ by no . means
equivalent. to -the conquest of the vast territory that now
viii ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
goes under the name of Mexico. The last great strggle of
the natives to throw off Spanish rule, the Mixton W~r, and
. the irnportant work of building up colonial society and gov-
ernrlent were yet to come. This. heavy burden of expansion,
compl~tion, and re-casting fell largely on the Viceroy's
, sh.oulders and is, in the main, a sober story of institutional
beginnings. The thesis is, therefore, the complement to the
spectacular initiation of Spanish rule in N ew Spain by
~ernando Corts, without which the accounts of his Jast
.years are relatively unintelligible.
Sorne of th'! condusions reached concerning the introduc-
tion of the viceroyalty into New Sp~in are: ( 1) that when
the. audiencia, employed successfully in the West Indies,
failed. to cope satisfactorily with the problem of a turbulent
population, great arca and the control of semi-civilized
people in Ncw Spain, vice-regal rule, with its precedents and
pres ti ge, was ably superimposed upon it ; ( 2) that the Sand-
.. oval visita was of greater importance and extent than hith-
crto has been suspected, and was, in large part, the result of
a well-planned attempt on the part of Corts to oust the vice-
. roy; ( 3) that the enforcement of the New Laws would have
.meant the desertion of New Spain by Spanish settlers; ( 4)
that there were noteworthy social and economic d.evelop-
ments, such as the elaboration of goyernmental machinery
to protect free Indian labor and to fue just wages; ( 5) that
American history of the sixteenth century is more than a
:study of conquest and discovery and that the first schools,
~printing press, mint, mines, ranches, shipyards, cloth factor-
i~s, and kindred industries should receive greater attention;
and ( 6) that the tremendous output of gold and silver caused
the New World to exert an influence on European prices
.comparable to the effect of the recent output of paper money
by the presscs of European governments, and should be the
objcct of further study by historians.
PREFACE
.
IX
. .
Tlie writer's solution of the vexed problems of Spanish

terms with no exact English equivalents, of abbreviations in
old Spanish texts and of the accentuation of Spanish w?rds
will undoubtedly give rise t sorne criticism. As no gener-
ally accepted practice has been . adopted, the f orm which
seemed to be best and most reasonable in each case has been
used and a special effort to secure consistency has been made.
As few modernizations of the old Spanish texts as possible
has been the rule, since the f aithf ul reproduction of the orig-
inal is the accepted ideal of modern scholarship. This has
ineant the retention of abbreviations as in the original except
in cases where the expandcd word is not easily discerned in
its shortened f orm.
The preparation of this volurrie has laid the author under
a deep clebt to the generous aid and assistance of others.
This study was begun in the. seminar of Professor H. E.
Bolton, of the University of California, to whose knowledge
of the entire field, encouragement, and unfailing enthusiasm
he owes more than these f ew words can indica te. Professor
H. I. Priestley and Prof essor C. E. Chapman of the Ban-
crof t Library group al so placed their cxpert knowledge at his
disposal and their criticism and assistance beyond th~ years
of graduate study have been gre~tly appreciated. .
A year of research abroad was made possible by the gen-
erosity of the Native Sons of the Golden \iVest, a fraternal
order which maintains two annual travelting f ellowships in
history at the University of California. The writer held one
of these fellowships during the year 1920-J921 and feels
that this excellent phase of the order's activities deserves
wider recognition. \Vhile in Seville, the writer was ex-
tended every courtesy by the officials of the Archivo General
de Indias, particularly by the now retired Jefe Pedro Torres
Lanzas; and, in the early stages of acquaintance with the
archives, Miss Irene Wright gave invaluable help from her
X ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
. grcat store of archive Iore. Thanks are also due to the man-
~ agemcnt of the Biblioteca Nacional and the Academia Real
- de la Historia f or pennission to use thcir matcrials, cspeci-
ally for acccss to the Muoz collection of transcripts. In
Paris, similar trcatment was expericnced at the BibliothCquc
Nationalc, for which the author dcsires to render grateful
acknowlcdgmcnt.
In this country, the great kindness of Mr. Edward E.
. Ayer, in granting permission to use materials in the Edward
E. Ayer Collection of the Newberry Library, am;l of Mr.
William L. Oements in extending the right to utilize thc
resources of the William L. Clements Library of the Uni-
versity o~ Michigan, and the unstinted use of his valuable
time accorded by Dr. R. G. Adams, the custodian of the last-
. namcd library, are gratefully remembered. In the last phases
of composition, Professor R. B. Merriman read and criti-
. cized sorne of the chapters and with a kindliness unusual in
this day postponed hi~ treatment of the later phases of the
Viceroy's activities to the next volume of bis great survey
of Sp:iin's rise to world empirc. His student, Mr. Salmon,
was also generous in providing information concerning the
genealogy of the Mendoza f amily.
In conclusion the .writer wishes to express his gratit~de
to thc Duk~ University Press for their patiencc and C!loper-
ation in the trying days of transformation from manuscript
. .to book. The usual labot;" of proof-rcading was greatly Jight-
ened by assistance from his wi fc.
A. S. A.
ANN Auoa, 1926.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PACE
PREFACE vii
BtOGRAPHICAL FOREWORD . .
. 3
CHAPTER I. THE APPOINTMENT OF A VICEROY 16
Policy of the Spanish Governmcnt in New Spain.-The First
Audiencia.-The Second Audicncia.-The Accomplishments
of the Second Audiencia.-Weakness of the Sccond Audi-
cncia.-A Change of Government Foreshadowcd.-Thc
Antecedents of the Officc of Viceroy.-Antonio de Mendoza
Appoint~d Viceroy.-Commissions as Viceroy, Govcrnor
and President.-The lnstructions of the Viccroy.-Th<; In-
fluence of the Instructions.-The New Government ln!:lltuted.
CHAPTER II. THE ADMINISTRA1'ION OF NEW SPAIN
UNDER THE VICEROY 43
The Extent of New Spain.-The Pcriod of Beginnings.-
The Viceroy,s Household.-His Philosophy of Govcm-
ment.-Special Powers and Restrictions.-The Audiencia.-
Thc Departure of the Second Audiencia.-Position of the
Viceroy in the Audfoncia.-Composition of thc Audiencia.-
Spccial Powers and Restrictions.-The Audiencia of Nueva
Galicia.-Provincial Government.-Local Government.
CHAPTER III. REAL HACIENDA UNDER THE FIRST
VI CERO Y 70
The Purpose of Real Hacienda.-Beginnings of Real
Hacienda in New Spain.-The Sources of Royal Revenue in
New Spain.-The Mines of Ncw Spain.-Early Mining
Law.-The Regulation of the Collection of the Royal
Fif th.-The Shipment of Precious Metals to Spain.
CHAPTER IV. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS UNDER
THE 14'IRST VICEROY 84
Thc Character of the New Society.-Social Classes in Ncw
Spain.-Treatment of the Natives.-The New Laws.-The
Life of the Times.-Communication.-The Church.-Educa-
tion.-Printing Press.-Agriculturc and Industry.-Moncy
and Priccs.
CHAPTE~ V. EXPLORATION UNDER THE FIRST VICEROY 116
The Struggle for the Right to Discover.-Thc Expedition
of Francisco Vsquez de Coronado.-The Voyage of Her-
nando de Alarcn.-The Cabrillo-Ferrelo Voyagc.~Thc
Voyage of Ruy Gmez de Villalobos to the Spice lslands.-
Conclusion. . .
xii ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
PAGE
CHAPTER VI. THE TE.~TING OF THE VICEROYALTY 137
A Dual Trial.-The Causes of the Mbcton War.-The Out
break of thc \Var.-The Expedition of Cristbal de Ofiate.-
Pedro de Alvarado's Defcat and Death.-The Viceroy Ends
thc Revolt.-N ews of Revolt in Pcru;-Corts and the San-
doval Visita.-Sandoval's lnstructions.-Thc Extent of the
Sandoval Visita.-Thc Conduct of Sandoval.-Thc Chargcs
Against Mcndoza.-Mcndoza's R.cplies.-The Results of the
'\'isita.
CHAPTER VII. THE LAST YEARS OF ANTONIO DE
MENDOZA'S RULE 172
The General Character of the Period.-Social Unrest.-Aid
for Peru.-Thc Founding of Quertaro.-The Audiencia of
New Gaticia.-Ncw Galicia Under the Audencia.-Treat-
ment of the Natives.-The Mint.-The Viccroy's Health.-
Francisco de Mendoza as his Fathcr's Successor.-The Ap-
pointment of Lus de Velasco.-The Arrival of the Ncw
Viceroy.-Mendoza in Pcru.
. CONCLUSION 193
BIBLIOGRAPHY 196
INDEX 223
PLATES
: ANTONIO DE MENDOZA . noNnSPIBCZ
AREA OF THE MIXTON W AR fatjng 139

ALVARADO'S L~ST BATTLE facing 150
. .
~ .
ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
FIRST VICEROY OF NEW SPAIN
BIOGRAPHICAL FOREWORD
Environment and heredity are the two determining
forces whose interplay on man decides the march of events
we te~m history. Whcre the life and character of a single
individual are concerned, their influence is almost irresistible;
and no clear comprehension of the meaning of bis actions can
be gained without reference to bis ancestry anda portrayal of
the surroundings that molded bis character in early youth.
This f oreword represents an attempt to reconstruct the fam-
ily and environmental background for Antonio de Mendoza,
the first viceroy in the long line that ruled over the destinics
o" N orth America for Imperial Spain. ~is greatness, bis
Jimitations, and the qualities that made him respected and re-
vered by bis subjects are only understandable in the light of
these data and in an appreciation of the. age that produced
him. His century was the child of past history in Sp~in and
he is only differentiated from it by the f orebears from whom
he sprang and the world of bis associations as a young man.
T'Y:o years before the discovery of America, within thc
grim wans of a mountain outpost on the Granada border,
Anto~io de Mendoza first saw the light of day. 1 His
f ather, Iigo Lpez de Mendoza, second Conde de Tendilla
1
"Avicndo sesenta y dos aos que muri"-"Mmoire" in L'Espagne
au XV/1 et au XVJJ1 Siecle, cd. Albert Mor~-Fatio, Heilbronn, 1878,
p. 59. This would seem to fix 1490 as thc; date of his birth since he died
July 21, 1552, but there is other evidence which points to thc early part
of 1491. His father mct his mother for the first time in two years some-
time after the month of April, 1490, when he greeted her in Alcala la
Real on his return from a successful raid. Cf. Hcmando del Pulgar,
.. Crnica de los seores reyes catlicos,'' in Biblioteca de A 11tores
Espaoles, LXX. 508. This reunion must have been a fcw months later
than April, as Antonio's father was not made ca.ptain-general of thc
frontier of Jan until Ferdinand had come to Crdoba after the festivities
held that month in Seville to celebrate the betrothal of the Infanta
Isabel and Prince Alonzo of Portugal, and in all likelihood, af ter thc
exploits against Alhendin, Marcheria, and Albolodny.
4 ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
. and captain-gcneral of the Christian forces befo.re the doomed
Moslem stronghold, made this fastness, Alcala la Real, bis
headquarters. 2 Born on the frontier, the future arbiter
of Spanish polity and policy overseas was a scion o'f the
rich and powerful Meuc za f amily celebrated f or its warriors
in the annals of the Christian reconquest of Spain. It be-
longed to the haughtiest Castilian aristocracy, tracing a long
lineage back to Roman patricians and the Gothic dukes of
Cantabria. It claimed descent from the Cid and the lords
of Biscay; the original seat of the main branch of the house
being Lodio in Alava, one of the Basque provinces .in the
north of Spain. 3 Spanish royalty was related to the line
... through the Catholic ffionarchs and the du~es of Infantado,
who took precedence over ali other Spanish granrlees. Over
seventy titles oi nobility \~ere distributed through the family
and it ranked not only with the first houses in Spain but
had also achieved f ame beyond the limits of the Iberian
Peninsula. 4
Distingished personages adorn the name prior to the
viceroy's appearance. His great-grandfather, Iigo Lpez de
1
Pablo Beau:nont in bis Crnica de Michoaca11, IV. 425. ff., atleges
that Antonio de Mendoza named Patzcuaro (modern Morelia) in Mich-
-. uacn, Valladolid in honor of his birthplace, but the statement is un-
supported by any proof save the fact that the city was founded during
the- viceroy's reign in New Spain. That he had any direct conncction
''ith its establishment -is cxceedingly doubtful. Cf. De la Torre, Bosquejo
histrico 3 ~stadistico de la ciudad de M orclia, Mexico, 1883, pp. 1 ff.
Granada itself has been named as his natal city by a numbcr of authori-
.. tie5, no~ably the Cartas de Indias, Ministerio de Fomento, Madrid,
-_. 1877, p. 798, and the Diccionario U11iversal de liistoria y de geografa, but
this is impossibl~ since this place was in Moslcm hands until J anuary
. 2, 1492. Alcala. la Real has a better claim since the future viceroy's
f ather conducted bis operations f rom it during the period in which he
was born an<l his mother in ll probability remained there in 1490, af ter
the journey thither from Guadalajara to join her husband after a scp-
aration of two years. Cf. Pulgar, .. Crnica," in Biblioteca de A ulores
Espa1ioles, LXX. 508; Medina y Mendoza, ''Vida del Cardenas,'' in
Memorial Histrico Espa1iol, VI. 285.
Medina y Mentloza, op. cit., in M. H. E., VI. 155.
S. P. Scott, Histor, of tlie M oorish Enapire in Europe, Phi1adelphia,
1904, III. 234.
BIOGRAPHICAL FOREWORD s
Mendoza, the illustrious Marq~s de Santi11ana, second s.on
of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, grand-admiral of Spain and
its wealthiest nobleman,1 was one of tlie outstanding figures
of bis age. Born in 1398, he .be~i:ne known to the Europe
of bis day as a poet, statesman, warrior, and scholar. As a
mere youth~ after the death of his father and bis cldest
to
brother, he was compelled fight to hold his estates together
and to rcover those lost to rapacious. neighbors. He showed
himself to be a skilled and dctenriined soldier and eamed
the respect of his Christian compeers and the fear of the
f ollowers of the prophet. He shone both in the courtly cir-
cles of his sovereign, Juan II o.f Castile, and in the knightly
_accomplishments of the age, once holding the lists all day
against any challenger.- In short. as Ticknor says, " . . . bis
name and position were so great that ali who discuss his
times must notice the important part he played in them." 1
His fief s lay principally in the Asturias and in Castile and
bis f avorite residence was Guadalajara, which continued to be
the chief seat of the ~1endozas down to modern times. 1 His
title was the direct outcome of gallant action in the battle
of Olmedo, in 1445, when a grateful sovereign created him
~farquis with a grant of Santillana near Santander. This
doughty ancestor was devoted to Our Lady of Guadalupe
and remembered her i~ his motto "Dios Y Vos," used by the
viceroy a. f ull century later in the N ew World.
M. Schiff, La Bibliothcque dH M arqici.r de Sa1itillane, Paris, 1905,
Introduction, p. xxiv.
G. Ticknor, Hi.rtory o/ Spanish Literature, Boston, 1882, l. 380,
footnote B. .
'"Los Mendozas venian ya con tradicin analoga desde mucho antes.
D. Gonzalo Yez de Mcndoza, Montero Mayor de Alonso XI., Cas
en Guadalajara con Da. Mara de Orozco, hija de ligo Lpez de
Orozco, seor de Santa Olatla, vecino de Quadalajara tuvieron por hijo
a D. Pedro Gonzlez de Mendoza, seor de Hita y Buitrago."-Quad-
rado y La Fuente, Castilla la N14eva, in E.spatia sics Monumentos Y Artes,
ll. 110, footnotc A. This last named person became famous in Spanish
song for saving the life of Juan 1 of Castile at the cost of bis own in
the battle of Aljubarrota in 1385. Cf. Ticknor, History o/ Spa11ish
Littrati1re, l. 387, note 2.
Antonio de Mcndoza's grandfath~r, Iigo L6pez de
Men~oza, third son of the Marqus and t~c Marquc.sa
Catalina de Figueroa, 9 gave bis attention f ~om early
youth to thc study of letters and the profession of arms.
H~ ~istinguisbe~ himself by brilliant exploits i~ the. wars
against the Moors and is best known through bis inheritancc
of Tendilla, a small town near bis native city of Guadala-
jara, honoted by Henry IV with the rank of Conde in 1468. 1
.. His gencalogical record is as f ollows: "Don Iigo,
the first Conde de Tendilla ... by grace of his Majc~ty, Juan .
11, caballero of the Order of Santiago, Commendador de So-
cuellanos, third of the said Order, mem.b er of the Council of
Thc Marqus de Santillana had sev_.n sons and f our daughters. The
sons in 'the order of thcir birth were: Deigo, Duque de Infantado; Lo-
.renzo, Conde de Corua; Iigo Lpez, Conde de Tendilla; Pedro Lasso,
.seor de Mondjar; Pedro Gonzlez, Grand Cardinal of Spain; Jua.n
Hurtado seor de Fresno y del Colmenar el Cardoso; Pedrn Hurtado,
adelantado de Cazorta for Pedro Gonzlez.-~1edina y Mendoza, op. cit,.
in M. H. E VI. 155. Vitar y Pascual, Diccionario hast6rico geneal6gico
y herdldico de las familias ilustres de la tnonarqaiia espaola, V. 320,
states that Iigo Lpcz is the second son. .
"El slar de la casa de Mcndoza es en Alava, donde por linea paterna
detiende de .Jos seores della. Sus pasados fueron ligo Lpez de Men-
dolza, Marqus de Sanctillana. de cuya f clice memoria es tan las historias
llenas; el qual fu hijo del AJmirante de Castilla Don Diego Hurtado y
de Doa Leonor de la Vega y de Dona Mara ( Mencia) de Cisneros,
y el Almirante su abuelo fu hijo d~ Pedro Gonzalez de Mcndoza,
Mayor domo del Rey, que muri en la de Aljuba lfota. y <le Doila
Aldon~a de Ayala, camarera de la Reyna Doa ] uana Manuel, hijo del
Maestre Don Loren.;io de Figucroa y de Doa Mara de Orozco su
mugcr, que fu hija de Iigo Lpez de Orozco, seor de Santa Olalla y
de Doa Mara de Valdes su muger, y fu et Maestre su abuelo, hijo de
Don Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, que fu eleto Maestre, y muri en la
batalla de Araviana, y de Doa Teresa de Quadros, su mugcr. De
manera que por parte de su padre tenia Mendo.;a, y Ayala, Lasso de la
V cga y Cisneros: y por parte de su madre era Figueroa, Quadros
Orozco y Valdes. ."-Medina y Mendoza, o/J. cit., in M. H. E., V
l
154, 155. This is written of bis brother Pedro Gonzlez but applies
cqually to him.
The prhitegc of this pueblo was first given to his grandfather
Diego Hurtado de Mendoza for Jo~ty and service, November 20, 1395.
It passed from him to the first Marqus de Santillana and on bis death
to his son, Iigo Lpez de Mendoza. the viceroy's grandfather. During
his life it was favore4 by Henry IV of Castile, who raised it fro~ a
seorio to a condado and granted thc royal rents to thc Conde.-Catal-
ina Garca, Aumentes y notas to Relaciones de /JHtblo.r que perttntsen
hoj la provincia de Guadalajara, in M. H. E., pp. 90 ff.
BiGRAPHICAL FOREWORD 7
Henry IV, twice ambassador ~o Rome, . also captain-ge~
eral against the Moors of Granada. on three .occasions as well
as against Aragon and Navarre ; aid in .Seville and adelan-
tado of Andalucia, in which charg~s. and others h~ com-
ported himself with vator.'' 11 . He died February 17, 1479,
in Guadalajara, after a life of usefut activity on the border
marches of Castile. By his wife, Elvira de Quiones, he left
a numerous posterity. One of the sons, Diego Hurtado de
Mendoza, sought ard f ound succe.,.:1 within the church, rising
to be Bishop of Sigienza and Palencia, Patriarch of Antioch,
and finally, Cardinal, Archbishop of Seville. 12
The eldest son, Iigo Lpez de Mendoza, the viceroy's
father, succeeded to the title of Conde de Tendilla and added
to it the estate of Mondjar through his marriage with
Marina Lasso de Mendoza. 18 He was a seasoned border
fighter and earned an enviable reputation by his matchless
ability in the expedients demanded in that harsh sch.:,ol of
warfare. So great did his f ame become that he was selected
11
Rcsumln gmcalgico de la casa de Mondjar, quoted in Quadrado,
op. cit II. 66.
u Relacio11es de pueblos. in M. H. B., XLIII. 96, note 2.
11
Mondjar was givcn to Juan Carillo de Toledo, caballeri:ro mayor
of the king's houschotd. He married Mara (Juana?) de Sandoval and
their only daughtcr, Juana Carillo, brought it into the Mendoza fanuly
when she marricd Pedro Lasso de la Vega, son of the Marqus de Santi-
llana, Octobcr 14, 1435. Two daughters resulted from this union, Cata-
lina and Marina. The first married the first duke of Medinaceli and
styled herself "Sefiora de Mondjar.. and the sccond married thc vice-
roy's father, Iigo Lpez de Mendoza, and brought him Mondjar as
her dot. Her death in 1477 led to quarrels between Catalina and thc
Conde de Tendilla over ownership. The dispute was finally settlcd by a
sale to the crown of Castile in 1486, with the understanding that it
could be bought back by the Conde. From that time it was definitely
united to Tendilla and in recognition of the distinguished services ren-
dered by its lord, King Ferdinand made ita marquisate on September 25,
1512. Despitc the greater antiquity of the Tendilla title, Mondjar
became the preferred rank and the estate thc favorite place of retirc-
ment.-Relaciones de pueblos, in M. H. E., XLII. 323 ff. Lcas Atamn,
in bis Disertaciones sobre la liistoria de la Rep1blica Mexicana, ~le.'tico,
1844-1849, ApenJice 10, and a number of other writers have confusctl
the viceroy's fathP.r and grandfather, making one character out of the
two quite distinct persons. From this error many of thc mistakcs in thc
vi ceroy' s genealogy ha ve arisen.
to aid- Pope Inn0ccnt VIII, in 1486, against King Fcrdinand
ofNaplcs an<l acquittcd himscl'of this task in such fashion
as to win thc admiration of the_ Holy Sce. 14 In the last cam
paigns on thc Granada frontier he hetd important posts and
made his na~e a terror to those who fought under the eres-
. cent. His work, particu1arly as Captain of Alha~a, Atcala
. la Real and in the siege of Bacza, was so outstanding that the
Catholic Monarchs made him captain-general of the captured
provincc and alcalde of the Alhambra. u For eight years he
ruled over the .dty and province with unexampled tolerance
and firmness; :~a. remarkable feat in view of the_ discordant
elements of the population: Jews, .Mo~lems, rene~ades and
Christians, conquerors and conquered. His able administra-
tion and sympathetic attitude kept the peace and promoted
prospcrity 1=1ntil the intrusion of Cardinal Ximnez, whose
intolerant . and f orceful methods of conversion to Christian-
ity led to disorders and revolt. On one occasion during this
. tumultuou~ period, the Spaniards were only saved from dis-
.<-aster by the coolness of the captain-general and by the esteem
in which he was held by the Moslems. He appeared un'armed
, : among the enraged populace, promised reform, and lef t his
wife and two children in the insurgent quarter as a pledge
~- of good faith. The effect of this bold move was instantane-
. ous and the tumult subsided. W e can well believe that the
s. During his st'1y in Rome he negotiated the bull of July 13, 1486,
granting the Catholic Monarchs the patronage of a.ll the churches of the
kingdom of Granada, and because of bis efforts Peter Martyr, famous as a
man of letters and historian of the discovery of America, was induced to
come to Spain, where he died, prior of the Granada Cathedral, in 1526.-
La Fuente y Alcntara, fl istoria dt Gra11ada 1 Pars, 1852, 11. 353. By
the license of Innocent VIII, he added a star of eight points and the
legend ''Buena Guia" to the coat of arms of bis house. ''Buena Guia,"
it wiJI be reca.lled, was the name first applied to the Colorado river by
Alarcn in honor of the viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza, the son.-Rela-
ciones dt pueblo, in .M. H. E., XLIII. 98.
11
Relaciones dt Pueblos, in M. H. E., XLIII. 98; "Mmoire," in
Morcl-Fatio, L'Espagne au XVI et au XVJI Siecle, p. 58.
BIOGRAPHICAL FOREWORD 9
future viceroy was one of the chitdren. 18 In 1512,lT
wcighcd down by thc burden of scventy-~evcn years, he re-
tired: from active servicc, and his death, July 16, 1515,11
was mourned by both Christian and unbeliever. His sons
and the nobility of .the city attended the funeral and bis re-
mains were placed in the Chapel ~f St. Francis within thc
Alhambra. 19
The oldest son, Lus Hurtado de Mendoza, tbird Conde
de Tendilla and second Marqus de Mondjar, bad been act-
ing as captain-general of Granada for bis father since 1512
and continued to occupy this post, which was to descend from
father to son in this family for one hundred and four years. 20
His record includes leadership in Granada against thc
Commu~eros; command of the cavalry in the capture of Tun-
is in 1535, whcre he kitled the notorious Cidececia in single
combat; the presidency of the Councils of the lndies, of Cas-
tile, and of War; and honorable retirement in 1564. His
father had married twice, first his cousin, Marina Lasso de
Mendoza, who had brought him Mondjar, an~ three years
after her death without issue, in 1477, he had wedded bis
third cousin Francisca Pacheco, daughter of Juan Pacheco,
Marqus de Villena. Antonio, with whom this work is
chiefiy concerned, wa~ the second son by this union. 21 He
was a caballero in the Order of Santiago and his official life
was spent as royal chamberlain, ambassador to Hungary, and
viceroy of N ew Spain and Peru. The younger brothers were
Francisco, vicar-general of the army, Abhot of Medina del
Campo and Valladolid, bishop of Jan, ambassador to the
11
Prescott, History of the Reig11 of Ferdi11a11d a11d lsabella lht Catla-
olic, Philadclphia, 1864, II. 419.
n "Mmoire," in Morel-Fatio, L'Espagnt au XVI ti au XVII
Siecle, p. 58.
11
Relaciones dt Pueblos, in M. H. E., XLIII. 98, note 2.
11
La. Fuente y Alcntara, Historia de Gra11ada. 11. 352.
"Mmoire.'' in Morel-Fatio, L'Espagnt au XVI ti au XVll Silclt,
p. 63. .
:n /bid., :B.
.10 ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
-Council of Trent, and finally Cardinal ; Bemardino, Govemor
of Goleta, lieutenant-gcncral of the Spanish galleys, and vice-
roy of Naples; and Diego Hurtado, ambassadorto Venice,
- England, ~d Rome, representative at the Council of Trent,
and possible author of La Guerra de Granada and thc early'
, -picaresque_ novel Lazarillo de Tormcs. The sisters were
Mari~, Condesa de Monteagudo and Maria de Pac~eco, who
_. .- achievcd fame as the wife of Juan de Padilla, the leader of
the communeros of Castile. After her husband's death she
-~- carried ori the revolt and was the heroine of the siege of
-. Toledo that finally crushed it. 22 Another sister, the ille-
. ~, gitimate Le,1nor Beltrn, carne to New Spain with her half-
. brother, the viceroy, and married a conquistador. Still
~- another sister~ Mara de Mendoza, remains to be accounted
: f or by the historian. She was, apparently, another illegiti-
--. mate daughter and carne to the Indies, where she married a
-_mine owner of noble birth, Martn de lrcio, and Rared a
family. 21
This Mara flcd to Portugal on a mute carrying geesc, in thc guise
of a laboring woman, and thcrc nursed a hope that sorne day shc woutd
. be madc Quecn of Spain in accordanc with the prophecy of (:iranada
witchcs.-Gmara, Annals o/ the Emperor Charles V, Oxford, 1912,
p. 66. She died therc, March, 1531, and was buricd in thc Cathcdral in
Oporto.-Manucl -Oanvila, Historia C~itica y documentada de las com-
munidades de Castilla, V, in M. H. E., XXXIX. 584.
Vilar, Diccionario Histrico, V. 360. Thc record of hcr appcar-
. anee i~ thc N ew World is quite voluminous, as alleged i1l treatment of
her was one of the chargcs brought against the viceroy when his ad-.
ministration was undergoing a tJisita. Thc tcnth charge placed against
. thc viceroy, June, 1546, was " que aviendosc casado por palabras de
-_ prescnteo Martn dircio con mi hermana por su procurador en los reynos
de Castilla y como a tal muger suya el dicho Martin dirdo ynbio mucha
.- , plata con que viniese y venida que fue como su muger a esta nueva espaa
y ciudad de Mexico yo Ja tuve en mi casa mas de dos aos que no ta di
al dicho Martin dircio'' A. G. I., 48-1-2/24, Descargos del virrey,
~fexico, October 30, 1546. Shc had takcn a vow before coming to New
Spain which might prevent her marriage, nd, while consulting letrados
. and churchmen, lodged with the viceroy. After her doubts had been
- dispclled, she ma~ried and in 1546 shc was _living with her husband and
_ -children at Zumpango. A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio de Mendoza,
'- preguntas 26, 27. Coronado testifies that on bis return from his journey
shc was installed in a separate quarter of the viccroy's palace and enjoyed
_complete liberty and tha.t he attended her wedding with Martn de Ircio.
We know very little about the .early career of thc .futurc
viceroy. It is fairly certain that he spent bis youth in and
abot.!t Granada, where his father ruled, and that he received
an education in the knightly accomplishments of the time as
befittcd his rnk. In later years he spoke of letrados with
contempt, 24 and gave proof of military training ~y lcad-
ing troops in the field with marked success. Indeed, the war-
like surroundings of Granada and the traditions of bis f amily
could onty have led toward one other profession than that
of arms-the Church. In 1515 we catch our first certain
glimpse of him as a mourner at his father's funeral in Gra-
nada. Five years later we sight bim again during the course
of the uprisings in the province caused by the war of the
communeros. \Vith one bundred horse and five hundred
foot soldiers, he marched to Huesear and defeated the revo-
lutionaries in that vicinity and, together with bis brother
Bernardino, was of greatest assistance to tbe Marqus de
Mondjar, bis older brother and captain-general of Gra-
nada.H
Antonio de Mendoza's si:cceeding activities were in the
field of diplomacy and took him abroad in the service of the
. Emperor, Charles V. In the month of November, 1526, he
set out from Spain for Flanders accompanied by another
agent, Presinga. Whiie awaiting definite orders at a nortb-
ern seaport town he was commissioned to undertake a differ-
A. G. l., 48-1-9/Jlt Testigo de Coronado, pregunta 'D. This woutd
fix the date of her arrival as sometime during his absence in 1540 and
1541 and distinguishes her from Leonor Beltrn who carne to the New
\Vorld with Antonio de Mendoza in 1535. Fortunately she testifics
in person that she is a sister of the viceroy on the fathers side, is thirty
years old, and carne to New Spain six years prior to th~ date of her
testimony. A. G. l., 48-1-7/29, Testigo de Maria de Mendoza :1" Probanza
hecha en las minas de ~umpango, March 28, 1547.
"Carta Je D. Antonio de Mendoza su Magestad. Mexico, Junc 20,
1544, in h.s!ruccionts qut los Vireyes de Nueva Espaa dejaron sus
Sucesores, 240, 241.
11
La Fuente y Alcntara, Historia dt Granada, II. 355. Letters of thc
Marqus de Mondjar to the Emperor, Granada, Decembcr 6, 19, 1520, in
M. H. E . XXXVI. 758-763.
12 ANTONIO oE MENDOZA
cnt missiort, namely, to carry Jetters of credit worth 100,000
. ducats to Ferdinand, King of Hungary, and the Emperor's
~ broth~r. Much depended on the safc arrival of the mon~y
and there ''fS grave danger of hostile interception. Mendoza
. . discharged this delica.te task wlth speed and discrction.. He
~ . remained in ~ungary as imperial ambassador untit the early
.. part of 1528, when he returned to Madrid. In_~529 he was -
In Z~ragoza for a peri o~ and in the autumn, in Madrid, he
first indicated his willingness to govem New Spain, when
.. an offer was made by the Queen, whom he was attending as
chamberlai,n. His actual appointment as viceroy was de- .
Jayed, however, until April 17, 1535. Early in 1530 he jour-
neyed to Italy to visit Charles V and infonn him concerning
. his wi fe -and family. On the morning of February 11, 1530,
: he joined the court at Bologna and elected _to remain for the
coronation: ceremonies. Very shortly thereafter, a threat
of. renewed war f orced him to basten back to Spain, where he
.assumed new duties as representative of Hungary at the
Queen's Court.. Later, in 1530, lawsuits and other interests
. held him in Spain and prevented the acceptance -of a diplo-
. .: matic errand to. Germany, and, finally, in June, 1534, a for-
. tunate absence from the court in ?v!adrid on a visit to Gra-
. _nada precluded an appointment to Hungary which would
_: have shnt him out from New \Vorld affairs altogether, as a
change of -gov.ernment in New Spain l;>ecame imperative by
1535. The greater part of this year was given over to
. -i>reparation f or a long s~journ o verseas, alt~ough Mend~za
-"little su~pected that the balance of bis days were to be given
:to the. consolidation of the Spanish Emp~re in America.
~One of bis last act$ was to entrust the administration of bis
to
_.affairs one of his brothers. 28
Thc above account is bascd largely on the diplomatic correspondencc
of King Ferdinand's Ambassador to the Spanish Court, Martn de
Salinas, to be found in A. R. Villa, El Emperado'r Carlos V y su corte,
Madrid, 1903, pp. 336-735, passim. Additional materials- are to be found
Sorne months after Mendoza,.s appointment to thc office
of viceroy of New Spain, he sailed from San Lca.i: for the
land of bis life work~ Mexico, where he arrived in October,
1535. After a rule of Jifteen eventful years, marked by
great success, he was transferred_ to Peru. An official of
suc~ proved val ue could not be spared even for a well-eamed
f urlough. He arrived in Lima, bis new capital, hroken in
health but hopef ul that the change of scene and of climate
would restare his waning physical powers. But no respite
was granted him, as Peru was in the throes of a contro,ersy
over the enforcement of the New Laws prohibiting personal
service by the nf:1tives. He became involved in the controversy
through bis office and his counsel of moderatio~ created a
breach between himsel f and the audiencia there. His en-
f eebled health proved unequal t'> the strain and he died on
July 21, 1552, struggling from bis deathbe~ against the un-
wise action of his audiencia. His body was buried with
great pomp and ceremony in the Cathedral of Lima next to
the swine-herd of Trujillo, Francisco de Pizarro. Thus by
the irony of history, the aristocratic .first vic~roy and the
lowborn conqueror slept side by side.
Concerning the immediate f amily of Mendoza, we know
that he married Catalina de Vargas, one of the ladies-in-
waiting to the Catholic Queen, sorne time before he was ap-
pointed viceroy of New spain. 27 One.son from this union,
Iigo de Mendoza, surnamed "el largo," remained in
Europe ;md served in the imperial armies. He met his. death
in Great Britain: Public Record Office, Calendar of Letters, Despatchts,
and State Papcrs, Re/atiug to tlie N egotiations betwetn Eng/arrd ancl
Spafo London, 1862-1916, III. 1035, 1058, pt. ii, 1~ 14, 25, 72, 106, 148,
11
150, 246, 660, 680; IV. 472, 479, 528, 714. A visit to England, where he was
presented to Henry VI 11 at Grcenwich early in -1527, while en route to
Ferdinand's court at Prague, is the most significant additional informa-
tion concerning :Mendoza's movcmcnt afforded by these despatches.
:n According to the . Cartas de Indias, pp. 798, 799, her na me was
Catalina de Carvajal. Probably the full name was Catalina de Vargas y
Carvajal.
-in thc sicgc of San Qucntin by Prince Philip, where his il-
. lustrious nclc Bcmardino died f rom fatigue, exposure, and
:worry due to the .vacillation of the ~ver-cautious Philip. 21
.Another son, Francisco, was the trusted coadjutor of
__ his fathcr in New Spain and accompanied him to Peru. 21
After bis father's death he retumed to.Spain, where he was
styled "el Indio" by reason of his American antecedents. 80
He became captain-general of the galleys of Spain, Gov-
ernor of the mines of Guadalcanal, and bore the titles of
Commendador de Socuellanos in the Order of Santi~go and
Lord of the Villas of Extremadura and Valdaracete. He
died without heirs in 1563.81
Supposedly contemporary portraits of the viceroy, which
have come down to us, ~how him to have had a commanding
.presence. 12 Dark, somewhat portly in his viceregal robes,
he appears to have been of average height. Keen eyes set in
a long face, a determined chin and a finn mouth, not too
effectively concealed by a well-kept _beard and moustache, an
.aquiline nose and high forehead, give an i~pression of as-
Morel-Fatio, L'Espagne au XVI' et au XVII Siecle, p. 59.
In 1549, whcn the viceroy was so ill that bis recovery was doubtf'ul,
Francisco disch?.rgcd thc duties of viccroy and the home governmcnt
. was bcsicged with letters urging that he be officially recognized as bis
-- father's coadjutor and in case of the latter's death he be appointcd as
viceroy. This cntirc movement was rcbukcd in a letter from ihe King,
Peafie!, May 8, 1550. A. G. I., 87-6-2, Oficio y parte, 231.
Morel-Fatio, L~Espagn~ au XV Je et au XVII, Siecle, p. 59.
Cartas de' Indias, p. 800.
0
Thcre are two pictures of note which wcre copied f aith f ut ly f rom
thc contcmporary portrait now i!l the possession of the Museo Nacional
in Mexico City: one in M. Rivera-Cambas, Los Gobernantes de M exico,
M.exico, 1872, 1873, l. 28, the other in El Liceo M exicatio, l. 166.
Rivera-Cambas insists on thc authenticity of the portrait reproduced in
. -. his work, op. cit., 4, but diffcrenccs in thc other tikeness suggest that it
might be taken from another portrait painted later or else that it is
thc product of less. skillful artistry. In both pictures the Mendoza coat
of arms appears. It is the old shield of the Mendoza and Vcga families
consisting Qf an ". . eau parti en chef et en pointe de sinople a la
bandc de goules bordc d'or (Mendoza) a dextrc et a senestre d'or, a
la dvisse de 'Ave liara' (Vcga).''-Schiff. La bibliotheque du .Marqui.r
de Santillanc1 in 2cole dts Hautes Studes, CLIII, LlV.
tuteness, dccision, ~nd high ideals in keeping with the record
of his accomplishments. Yet the likeness is not devoid of a
suggestion of underlying kindness and human sympathy,
which is in accord with contemporary accounts of. bis lifc,
particularly with respect to his policy toward the subjec~
native population in New Spain, for he so tempered strict
justice with merey that they revered him as their protector
against wanton inhumanity. 88 The general conclusion
conce~ning his character drawn from bis deeds and writings
and from the opinion of his age is that he was resolute, ami-
able, and just t~ward all in his public dealings. He was
hospitable to a f ault, entertaining needy caballeros in his pal-
a ce at his own expense, and on one occasion providing freely
for the 300 survivors of the Hernando de Soto expeditio~.u
Coronado says of him, ''He was such a zealous Christian
and was so rigorous in obeying the commands of God" that
he "knew no churchman even~f good reputation and life who .
was as conscientious as the viceroy."; and Baltasar de Obre-
gn, looking back on bis reign, remarks that when ~f endoza
left New Spaih all the inhabitants were saddened "because in
him they were losing a courageous Catholic man of prudence
and principie, who governed this kingdom in peace, love, and
concord, a f ather to ali in this land, which he protected, f av-
ored, and rendered prosperous by praiseworthy and prudent
means." 85
In 1540, the natives set aside a cazadero between Xilotepcc and
San Juan del Ro, near Mexico,.- as a memorial for his kindness to them.
-El Licto Me xicona, l. 169.
"Gentleman o/ Elvas N arrat.ive in Spanis Ezplortrs iK tht Southtrn
UnittdStates, p. 269.
11
A. G. I., 1-1-3/22. n. 7, Baltasar de Obregn, Cr6Kica, from MS
copy in the Bolton Collection, University of California.
CHAPTE~ I;
THE APPOINTMENT OF A VICEROY

..
A new period in Spanish colonization in the N'ew World
was inaugurated by the cpic conquest of Remand Corts. 1
. - Over a quarter of a century elapsed aftcr the landing of
Columbus before this great success produccd the rich profits
.. which werc the aim of Spain's exploring activity. Her nav1-
gators had ~n the coastline of the co.ntinents seeking a strait
to the East and a share in its lucrative trade. Her advcn-
turers had been lured to the mainland at various points by
rumors of gold and pearls. In the larger islands of the
\Vest Indies settlement and exploitation rnerely served to
teach the first lessons in successful imperialism, the fruits of
which were to appear later on the mainland. But no salid
pecuniary reward had come from these efforts to offset Por-
tugtiese triumphs "beyond the line." It remained for
the obscure Estremaduran to transmute failure in to a daz-
- zling triumph. Following i'n the f ootsteps of two earliet
expeditions, he instituted the conquest of the semi-civilized
Mayas and Nahuas of Mexico, Yucatn, and Centr~l Amer-
ica. These natives Iived in substantial towns, possessed a
sA recapitulation of carly Spanish discovcry and cxploration is
omitted for obvious reasons, nor is it deemed necessary to recount thc
spectacular conqucst of Tenochtitln by Corts and his companions.
\V. H. Prescott and bis succcssors have accomplished this last task so
well as to makc more than an allusion to it in a work of this charactc:-
supcrerogatory. lt should be pointcd out, however, that the fall of thc
city, or evcn thc subjcction of thc arca undcr its control, was not
cquivalcnt to the conqucst of the vastly grcatcr arca which was to
bear the namc of Ncw St>ain. What is usually tcrmcd .. thc Conqucst
of Mexico" shou!d be more propcrly dcsignatcd as .. the Conquest of
thc Nahua Conf ederation." A study of the page-space devoted to
Corts and particularly his carcer up. to 1521, as compared with that
given to general Mcxican history, rcveals a decidedly faulty cmphasis
in most of thc writers. The story of the completion of the conquest
mcrits a more extended trcatment.
THE APPOINTMENT O.F A VICEROY 17
considerable supply of the precious metals, and their fuced
population, inured to toil, offered a tremendous labor supply
f or Spanish exploitation. Spain was at last in contact. with
the most highly developed New World civilizations and thc
first great store of accumulated wealth aroused men'$
passions and hopes to the high pitch of the succeeding "Age
of the Conquistadores."
As soon as the magnitude of the achievement of the
. original conqueror was realized in Spain, Charles V and bis
advisors took steps to make Imperial control over the new
possessions more secure. This involved the gradual removal .
of power over the colony from the hands of Corts. To
encourage new conquests without undue expense to the
Crown, Spain was willing to, grant extensive rights and
. . privileges to persons whe would fit.. out exptoring expeditions
at their own cost, hut when these ventures proved successful
the interests of the home ~ountry were best safeguarded by
agents n:iore dependent on the government in Spain. Corts,
\/ in the case of New Spain, was regarded as no better than an
extraordinarily f ortunate adve~turer whose control over the
Indians and influence with the conquistadores constituted a
menace to direct governm~nt through representatives who
owed their power and office to the King alone. Very early
was appreciated the danger of leaving him undisputed au-
thority in the lands he had won. He was an obstacle to ~e re-
moved, but the necessity of placating him, while his military
services were needed and promises of continued accomplish-
ments were held out, slowed up the process by which bis wide
powers were curtailed and his position made intolerable.
In kecping with .this purpose the Spanish Government
supplanted Corts verY. gradually by officials of its own.
Expediency dictated the series of steps by which his presence
in New Spain was rendered unnecessary: a program which
ultimately forced the establishment of a viceroyalty. Nothing
Jcss could have excrted the same measure of prestige or have
wielded an cqual amount of authority. The very day that his /
rather nebulous claims to legal authority for his acts were t.'
confirmed by an appointment as govemor and captain-general
of Ncw Spain, October 15, 1522, the central government
.. took over ~~e management of its most vital concern, finance .
Royal officers, contador, treasurer, veedor, and assessor, were
appointed. 2 These officials arrived in Mexico in 1524 an4 -----
displaced the appointees of Corts in the administration of
real hacienda. Two years later a more serious blow was
struck when the licentiate Lus Ponce de Len arrived. He
proclaimed the residencia of Corts, suspended him from thc
. c.~.ercise of judicial functions, and assumed the governorship
f or the duration of the legal process. Corts was lef t with
only the management of the Indians and military leadership
. as captain-general. The subsequent deaths, in rapid succes-
~ sion, of the judge of residence and bis successor, Marcos de
Aguilar, brought the royal treasurer Alonso de Estrada into
power. K umerous affronts, which culminated in orders to
desist from exercising his office as captain-general, finally
drovC--.Corts to Spain to seek the restitution of his former
commands 1md proper .reward for his great services.1
In the meantime the Emperor and bis advisors, partly
influenced by the complaints o'f the enemies of Corts, had
determined to remedy the situation by the establishment of
to
an audiencia in Mexico similar the one set up in Santo Do-
mingo in 1524, but clothed with greater powers. They
feared that the presence of Corts might hamper the activities
A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Merced del oficio de contador al Rodrigo de
AlbomC1z, Va!ladolid, Octobcr 15, 1522.-Bancroft, History of M1xico
: San Ftancisc\J, 1883-87, 11. 92, 142-145. .
- BMcroft, History of Mexico, II, Chapters xii and xiii, contain a
dctailed account of the evcnts leading up to bis dcparture for Spain.
'!bid., II. 274: Bancroft, Hi.rtory of Central America, San Francisco,
1882-1887, l. 269-70; Riva Palacio, cd., },1.Tico trav1 dr los Siglos,
Barcelona, 1888, 1889, 11. 147.
THE APPOINTMENT OF A VICEROY 19
of this body, and so requested bis presence in Spain, an invita-
. tion which accorded exa~ly with bis own plans. His arrival
was too late to affect the new govemment, however, as the
V fir_st audiencia was appointed December 13, 1527, and he set
o
foot Spanish soil toward the end of 1528.5 This body
was composed of f our 1icentiates, Francisco Mal donado of
Salamanca, Alonso de Parada, who had resided in Cuba,
Diego Delgadillo of Granada, and Juan Ortiz de Maticnzo, a
Biscayan. Nuo de Guzmn, the govcrnor of Pnuco, was
appointed president and as the first two died soon af~er they
reached Mexico he was left with only two oidores to aid
him in managing the affairs of New Spain.
The oidores arrived in New Spain in December, 1528, and
Guzmn assumed bis duties as president the first day of the
next year. His rule has been described as an orgy of ex-
tortion, misgovernment, and cruelty, but a more complete
study of the documents in his case may show hm to have
been no worse than a number of the more successful impre-
sarios of his age with whom history has dealt Iess harshly.
1
Bancroft, History of Mtxico, II. 304, note 26, collates thc authorities
as to thc exact date of thc landing in Palos. Herrera, followed by Prcs-
cott and othcrs, fixes it at the end of May. Bancroft pref ers to follow
Gmara and Sandoval, who indicate a date near the close of thc year.
The grcnt mass of unutilized Guzmn material cxistent in thc
Archivo General de Indias may shed f urther light on this qucstion when
it is thoroughly investigated. The general tenor of the royal orders
addresscd to Corts and to thc presidcnt and oidores of the second
audiencia certainly indicate that Guzmn was in good standing at
court dcspite the failure of his government, and that a successf ul con-
quest in N ew Galicia would ha ve brought complete exoneration. Belief
in his integrity causcd an order to be issued that his residencia be takcn
without recalling him f rom his conquest. In addition it was ordered that
only f1cs of lcss than 10,000 maraveds be assessed against him, and that
the balance be pla~ed in deposit for a subsequent appeal. A. G. l.,
87-6-1, Oficio y parte, libro 2, XV; Madrid, September 26, 1530, XLV;
Ocaa, January 13, 1535, XL VI; Carta, January 25, 1531, LVI; Ocaa,
Fcbruary 17, 1531, libro 3, XXVII; Medina del Campo, March
20, 1532, XXXII-XLVII; Medina del Campo, March 20, 1532, CIX:
Mcdino del Campo, June 5, 1532. Even as late as December 10, 1532,
an order to Guzmn to appear before the Council of the Indies within
one year to answer certain charges in his residencia was suspended in
ordcr not to interrupt the conquest of New Galicia.-/bid., CLXIX.
Madrid, Oecember 10, 1532. The j ourney of Bishop Zumrraga to
_, 1
\Vhatevcr the truth may be, the activities of the audiencia l,'
grcatly dissatisfied the Spanish colonists, particularly the

influential representativ~s of the Church. On one occasion,
while the oidore~, Matienzo and Delgadillo, were in the jail l 1 ~
of the audiencia in Mexico City examining the priso~ers, the J.;!
bishop-elect, Juan de Zumrraga, went so far in his opposi- /
tion as to lead a procession of Dominican and Franciscan
friars to its gate, where they held aloft two crosses draped in
black, while he proclaimed the oidores to be impostors who
held no true power from the King, and whose commands
should not be obeyed."
The open quarrel between Church and audiencia finally ---
f orced the resolute Zumrraga, when the right of sanctuary
. __ was violated, to employ the most effective weapon in bis ~~
spiritual armory, and he placed the latter under a solemn han
of excommunication in March, 1530. The chief f ailings of
the audiencia, as detailed in the complaints, were peculation
in office, the granting of e~cessive license to brand Indian
slaves, the sale of justice, harsh treatment of the friends of
Corts, and f ailure to cooperate with the Church in its efforts
to secure better treatment of the natives. The oidores were
also accused of neglect of duty. In the words of the bluff
o_ld veteran, Bemal Daz, "They did not reside in their offices,
nor take their seats in court every day as they were bound to
do, but went about to banquets and indulged in lave making
and gambling, and sorne of them were embarrassed by it." 8 '
Spain to discuss the difference of opinion evident in bis reports and those
of thc second. audiencia as to methods of converting the lndians, in
response to royal ordcr of January 25, 1531, probably markcd the turning
point in Guzmn's favor at courL-Jbid., libro 2, XLIX. Displeasure
"Y.;th his rule over New Spain was expressed much carlier than this,
l:owever, and in a numbcr of statcments. of which the following from
F uenleal's appointment to succeed him is typical ".. q no an guardado
. nras ynstruciones y q an entendido mas en sus in'tereses particulares q
en lo q conbenia a Ja buena gobernacion de aquella tierra. ."-
l bid. libro 1, CCXVI, Madrid, April 11, 1530.
1
'A. G. l., 144-1-10, Informacin, Mexico, March S, 1530.

Berna! Daz, True H istor: of tlie C onquest of N ew S pain, London,
1916, v. 161. .
S0on the rumors of discontent in New Spain grew into
such a flood of demands for relief "with proofs and evcn ~et-
ters from bishops and ecclesiastics, that when bis Majesty and
the Lords of the Royal Council of the Indies saw the reports
and letters which were ~rought against them, bis majesty
promptly ordered that the whole Royal Audiencia should be
completeJy_removed without delay, and that they 'should be
punished and another President and Oidores be appointed,
who would be learned and honorable and f air in doing
justice." 9
As the Emperor Charles V was on the point of d~parture
from Spain when the prblem of providing a more suitable
government ~or New Spain became acute, he charged bis
wife, Isabel of Portugal, with the task. Fceling the impor-
tance of a proper settlement of the affairs of such a valuable
rcvenue-producing province, he also took careto see that she
was given competent advice. 10 The president and rertain
members of the Council of Castile, the Council of the Indies
headed by the Conde de Osorno, and the Council of Finance,
were called together to consider what should be done in New
Spain to further the spread of the faith and to provide good
government. 11 The decislon of this junta was that the remedY.
for all the ills of New Spain lay in the appointment of sorne
/bid., V. 163. This, of course, is the expression of the extreme
view of a Corts partizan.
H " el Emperador y Rey mi Seor teniendo por tan grande y
principal cosa las provincias de la N ueba espaa y tan ymportante a la
Corua real dcstos reynos enbio a mandar q se juntasen el muy Revd0
y Xpo padre arcobl>O de Santa Dmo presydente del consejo y con et
algunos del consejo y asymismo el conde de Osorno pre~ydente del con-
S<'jo de las yndias y los del dho consejo y los del consejo de la hazienda y
que platicasrn en lo que dcbenian proveer. ... A. G. l., 87-6-1,
Oficio y parte. libro 1, CII, November 9, 1529.
11
" para el servicio de dios Nro Sr y Nro Sa'nta Fe Catlica
y para el buen governacion de Jos dichas provincias ." /bid. It
was probably during these meetings of thc several councils under the
direction of the Empress that the decision against the retention of
encomiendas, alJudcd to by Bancroft, was reached. Cf. Bancroft, History
of M e.~ico, II. 328.
great personagc ncar the throne to rule over it. 11 The
Quccn _immediately sent out letters to a number of persons
who were qualified to accept such an appointment. The
Conde de Oropeso declined ~he honor on a plea of pc>Qr
health. 11 Identical letters were then despatched to the
Marescal de Fromesta and. ~o Antonio de Mendoza, Novem-
ber 9, 1529, urging them to assume the duty. 14 Thc Mares-
cal de Fromcsta made what were considered to be excessive
demands in s~lary and preferment, but Mendoza's reply was
not only both favorable and satisfactory but it also expressed
a desire to come to court immediately to discuss the new
obligation. 11 As Mendoza would need time to set bis
affairs in order and to make necessary preparations f or an
indefinite absence from Spain and as the affairs of New
Spain required immediate attention, i~ was dedded that a
. new audiencia be appointed f orthwith. 19
The selection of the membership of the second audiencia
was intrusted to the Bishop of Badajoz. By April 5, 1530,
he had secured acceptance by f our new oidores, the licentiate
" ha parecido q el remedio de todo consyste en enviar una
p~cipal persona. ." A. G. l., 87-6-1, Oficio y parte, libro 1, CII,
Novcmber 9, 1529.
11
que por sus enfermedades no tenia dispusycion para ello
,, /bici.
16
" para saber de vos sy teneys dcspusycion de yr este viaje_
donde tanto Nro Sr y S. M. y yo seremos servidos " !bid. The wora
viccroy is not employcd in this docuinent but the intention to appoint
such an officer is evident.
u y de la voluntad q mostrais para serbir al em>'1r my Seor
etn este negocio estoy yo bien cierta por que es con fomre a lo q syempre
vros pasados hizieron en servicio de nra Corona Real yo vos agradezco
y t~ngo en servicio lo q en elta dezis la licencia q pcdis para venir aca
quando sea tpo yo os lo mandare cnbiar y avisar de 10 q en eilo debeis
hazcr " Jbid. 6 CXVI, Madrid, N ovember 19, 1529.
11
This decision was reached before January 6, 1530, since the nomi-
nations of Vasco de Quiroga, Francisco Ceynos, and Alonso Maldonado
as oidores of the new audiencia bear th~t date. A. G. l., 87-6-1, Oficio
y parte, libro 1, CXLV. Bancroft, History of M exico, 11. 321, is led into
.accepting a date carly in March as the time of this action by Pacheco y
Crdenas, XII. 404. The numerous ordcrs which supplemented the
original nominations are probably thc cause of the existing confusion
with rcspect to this date.
Vasco de Quiroga to rcplace Alonso de Parada deceased, the
licentiate Alonso Maldonado to replace Francisco Maldonado
deceased, the li~entiate Francisco de Ceynos to replace Juan
Ortiz de Matienzo, and the licentiate Juan de Salmern to
replacc Diego Delgadillo. 17 Quiroga had served the King
well in Spain as a juz de residencia and was to achieve en-
during fame in New Spain as a churchman and friend of
the Indians ; Maldonado carne direc~y from the colegio in
.Salamanca; Ceynos was a f om1er fiscal of the Council of
the Indies ; and Salmern had had N ew World experience as
alcalde mayor of Castilla del Oro. Salaries for the office
were fixed at 6,000 maraveds annually, supplemented by
150,000 maraveds for expenses .and an equal sum to defray
the cost of the journey to Mexico. 18
The selection of a president to head the second audiencia
proved to be more difficult, as it .was essential that a person
of proved intgrity and ability be secured. Several possible
appointees were solicited without avail before the bishop of
Santo Domingo, Sebastin Ramre~ de Fuenleal, president
of the audiencia on Espaola, was persuaded to undertake
the burden. This "persuasion'' took the f orm of an order
from the Queen, Madrid, April 11, 1530, in which the bishop
was informed that the affairs of New Spain had not bcen
properly handled by the first audi.encia and that he had been
selected, in view of bis experience and good record, as presi-
dent of a second audiencia. On the completion of his work
of reforming the government on the ma~nland it was prom-
ised that he could return to his f or.mer charge and bishoprk
n A. G. I., 87-6-1, Oficio y parte, libro 1, CCXXIII, Madrid, April 5,
1530. Bancroft, following Puga (Cdulas, l. 37) states that they werc
not officially named until July 12, 1530 (History of Mexico~ II. 321,
note 1).
11
lbid., CCXXV, Madrid, April S, 1530. The maraved is equivalcnt
to about a sixth of a cent in present-day United Statcs money, but its
actual value, or purchasing power, was then certainly many times greater
than this.
ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
. . and that a p~esident. would be appointed in his stCad. 19 The
.. newly appointed oidores sailed from Spain September 16,
..'. 1530, an~ arrived at Vera ~ruz near the end of the year, b~t
. Fuenleal, already an old m.n, was foath to undertake the
heavy task assigned him in this arbitrary manner. He lin-
.gered in Santo Domingo so long that bis arrival in ~exico
. . was postponed until September .of the f ollowing year and
only: the most peremptory orders accomplished this tardy
.obedience. 20
Corts had been disappointed in his great ambition to be
made governor of New Spain once more. \Vhile he was in
. the apparent heyday of his influence at court, the Queen was
. -... seeking a great personage, quite unrelated to the conquest,
.C for viceroy, and _a new government in which he had but a
relative ly small share was appointed. His commission to
.: _'explore in the South ~ea, his continuance as captain-general
:- of New Spain, a grant of twenty-three thousand Indians in
encomienda, and the title of Marqus .del Valle de Oaxaca
were the greatest f avors he could induce the Crown to con- .
cede. 21 Nuo d~ Guzmn likewise saw the end of his brief
day of authority. When he heard that he was to be deprived
of the prcsidency and his audiencia was to be removed from
:. office, he adopted a bold course. Using his position he col-
lected ali the soldiers he could find, ''both horsemen and
._ .. musketeers and crossbowmen," and departed for Jalisco on
...
. the 'Vest. Coast. The conquest of the province of New Gali-
. cia was the result of this expedition.
lbid CCXVI, Madrid, April 11, 1530.
A good exampte of the numerous orders urging Fucnleat to basten
to bis new cuties is that of the quecn dated in Ocafta, February 27,
1531 ; ibid., liLro 2, LXVI. . .
11
His commission of October .27, and the confirmatory cdula of
November 5, 1529, are printed in Pacheco y Crdenas, XII. 490496.
Additional indications of his true situation wcre orders to stay until
the new audiencia departed and subsequent commands to keep ten leagues
between himself and the Capital City: A. G..l., 87-6-1, Oficio y parte,
libro 1, CCXX, Laguna, March 22, 1530, printed in Pacheco y Cr-
denas, XII. 403-5; Bancroft, History of M exico, II. 318.
.
THE APPOINT~fENT OF A VICEROY . . 25
Unfortunately for Guzmn, no New Mexico existed
there and, despite an Aina_zon Queen, he fooked in vain f ~r
the plunder that would earn f orgiveness fo~ his deeds of
misrule. For a time he was able to maintain a precarious
position based on. the hope of gain his conquest and letters
aroused i~ the Crown. Active rivalry with Corts, whosc
plans he had anticipated, and defiance of the new audiencia,
which had been insfructed to conduct his residencia, mark the
period down to the establishment of the viceroyalty in 1535 ..
His promises ~f success brought him appointment as gov-
ernor over N ew Galicia, 22 instructions to the second audiencia
to advise and favor him in every way possible, 23 the pay-
ment of his salary in bis old position up to the date of the
arrival of the new govemment, 24 a loan of money on secur-
ity,26 permission to undergo. residencia in abse11tia, 28 and
instructions to Corts to stay out of New Galicia and confine
bis discoveries to the South Sea. 21
Guzmn's endeavors were not utterly sterile. With the
help of his able lieutenant, Cristbal de Oate, the permanent
n Bancroft (History of Mexico, 11. 365, note 56) says that the
document containing the confirmation of Guzmn as governor is not
extant. He collatcs the printed authorities and finds no ca_rlier mention
than February 17, 1531. A letter of the qucen from Ocaa to the
Presidcnt and oidores of the audiencia of N ew Spain of January 25.
1531, informs thcm of the confirmation as already accomplished. "Por
las relaciones q Nuo de Guzmn ha enbiado del descubrimi 0 y conquista
que fue a hazer he sydo informada del succeso q dios enelto le ha dado
y asy por .. tan bien comenc;o como por la buena yn formacion q tengo
de la persona del dho nuo de Guzmn habemos acordado de le Nombrar
por nro gobernador de la trra. q ha conquistado y pacificado a la qual .
habemos mando Nombrar Galicia de la Nueva Espana .. " A. G. l.,
87-6-1, Oficio y parte, libro 2, XLVI.
11
/bid., libro 2 (misnumbercd 3 in the original), XXV~I-XXXII,
lf edina del Campo, March 20, 1532.
,. /bid.
/ bid . CIX, Medina del CamP<>, June S, 1532.
"Jbid., XV, Madrid, September 26, 1530.
"Jbid., LVI, Ocaa, February 17, 1531. The boundaries of the new
province. were indcterminate at the outset, but, as worked out, made it
include tcrritory lying to the north and west of the kingdom of N ew
Spain comprising mo<lern Jalisco, Aguas Calientes, Zacatecas, and parts
of San Lus Potos.-H. l. Priestley, Jos de Gltt&, Visitor-General
o/ New Spain, Berkeley, 1916, p. 48.
Spanish settlement of New Galicia was begun. Severa!
Spanish towns, among them ~he tJallas of Santiago de Com-
_postela, Espirit Santo (Guadalajara), and La Purificacin
. were f ounded. But since thc results werc not commensurate
with his predictions, the King gave ear to present and past
accusations agai'nst his rule and appointed the licentiatc
Diego Prez de la Torre govemor of New Galicia with power
to act as Guzmn's judge of residencia, March 17, 1536.
Torre arrived very suddenly in Mexico City where he sur-
prised Guzmn, effected his __arrest, and threw the luckless
adventurer into the public jail. After two years of this
disgracc and punishment, Guzmn was pcrmitted to go to
Spain to appcal bis case before the Council of the Indies. By
that time bis cause was hopeless and only the intercession of
.influential friends kept hi~ from a more serious sentence.
His death there, in 1544, in the midst of poverty and ob-
scurity ended a stonny and ill-starred career.. He had been
cruel, rapacious, and self-seeking, but, worse than that, had
f ailed to discover new stores of ready-made wealth, and this
f ailu~c extinguisbed any hope of biding bis short-comings.
Thc second audiencia was faced by a tremendous task of
organization and rcfonn. The burden so wcighed on Fuen- ~- ~
lcal and bis associates that they petitioned the gov~rnment

for assistance. More oidores were necessary, they asserted.
The audiencia, what with the residencia of the former body,
_ the administration of justice, the governmc.~t .of N~,, Spain,
and the inauguration of reforms, found that even: twelve
working hours a day, not e.xcepting feast days, were insuffi-
cient f or the discharge of its duties. 28 The royal instructions
. to the new administration encompassed a wide range of ac-
Bancroft. Histo,.y Qf M~zico, 11. 328. Thcsc rccommcndations ad
vocated retention of two oidores in Mexico City while the remainder
went on circuit, each to his specificd district. to watch over the cxccution
of laws, the coJlcction of rcvcnuc. and the general welf are of the people.
A formal rcquest for thc appointment of a relator and a fiscal was also
madc at this time.
tivities. Of outstanding importancc wcre the proclamation
and conduct of the residencia of its predcccssors, the prompt
despatch of justice, the regulation of relations with the
Church, the promotion of the conversion of the natives, the
correction of abuses caused by the encomienda and slave
system, and, lastly, the formulation of a report on the re-
sources of the subjugated provinces. 29
Bishop Fuenleal and his companions strove vatiantly to
carry out these instructions. The two oidores of the first
audiencia, Matienzo and Delgadillo, were brought to trial and
convicted, and ultimately lef t for "their homes in Castile very
poor men and with not the best-reputation," 30 where they died
in disfavor and misery. The con.dition of the native popula-
tion especially absorbed the aitdien~ia's interest inasmuchas
Fuenleal bore a secret commission to modi fy the system
whereby encomiendas ~ere granted to .conquistadores . in
return for their aid in controlling the Indian population.11
The en tire matter was lef t to the bishop's discretion but he
failed to find a convenient solutin and the problem was
passed on to the viceroy. The system fostered to replace the
encomenderos in control was part of the general movement
toward centralization and royal control. Corregidores werc
to be placed over the Indians, aided in cach arca by an algua-
cil and a priest. 82 The lndians were to be granted almost
equal rights with the Spaniards as tributary vassa~s and they
were to be trained in Spanish methods of government.aa The
Puga, Cdulas, Mexico, 1878, l. 38 ff., gives thc instructions in th~r
entircty.
11
Bcrnal D(az, Trut History, V. 172.
11
A. G. l., Oficio y parte, libro 2, CXVII, Medina del Campo, ]uly
15, 1532. . .
11
Each corregidor was to have civil and crninat jurisdiction in bis
district and was to exercise political and cconomic supcrvision ovcr
thc same. They were to he of three classes, letrados, those versed in thc
Jaw, polticos de capa y espacla, and polticos y militares. These 1ast
two werc rcquircd to consult the alcaldes mayores in legal cases.-Ban-
croft, History o/ Mexico, 11. 329, note 29.
11
Two lndian regidores and an alguacil werc to sit in cabildo with the
regular Spanish town officials.-Puga, Cdulas, l. 38 ff.
system wa5 gradually introduced but proved to be unsatis-
factory. The corregidores were often worse than the en-
comenderos in t~eir treatment of the natives, and, as they had
to be paid a salary, the royal revenues suffered a diminution.
The work of the audiencia and its assertion of royal su- - --- -
premacy was felt everywhcre in New Spain.. The repatria-
tion of natives who had been rudely tom from their tocali
tics to .labor elsewhere was attempted and the extens.ion of
royal justice.made the office of Protector of the Indians, held
by Bishop Zumrraga, unnecessary. 34 The citics of Puebla de
los Angeles and Santa F, near Mexico City, were founded,
with hospitaJs and colleges f or the converted lndians. Qui-
roga's great visitation to the T~rascan Indians of Mich~acn
was undertaken and a 'humane Indian policy was introduced .
. This last was a progressive step, even i f the results were com-
paratively slight. Energetic measures were also taken to
revive and enforce law, in particular the unpopular sumptuary
legislation which forbade the wearing of rich silks. Regu-
lation and reform extended to such matters as the common
ownership of forest, pasture, and stream, 35 and even such a
minor affair as an excessive tariff collected by the notaries
of the capital was not neglected. Credit for expansion in to
the Quertaro country must also .be given the audiencia.
The supervision of Pnuco as a separate unit and its incor-
poration into New Spain, and aid to Francisco de Montejo
in his conquest of Yucatn deserve mention. . The second
audiencia did more than assert and maintain royal suprem-
acy. 38 It started the Mexicans on the long and thorny path
of white civilization.
.. PaA:heco y Crdenas, XIII. 219; Puga, Cldrdas, l. 300~
11
Puga, Cdulas, I. 298.
Even Corts was forced to recognize his inferior position and the
Bishop of Tlascala was obliged to pray for the King ''regem nostrum
cum---prole regia" rather than for Corts "et ducem exercitus nos tri."-
Riva Palacio, Mxico, II. 196. ~
The majority of the reforms initiatcd by the sccond
audiencia were extremely unpopular with the Spanish p>pu-
Jation of New Spain, which did not extend its cordial suP-
port to the program. 81 The creation of corregimient9s was
especially disliked as it seemed to threaten the labor supply
and to be theref ore most inimical to the economic well-being
of the colony. Relations with the Church were greatly im-
proved, but the lesser clergy, encomenderos themselves, sided
with the laity in their opposition to thc new Indian program. 38
Corts was another source of weakness. Returned from
Spain, where Jte had been treated with great consideration,
and given great grants and the title of Marqus del Valle de
Oaxaca, he could not work in harmony with the audiencia.
In New Spain he could never be a subordinate. Even in his
capacity -as captain-general he was irritated when he found
himsel f obtiged to obey a group of civilian lawyers, who
distressed the conqueror by their constant balking of his
grandiose schemes f or new enterprises. The attempts to
verify the count of the 23,000 Indians g.ranted to Corts in
encomienda were another per:sistent source of bickerings.
In addition, Nuo_de Guzmn was abroad during the entire
period of the second audiencia, defying--both Corts and it.
The great weakness of the second .audiencia, however,
did not lie in the problems confronting it. The feeling that
the president and the oidores had of the temporary character
of their work, and the constant expectation of release which
they entertained, contributed most to the weakness of their
position. Two uf the oidores and the president were well
advanced in years and <lid not relish the thought that their
tenurc of office might be prolonged and that Quiroga was
more interested in the Church than in administration. They
n More than 150 Spanish residents of Mcxico City left to follow
Guzmn rather titan submit to a will other than their own. Jbi., 1I.
194.
11
Bancroft, History of Me.rico, 11. 337.
. 30 ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
: importuned thc crown with requcsts for relief as early as
1532,11 but, as faithful subjects of bis majesty, they per-
;: f ormed their dutics and waited with impatience for thc
promised replacements. ~ History must accord them the honor
of being the precursors of stable Spanish government in
N orth America. ..,-----~
The conditions in New Spain had demonstrated the in-

. ability of audiencia govemment, unaided, to cope success-
. f ully with the new problems of a wide a rea, a numerous and
semi-civilized subject race, andan unruly Spanish.population
-the by-product of recent conquest and continued expansion.
Successful in a moderate way in the West Indies, this body,
- when transplanted to New Spain, had shown its limita-
. tions. And, as has been shown, even before the second
.-audiencia was appointed the home government had projected
a viceroyalty.
A s~rong _leader, a great nobleman drawn from the per-
sonal following of the Emperor, who could actas bis person-
al ~epresentative, alone would suffice to ovcrawe the turbulent
factions in Ncw Spain. A military man, verscd in the arts
of governing a conquered people, was also needed if Corts
_ were to be supplanted, and, more than anything else, a great
admin-istrator was necessary if the beginnings of a society,
. already made, werc to be conserved and increased and i f
. a stable Spanish system of government was to be built up
over~eas. A man of largc calibre and cxceptional qualities
. could expect success, but the size of the undertaking presaged
failure for anyone else, and it was all important that the first
incumbent do well since he would create the office of vice..
._roy in Amcrica. The second audiencia, then, was merely
a temporary makeshift until the propitious moment and the
right man would permit Spain to transplant this added in-
Bancroft, History of Mexico, II. 380.
THE APPOINTM~NT OF A VICEROY 31
stitution, thc viccroyalty, and to supcrimpose it on the audi-
encia.
The titlc of viccroy was nota new one in Spain nor was
the use of similar officials to govem outlying possessions
. peculiar to Spanish administration. In Spain itsclf, during
the coursc of the wars of the Christian reconquest, particu-
larly when a number of kingtloms wcre united under one
sovereign, either by conquest or f or dynastic reasons, it be-
came customary to appoint a viceroy to govem such
provinces in the King's stead. The title was held by the
governors of Galicia, Nz.varre, Aragon, Catatonia, Valencia,
and Majorca, and survived in Navarre to the close of the
eighteenth century. 40
When the kingdoms of Spain acquired territory outside
the peninsula, as Aragon did in Sardinia, Sicily, and Naples,
control was secured by placing viceroys, clothed in almost
plenary powers, over the local machinery of govemment.' 1
In sending a viceroy to America there is also reason to be-
lieve that the Spanish were influenced by ltatian and Por-
tuguese examples. Both the Spanish and the Portuguese
evinced great eagemess to adopt the Italian system, par-
ticularly the me~hods by which Venice had risen to power
and affiuence. 42 Since Portugal was in the colonial field first,
Spain had the examples of Almeida and Alboquerque before
Dcsdcvises du Descrt. L'Espagn1 d1 l'A nci1n rlgime: I in.stilu-
lions, Paris. 1899, pp. 126-133.
u Merriman, The Rise of the Spanish Empire, l. SOS. and J>assim.
A.]. Ke11er, Colonization, Boston, 1908, pp. 65-71. There are many
striking resemblances between the Venetian and Spanish colonial systems.
1'he great numbcr of Italians in Spanish and Portuguese service in the
early days of discovery makcs it not an untenable belief that these like-
nesses were not altogether accidental. In the case of the viceroy we find
a parallel in the vice-comites (la ter the baili) who were sent out by the
Doge of Venice to bear his name and commission over thcir fondachi
or trade areas. \Vhen the Venetians held the more important colony
of Constantinople, an official of similar functions called a podesta was
placed over it. These officials were chosen for a, limitcd time, were
responsible to a home board, the Consoli dei mercan ti (comparable to
the India House), and were checked by councils resident in the colonics.
her as well. Properly viewed, then, the viceroyalty, like the
audiencia, was simply another well-developed Spanish insti-.
tntion selected f or service in Ame rica when the novel con-
ditions of colonial expansion and administration in New
Spain seemed to make its projection overseas imperative.
The correct understanding of the entire story of Spain's__.
expansion into Am~rica. must begin with a view of that move- '.
ment as being, at the outset, an extension of the old Moslem
f rontier where the existing officials, institutio~, ~nd policies, \
evolved during a long period of conflict with the infidel, were
used and modified as circumstances of distance, climate,
country, and race dictated. The character of the Spanish
conquest, the rapidity of its spread, and the nature of the
institutions established can only be understood in the light
of this background of the Christian frontie~ in Spain. The.
train~d frontier official of. Spain, with bis knowledge of the
principies common to all frontier policy, was naturally very
successful in bis new environment and the institutions he
brought with him were well adapted to the rule of subject
peoples. 41 To picture the fabrication de novo of the entire
Spanish policy in the New World, when the conquistadores
'vere confronted with new and perplexing conditions, is to
commit the mistake of explaining the past as a succession
of miracles rather than an organic whole modified by move-
ments and adj~stments to new conditions. 1vloreover, such a
view is not only untrue but it is unfair to the Spaniards,
whose conduct, in the light of the happenings in America
alone, is reprehensible and woi:t~Y of just condemnation, but,
examined with past and contemporary history in Spain in
mind, is quite natural and not to be dismissed with a phrase
or two of conventional horror and self-righteousness. The
policy of Spain in America was, therefore, in its main out-
.. For a discussion of thc cvolution of these offices and institutions
scc C. H. Cunningham, "The lpstitutional Background of Spanish Ameri-
can History," in.His/'. Am. Hist. Rev., l. 24.
THE APPOINTMENT F A VICEROY 33
Jines, determiried by the forces that had made a united Spain.
In this sense the Moslems must bear a sharc in the _respon-
sibility for Spanish tactics in the New World, for th~y were
the opponents against whom they were develoi>ed.
Spain herself, at the time of the discovery by Columbus,
hadjust emerged from a period of religious, political, and ra-
cial strife. No part of the country was as yet free from signs
of its recent border conditions. Indeed, when Charles V
entered the country, in 1517, .the Castilian towns still pre-
served much of their original character of military colonies
with large territories about them. 4,4 Charles could do but little
/
to alter this situation. The war -6f the comuneros with its
resultant enbancement of the royal position was an accidental
triumph. Charles was busy with European problems and
could devote only part of his time to Spain. His widely
scattered possessions in Germany, Italy, the Low Countries,
and Africa, together with distracting wars with the Sul-
tan Soliman, the Protestant princes, Francis I of France,
the Pope, and the Barbary Corsairs, le t little leisure for
Spain and her expanding colonial empire. Spain and Amer-
ica were important in his European designs in so far as they
provided soldiers. and the means of replenishing his ever
empty war chest and paid the interest due his German
Qankers.u In addition to finance_, Charles V manifested a
considerable personal concern in the conversion and humane.
treatment of the na ti ves. He hd to depend, therefore, on
the ~ood work of bis subordinates. The Council of the In-
dies governed the colonial empire for him. Charles V merely
checked the results obtained and approved the Iarger policies.
His reign, notwithstanding this. ]ack of imperial supervision,
was to witness the establishment of the military, political,
"E. Armstrong, The Emperor Charles V, London, 1902, l. 19.
"Charles left a debt of 4,319,435 ducats.-M. E. Hume, Spain, it.s
Greatness and its Decay, p. 89.
and religious govemment of the cotonies, and, because of
this lack, they wcre to represcnt Spanish ideas.
Ove~ fivc years after Queen Isabella's original .ovcrtures
to ~ntonio de Mendoza with tespcct to the govemment of
Ncw_ Spain, bis ~efinite appointrnent as the first viccroy to
. serve overscas was made public. By royal commissions
issued in Barcelona April 17, 1535, he was named viceroy
an~ govemor of New Spain and president of the audiencia
of Mexico, and as is not generatly noted, Coi-ts wa9 con- .
tin~ed in the office of captain-general at the viceroy's pleas-
- - 1
ure. 48 Mendoza's qualifications are immediately apparent:

He carne from an ancient and influential Spanish family and !
. would command respect as a member of the older nobility. 1
\
His famity had been distinguished f or generations on the
Spanish frontiers and he had grown up exposed to frontier
conditions in the conquered province of G~anada where bis
f ather and brother ruled. He was drawn from the imme-
- . diate circle of thc Empress and bis personality, ability, and
loyalty were well known at court. Above ali, he had no
. i_nterest in the factional disputes which were raging in New
Spain and coutd be trusted to place imperial concerns before
his own. The office of viceroy co?ld not be confided ~o any\
. other than such a person. The v1ceroy would sta~d m the ~/
. King's place as. his personal representative in every brartc~__)
-of government, hence no one but a nobleman who could be
depended on "to impersonate the King in a worthy manner
. could be appointed.
The Emperor was in Barcelona in the midst of his prep~
. arations f or an expedition against Tunis when the royal
commissions conferring supreme power on Mendoza in all
the departments of the government .of New Spain were
Puga, Cdulas, l. 351-357, prints the commissions. Cavo's unsup
ported statement ". Conforme al nombremiento hecho cinco aos
atrs por las Emperatriz ." (Los tris siglos de Mxico, l. 114) is
nearly correct since thc actual date was November 19, 1529.
signed. Of far-reaching importance, they drew but little
ttention in the warlike rush and bustle of what seemed at
the time to be a much grcater cnterprise.
:. ~ As the function~ of viceroy, govcmor, and president of
the audiencia were to be exercised by one man in these various
ca.pacitics, it is atniost impossible to point out clearly which
officc was legislative, which judicial, ad which executive.
This mixture of powcrs is a charactcristic feature of most
Spanish offices throughout the colonial rgime. 47 As vice-
roy, Mendoza-was the highest colonial official in both the
i' Americas,. but bis influence was only felt in the regions from
, . :~Panama northward. 48 He was sent "to represent the person
of the King, administer equal justice to ali h;is subjects and
vassals, and to be active in everything relating to the peacc,
quiet, prosperity, and extension of the Indies." 41 In bis
commission he was charged to aid in the conversion of the
natives to the Cat_hotic faith, to promote the welfare of New
Spain, an~ to govern it according to bis best undersfanding.
As viceroy he was also vice-patron and exercised a vague
general authority over appointments to ecclesiastical office and
approved the publication of papal bulls and briefs. His
salary was fixed at 3000 ducados as viceroy and govemor,
which, with 3000 as presiden~ of the audiencia, brought thc
total emolument to 6000 ducados a year. 50 In addition, to
enhance the prestige of his person, he received 2000 ducados
'yearly for the upkeep of a body-guard. Certain aids in the
0
D. E. Smith, Tht Vtctt'oy of Ntw Spain, Berkeley, 1913, p. 179.
" Effective viceregal governmcnt was not to be estabtishcd in Peru
untit after Mendoza's death in that office in Lima in 1552.
J. M. Antequcra, Historia de la Legislacin Espaola, Madrid, 1884,
~~& .
' The ducado is given as roughly equal to 2 pesos 25 centavos in
modern Mexican money (Riva Palacio, Mxico, II. 242). Bancroft csti-
mates Mendoza's salary a.s cquivalent to 48,750 American do11ars annually
with a purchasing power in ccrtain directions fivc or ten times greater
than the do llar of Bancrof t's day.-Bancrof t, History of M txico, IL 376,
note 3.
f orm of grants of land, of wood, feed, water, and the cus-
. tomary service rendered by the Indians in bis household
completed his income. u
As governor his duties were mainly civil and concerned
,_ . ._ . with the collection of taxes and their expenditure.. The
--
general supervision of the mines and the f ostering of local
--improvements, such as the building of roads, bridges, and
harbor improvements, ordinarily fell to his lot in this capacity.
1\Iendoza's most important office, aside from thc viceroyalty,
was the presidency of the audiencia and chancetlory of New
~ Spain. Hewas swom to observe its precminence, preroga-
- tives, and immunities faithfully and to fulfill this office as
was the custom in the King's other chancellories and audi-
encias. Granada and Valladolid were the models indicated
.and the laws of Toro were prescribed as the basis for de-
. cisions.H His duties in this body were mainly judiciai, but,
as he was not a letrado ( one versed in the law), he could
merely ~dvise and possessed no vote in the decisions in legal
cases coming before this tribunal. As its president, however,
bis signature was necessary to make its provisions, sentences,
_and decisions binding. Mendoza was also given the power
to assume or delegate the supreme military office of captain-
general, which was left to Cprts for the time being.H
11
At the time of thc Sandoval visita Mendoza was served in bis
palacc by 120 natives from Mcxico and Santiago who worked in five-day_
shifts of 60. The Indians carried bis wheat to the mill, hewed wood
for his kitchen, and carried water from Chapultepec and from the cana_l
which brought water to thc city.-A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Cargos que
resultan de la visita, 33.
u This legislativc publication of 1505 marked a triumph of Roman
principles in Castilian j urisprudence.
~ . thc captain-general had to see to the en forcement of thc im-
1
perial navigation laws, thc running down of !mugglers, and thc pre-
servation o ordcr on the frontiers and thc navigable waters. As hcad
' _ of thc armed forces he was chief justice for ali cases involving a fuero
ntililar, and aJso the one person in thc viccroyalty to whom troops
might accord the royal honors."-Smith, Victroy, p. 228. This is a
description of wha.t the captain-general carne to be in thc cighteenth
century, but the greater part of it is also applicablc to the office in thc
sixteenth century.
THE APPOINT1'1ENT OF A VICEROY 37
_ Besides his commissions Mendoza was given two sets
of ~t~~~~i-~~-~~e~nin~ hi~- ~utt~s with greater accuracy.H
) Both were issuecI in Barcelona, the first April 17, 1,35, the
main instruction being added eight days later. Since they
f orm the basis of all fu tu re viceregal instructions, they are
worthy of a somewhat extended analysis.
The first letter of instruction is brief and defines the
relations between Mendoza and the audienda. He is ordered
to leave matters of justice to ~he oidores, ~erely signi~ying
his approval by signing the paper~ drawn up by that body in
its, judiciaf capacfry-: He is required, however, to see tha~
its procedure conforms with the best Spanish practice. In
governmental affairs he is to have sote jurisdiction in accord-
ance with his instructions and provisions. He is advised in
decisions '> great importance, however, to consult with the
audiencia and thus share- the rcsponsibility
"-.---~- ., ..., - of bis actions with
its members. -- -
The more lengthy instructions of Aprit 25, 1535, give a
more adequate notion of the viceroy's work. By them l\1en-
doza is -first ordered to look into the affairs of the Church
and to see that the churches necessary f or the proper con-
version and instruction of the natives in the faith are. estab-
lished. He is also enjoined to consult the churchmen in all
ecclesiastical affairs and in matters concerning the welfare
of N ew Spain. .
Mendoza is next ordered to visit all the cities, towns, and
villages of New Spain pssible, after a brief stay in ~Iexico
City. On this tour of inspection he is to gather information
from the best sources concerning the towns, the numbCr of
native inhabitants, the Spanish merchants resident in them,
and the tribute paid to the crown or to the merchants resi-
dent in them, and the tributes paid to the crown or to the
encomenderos. The Emperor particularly requests that he
.. Pa~heco y Crdenas, XXIII. 423-425 and 426-445.
be fumished with data conceming the encomiendas and the
taxes and decrees of the audiencia concerning them.
_ T~e increase of the royal revenue derived from New
.r>>~~--~ Spain is urged throughout the instructions. The Emperor
.. ._ finds the business of the defense of his realms and the Holy
. :, Faith._to be an exceedingly costly affair, so he mentions vari-
.~~ ous methods of revenue promotion for the viceroy's exam-
ination and opinion. The gradual increase of the proportion
f gold and silver over local products in the payment of
tributes by the natives, the general payment of the tithe so
that any amount oyer and above .the needs of the Church will
go to the Crown, and t~e resumption of the alcabala sales tax
and other special taxes for a period of time are suggested.
Mendoza is strictty instructed to inquire merely and to report
on these schemes, Jest precipitate action endanger the settle-
ment or securi~y of New Spain. Orders for a census of the
towns and of the conquistadores occupy another section of
thc instructions. This information is an essential preliminary
to any systcm of intelligent taxation and .-c.ward of these
soldiers. Ali properties thus definitely granted to individua~s
are ordered appraised so that the King's due in acknowledge-
ment of fiefdom will be paid regularly in to the royal coffers. ~:\
His Majesty's imagination has also been aroused by rumors
of hidden treasures in the temples of the lndian "devil-wor-
ship,pers," so, for the sake of the true faith and the replenish-
ment of the treasury, these .are to- be sought out and con,\
----
fiscated. Governtnent operation of gold and silver ~ines_.,.,~
is another important device f or swelling revenues suggcsted
to ~1endoza. An investigation is ordered of the f easibility
11
" como Nuestros fuedatarios de toda la dicha renta y aprove-
chamiento del tal lugar, abemos Nos de haber y llevar, perpetuamente
una cierta parte y poneis en el dicho, vuestro paresccr, la cantidad
que debeis llevar por bi& de feudo, de las rentas y provechos de tos
lugares que se dieron los dichos pobladores.'' Pachcco y Cardenas,
XXIII. 434.
of working mines on the crown lands, using Negro and In-
dian slaves, in addition to those mines exploited by privatc
e~terprise and subject to payment of the royal fifth.
The question of the treatment of the natives is catled
to the viceroy's attention in a number of connections in these
instructions. The . vexed problem of service in the mines
is to be examined but no action is to he taken without the
advice of the audiencia, the Church, treasury officiats, and
prominent citizens. The employment of lazy Indians on
royal f arms as a remedy for their idleness is rather ingen-
uously recommended, with >rofit to the real hacienda in mind.
The viceroy is also requested to investigate the imporiant
~uhject of India~ slavery. Abuses of the right to make slaves
of Indians in rebellion and thefr treatment at the hands of
their owners, both native and Spanish, are to be probed.
Generalizations on the theme of good treatment of the na-
tives occupy another section; and the new cities founded for
their benefit, Puebla de los Angeles and Santa F de ~Iichoa-
.---cn, are confided to the viceroy's personal care. The duties
r of the viceroy as vice-patron are dwelt upon at sorne length
1 and his supremacy in ecclesiastical matters is set forth. Part
vf of hi.s duties in this capacity are to delimit accurately the
; boundaries o the various bishoprics, to prevent abuses of
!, the right of sanctuary, to assert the superiority of the civil
~ourts, to see that the clergy lead good lives, and to guard
against undue harshness to the natives in the collection of
the tithe.
On the important subject of clefense the instructions are
thorough. The viceroy is asked to an\'ass the general situa-
tion and to report on the number of f orts constructed or in
process of construction, to seek out good harbors on thc
coast, and to make a report on the amount of artillery and
munitions needed for the proper defense of New Spain. The
protection of Mexico City is recommended for particular
40 ANTONIO DE. MENDOZA
study. Th~ question of a citadcl on the Tacubaya causcway,
. . as pcrhaps the bcst sitc, is broached and the viceroy is re-
~ : quested to cari-y out the royal provision that every Spaniard
: . possess and bear arms~ To prevent surprises it is advise4 that
- -"_the Spaniards be concentrated in onc quarter of the .city,
which could be defended in case ~f an uprising of the nati ves.
Another item of note in the instructions deals with the
_. : ittter lack of money in New Spain and efforts of the shop-r/. .__ .,. /
keepers to use slugs of gold as media. of exchange. To
remedy this awkward condition Mendcza is ordered to exam-
ine in to the feasibility of f ounding a ~in.t in Mexico City
for the coining of copper and silver money. 59 A last and
quite interesting charge asks the viceroy to foster and give
a.id to the project of two German merchants, Enrique and
. . . Alberto Guon (Kuhn?) who wish to .set upa New World
-. monopoly in the manufacture of blue and saffron dyes.
These instructions to the first viceroy show the con- \
ception of the office entertained by Charles V and his advis-
ors. It still remained for ~fendoza to make their numerous \~
suggestions real by actual deeds. His f un et ion was to adapt
them to the actual conditions of 1i fe in N ew Spain as he
found them, and, in so doing, he was to create the colonial
viceroy as an official and to lay down a definite imperial pol-
icy with respect to the various problems dealt with in the
above analysis. This he could do by ampli fying his orders
in certain directions, by curtailing them in others, and, in
. sorne cases, by absolutely disregarding them. Such a course
. was expected of him and only great confidence in bis judg-
. .ment and integrity warranted the trust. In any case Spain was
- .. . .
:_ so distant from the scene of his activities that immediate
interference or punishment was impossible. Theoreticalty,
. the suprcme authority in American affairs was vested in /
.. the Council of the Indies, resident in Spain and definitely or-
Final authorization for the establishment of the mint was con-
. tained in the royal cdula of May 11, 1535.
ganized in 1524. Actually, however, since the viceroy was
permitted to use bis own discretion in the conduct of affairs
and. could adhere to or depart from the Council's edicts,
within reasonable limits, it could only check and guide
rather than actually direct. The selection of the proper man,
a good set of instructions, and consistent support of good
policies was the limit of the Council's capabilities. The great
task of evolving a stable social and political order out of the
, discordant elements in New Spain devolved upon the viceroy.
A proper use of bis powers and a sane deviation from his
instructions were to characterize bis early govemment.
The newly appointed viceroy was treated with great
distinction and respect in Spain before he sailed from the
port of San Lcar en route for his distant kingdom. At
Seville, where he stopped, he was lodged in the king's resi-
dence, the Alczar, and the costs of the transportation of his
family and numerous retinue were borne by the govem-
ment. 67 The fleet conveying the viceroy reached Vera Cruz
early in October, 1535.u After an inspection of the harbor
and the official reception were over he set out f or ~1exico
City, the seat of the new .government. One of his last acts
before starting inland was the appointment of Martn de
Peralta as justice, to see to the enforcement of discipline and
the proper treatment of the natives by his party in the dis-
tricts traversed in his progress toward the Capital City. 59
"Moses, Tht Establishtnent of Spanish Rule in Amtrica. New York,
1898, p. 88.
11
August 20, 1535, tht: Town Council of Mexico City, in vicw of thc
notice of the coming of Mendoza and bis expected arrival at Vera Cruz,
appointed the regidores, Gonzalo Ruyz and Francisco Manrique, as a
reception committee to proceed to the port with the official greetings of
the city. At the meeting of August 25, two additional regidores, Ber-
nardino V zquez de Tapia and ] uan de. ?\fansilla, were named to repre-
sent thc capital. News of bis arrival at San Juan de Uloa, the port
of V era Cruz, rcachcd the city fathers at their deliberations of October
2, and .the committce armed with crcdentials set forth to kiss the hands
of his majesty's representative.-Actos de Cabildo, libro 3, 121, 123, 129.
A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio de los descargos del seor vis-
sorey, pregunta 2.
His march was signalized by dcmonstrations and celebrations
along thc routc, and someti~e between the 12th and the 17th
- of Novembcr, probably on the 14th, he entered Mexico City
in great state and ceremony. eo Trumpetcrs with gaily colored
cloaks and the roJI of kcttle drums grceted bis arrival as the
-'_. city dignitaries, knights and commoners, went ~ut to mect
him arr:ayed in fiesta attire. Games in the plaza and a repast
-_ -_for the viceroy, his gentlemen, and_ the contestants, following
; ~- the solemn reading of his commissions by the pblic crier in
. the presence of audiencia, cabildo, and citizens, completed th~
: official ceremonies provided at the cost of the city. 81. The day
, foUowing his entry ~fendoza entered into conference with the
cabildo and the other governing bodies to inform himself
conceming the affairs of New Spain. At two o'clock each
.afternoon these meetings convened in the viceroy's lodg-
ings. 62 This jmmediate action was characteristic of the ener-
gy and earnestness of Mendoza. The Mexicans knew that
viceregal government in N ew Spain had begun.
Bancroft, History of M e.xico, U. 378, note 6, collates thc printed
- - authorities on the date of bis arrival and reaches the conclusion that
-. _ _"his arrival probably took place on the lSth" of October. This is an error,
- - -. -_ since the acts of the ayuntamiento which he cites fail to reveal any
-. ~ rneeting of that body on the 13th and thc date of the report of the vice-
_--. roy's first meeting with it is November 17th, not October 17th; The date
~et for tbe fiesta in honor of bis arrival by the cabildo is Sunday, No-
. _ _- ~vember 14th, and thrce days later the minutes state that .Mendoza ''a
_platicado con esta cibda-d."-Actos de Cabildo, libro 3, 131. The viccroy
himself states that he entered the city November Sth. " .. yo entre
. , en esta ciudad de Mexico y fue Recebido al dicho cargo a cinco de No-
viembre..." A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Los descargos del Virrey, October
30, 1546; descargo 10. It seems, however, that the contemporary record
: of the cabildo should be accepted or this date.
. ''Este da mandaron que por quanto el domingo primero que biene
hace esta cibdad fiesta por Ja buena benida del seor birey e para ello son
-- menester .tronpetas mandaron que se le compre sendos capuzcs de color
para que salgan con la cibdad e se compre a pague de los proprios ue la
_- cibdad v cometieron ai mayordomo para que lo compre, e asi mismo que
se aperciban los atabaleros e se les pague.''-Actos de Cabildo, meeting
of Novcmber 12. 1535. The meeting of thc fotlowing day added a
, colacion" and mentions ''los jugadores que jugaron en ta plaza."
The cabildo sent a delegation of four members to represent it in
- this junta. /bid., 132.
CHAPTER II
THE ADMINISTRATION OF NEW SPAIN UNDER

THE VICEROY .
In the commission to Corts as governor and captain-
generat of New Spain, October 15, 1522, bis territorial juris-
diction was defined in vague and indefinite ianguage. 1
As the conquest by Corts and his companions pro-
gressed, the region became better known and its legal
extent was gradually more clearly detimited. In 1525, with
the conquest of Tabasco, it reached its greatest size under the
, conqueror. At this date it stretched from Colima to Sal-
vaJor on the South Sea and from Pnuco to Honduras on
the Atlantic. 2 In this same year the home govemment, tired
of the jealous attitude of the conquistadores, began to create
independent territorial units on the mainland. Pnuco and
Vitoria Garayana were granted as a separate govemors~ip'
to Nuo de Guzmn as successor to Francisco Garay; Hon-
duras, despite conflicting claims, was placed under an inde-
pendent royal governor, Diego Lpez de Saleado, and Yuca-
tn and Cozumel were granted to Francisco de :Montejo as
governor and captain-general f or li fe. The last named re-
gion was to be of littte importance down to 1549, however,
as the New Empire of the :Mayas f9ught the invader valiant-
ly. The- last great blow to a single jurisdiction before the
arrival of l\1endoza was the royal recognition of Guatemala
as a separate entity under its intrepid conqueror, Pedro de
Alvarado, in 1527.
1
The comptex story o the evotution of New Spain as a potiticat unit
down to 1535 is admirably set forth by C. W. Hackett in The Dclimita-
~ion of Potitical Jurisdictions in Spanish N orth America," in H isp. A m.. .
Jlist. Re'l.'., l. 40-70.
2
op. cit. p. 57.
. The ?ext step in the territori~l e~olution. of N ew. S~in, /\(
. the appo1ntment of the first aud1enc1a, was 1n the d1rect1on 1

of closer royal control. The cdula of December 13, 1527,

creating this body, placed "New Spain and its provin_ces,
. . Ca~ de Honduras and Las Y gueras,' Guatemala, Yucatn,
. Cozumel, La Florida, Ro de las Palmas, and all other prov-
. . .~- . i~ces between the Cape of Honduras and the Cape of Fl?rida
.Qn both the South Sea and the coasts of the north," 3 under
its immed.iate jurisdiction. rhus the grants of Corts, Nuo
de Guzqin, and Pnfilo de N arvez were considered to be
under the athority. of the audiencia of New Spain. 4 The
_second audiencia had almost identical powers and jurisdiction
with those of its unsuccessful predecessor. 5
\Vhen Mendoza arrived, in 1535, New Spain as a vjce-
.. royalty was. already identified as a polidAI division, although
: it was modified later. To the northt.~st was Florida, an
, immense and unexplored area, whose contacts were with
-the nearer audi~ncia of Santo Domingo. To the south
Hibueras and Guatemala were the extreme limits of the ter-
ritories over which he held sway. 8 In the north the distant
.
1
Op. cit. p. 61. Footnote 102 points out that the potiticat jurisdiction
-0f the audiencia only extended to the land conquered by Corts an9 his
.agents with the exception of Honduras, Guatemala, and. Pnuco.
'Op. cii. pp. 64-67. Narvez' attempt to settle bis grant was.a dismal
f ailure, but both Corts and Guzmn, whose grants were la ter in date,
made discoveries and planted settlements within their terriiories. New
::Galicia, despite the pretensions of Guzmn, was never recognized as a
.sepa.rate and independent Mayor Espaa, while the colony of the former
in Lower Cali for~ia was short-lived.
." cit. p. 64.
. . Under Alvarado, Hibueras was united in practice to Guatemala, as
he ignored the claims of the Montejos to its inclusion in Yucatn. In
: 1543, with the creation of the Au9{encia de los Confines, Yucatn, Cozu-
. _ . mel, Tabasco, Chiapas, and Guatemala became virtualty independcnt of
N cw Spain, although the viccroy had financia! and military authority
._. over the area of the ncw audiencia on occasion. For the audiencias at
the. close of the. period of Charles V, sec R. B. Merriman, Rise of tlie
. ..Spanis/1 Empire, III. 643-645. The line of demarcation drawn betwccn
- -Guatemala and New spain in 1549 would seem to ch:ingc this combina-.
. tion, and to leave all but Guatemala within the jurisdiction of New Spain
.Cf~ H. l. Priestley, The Mexican Nation, New York, 1923, pp. 1-3.
THE ADMINISTRATION 45
conquests of quzmn invited a further advance a long a
frontier which stretched from Culiacn along the western
boundary of modern Jalisco, induding parts of _the present-
day states of Aguascalientes and Zacatecas, and whkh dipped
south below Quertaro and beckoned into the unknown north
again at t~e eastern outpost of Pnuco. Behind these lines.
even, there lay great areas stitt unexplored, still unconquered,
and Hibueras, Guatemala, New Galicia, Yucatn, and Flor-
ida were semi-independent border mar~hes in 1535.1 . Ne\V
Spain proper was divided, in February, 1534, into four prov-
inces, Mexico, Michoacn, Goazacola, and Meztecapan, and
the limits of each were properly defined by royal cdula. The
bishoprics, which were intended to follow the same bound-
aries, were known as Mexico, Michoacn, Tlascala, and Oa-
jaca.8 Nuo de Guzmn's conquest, New Galicia, was added
to New Spain February 3, 1537, and its governor an4 other
authorities were placed under the jurisdicti.on of the audien-
cia of Mexico. 0
In addition, Mendoza's position as vic~roy over Ne\v
Spain was to mean that the Kingdom of New Spain in a
wider sense included everything north of the second viceregal
area of Peru, that is, supremacy over the area comprised in
the older audi~ncia of Santo Domingo and the audiencia of
Guatemala as well as the region of the audiencias .of ~fexico
and New Gali~ia. It will be seen, therefore, that the first
viceroy had a vast and not too well-defined area within \vhich
he must make the influence of his administr.ation effective.
' Pnuco had been suppressed as a separate unit in 1528 and had bttn
incorporated into New Spain. Recognition of the remoteness of New
Galicia from the governmental seat, :\lexico City, was yet to come in thc
establishment of a separate audiencia there in 1548. New Spain proper
sorne years later was defined as "thc district confined by the audiencias
of Guatemala and N ew Galicia-f rom a line drawn between. the gul f s
of Tchuantcpcc and Honduras and from the southern border of New
Galicia to Florida."-Bancroft, Jfistory o/ Mexico, 11. 278, note 11.
Vasco de Puga, Cdulas, pp. 90-91.
Bancroft, History of Afexico, II. 391.
46 ANTONIO DE MENDOZA .
\Vhen. Mendoza relieveJ thc second audiencia of its . du- ,_,
ties, he fo~nd that New Spain was in a very unsettled con-
dition. Pa~ial refor~s had been instituted in many direc-.
tions, and the more flagrant abuses of the 6rst audiencia. had
been checkcd, such as the open enslavement and branding of
Indians and the orcible removal of them from their native
localities. The BishQp and his colleagues had ruled wisely,
.. but they left a legacy of discord. For a tjme Guzmn and
Corts were in the land. with ~umerous followers, and the
attempt to supplant the encomenderos by royal corregidores
. had given rise to two discontented ele~ents ; first, the en-
comenderos, including many friars and the powerf ul con-
quistador group, who resented this move to favor the Indian
at their expense, and second, the corregidores, whose salaries
were too small. Mendoza was confronted with a real task.
Thenumber of unorganized provinces, the opposing factions,
~nd the different conditions prevailing in the various sections
made it difficu1t -to apply general remedies, and sectional
variations in his rulings would lay the viceroy open to charges
of favoritism.
First of all, l\fendoza turned his attention to the bui!~ing
up of the instruments of government through which bis
desires were to find expression. Incompetent offi~ials and
cumbersorrie methods of procedure had to be got rid of,
and unrelated departments of government had to be unified,
before he could begin ~is constructive work. To stop the
.. excessive and unnecessary litigati_on, involving great expense,
between the various town councils, he placed their suits on the
sarne basis as those between private parties, a move calcu-
lated to promote greater harmony, as it made these law suits
less attractive. 10 In order to extend his influence over those
dist~nt portions of his jurisdiction over which the audiencia
,. Mcndoza, Carta, Mexico, December 10, 1537, in Coleci11 de Docu-

mt-11tos l 11C:-ditos1 ed., Pacheco y Crdenas, Madrid, 1864-1884, 1l. 180.
. THE ADMINISTRATION 47
had cxercised littlc authority, he urged thc king to place at-
caldes mayores there. Their absence, he pointed out, pcr-
mitted ill-treatment of the natives in the more remote re-
gions without fear of governmental retribution. 11 :tie was
/greatly handicapped in these early endeavors by the small
./ number of oidores at his disposal and could not take advan-
tage of a proposal that one of them leave his bench and go
on a mission in the provinces whenever it was believed that
the nati-ves were being mistreated. Later, with a more com-
plete comp1ement of judges, he was able t make good- use
of them and of his household officials on such inspections. 13
Mendoza even f ound that the fiscal of the audiencia and
the corregidores, with which he had been saddled by inherit-
. anee from the second audiencia, were quite incompetent. He
informed the King that the f ormer was valueless and, in
rather blunt language, declared that worthy to be possessed
of the intelligence of a block of wood. 13 To rid himself of
the latter group he proposed to substitute alcaldes mayores,
who, i f appointed by him, would be more responsive to con-
trol and more trustworthy in character. He proposed to
make these officers responsible to the treasury f or the col-
lection of all the tributes in their territories and thus to save
the cost of tax-gatherers. He planned to appoint them for
li fe on good behavior and believed it would improve the col-
foction of the royal revenues by concentrating it in a f e\v
11
/bid., 11. 183: ". . . en las provincias y partes que no llegara
el calor desta audiencia."
u For examplc, thc visita conducted by thc oidor Lorenzo de Tejada
in Nueva Gaticia in 1544 (A. G. l., 48-3-3/30, Residencia de Franco de
Coronado y XpovaJ de Oiiate y <lemas oficiales, August to September.
1544) and the visita of the village of Tutcpcque by Lus de Castilla, who
was sent there without salary by the viccroy to see what harm passing
Spaniards wcre doing to the natives, and to hold. trials (A. G. I., 48-1-
5/27, In~crrogatorio del seor vissorcy, pregunta 227).
11
~frmloza, Carta, Mexico, Dcccmber 10, 1537, in Pachec~ y Crdenas.
IJ. 181.
responsible hands. 14 In the city and distrkt of Mcxico he
assumed the ~hief civil and military f unctions as viceroy and
govemor, a right which was bestowed on later viceroys with
thc special title ~f corregidor. 15 ,
. The center of the viceroy's public life was the capital

city, Mexico, where he maintained a large household. Sixty
Indian servants were always in attendance on him and bis
guests in bis palacc, wbere he maintained a miniature court. 18
-. From thirty to f orty gentlemen, f oot and hotsc, composed
a bodyguard which was always about bim and f orm~d an
esco~t when he went abroad. 11 Agostn de Guerrero, major-
domo to the viceroy and captain of the guard, with the aid
of Lus de Castilla, saw that bis orders were carried out.
. For the upkeep of this establishment Mendoza had bis salary,
the produce o{ his ranches, and the customary service of the
Indians in_ the work of supplying free fuel, food, and water.
The ranches were located, one in the valley of Matalcingo,
eleven leagues from Mexico; five in the vicinity of Mara-
batio, in Michoacn, twenty-six leagues from Mexico, named
respectively Del Paso, Del Carrizal, Del Ancon, Baqui~uata,
and Ocoraritarco; others near Vera Cruz; two near the pu~
l?lo of Tecamachalco, thirty-seven !cagues away, named Oz-
umba and Astapa; and lastly, two days journey beyond tbese
last two, the entire valley of Ulizabal, which was used as a
horse-ranch. 18 These ranches were acquired by grant and
by purchase. 19 In the main they were stocked with sheep
M /bid., II. 184. For the final sotution of thc question of the rclations
bctween thesc officials, see Smith, The Victroy of N ew Spain, Berkeley,
1913, p. 116.
11
/bid., p. 164.
A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del sefior vissorey, preguntas
119, 120.
1
' /bid., preguntas, 66, 67. A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Fees de la guarda de su
seora desde el ao de 37 hasta el de 46.
11
A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Relacion del Licenciado Tejada, in Descargos
del seor vissorcy, Mcxico, Octobcr 30, 1546.
/bid., Cdula, Madrid, April 24, 1540. Tradition asscrts that thc
viccroy introduccd Merino shcep into Mexico, but in all cases in which he
and supptied the viceroy's household and bis expeditions with
meat, while the wool was sold or made into cloth i~ faetones
likewise owned by him. 20 An i~ea of the size of the viceroy's
official and unofficial f amily is to ~ gained from the amount
o provisions necessary f or its upkeep.. 1-lis service of suppty
consisted of one hundred and twenty natives, half the quota
being furnished by Mexico, ~he rest by Santiago. These
contingents relieved each other every five days and during
their period of service brought eighty large loads of hay for
Mendoza's horses daily, besides twenty-one loads of wood,
five of which were for his gtiests. Ten or twelve of them
took his wheat to mili every third day_and sometimes daily. 21
In the midst of this crowd of retainers and vassals, and
with bis own family, represented by his son Francisco and
bis sister Mara, Mendoza lived in almost regal splendor, giv-
ing daily audience and despatching the business of state. Ac-
. ..cording to Francisco Vsquez de Coronado, the viceroy rose
early in the m~rning, as he slept little, to hea~ and to act on
the affairs of state which required attention, and, in cases of
extreme urgency, such as the arrival of a messenger after
he had retired or very early in the morning, would sit up in
bed and listen to the petitioner or bearer of news. In ali his
acquired ranch land by purchase, he boug-ht the sheep and had the owners
turn over to him their rights in the land the sheep were on. By a royal
order of 1550 viceroys and oidores were forbidden to transact anything
but official business and to own property or engage in business.
Without the aid thcse sheep afforded in supplying bis house the
viceroy's salary would not have sufficed, and before his ranches were
de ve toped he was f ored to borrow money to pay his debts.-A. G. l ..
48-1-5/27, Testigo de Coronado, Mexico, January 18, 1547, pregunta 54.
n A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Cargos que resultan de la visita secreta contra
el muy illustr Seor don Anto de Mendoza, Mexico, J une 21, 1546, cargo
33. The viceroy claimed that only thirty Indians served him gratis, fifteen
from Mexico and fiftecn from Santiago, which was the same number that
ha.d served Fucnlcal, Prcsident of the second audiencia'. The rest carne
becausc thcy wished to, not by command, and in return he had given these
towns 1500 f a11e!}as of wheat and fi f tccn loads of clothes. E ven the
carping critic Tello de Sandoval was served in likc manner during his
visitation.-A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Descargos del seor vissorey, Mcxico,
October 30, 1546, descargo 33.
50 ANTONIO DE MENDOZA 1
i
dealings he was affable but brief, and listened to high and
Jow with equal attention. He was very accessible and no
porters or other officials barred the way i f ail audience were
-: desi~ed. He ~istened attentively to everyone, arid when he .
-. spoke he was grave in bis manner and temperate in speech. 22
, He did not stay in his palace ali of the time, however, but
was abroad almost daily examining the ejidos of the City of
Mexico, the condition of the roads, the lands that were to be
divided, or sorne kindred matter about which he wanted i~
formation. He was frequently absent on extended inspec- f
tions--itt_ ~he provinc~s also, and during his fifteen years of \ -
rule in New Spain, visited parts of 1fexico which had never / .1
been seen by former governors. 23 During his sojourn in
l\fexico City, his household was not lacking in pomp and
even gaiety at times. He was accon'lpanied in public by his
hodyguard of well-appointed gentlemen armed with hat~
berds, and on more important occasions, by both horse and
-foot fully armored- and equipped. These gentlemen and the
numerous guests of the hospitable viceroy spent their time
f encing, tilting, and singing or bull-fighting, and banquets of
_. great splendor were not unknown. Indeed, even the Indians
who served him were instructed in music, trumpeting, and the
art of minstrelsy, and those talented in the arts were trained
as painters and silversmiths. The generous viceroy gave
needy guests over three hundred horses in the period from
. .1535 to 1546, and fed and clothed seores of ~ndigent cava-
.: Jiers.
\Vhen l\fendoza was about to tum over his work to a
.succcssor he wrote a list of instructions for the guidance of
the incoming official. In this document we find the ~istilled
A. G. I., 48-1-9/31, Testigo de Franco de Coronado, Mexico, January
18, 1547, pregunta 9.
A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Testigo de Miguel de !barra, Compostela,
January 28, 1547, pregunta 125. Iba.rra mentions particularly the vice-
. roy's vists to Colima and remarks that reform and order followed in
their wake.
wisdom of his long carecr as a public servant, and from it.~
! amazingly frank utterance, f or he spoke as onc who had run
\( his race, much can be leamed conceming what he actually
thought about the role of the viceroy in the administration
of New Spain .. He wamed Velasco that in New Spain, as
elsewhere, men were more interested in other people's con-
c~rns.than in their own and that this was especially true \vith
. respect to the government. Everyone wished the government
to conform to his fantasy, and the diversity of counsel was
beyond belief. I f the viceroy in an i11-advised moment ven-
tured to put anyone right or to contradict him, he merely
stirred up a hornet's nest of juntas and letters, and soon
found himself quite alone in the controversy, accused of being
opinionatcd and u~1informed. To avoid this l\fendoza had
listened to ali manner of advice and had informed bis coun-
seJors that their plans were very good and that he would
adopt them. As a result he had been able to act at bis own
discretion without arousing great antagonism, and he re-
marked that N ew Spain would have been turned upside down
twenty times i f he had attempted to put in effect what he
had said was so excellent. His principal intent, he assured
Velasco, had been to oppose sudden changes, especially where
the natives were concerned, as there had been so many
changes, so many experiments made with them already, that
he wondered they had not become insane. He showed that
he had grown with the passing years when he said. he had
spent his l0ng ten u re of office making changes and still f ound
the government more confused and newer to him than when
he first took over control, and things tQ be done that he had
not seen be f ore. The ruler stood alone, he told Ve lasco, and
although many gave ad vice, f ew gave aid when things went
contrary to their desires. The secret of good government,
\ he especially wrote, was to do little and to do that slowly,
_ .'~since most affairs lend themselves to being handled in that
52 ANTONlO DE MENDOZA
way and in that way alone can one avoid being deceived. " 24 "-----
.. At thc very outset of his reign he had adopted this maxi~ r
_and stiU found it good when he relinquished office. 21 ~
The viceroy exercised the general powers assigned to him f
in bis commissions and instructions, but in the actual opera- \V
tians of government certain special powers and limitations
were added. He was in direct communication with the su-
preme home agency of govemment, the Council 9f the Indies,
which sought to govem the Indies as a royal monopoly, and
was supposed to carry out its decrees as a responsible but
- subordinate official. The distance o~ that body from the
scene of action and the slowness of communication gave
_ _Mendoza great latitude in his obedience to these orders,
. which in sorne cases amounted to ~wer of veto;. 28 Delay
in the execution of undesirable laws, n on pretext or
.-.. another, until the conditions for which they were framed
. ccased to exist, was one of the methods by which this was
._: accomplished. His right to frame laws, subject to the con-
finnation of the Council of the Indies, was another great
. source of strength, enabling him to steer the course of legis-
. Jation f or the viceroyalty in Spain. As he was not a letrado,
_.. Mendoza sought the cooperation of the audiencia in alt cases
of that character.
,. Mendoza, "Retacion, apuntamientos y avisos que por mandado de
S. M. di al Sr. D. Luis de Velasco," in Instrucciones que los Virt)'ts de
Nuct.'a Espaa dejaron siu Sucesores. p. 238.
When he arrived in New Spain~ and found the local laws differing
:- from those of Castile, he accepted the lack of system of bis predecessor
: until cxperience taught h~m what to do: surely extraordinary restraint in
any agc.-A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Descargos del seor vissorey, Mexico,
_.! October 30, 1546, descargo 21.
For instance, when oidor Gmez de Santiltn was ordcrcd to Yuca-
tn to act as visitor, in 1549, we find him writing to the Council, in 1551,
cxplaining the fact that he did not go because the viccroy could not dis-
pense with bis scrviccs and had ordered him to remain in Mcxico, but
- that he would send somcone else.-A. G. I., 58-5-8, Carta del oidor el
Licdo Gmez de Santilln, Mexico, Fcbruary 29, 1551.
_,-----
\ In N ew Spain he was empowered to grant corregimientos,
\ Jands ( pedazcos and cavalleras), 27 and Indians to any wor-
L.--fhy person on presentation of a royal cdula, but also had the
pow~r to withhold the grant in case he thought thc applicant
was well enough provided for or unworthy. 28 This en-
trenched }lim securely as a source of patronage, f or these
were the things Spaniards were dependent on f or a liveli-
hood. N othing could be prodaimed by the t~wn-criers of
New Spain without his consent, nor could any act of the ca-
bildo of Mexico have legal character until his confirmation'
had been obtained. 29 The titles to ali encomiendas were
granted by him up to the time _of the New Laws, and even
inheritance of an encomienda was illegal without this
viceregal ttulo. 80
The viceroy's relations with the cabildo resident in M~

ico City were of an especial character owing to the fact that
the City was the seat of bis government. He was interested
in everything which concerned the city f athers, issued ordin-
ances to be obeyed in the city, and confirmed ali local ordin-
ances passed by the cabildo before they became law. 31 He
was petitioned to inspect ali its projects82 and, although as
" A pedazco was the amount of land given a f oot-soldier; it was the
amount of land on which one hundrcd hills of potatoes could be planted.
A cava1Jera was twice as large and represented the grant to a horseman.
A. G. l., 58-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del seor visorrey, preguntas 45
el seq.
Actas de cabildo, Mexico~ May 29, 1536, Libro 4, 19, 20. The
minutes of almost every meeting of this body f urnish examples of this
confirmatory power.
'A. G. l., 58-5-8, Carta al rey, M~xico, March 17, 1545.
11
ActCls de cabildo, Mexico, December .12, 1536, Libro 4, 56: ''En treze .
de diziembre del dicho ao el yllustrisimo seor birrey abiendo visto esta
hordenanza dixo que la confirmaba e confirmo segun y como en ellase
contiene e mandaba e mando que se ef cctue y cumpla como en ella se
contiene." This statement in the form of a marginal note with the proper
rbrica and notice of proclamation accompanied every local ordinance of
the town council that bccame cffective as law.
11
This custom bccame firmly established before the arrival of the
second viceroy, Lus de Velasco, and in numerous instances, such as thc
selection of a site for the Cathcdral, he acted with the aid of a committce
from the cabildo. Jbid., Mexico, September 9, 1552, Libro 6, 65.
..viceroy he was not rcprcscntcd in itsbody 11 and did not in-
~erfcrc with its privileges, to corrcspond with thc Coun~l of

: the Indies and to have representatives at court.14 As presi-
. dent of the audiencia, however, the viceroy did acquire
rcpresei:itation in thc cabildo of Mexico City. By royal c-
dula dated at Madrid, May 26, 1536, Mendoza was em-
. powered to appoint an oidor of the audiencia of Mexico to
_:: -< have voice and vote in the cabildo to prevent discord in the -
, clection of the alcaldes ordinarios ofthe dty. Oidor Francis-
.;_.-_ . co de Loaysa, his appoint~, definitely took bis seat in the
: council, Octobcr 6, 1536, despite protests against increasing
_- the nt:tmber o_f votes beyond the legal limit of twelve.u -
Loaysa was not present as a regidor, but as a justice with.
vote and the right to participatc in ali deliberations. In this
fashion the number of regidores was not increased beyond
the stipulated number, yet an additional voice and vote werc
. .. added. The right of the viceroy as gobernador over the pro-
vince of Mexico to be represented in the cabildo by a teniente
de gobernador was, by reason of this representation, never
-_exercised. 39 In fact, in this last capacity the viceroy's powers
were very extensive in ali governmental matters. Beyond
the jurisdiction of the city, which was fixed at fifteen leagues
11
One of the viccroy's first acts on rcaching Mexico City. was to go
into session with a committce of the cabildo to learn the condition of
the city's business; and beginning March 21,.1539, the cabildo met regu-
larly with the viceroy for the first meeting o.f the month in bis palace.
' lbid.1# Libro 4, 164.
.. In the event of quarrels and discord within the cabildo he reservcd
the right to intervenc, as in the case of a proposed letter to the king
favoring the new Mercedarian monastic order, fostered by Bernardino
Vsqucz de Tapia and cnergetically opposed by the Augustinians and
thefr partizans within the town-council. When he took the matter out
. of their hands he was later accused of unjust interf erence. A. G. l.,
48-1,-2/24, Descargos del seor vissorey, Mexico, October 30, 1546,
- descargo 4.
Actar de cabildo, Libro 4, 35-42. This right had been denied the
first audiencia.-Documento.r de Ultramar, X. 14.
_ "e Ansi se podria poner aqui un teniente de gobernador por et seor
_ . vissorey. " Actas de cabildo, Libro 4. 36.
round about,1.' he was supreme, and evcn within these limits
the cabildo possessed complete and final rights. only in such
matters as the granting of cititenship and town-lots (so-
lares).18 In addition, the free Indians within this area, as
elsewhere in New Spain, had their officials, like Don Diego,
Indian govcrnor of Mexico City, appointed by and respon-
-- -< sible to the viceroy. The cabildo was, in bri~f, ovcrshadowed
in authority by the viceroy.
/ - Mendoza's power of appointment to lesser officcs was a
, -/powerf ul facto~ in h.is work of building up an effective poli-
tical machine, as it cnabled him to place men responsivc to
bis will where he most wished to havc them. In addition to
this, he could, .in a certain sense, create extra offices f or
those already serving in other capacities. An examplc of
.this is bis appointment of his captain of the guards, Agostn
Guerrero, and the oidor Ceynos as accountants to check over
the books of the treasurer, Juan Alonso de ~osa, and the fac-
tors ( f atores), Antonio de la Cadena and Juan de la Pea
Vallejo, by a commission dated in Mexico, July 25, 1536.19
/ The authority of the viceroy was in theory checked by thc
. . audiencia, which could also correspond directly with the
Council of the Indi es." Since Mendoza was in perfect ac-
cord with his audiencia, the check was never utilized; and
indeed, in the presence of the viceroy's power, this counter-
acting f or.ce was too f eeble to offer great opposition to his
n Jbid., Mexico, September 3, 1540, Libro 4, 207-209, contains a copy
of royal cdula, dated Madrid, October 24, 1539.
A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Descargos del seor vissorey, October 30.
1546, descargo 3. .
A. G. l., 58-6-9, Carta de Aranda al rey, Mexico, May 30, 1544.
.. This did not mean so much in Mendoza's time as it might have
Jater, as he permitted letters to pa.ss freely in both directions. Coronado
tells of sending personal letten: to the Council of the Indies and of cven
having the ccurtesy of the viceroy's pliego extended to him. Mendoza
refused to read such letten and said to Coronado on one occasion, ..You
know very well that I never see, know about, or read what others write
nor what is written to them."-A. G. l., 48-1-9/31, Testigo de Franco de
Coronado, Mexico, January 18, 1547, pregunta 15.
56 ANTONIO'.DE MENDOZA
. will. There were, however, certain specific things which thc
.. viceroy could not do~ He could not grant town-lots (solares),
licenses for c hurches or convents, titles of nobility, titles to
. cities or villas, or confer citizenship on any individual. 41
. Fina11y, he could not increase salaries beyond the point' fixed
by law, nor cotild ariy viceroy extend the term of bis officc
beyond the legal Jimit. 42 Mendoza's te.rm of office was inde-
term~nate; and, despite a fixed legal term of. three years,
most of his successors in reality held office at the king's
pleasurc.
. The audiencia of Mexico was created in 1527, with a
: ". basis of organiz~tion o.f four oidores who heard civil cases,
and before whom criminal cases were to be tried. There
wcrc, in addition, a prosecuting attomey (fiscal), a court
bailiff (alguacil mayor), anda number of other officers pro-
vided in the law. 41 In actual practice, however, the audiencia
rarely had its full complement of oidores, in the case of the
first audiencia four being appointed. Before the arrivat of
Mendoza it was the highest judicial and administrative body
in New Spain, but the presence of a viceroy restricted its
activities greatly. Its functions became largely judicial \
thereafter, although a considerable amount of civil govem- '
ment was transacted through this body and orders f or the
construction of such works as a custom-house at Vera Cruz
and light-houses along the coast were addressed to the pres-
Solrzano, Politica Indiana, Madrid, 1776, libro V, cap. 11, con-

tains a discussion of the viceroy's powers and tells particularly what he
could not do. Mendoza enjoyed three things denied later rulcrs, the
r-ight to bring members of bis family ( we know of two who were with
him in Mexico City) with him, to own property, and to engage in
discovery.
Smith, Vice,.oy of N ew Spain. p. 127.
Merriman (Rist of tht Spanisli Empirt, 111. 642) corrects the mis-
take made by many historians in attributing to it a larger organization
on the basis of eight oidores. In actual practice, only four oidores or
fewcr were present; cf. Recopilacin lib. 2, tit. 15, ley 3.
ident and oidores of the audiencia, not to the viceroy." .This
condition existed despite the viceroy's sweeping claim that
justice cou~d only be dispensed by the audiencia through its
scribes, and matters of civil government through the viceroy's
instruments. u The latter as presidcnt of this body, .with the
prestige of his other appointments, wielded a trcm~ndous if
not a preponderant influence. During his absence on tours
or in case of iltness, it worked out during Mendoza's r-
gime that the audiencia ruled in .his place, although, in thc
f ormer case, he kept in touch with it by means of me.ssen-
gers. Later on the ad iuterim rule of the audiencia was also
deve1oped. Since, however, when Mendoza left New Spain
for Peru his successor in office was already in the country.
this question did not arise immediately.
Soon after the arrival of Mendoza the residencias of the
president of the audiencia, Fuenleal, and of the oi~or.es, Sal-
mern, Ceynos, and Quiroga, were taken. 48 . Mendoza, among
his letters, commissions, and instructions, brought one of.
thanks to Fuenleal for bis meritorious services and was in-
structed to honor him and to take counsel with him concern-
ing the government. of New Spain. 41 The retiring presid~nt,
on his return to Spain, was rewarded with the bishoprics of
Tuy, Leon, and Cuenca in succession, and served as president
M
.
Cdulas so addressed are extant on such widely varied subjccts as
s1avery, water rights, boundary disputes, the tithing of sugar-milts, salt-
ing of mines, lndian carriers, and a cuestion of Real Patronato involving .
the authorize<l circulation of a book of confession.
u .. Es premincncia de visorrey despachar cosas de governacion con la
persona que a el bien le pareciere . ,, and the balance of thc asscr-
tion.-A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Descargos del seor vissorey, Octobcr 30,
1546, cargo 11 .
.. I t seems that an attempt was made to permit the bishop to retire
without the formality of a residencia. The cabildo of Mexico, early in
January, 1536, pctitioned the viceroy to have it taken and he reptied ..que
su scoria no trae probicion para tomar la dicha residencia." N ot satis-
fied, they consu1tcd the city attorney (letrado) to determine upon furthcr
action as no office involving justice could be vacated without a residencia.
Actas de Cabildo, Libro 4, 5-11 passim.
"Herrera, Historia General, Madrid, 1601-1615, dcc. V, lib. tx. cap.
l. 202. . .
of the audiencias of Valladolid and Granada, and ultimately
his knowledge of Ncw World affairs gained him the presi-
dency of the Council of t~e Indies. The residencias were.
takcn by the ncw oidor, Francisco de Loaysa, 48 and Quiroga
was the only one against whom charges were brought.. He
was accused of having erected two hospitals, one in Santa
F and the other in Michoacn, with materials tom from
the homes of Indians. Proof of the great benefit of the
hospitals earned him exoneration in March, 1536. Quiroga's
interest in the Church and the conversion of the natives led
him to relinquish service under the new administration, and
_ in 1537 he was consecrated first bishop of Michoacn, in
which charge he died in 1565 at the ripe age of ninety-five,
leaving a mcmory of saintly devotion which the Indians rc-
vere to the present day. Alonso Matdonado also remained
in the New World, but was drawn to Yucatn to assume
charge of the interests of his wife, Catalina Monte jo, daughter
.. of the adelantado Montejo. In March, 1542, he was
_appointed provisional govemor of Guatemala and assumed
_his duties on May 17th_following. 41 In 1543, he was made
. president of the newly created Audiencia de los Confines and
removed to its seat, Comayagua and later Gracias Dios, in
. . Guatemala. . Fuenleal and Salmern returned to Spain, wherc
the latter eventually became a member of the Council of the
Indies. 50
Puga, Cldtdas. I. 377.

Bancrof t, History of Ce,.trol Atnn'ico, II. 323.
Bancrof t is mistaken in sending Ccynos. baclc to Spain with these
. '.two (History of Mtxico. II. 380). Ccynos was still in Ncw Spain asan
oidor ia 1546 and did not sail for Spain until Fcbruary of that ycar and
. then only by special pcrmission granted by rcason of his years of abscncc
from bis family, thc condition of h~ affairs, and with thc express undcr-
standing that he leavc & substitutc to stand residencia for him.-A. G. l.,
48-1-3/25, Cargos y descargos que rcsu.ltaron de ta visita contra el
licdo Franco. Ceinos, Mcxico, ] uly 13, 1546. He retumed latcr and was
prescnt in Mcxico down to 1565.
\
\
Thc audiencia as constituted under Mendoza hada limited
~rs~-i:t~l. Francisco Ccynos was thc only permancnt hold
over membcr from the previos rgimc, while Alonso Mal-
donado gave limited service until he was relieved by Gmcz
'de Santilln; and the new members arriving with the viceroy
were Francisco Loaysa and Alonso d~ Tejada. The four-
man strength of the body was insured, f ollowing the depart-
ure of Ceynos in 1546, by the appointment of Doctor An-
tonio Rodrquez Quesa~a. n Their salaries were fixed at
500,000 maraveds a year,H and the territory over which they
held sway in a judicial capacity included the southem and
eastern region of modem Mexic excluding Tabasco, Chi-
apas, and Yucatn but including the gulf coast around to the
tip of Flori~a. u In.to the north and west its jurisdiction
extended indefinitely over an unknown region. In 1548 this
domain was narrowed by the creation o~ the subordinatc
audiencia of New Galida controtli11:g the region west of a linc
run north from Zacatula and inclined slightly in an easterly
direction. This same year, however, saw a widening of its
authority to the south when Yucatn, Cozumel, and Tabasco
were brought under its sway. H The audiencia was pri-
.-_/_..inarily a ju<l!~~al body, but transference to the New World
had added all the other duties of government, including mili-
tary affairs. E ven the coming of the viceroy failed to force
a return to complete absorption in legal matters, sincc its
secondary capacity was to serve as a check on this official and
to aid him as an advisory body in governmental matters of
i a politicat character. Meetings of this sort were tenncd
11
A. G. I., 2-2-1/1, No. 57, Relacion de Bartolom de Zrate.
11
Pachcco y Crdenas, XXIII. 426-445.
11
Mcrriman, Rise of lhe Spanish Empir1, III. 643, with notes and
map opposite page 644.
"In 1547 Merida petitioned that this change be brought about. as
Gracias Dios was too distant and Vera Cruz within eight days' sailing
distance, and a royal order transferred these provinces to the audiencia
of Mexico in 1548.-Herrera, Historia General, dec. VIII, lib. V, cap. V;
Bancrof t, History of M exico, II. 450, note 40.
.acuerdos, and the decisions of the president and audiencia
-_ became law as autos acordados. In this manner independent
_laws were framed for New Spain by reason of which the
audiencia might be said to have enjoyed legislative f unctions.
In its judic~al caEacity the audiencia served as a sup~eme c~_urt
. with appeJate jurisdiction in criminal and civil cases from the
lesser courts of the corregimientos, alcaldas, and towns. In
such cases its decisions were final unless the crime involved
a person of sufficient influence and means to secute an appeal
to t_he Council of the.lndies as a court of last resort. In civil
cases which involved a sum of over 10,000 pesos the case
could likewise be carried to the Council of the Indies for final
decision. In ali cases in which the litigants were towns, its
own members, o~ the viceroy, it served as a court of first in-
. sta~ce. with original jurisdiction but with the usual possibili-
. ty of an appeal to the Council of the Indies. 115 ~
. The vice~oy as president of the audiencia occupied a ./
-strong position even if he were deprived of a vote in legal, ~;
cases. 58 His wishes bore great weight with the oidores in
. such '"4.Ses, and in all other matters they acted much like an
advisory council. Mendoza introduced sorne improvements
For a general account of the audiencia in America in this period scc
Merrim~Rise of the Spanish Empire, III. 640-649, with references. A
more extended treatment for the entire colonial period, but with illustra-
tions drawn from the audiencia of :Manita, is contained in C. H. Cun-
ningham, Tite Audiencia in lhe Spa1risli Colo11ies Berkeley, 1919. The
1
story of thc inception of. N ew World audiencias is bricfly told in Ban-
. croft, Histor)' of Centra/ A merica, l. 270-273, footnote 10. Solrzano y
Pereira, in bis Poltica Indiana, Il. 271-282, points out the more extensive
powers of the New World audiencias and explains them as necessary be-
cause of distance and, in sorne instances, the absence of any other supreme
political authority. Other use ful accounts are H. l. Priestlcy, Jos de
Gltrt~, Berkeley, 1916, pp. 60-65; Documentos de Ultramar, X, V, CXI,
passim; A. Rivera, Principios Crticos sobre el Vireiuato de la Niieva
Espaa 1, passim
1
.. His prescnce there was vicwed by the visitor Vatderrama as a dis-

tinct menace to good government unless he were a letrado, as the power
of thc vjceroy to bestow patronagc on thc f ricnds, relatives, and servants
of the oidores made thcm fearful of voting contrary to his desires.-
Pacheco y Crdenas, Carta del Lic. Va/derrama Filipe JI, Mcxico.
February 24, 1564, IV. 364.
THE ADMINISTRATION . 61
in thc procedure of thc audiencia which are worthy of men-
tion~ Havfog f ound that thc recrds of the transactjons of
the court', and of the govcrnment provisions reccived by it,
were not being properly kept, he provided a _book in which ali
governmental provisions were to be entered,11 and kept
another one in his audience chamber in which the scribes of
. the audiencia, the cabildo, and any others present in the city
of Mexico (del nume~o desta Cuidad), were to write all the
sentences of the respective courts within three days after they
were passed. He was particularly solicitous that the fines
(penas de cmara) be noted down, so that the money received
from this source could be accounted for.H In cases involving
the natives he gave the oidores new duties and widened the
jurisdiction of the court; the first, by ordering that they visit
the Indian jails regularly; the second, by empowering the
judges of residencia sent to native towns, to transfer im-
portant cases to the audiencia, where, owing to the number of
cases, three days of each week wer~ given over to suits be-
tween Indians and between Indians and Spaniards. 59 For the
expedi.tion of business he framed ordinances with the aid
of the oidores, and caref ully defined the duties of the lesser
officials. 60 His great concern, he inf<?~llled his successor,
was to preserve harmony between hi_msel f and the oidores
and among those officials. 61 This was a particularly difficult
f eat as the audiencia possessed poorly defined powers while
he ws supposedly supreme within bis domain as executive.
and his right to sign its decisions before they became binding
"A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del seor vissorey, pregunta 28.
11
Mendoza, op. cit., in b1struccio1ics que los Vire3es de Nueva Espaa
dejaron sHs Sicccsores, p. 228.
A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio de seor vissorey, preguntas
295, 300.
These were promu1gated in 1548, and are printed in F. M. Garca
Icazbalceta, Colecci11, Mexico,. 1858-1866, l. 27 ff.
1
Mendoza, op. cit., in Instrucciones que los Vire3es de Nuef!a Es1>aa
dejaron sus SHctsorcs, p. 227. .
cnabled him to. encroach on its field as presiding officcr at-
though he hd no vote in judicial matters.
Although, as. constitutcd by law n 1527, thc audiencia
. was a fairly complete institution, it was not until Mendoza's
..time that it acquired the numbcr of officiatS-an(l flicconlposi-
.. tion charactcristic. ---
~
o. f it- during
--- - _ ____,_,
~ ~-
the viceregal j>eriod, and until
. ~-
'~-. ts reorganization in the eighteenth century. For instance,

, although by Iaw it was possessed of two prosecuting attor-
..neys (fiscales), we find Fuenleal petitioning the king for two
such officers, 82 and we know that a separate criminal court
(sala de crimen), was not introduced into Mexico untit
1577.11 Under M_endoza, that important officer, _the fiscal,
. . was active f or the first ti ine, and such officials as the chan-
-. cellor of the audiencia, the rec~ptores, the relatores, and the
escribano mayor were empowered with dearly defined duties.
It would be u~eless to enumerate the great number of minor
: officials, but those just mentioned and certain groups of
attendant officials like thc high clerks (escribanos de
_. cmara) and the counselors (abogados) deserve attention.
. The audiencia at this early time had only one fiscal, ~he
: licentiate Cristbal Benavente, whose duty it was to see that
justice was,executed, to fight public sins, and to bring action
against all persons infringing on the rights of the king."
.The position of chancellor of the audiencia was held by the
: . viceroy's captain of the guard, Agostn de Guerrero, and in
. his keeping was the official seal which could not be removed
. from the court room and without which no document pos-
sessed legality. He was provided with an assistant~ Juan
de Salazar, in this office. 85 The receptores were scribes who
Bancroft, Hislory of M'sko, IL 325, note 'Zl.
. , Pacheco y Crdenas, VIII. 38.
.. A. G. l., 48-1-1/32, Visita secreta a el fiscal et licenciado Cristbal
de Benaventc, Mccico, ]une 30, 1546.
A. G.. l., 48-1-14/36, Visita Agostfn Guerrero Chanciller de la
... real Abdia de Mcxico y a Juo de Salazar su oficial y teniente, Mexico,
Novcmber 20, 1546.
made the officiat transcripts of testimony and who took the
dcpositions of witnesses. They werc also the officials who
kept state statistics and when a census was taken the work
was confided to thcir carc. 81 The business of the relatores
was to put cases in order for presentation before the audi-
encia and to prepare digests of them f or the purpose of speed-
ing up justice. Fuenleal, at the beginning of his rule, reported
N ew Spain to be without such officers, and they were ordered
provided,-February 27, 1531." At the time of the Sandoval
visita Hernando de Herrera and Juan Alvarez de Castaeda
were serving the audiencia in that capacity. 98 Antonio de
Turcios, the chief scribe (escribano mayor) of the audiencia
of Mexico was. an important personage in the official life
of Mexico under the viceroy, and stood high in bis esteem
and in that of the oidores. Hardly an official act took place
without bis cognizance or presence and his advice was greatly
valued. He was respected for bis leaming, and nearly every
important document that has come down to us from this
period is in bis handwriting; indeed, one suspects that he was
a great aid to the viceroy in the writing of his official de-
spatches.19 In addition to these officials there were numerous
scribes, lawyers, several interpreters, the court bailiff (al-
guacil mayor), and bis assistants (alguaciles), charged to en-
f orce the decrees of the audiencia and to apprehend criminals,
As in thc case of thc ccnsus taken by thc order of thc viccroy
Vetasco, which was completed in May, 1592. Archivo Nacional, Madrid,
1049, Libro tercero de cartas de la lnqon de la Nueva Espaa, 54-58.
., A. G. l., 87-6-1, Oficio y parte, libro 2, Ocafia, Febrqary 'l.7, 1531,
LXVI. .
A. G. I., 48-t-14/36, Visita Hemando de Herrera, Mexico, No-
vcmbcr, 9, 1546, Visita Juo Alvarez de Casteficda, Mcxico, ]anuary
19, 1547.
Antonio de Turcios wa.s j ailed on a number of chargcs by thc visitor
Tello de Sandoval, but such an outcry went up from the viccroy and the
oidores that he was permitted to use bis home as a jail and to go to bis
duties with the audiencia. He was preceded in his office by Juan de
Samano.-A. G. I., 48-1-14/36, Visita Antonio de Turcios, Mcxico,
November 19, 1546-March 26, 1547.
. . _64 ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
: :. and the jailers (carceleros), who watched over thc destinies
.. Q the sJ>etial prison of the audiencia.
The audiencia of Mexico and_ its individual members had
_certain special duti~s and rig~ts, ~hich should be mentioned,
in addition to the general attributes already _discussed.. As
an administrative body it acquired the right to interfere in
-. .. the municipai aff.airs of the capital city, alth~ugh forbidden.
to do so at the begin_ning of Mendoza's rule. 10 The original
. _ plan of the home government was that the ~udie.ncia and the
.. town offic~afs (regidores and alcaldes ordinarios) should
.. - meet together when.loca} improvements were under cons~der
- . . ._ation,11 but the audiencia gained an adva~tage when the oidor
.. Loaysa was empowered to enter the cabildo as a representa-
._. . Hve of the audiencia, August 7, 1536. 72 All petitions for___ap-
. _ pointments JQ__ ffice, after the coming of the New Laws, had
-----~-- - ---~-- '
to. be approved first by the president and the oidores before

-they could be sent to Spain.18 This gave them power over all
- office-seekers, and was designed to eliminate the nuisance of
. _indiscriminate appointments from Spain.
' The audiencia enjoyed representation at ~ourt in._Spain,
and, until the royal order of April 24, 1549, expressly for-
-_: bade it, its members could be property owners, work mines,
and have private interest in discovery. 14 lt also gained the
. . . ._. dear right to be the SUE_~errie governing _bo~I when no vice-
. _, _roy was present, or, during this first administration, when _
. :: ." the viceroy in office was incapacitated, which meant a re-
1
,. Real tldula, Madrid, Ortober 'Zl, 1535, in Doc1une11to.s de Ultramar,

_ X. 299, 300.
. n Real cdula, lladrid, Ja.nuary 22. 1535, ibid., X. 236, 237.
"Actas dt Cabildo, libro 36, 37. He was officialty a justice, not a
_ ttgidar, as only twelve were allowed by law, but he possesseci the right
to vote.
_ n A. G. l., 91-1-9, Peticin de Baltasar de Salto, Mexico, January 18,
.1546.
"A. G. l., 87-6-2, Oficio y parte, Valladolid, April 29, 1549, LXIX.
-This order was repeated on a number of occasions, but was evaded on
. one pretext or another.
sumption of the pristine powers of the ycars from 1528 to
1535. Its individual members enjoyed wide powers a~ judgcs
in local residencias and visitas and after 1545 it was the body
which collected ali evidence in cases involving the encomi-
enda system f or the Council of the Indies. The oidores
. were severely restricted in their freedom of residence, how-
ever, for they could not leave their positions, and in their
case a special license. f or return to Spain was .necessary.
From 1537, when Nueva Galicia was placed under the
audiencia of Mexico, down to the .formation of a separate
'
audiencia there, in 1548, this trritory was ruled over, first,
by military governors to 1545, when .Coronado was deprived
of this office as a result ~f the Tejada visita of the previous
year, and then, by Baltasar Gal!egos in the capacity of al-
calde mayor. The new audiencia was subordinate to that of
Mexico and its powers included those of governor and judi-
ciary. Its seat ~as Compostela, ~.ater removed to Guada-
lajara, and its jurisdiction extended over all the known ter-
ritory to the north and nor~heast, and along the South Sea
~ it included Colima, Zacatula, and the towns of Avalos. The
audiencia of ~f exico could revise its decisions when the
oidores and the alcalde mayor disagreed, and, after 1555,
.ruled over it_ in his stead when the viceregal seat ~vas
vacant. 715
The audiencia of Nueva Galicia was organized with a
president and. four oidores who also served as alcaldes del
crmen, one fiscal, alguacil mayor, and a vice-chancellor."'
This new body was subordinate to the viceroy,.and army and
treasury affairs were completely under bis control.
" Bancrof t, H istory o/ Me.Tic o, II. 547, note 28, collates the printed
authorities. This meant the exercise of political and administrative
power f rom Mexico and the ordinary viceregal supervision of financial
and military aff airs in the province.
.,. Rccopilaci11, lib. 2, tit. 15, ley 7, cited by Priestley, Jos de Gli:u.=,
p. 63.
- The outlying provinces of New Spain, like Yucatn, Coz-
umel, and Tabasco werc ruied over by govemors or adelan-
, tados," who were subordinate to the viceroy~ and their ju
dicial officials to the audiencia of Mexico.' 8 , In New Spain
. ., propcr, the provinccs were ranked as alcaldas mayores
. -under alcaldes mayores, corregimientos rul~d ovr by cor-
regidores, gobiernos under govemors, and remote regions,
- o ver which adelantados presided. Each of these districts,
. . save perhaps the last named, had its chief town and was in
. _ tum divided into partidos, each under an alcalde. In the case
.'. . _of the mining districts they were made separate provinces
.. -under alcaldes mayores de minas selected from those who
- resided at the mines by the viceroy." ~utiacn, in Sinaloa,
because of its mines and its remoteness from Compostela
_and Guadalajara, was made an alcalda mayor in 1-545, and
its alcalde mayor received a salary of f our hundred pesos of
common gold annuatly. 80 The provincial govemment was
- .therefore of three main types, gobiernos, alcaldas, and cor-
.-regimientos, each ruled over by a distinct type of officiat.
. The most important of the three was. the governor. His
... powers were civil unless, as happened at a Iater date, the
. .. exposed position of bis province warranted the additional
... title of captain-general and the excrcise of military duties.
_.. _ These~moWwere appointed by Mendoza, subject to
::. _confinnation by the Council of the Indies, and .were respon-
-: .-- sible to him, although free communication with the home
:__. govemm~nt w.as ~rmitt~d. _Th~~1.$.ldor~~re placed
. ' ; ~ over Jnd1an d1str1cts ordmarily ana were Ch1eflf concerned
- ..~ with theadjustment of relations between the natives and the
-.. Spaniards. Their duties wcre in the main judicial and in-
"For a study of this official as a frontier govcrnor sce Hill, ..Thc
Officc of Adelantado,'' in Political Science Quarterly, XXVIII. 646-669.
. " Puga, Cdulas, l. 395. Nicaragua was also included under the Audi
cncia de los Confines crected in 1543.
A. G. I., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del sefior vissbrey, pregunta 90.
A. G..I . 58-5-8, Carta del audiencia, Mexico, March 17, 1545.
THE ADMINISTRATIQN 67
volved cases arising bctween Spaniards and Indians and
Indian litigants, -atthough ~11 thc f orms of govemment might
be exercised by them within their districts. The alcalde
mayor might be more important than the corregidor, as in
the case of Baltasar Gallegos, who held sway over ali of New
Galicia, but ordinarily he ruled oyer a smaller arca and might
even be an assistan~ to a corregidor. The encomenderos with
their large. holding of lndians were still ;powerful in 1fen- .
doz~'s period and ir:t provincial mattcrs stitl overshadowed
the rival corregidores. 81 These officials, together with thc
municipal officials in the towns within their distw;icts, rc-
lieved t~e viceroy of local judicial and administrative matters,
although constant visitations and residencias were necessary
to prevent laxity. 82
Local municipal govemment was transplanted to New
Spain while the tradition of ~he great days before the war
of the comuneros still flourished in all its vigor. It must
al so be remembered that V era Cruz was f ounded before the
decline of municipal strength in Spai~. The cabildo was the
center of the only real gr<?wth in self-government in the
Spanish colonies. 83 The city gov~rnments managed their
local affairs, with the exception of Mexico, where the viccroy
and the oidores interfered, and were in chargc of improve-
ments, police, and the municipal revenues. These cabildos
or ayuntamientos were composed of a varying number of
11
Atamn, Historia de Mjico, I. 37-40; ]. M. Antequera, Historia de
la Legislacin Espaola, Madrid, 1884, pp. 569-570..
At first, there wcre fcwcr competcnt officials than officcs and thcy
wcnt bcgging, but by the time that Sandoval ca me to N ew Spain, therc .
was a grcat demand for livings, particularJy corregimientos, and thc
viccroy wa! able to lower and evcn daim aU salaries for the royal treas-
ury. The visitr's salary. was paid out of such funds~-A. G. l., 48-1-5/27.
Interrogatorio del sci1or vissorcy, preguntas 86, 87, 88.
11
As carly as Mendoza's time t-his body had ceased to be truly clective.
as in ali cases the regidores were required, to present a titulo of appoint-
ment f rom the crown and the annual elcctions included merely the election
of members of thc cabildo to such posts as that of municipal judge
(alcalde ordinario) or j udge o f the sheep-wat:< (alcalde de la. mesta).
aldennen (regidores) and elected the two alcaldes ordinarios,
who were judges and administrative officials. In Mexico,
which was the seat of a bishopric, twelv~ regidores were
elected, six every other year, on the first day of the new year.
- -~ From 1538 on, the regidores also elected two alcaldes de
. mesta (judges of the sheep-walk) each year. The cabildos
regulated local affairs, fixed prices and passed measures with
the consent of the viceroy, granted citizens~ip and lands to
newcomers, and filled a real place in the administration of
the kingdom. They corresponded freely, under Mendoza,
with the authorities in Spain and kept regular representa-
tives at the court.u On certain occasions we even find
the proctors of the various towns meeting together in general
assemblies to promote their common interests, as they did
under .Fuenleal when a general complaint was f ormulated
against the rule of Guzmn. Even Indian caciques and gov-
ernors were represented in this embryo cortes. 8 ~
Lastly, there was a local Indian government which was
fostered by Mendoza, who placed Spanish alcaldes, regidores,
and alguaciles in the Indian towns. 88 He also confirmed the
election of Indian alcaldes and other officials in sorne of the
. native towns and obtained good results. 87 On the whole,
however, it was found that the Indian caciques were even
crueler to their subjects than the Spaniards and that white
supervision was necessary. To accomplish this control,
of
judges residencia were sent to the native pueblos and
the caciques, alguaziles, alcaldes, governors, and regidores
'vere questioned as to their use o. office and treatment of the
Indians. W~en Mendoza instituted lis work he f ound great
.. A. G. I., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del seor vissorcy, preguntas,
86, 87, 88. '
Bcmal Daz, True Histor3, V. 170.
A. G. l., 48-1-6/28, Testigo de Juan de Arana, Colima, Fcbruary,
1547, pregunta, 300.
n Mendoza, op. cit., in Instruccio11e.1 que los Vireyes dejaron sus
. Sucesores, p. 2JS.
confusion reigning in the elections of these ~ciques and
govcrnors of Indian towns. Sorne were appointcd by encom-
enderos, others by the religiou$ authorities, and still others
inherited their offices from Montezuma's day. He imme-
diately sought out what had been the primitive usage or
custom in each 19Cality and, while insisting on the good
character of the office-holder, selected bis Indian officers on
that basis, forbidding the ecclesiastical officials or the en-
comenderos to interfere. He provided f or examinations of
these candi dates f or office before granting title to it. Indian
judges of residencia were also employed and, in his instruc-
tions to Velasco, he boasted that Indians filled every type of
office in their own local government. 88
Jbid., pp. 234-238.
CHAPTER III
REAL HACIENDA IN NEW SPAIN UNDER THE
FIRST VICEROY
]!!_J.be ..~.n.L.Q! ~~~~-}.!lQDasehrot-Spaiu colonies ~ cxisted
chifly for the production of revenue. Tl!._~e!~- ~onceivcd
poss~ssin Qrtle..Crown, attacbed1o-Spain
through fe person ofthe rei~i~,gJ?rince. This conception
of Cistile~s~'ctonialcquistfons, once it is grasped, makes
clear the broader meaning of the term "~l hacienda;;' (royiF'
~r;~~ncluding_ the colonies in ffie1r totali~j. Ti{ its
~..~"rtleaning, however, the expression was applied to
the special departmen~ of govemment which was organized
to supervise the prom<;>tion, collection, and expenditure of the
King's revenue from ali sources. By reason o~ this 'intimate
relation to what was regarded as the most important reason
for the existence of colonies, the greatest soticitude for the
welfare ~f this branch of govemment was repeatedly ex-
pressed in royal instructions to the viceroys and other officials,
". : and every consideration was subordinated to it, even thatof
the conversion of the Indi;ns-and the salvation of thefr- im-
. " m~~.,--,---- ' - - -- ... ,, ~ _.~- -~
:~ Tlie leu-gers of the royal treasurers in Mexico begin in

Scptcmber, 1521,1 but the first royal officials ( officiales
reales) were not.appointed until October 15, 1522, when a
royal treasurer, contador, factor, veedor, and assessor wcrc
commissioned. 3 These officials arrived early in 1524, and
- supplanted the appointees of Corts, who had been receiving
'For an annotated list of works treating this important subject of
real hacienda, particularly as it applics to N ew Spain, see Priestley, J os
de Glve:, p. 82, note 79.
. . C. H. Haring, "Lcdgers of the Royal Treasurcrs in Spanish Amcrica
in the Sixteenth Century," in Hisp. Amer. Hist. Rev., 11. 174.
Bancrof t, 1-listory o/, Mezico, 11. 92," 142.
REAL HACIENDA 71
thc royal ~fth (quinto) and tributes from thc natives for
the Emperor, through the medium of Corts.
In general, the duties of these officials were: the treas-
urer, to co11ect and expcnd royal funds; the contador~ to
keep account books of such transactions and to audit them;
the veedor and factor, to oversee disbursements, the cotlection
of royal rents and tributes, and to attend att govemment
finance meetings ;" and the assessor to act in an advisory
capacity. The treasurer received the large salary of 510,000
maraveds f or his labors, slightly more than an oidor was
paid for bis important services; the contador, 500,000
maraveds, an amount equal to the oidor's salary; the veedor,
390,000 maraveds, and the factor 170,000 maraveds. These
sal~ries furnish a basis of comparison for arriving at an
idea of the relative value, from the viewpoint of the home
government, of these financial officials and the highest judi-
cial and administrative officers in New Spain below the vicc-
roy ; they show that the royal treasurer was considered to
be next to that dignitary in the eyes of the Council of the
Indies.G By a law of 1538 they were given preference over
ali others for the office of regidor in the towns in which thcy;.
were resident, but it seems that this and other provisions
only served to make them arrogant and self-important, as
they imagined this recognition was due to superior ability. 8
When Antonio de l\Iendoza took charge of New Spain as
viceroy in 1535, with special instructions to attempt the in-
crease of royal rents, he discovered little method in the
The officc of veedor and the office of factor were ordcred joined in
one person by royal cdula o November 2, 1549.-A. G. l., 87-6-2, Oficio
y parte, 118.
The royal treasurers in N ew Spain during thc early period were :
under Corts: Julian de Aldcrcte, Scptember 25, 1521-May 17, 1522:
Diego de Soto, Ma.y 20, 1522-March, 1524 (also Deputy under Alderctc);
Roya.l: Alonzo de Estrada, August, 1524-February 16, 1530; Jorge de
AJvarado (ad fottrim), February 16, 1530-November 6, 1531; Juan
Alonzo de Sosa, Novcmbcr, 1531-March, 1533; Fernando de Portugal.
1553--.
Herrera, Historia gen.eral, dec. VI, lib. V, cap. IX, 122.
-existing systcm of collecting the king~s due and great con-
f usion in thc rccords of these financia! transactions. Vast
sums which should h~ve been in the royal coffers (cajas
reales) . wcr~ unrightfutly in unknown hands, and practices
f or evading the payment of tri.bute, such as substituting
_:- personal service f or gold, were being carried out q..iite un-
-_-.checked. He ca.lled a halt to this by instituting regular tribute
.- _rolls, based on thc original paym~ts made by the natives,
_. . . and levied and collected tributes from these. To keep a
closer control over the royal officials and to prevent pecula-
. tion, he provided. account books, which were placed in all
.. royal coffers, and required that sworn statements of the
royal m~neys colle~ed be inscribed in them every week. To
:.straighten out the muddled accounts, he appointed two audi-
tors, the Jicentiate Ceynos and his majordomo, Agostn de
Guerrero, July 25, 1536.' .
The first thorough visita of the work of the royal officials
, carne in 1544, when Gonzalo de Aranda was sent out with
_ the visitor, Tello de Sandoval, equipped with complete in-
-structions for that purpose. Irt an informing letter to the
- , king, written in Mexfoo City, May 30, 1544, Aranda re-
. _:-ported that he had examined the accounts of the treasurer
.- Juan Alonzo de Sosa and a number of lesser officials and
-.. had f ound them to be correct. He had only heard of rumors
- - ~ of graft in connection with thc officials of Vera Cruz, whom
::.:he cxcused, with refreshing humanity, on the grounds that
_--~ the place was notoriously unhealthy and that the sub-officials
-t~ere had been forced to serve without salary. The only
... -_fault he could find with the oidor Ceynos and Agostn de
~ Guerrero, Mendoza's hard-working auditors, was that they
had ~ failed to do the most important thing, namely, check
the accounts they had examined with the tribute-rolls (libro
9
A. G. I., 58-6-9, Carta de Gonzalo de Aranda al rey, Mexico, May
30, 1544.
REAL HACIENDA 73
de las tasaciones), as they showed exactly what should have
been paid in by each pueblo every year. The auditors had
been engaged in their task for seven years, seven months, and
sixtecn days, less Sundays and three days a week devoted
to their other duties, and the time Guerrero had bcen abscnt
~uring.the Mixton War, ora total of one hundred and fifty-
eight days a year for seven years, and that without pay. 1
That Aranda did not realize the magnitude of the task set
these men at this time is evidenced by the fact that, in 1548,
we find him striving in vain to complete bis own work of
checking the accounts of the oficiales reales of New Spain
before his commission expired.'
In the opening years of the conquest much ready-made
wealth in gold, silver, and predous gems was confiscatcd by
Corts and bis f otlowers as the legi~imate spoils of war.
O f this a fi f th ( the quinto) was supposed to go to the Crowit
of Castile. Another source of income was the tributes, which
were paid as an acknowledgement of allegiance by the Indian
tribes. 10 In 1524, with the advent of royal officials, customs
duties (almojari"fazo) were levied on goods entering Ncw
Spain and during the succeedi~g seven years fif ty thousand
pesos were realized from this .source alone. 11 Receipts fro~
judicial fines and confiscation were also lucrative, but in large
part were spent to support the judges and in donations to the
Church and to those favored by the king. These, with the
addition of a good revenue ~erived from the juzgado de
lbid.
A. G. l., 87-6-2, Oficio y parte, Burgos, October 4, 1548, 1, 2, 3.
11
The amount of thc tribute was reduced to thirty-two reales during
Mendoza's period.-Priestley, Jos de Galve:, p. 322.
u Haring, op. cit., "Ledgers of the Royal Treasurers, "in HisJ>. Amw-
Hist. Rev., II. 177. The peso de minas was an imaginary coin used
as a unit of va}ue in America before (and af ter) the establishment of
royal mints thcre and equaled 1/50 of a marc of 22 carat gold or 4.18
grams of gold. The peso fuerte was a sil ver coin worth 272 maraveds
or eight reals, which was minted in America after 1537 and became
famous as the Spanish dollar or "piece of eight." The peso rcfcrred
to here is the former.
74 ANTONIO DE MENOOZA
.bienes de difuntos, a body created in 1550 to hold deccdcnt's
.. estates in trust, 12 and the gi f ts to the king (donativos) , con-
.stituted the chief devices by which the Spanish monarch
secured an income from bis real hacienda..
. Th~ nlines were the most important source of supply f
the wealth which the Castilian kings required in great quanti-
.ti es. Their f ailure would have meant the loss of almost atl
of that revenue. for they were the life of the land. In his
pressing need of money to keep his grandiose projects going,
Charles V could not hamper production just to assure the f ull
payment of his due. For example, the enforcement of the
quinto was not strict, particularly in the case of the silver
. mines, where, to cncourage an increased output, amounts
.. varying from a tenth to a fifth of the sitver mined were
.authorized at various times down to 1572, when the king's
share was fixed at one tenth. 11 .
. . . There were comparatively f e~active operation
. in New Spain a:t the time of the ~ but the country
was one of the richest mineral arcas in the world. The con-
quistadores soon discovered this fact, and the location of ~a
tive "diggings" and the discovery of mines became one of the
most important duties of the pioneers into each new region .
. The principal areas in which mines were worked in the period
.of Antonio.de Mendoza were in the vicinity of Mexico City,
.in the districts of Tasco, Zumpango, Zultepeque, and the
. southeastern portion of the valley of Toluca. These mines
were organized as alcaldas de minas and were considered
, u Bancrof t, Histtwy of M exico II. 322, note 7.
1
11
An interesting instance of this suspension of the quinto, as it applicd
to silver, is aff orded by the law of September 4, 1540,. in which it was
dedared that all who would lend silver to the Crown in its dcsperate need
would only be required to pay one-eighth on it and on ali other silver
mined for a period of two years. Lus de Castilla was sent to the indi
.'idual mines to collcct the loan. This was perhaps an attempt to induce
mine owners to speed up production; but it is doubtful that the Emperor
would ever be in a position to repay what he borrowed.-A. G. I., 8862.
Carta del Virrey, Mexico, March 4, 1542.
REAL HACIENDA 75
important enougJl to be ~nspectcd by the visitor Sandov'at. u
.Other mines were actively exploited in the. sierras of Oaxaca,
in Michoacn, ~nd in Nueva Gaticia, where the chief towns
were f or the most part simply mining camps. N ear Com-
postela was the f amous mine of Espirit Santo, discovered
in 1543; and, in 1548, Juan de Tolosa and bis companions,
Cristbal de Oate, Diego de !barra, and Baltasar Trevio
de Bauelos, found the fabulously rich mines of Zacatecas
and established the town of Nuestra Seora de Zacatecas
near by. Miners flocked to it from atl parts of New Spain
and for a time the adjacent i:-egions of Nueva Galicia were
threatened with total depopulation as their citizens joined
in the "gold-rush."u
The excitement and disorder which are the inevitable
accompaniment of mining rushes were not absent in New
Spain, where the country was soon dotted over with mush-
room mining settlements (reales de minas). The conse-
quent disturbances led the viceroy to frame laws to govem
questions of claims, discovery, and ownership of mines, and
to introduce officials int_o the mining country to enforce them.
As early as July 3, 1536, he prom~lgated such laws, 18 and,
when t~ey f ailed to secure the desired results, continuous re-
vision of them was undertaken, so that finally, January 14,
1550, a ~ode of mning Jaw 11 wasJormulated which remained
in force in New Spaln to the en4 of 15i7 at least. 18
14
A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Probanzas hechas por parte del . visitador
Sandoval.
11
Riva Palacio, M .rico travs de los Siglos, 11. 483 ff., contiins an
excellcnt brief account of early mining activity in N ew Spain. .
11
Traduccioti paleogrfica del libro Cuarto de actas de cabildo de ltJ.
Ciudad de Me.rico, Mexico, 1874, p. 24.
" Ordenanc;as hechas por el Sr Vissorey don Antonio de Mend~a
sobre las minas de la Nueva Spaa, Mexico, January 14, 1550 (in the
Edward E. Ayer Collection of the Newberry Library).
11
A. G. l., 58-5-9, Carta del Audiencia. Mexico, December 16, 1577.
The writcr complains that the laws made by Mendoza concerning the dis-
covery and registration of mines are still in effect in New Spain despitc
the fact that many of them con6ict with the regulations of the Council
These laws of January 14, lSSO, were madc necessary by
. . the fact that in manyparts of New Spain mines ~ad not bcen
- ..regist~red as the law required and that there had been fraud
. _.in registration to such an extent that fear of litigation be-
. tween rival claimants made miners afraid to work mines
_from which great quantities of metal had formerly been
--extracted. This brought about a great loss of royal revenue,
so that the viceroy, in order to restore order, rescinded the
- mining laws of Match 13, 1548, which had been in force, and
_formulated a new, and, as it proved to be, final code.of mining
law.
The laws of 1550 provided that ali mine owners were to
_ appear_ before the nearest justicias de minas with their titles
~ _. :and certificates of registration, and, in case they were not
registered, were to swear to the location and ownership of
-:_ the mines. To prevent confusion in the matter of ownership,
_-__-_' very severe punishment was to he meted out to anyone who
-.~ .ailed to comply with this provision of the law. Explicit
_- directions were given as to the exact procedure to be followed.
. . Tbe owners were to register their mines before the juez and
_ ~ escribano in each district, and a copy of the register was to
" . be sent to the viceroy every year, the original being preserved
- -~ the royal strongbox (arca las tres llaves) to prevent
al terations.
Mendoza was meticulously careful in providing rules
_ whereby unoccupied .mines might be claimed by new. pro-
. _~rietors. The person finding such property could go before
"' .:_41 j ustice and enter petition for it as aban~oned (despoblada).
In this petition the claimant was required to give a clear de-
. ~cription of the mine both as to its condition and its location.
--~he law further stipulated that these documents were. to be
: .~ead aloud for four consecutive Sundays at the largest
-of the lndies. A f ult account of the contents of this code will be found
:n A. S. Aiton, '6The first American Mining Code," in Michigan. Law
.RnnroJ~ XXIII. 105-114. .
REAL HACIENDA 77
church in thc vicinity, immediately after mass, and with at
least eight Spaniards pres~nt. If no one appeared to dispute
the new claim, the petiJ~ner was then permitted to file on the
apparently abandoned property. To secu~e a clear title, how-
ever, the new owner was.obliged to work the mine for threc
months, with the understanding that if the original owner
appeared during this interval it would revert to him. These
careful provisions make it evident that "claim-jumpers" were
not unknown in sixteenth-century N ew Spain and that the
viceroy was determined to protect legitimate owners against
'lthem .
....._,
!
In the important matter of the discovery of mines Men-
doza's laws contain clauses which sound quite modern. They
declare that any person discovering gold or any other metal
in a place one thousand varas 19 distant from a known mine
was the discoverer of it and as such entitled to a claim forty
by eighty varas in extent, if, within two weeks after the dis- .
covery he registered his mine with the nearest royal officials.
Failure to do so within the stated time reduced the claim of
the original discoverer to a plot sixty by .thirty varas, or, in
other words, he lost the benefi~s of bis priority and received
no more land than the late-comers. In the event that two
persons discovered pay ore within a new area at the same
time, the one who first succeeded in filing his claim before a
royal official would be the legal disco:verer, despite the fact
that the other might have extracted ore first.
A fortnight after registry the discoverer was obliged to
select his claim and to locate ali new arrivals in the time order
of their coming. In case two should request claims simul-
. taneously, the law decreed that the question of precedence
should be left to the decision of chance and that lots should
be drawn. Where one individual asked for a claim. and
another took possession first and then asked f or bis location,
A vara is a linear measure approximately thirty-thrce inches long.
78 ANTONIO .DE MENDOZA
the latter would be considered to have the better legal right
. .to thc property ("tenga prehemenencia de ser el primero,, ) .
Persons were permitted to take possession of mines f or
:others by this faw i f properly provided with proxies, and
. when a mine was discovered by a slave it became the property
: _of his owner justas if. he had acted in person. The law con-
. . cluded with minute regulations concerning the construction
.-.. of mines and f orbade ali alcaldes de minas and other officials
.to have any kind of interest in a mine under the heaviest
penalties for an inf raction of its provisions.
The nerve center of the entire system, whereby the king's .
share of the products of the mines of N ew Spain was gath-
.ered together from the remotest parts of the viceroyalty, was
the smelting house (casa de f undicion) in Me~ico City. To
it carne ali the gold and silver to have the king's portion re-
. moved; and out of it went the bullion which loaded the fleets
at Vera Cruz en route f or Spain, where this wealth was ul-
timately, if not too immediately for the comfort of the Span-
. iards, broken up a.nd scattered over Europe. The output
was tremendous 20 and this sudden influx of gold and silver
undoubtedly exerted an influence on Europe comparable to
the effect of the recent out-pouring of paper money by the
govemment prcsses there. At the. out~et, however, it did
supply a keenly felt want of Europe in the fifteenth and six-
teenth centuries, namely gold and silver to meet the demands
of her e.xpanding commercial activity.
. In thc first pcriod, 1521-1532, 694,000 pesos were received by thc

freasury officials in New Spain, of which about JiJ,000 pesos went to the
king. Frorn N ovembcr, 1531, to August, 1539, the receipts more than
doubled and 333,000 pesos were shipped to the king. The increased cost
of governmcnt in N ew Spain undoubtedly absorbed a good part of the
total which would otherwise have been sent to Spain. The f ollowing
decade saw the receipts doubled again (2,488,000 pesos) and, including
profits from sale of bulas de cruzada, 640,500 pesos were transported
from Vera Cruz to Seville as the royal share.-Haring, "Royal Trcas-
. urcrs," in Hisp~ Amer. Hist. Rtv., II. 177, 178.
REAL HACIENDA 79
Mendoza as viceroy was, with the aid of the treasury
officials, directly responsible f or the organization of the neces
sary mach~nery of government that would insure a steady
flow of gold . and silver from the min_es of New Spain,
through the smelting house, and on board the \"essels to be
conveyed to bis liege lord in Europe. To this end he com-
piled laws f or the prope~ handling of the precious metals
brought in to the casa de f undicion, dated in Mexico, March
2-2, 1539. 21 These ordinances covered the work of extract-
ing the royal fi f th and for casting it in to bars marked by a
distinctive stamp in the keeping of the veedor, whose chief
duty was to guard this treasure. In addition, the casa de
f undicion received gold and sil ver tribut~s from the In~ .
dians, which served to swell the total shipments to Spain.
This establishment was placed under the responsible control
of the officials of real hacienda.
/ The political mechanism which took care of the trans-
/ portation of the precious metals from the mines to Mexico
City and restored the balance to the owners after the casa de
f undicion had done its work was likewise constituted by
Mendoza. His ordinances of August 30, 1539,22 ordered that
there should be a strongbox in every region in N ew Spain
where silver was mined, with three keys, one in the possession
of the A~calde Mayor or Justicia, one in that of the escribano
de minas, and the third in the keeping of a deputy selected
from among the miners by the first two. In this chest, placed
in the official residence of the alcalde, was the official stamp
for the mining a rea with which ali the me~al was marked be-
f ore it was sent to Mexico City. For further identification
each owner of mines and slaves (as the labor in the mines
was mainly by slaves) or company that operated mines, also
had a stamp of unique design, which was likewise depos!ted
11
A. G. I., 88-6-2, Ordenanzas, Mexico, March 22, 1539.
A. G. I., 88-6-2, Hordenanzas hechas por el yll mo. Dn Anto de
Mendoza, Mexico, August 30. 1539.
.-80 ANTONIO PE MENDOZA
.in the district strongbox. Thc escribano de mina! kept a
:.record of thcse marks and every Sunday of the year at two
-in thc afternoon, ali of. the mine proprictors met with the
king's officials in the office of the alcalde for the purposc of
wcighing and starhping the week's output of silver. As the
miners gave account of what their mines had produced, the
escribano saw to the proper entry of amou~ts and pcrsons
into official account books and f orwarded a copy to the treas-
: .ury officcrs in the Capital City. This was intended to frus-
. trate any attempt to evade the sending of the f utl amount of
metal to the casa de f undicion f or the payment of the royal
. fifth. Atl owncrs were obliged to bring their sitver, so
. marked and registered, to Mexico within two months, unde1
penalty of seizure for the king.
All illicit traffic in silver was strictly prohibited, and the
harshncss of the punishment provided in the law 21 indicates
that such illegal trade was going on and that the viceroy
. wished to put an end to it. Thc cfficials responsible f or en-
. _forcment wcre paid the small salar.y of fifty pesos annually,
but were granted a liberal percentage of the fines assessed
violators of the law. This last provision was intended to
intensify their zeal by making their incomes dependent on
the vigor with which they enforced obedience of tlie vice-
regal ordina11ces.
The casa de fundicion in Mcxico City was nominally un-
der the control of the treasury officiats, but in actual practice
the veedor was in direct charge and had in his keeping the
official metal stamp in New Spain. Under him were the
. smelter (apartador), f oundryman (fundidor), assayer (en-
_: sayador), stamper ( marrador), and other officers wlio did
the. work of separating the king's share fr.~m thc mine-
The penalty consisted of the loss of mines and slaves, one hundred
strips in public,. and banishmcnt.
REAL HACIENDA 81
. .
owner's share and of preparing thc metal bars f ~r shipmcnt
to Spain.H
N ot ali of the gold and silver collected or thc king in
New Spain reached the royal co~ers in Europc. Of a total
of 1,518,340 pesos received by the treasurer of Ncw Spain,
Juan Alonso de Sosa, between June, 1544, and December,
J
}
1549, the Crown reatized only 600,000 pesos; 450,000 pesos
.l were paid to tlie viceroy's brother, Bernaldino de Mendoza,
~

' captain-general of the Spanis~. galleys, f or the pay of bis

I crews, and the balance was spertt in New Spain itself. 215 The
! Jarge~t disbursements were f or the civil list: viceroy, judges,
and treasury and provincial officials; while the bishops of
Oajaca and Michoacn, whose tithes were collected by the
government, received five hundred thousand maraveds as
salary. The regular shipment of the net amount of bullion
in New Spain, after ali deductions for local expenses had
been made, was one of the most important and trying tasks
of the department of real h~cienda. It was more than a ques-
tion of dealing with light-fingered Spaniards, as the ocean
had to be crossed, and to the perils of the deep was added
the menace of swift foreign corsairs. 28
When a remittance was sent to the king's treasury in
Spain, the bullion was carried from Mexico City to Vera
Cruz by mule-train or on the backs of Indian-carriers. lt
was usually accompanied to the shipping point by an armed
escort and by one or more of the higher officials of real haci-
enda. In Vera Cruz it was weighed and boxed before l~ad-
Undcr Mendoza thc offices of fundidor and ensayador werc hcld by
onc pcrson, Estvan Gmez, a silversmith by trade.
Haring, "Royal Treasurers," in Hisp. Amer. Hist. RttJ., IL 182.
Mendoza received warning concerning piratical prcparations in
Europe on a number of occasions cven beore thc raiders left thcir home
ports. An instance of the cffcctive intelligencc work of thesc early
Spaniards is contained in a notice of six French corsairs off thc coast of
Tierra Firme, which news was immediately sent to Miguel Ruiz, captain.
of the armada in Ha vana, while at the same time V era Cruz was preparcd
to meet an attaclc: as a rich fleet was loading therc.-A. G. l., 2-2-1/22,
Mendoza, Carta, Mexico, March 3, 1544.
ing and the offid~ls of the fleet attested to the amounts their
, yessels received. 21 EacJt ship was required by law to carry
. : ten thousand pesos worth. o( gotd~ 8 and shipments might be
.omitted every year or so to permit a large amount to. accu-
. .mulate or to avoid risk when the danger of the voyage was
..too great in any one year. These fleets carried not only the
. king's gold and silv:er. but also that of merchants and other
citizens. No direct. shipment to Spain was pennitted, how-
evcr, as ali vessels had to proceed to Santo Domingo first to
join the fleet for convoy to Sevilla. 21
Even afte~ the ships had left New Spain with a carefully
weighed and stowed cargo of yellow metal and white metal
. . and had arrived in Spain unmolested, it was not always cer-
. ta.in that all the gold and silver would reach the rightful
parties. For instance, the money raised f or the payment of
: the crews of the galleys commanded by the viceroy's brother,
. .a sum of sixty thousand ducados, arrived in Spain short in
. \veight on the consignment of metal. so To fue responsibility
.in such cases it was thereafter required that a sworn state-
. ment of the exact amounts loaded at Vera Cruz be for-
. \varded to the oficiales reales in Spain to enable them to
check the accounts of the receipt of gold and silver made by
the House of Trade in Seville. 31
,
97
Gonzlo de A randa was prcscnt in Vera Cruz when ten vessels werc
being freighted with gold and sil ver, and described thc process in bis
report to ..the king. This fleet, which he observed, carried over 14.000
marcos of fine silver and 100,000 castellanos of gold.-A. G. l., 58-6-9,
Carta al rey, Mexico, May 30, 1544.
By a cdula of February 7, 1549, the king ordered Mendoza to
increasc thc amount to 15,000 pesos as bis expenses were very heavy and
bis need for more money imperative.-A. G. l., 87-6-2, Oficio y parte,
Valladolid, February 7, 1549, XLVI.
A G. I., 145-1-10, Memorial, received in Sevilla, March 22, 1538.
In this communication the merchants of N ew Spain protested against
thc necessity of going via Santo Domingo and complained of the delays
it involved. ,
- ae A. G. I., 87-6.. :, Oficio y parte, Valladolid, June 1, 1549, LXXVL
n A. G. I., 58-6-9, Carta al rey, Mexico, May 30, 1544.
REAL HACIENDA 83
The viceroy was supervising director of this. entire movc-
ment of the treasure of New Spain from the mines to the
ships at ,Vera Cruz, and, although technically his responsi-
bility ceased when the fleet set sail, his positio~ as the highest
imperial agent in N orth America gave him an interest in the
defense of all America against possible foreign aggression
and he foltowed the movement of the fleet with anxiety.
Communication with the home govemment, supplies, and
colonists from Spain, everything depended on the safe going
and coming of the fleet. Mendoza's inter~st is seen in his
early championship of Havana rather than Santo Domingo
as a fleet-base. 32 I~ lay, as he pointed out, on the natural
commercial highway to Spain and all the treasure from New
Spain proper and its outlying provinces and even from Peru
could be brought there in safety and convoyed to Europe.33
Subsequent history bore ~ut the wisdom of his choice.
11
Mendoza, Carta, Mexico, December 10, 1537, in C oleccion de Docu-
ttientos Inditos, relativos al Descubrimie11to, C onq,,ista y Organi:adon
de las Antigicas Posesiones Espaolas de Amrica y Oceania, Madrid.
1864-1889, 11. 186.
11
The best discussion of the European cnd of trade regulation is con-
tained in C. H. Haring, Trade ancl N avigation Between Spain and tire
lndie~, Cambridge, 1918.
CHAPTERIV
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS UNDER THE
FIRST VICEROY
The study of the wars, intrigues, expeditions, and brit-
Jiant deeds of the men who effected and maintained the con-
qucst of Mexico i~ only of value in so far as it assists in
:.bringing about a bettcr understanding of the institutions of
._ the new society which was in the process of formation. . The
, .con~act of two widely divcrgent races and of a higher and
._ a lower typc of civilization in the relationship of conqueror
.. ~ ..to conquered ineant that an adjustmcnt of those relations
.-. \YOuld ensue, involving grave problems of race, religion, and
. social and cconomic j\tstice, and, cventuatly, the emergence of
:a new society. .This process had its inception under Corts
and Mendoza and is still far from settlement in the Mexico
of today. 1
... It is very necessary, therefore, to give sorne attention to
the social and economic factors in the history of New Spain
~.-. under Mendoza. These ....
were
. . ,,_,,__."1'
~ . ~
a break-up
....,.-..--_..._.... ... _.., ...
--~_. ____ .,. .
of the- old social
+ - - - -
. organization of the sedentary Indians which had existed

.<.~~pr1orTo-~-fOfi(fe-sr.tne-intro~ductio of. Spanlsh custC>ms
<.: .~<Cllf,. ancf ihe-idopffriot cerfain_ioticies which, - onc in
.-. ~ilse or.~anotber;."~a~~~rfili~~-Jn~Q JJle:pre~~t~ . Society
. ._\vas in a conclition of
flux and change when the viceroy
".arrived, but when he left, the f undamen~al questions of -
dasses and their relations to one another had been settled, and
. the poticies he discovered to be most expedient and which
. bis successors adopted, had been f ormulated. There was
... change, growth, the destruction of old ways, and thc intro-
.
1
For a master!~ discussion of these problems i~ Mcxico of the
twcnticth century, see Andr Molina Enrquez, Las grandes problemas
na.cionalts, Mcxico, 1909.
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGREss 85
duction of new, but as to whether the new social organism
involved progress towards something better was a question
~ for the future to decide. Mendoza, acting with the king's
interests paramount in his mind, did not.do in atl things what
was just and most fair for the natives, but rather what he
could do after his majesty's patrimony had been safeguarded.
A strong, well-organized government resulted, but the new
society was essentially undemocratic, and, despite much
praiseworthy, humane legislation, unf air to the conquered
race. When the needs of the royal revenue and humanitarian ~
principies clashed, the latter ~ere ineyitably the toser and f or
that reason much of the legislation favoring the natives was
never carried out. 2 This is a result one would expect in the
sixteenth century and the Sp:miards are to be commended f or
their moderation, since they did not exterminate the abor-
igines as other peoples did. From another point of view ~
they deserve little credit f or this, but rather f or the fact that
they were acute enough to realize the exploitation value of
the Indian and to conserve him as an indispensable source
of cheap labor.
The two main elements in N ew Spain were the Spaniards
and lhe Indians, but there were al so N egrbes, moriscos, and a
growing number of mestizos. The class lines drawn were
racial, with the Spaniards at the top as a privileged, domi-
nant group, holding .the offices of government, the best lands
and conc~ssions, and having first call on the Indian labor sup-
ply under the encomienda system. The highest govemment
1
Mendoza, Relaciou sobre los strvycios personal~s que fadan los
Yt1dios en aqttellas prov)11tia.t, ~-lexico, 1537, in Pacheco y Crdenas.,
XLI. 149 ff. In this document the viceroy confesses that the two policies
of the Spanish governmcnt-1, to incrcase the royal revenues, and 2.,
to convert and protect the Indians-c~nnot be successfulty carried out
at the same time. The economic wcalth of the country was based on
Indian labor and if extreme laws against their serving Spaniards were
, enforced, the ruin of the royal rents would fotlow. Faced by this di-
lemma, he sought to find a middle course and permit services with
' propcr restrictions and supervision.
. 86 ANTONIO DE MENDOZA .
.positi~s, viceroy and oidores, were occupied by appointees
. . of the king who had not been concemed in the conquest, but
, aside f rom thcm, the most favored and most powerful class
of. Spaniards were the conquistadores, veterans of the ~ars
that ovcrthrew the Nahua Confederation. They wcre the
inainstay of Spanish rule against any possible Indian up-
... rising and hadto be humored with grants of land, office, and
encomiendas. 1 The late comers were not so well trcated
unless t~ey happened to have inftuence in Spain and carne
provided with royal cdulas ordering the viccroy to give
grants to them. 4 N ext to being a conquistador, a good Chris-
tian of pure blood (de sangre limpia), and having influential
friends, the possession of a wife and children was .the l>est
argument f or gaining prferment in office, lands, or Indians. 15
.. The Spanish government wished to build up a strong Span-
in the lndi.~~,i.n(f issued. . many orders designed
ish population :...-
................ ........ ~ - ..
to foster marriages ang. !~~ge families. To drive ali unmar-

. ried Spaniards into matrimony, a number of decrees were
.published, 8 threatening loss of lands and office to anyone
found unwed after a certain_ lapse of time, and the viceroy
... made ita rule to appoint only married men as corregidores .
. This policy seems to. have been very effective.'
.
On one occasion the viceroy caUed Alonso de Baf;an, assistant to

thc treasurer ] uan Alonso de Sosa, in to bis prescnce and asked him to
provide for sorne blind conquistadores and said that he would give them
- the silver inkstand, bell, and sal ver on his table i f the trcasurer could
not provide for them.-A. G. l., 48-1-9/31, Testigo de Franco de Coro-
nado, Mexico, ] anuary 18, 1547.
The viceroy found it difficult to provide offices and lndians for
~veryone equipped with a royal cdula and examined each case upon its
. mcrits, refusing to provide for those already sufficiently wetl off.-A. G.
I 48-1-S/27, Interrogatorio del seor vissorey, preguntas 36-52.
The viceroy gave grants to Lus de Castilla, Antonio de Turcios,
Antonio de la Cadena, and Francisco Maldonado to enable thcm to marry
poor girls, and to Martn de Peralta because he had a wi fe and man)
sons and daughters in Mexico. lbid.1 preguntas 81-84.
. /bid., pregunta 39.
' "Es publico y not en esta nueva espaa que a cabsa de los cor-
regimientos que da e a dado se an casado muchos espaoles con donzeltas
e otras mugeres."-A. G. l., 48-1-6/28, Testigo de Ju Oliveras cura de
Colima, Colima, February 21, pregunta 292.
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 87
Mcndoza found the Spania~ds of Ncw Spain easy to
govem and more obedient, if properly handled, than ariy he
had come into_ contact with during the c~urse of bis career.
but he warned bis successor, Velasco, that these samc Span-
iards had respect for neither wealth nor persons if not treated
as caballeros. 8 The principal revenues of the king were de-
rived from them, as they worked the silver mines, cultivatcd
the mulberry tree and the silkworm, ~nd pastured sheep in the
fie~ds, which, as he saw it, were the promise of a continued
and greater royal income from N ew Sp~in. On the othcr
hand, the products made by the Indians were considered as of
little value in comparison, unless they should happen to rise
in price. 10
The moriscas were few in number in New Spain and al-
ways slaves, but were regarded as very dangerous, since thcir
conversion to Christianity was so recent that they might
teac.h the Indians their Moslem religion and undermine the
Christian faith. Every one brought to the. New \Vorld
required a special license and the ~scal was instructed tq pro-
ceed against th~se owners who failed to comply with the
law. 11 It was quit.e legg,l to own them as slaves in Spain, but
spccial laws operated in the Indics, which were thc king's own
possession.
The Negro element was inconsiderable when compared
with the total population in New Spain, but, as the Spaniards
were also a minority, the fear of an lndian revolt engineered
by the less docile Negro was always present. The Negroes had
been introduced into New Spain from the West Indies, where
tbey supplied a laboring class af ter the natives had been ex-
Mendoza, in Instrucciones qut lo.r Virrty.r dejaron d .ru.r S11ctsort~,
p. 299. . .
/bid., p. 234.
1t lbid~, p. 233.
11
A. G. l., 48-2-20/2, El fiscal contra Rodrigo Alonso Maestro sobre
haber llevado a la nueba Espaa dos esclaVlS moriscas sin licencia.
Mexico, May 21, 1544.
. . . terminated. But cvcn thcr thcy had shown th~msclves to
._:: be dangcrous and, in 1523, their numbcrs had been fixed at
-. : - onc to cvcry thrcc Spaniards and severe restrictions wcre
.-- - ~ f ramed to kecp them in check as their numbers increased. 12
-._ .' ,To keep them contented, it was considered well to cncourage
them to marry, but under. no drcumstances to grant thcm
f~eedom.
. . In N cw. Spain thc inhabitants. wcre soon awkened to ~
. realization that their fears of the Negr~ were well-founded
whcn a wide-spread plot to revolt was discovered among
them on Septembcr 24, 1536. The Ne groes had elected. a
king and had planned to drive the Spaniards. out with the,
_.. aid of the natives. The plot was revealed to the viceroy by
. . _a faithful Negro, and, when the truth had bcen ascerta'ined,
::: he took prompt measures and seized the rmg1eaders before
, . - they could act, and, after wringing a confession from them,
-_.__ : . had them pblicly drawn and quartered in Mexico City as
~11 example to the subject population. In the mines where
thcy were working ample warning was received and the
revolt was suppressed. The Indians f ailed to respond to the
incitement of the Negroes and wcre among the most active
in hunti1_1g them down when the viceroy offered a reward to
anyone bringing them in dead or alive. In one inst~nce the
Indians brought in four Negroes anda Negress whom they
had killed and salted to make sure of their reward. 13 Men-
doza found the causes of the attempted revolt in the know-
.. . Jedge the Negroes had of the military weakness of the Span-
. iards, the too infrequent arrival of boats from. Spain, the
injudicious publication of ncws of Spanish reverses in Eu-
.. rope, and the fierce naturc of the Ne gro. He informed thc
~ Emperor "that if so small a number o Negroes in this coun-
try havc dreamed of such an enterprise, f or the present the
11
Bancroft, Histor)' of Mtxico, II. 384.
11
Mendoza, Carta, Mexico, December 10, 1537, in Pacheco y Cr-
denas, II. 209.
numbcr of Negroes sent here should be curtailed, for a quan-
tity of them under similar circumstances could place the
CQUntry in grave danger of being lost.'' 14 For a time their
importation was stopped, but we find a ~imilar attempt
thwarted in 1542 and the influx continued so that the new
Viceroy, Luis de Velasco, was granted a licenseto bring onc
hundred Negro slaves to the New World with him when he
was appointed viceroy in 1549,11 anda partial enforcement of
the N~w Laws against service of the. Indians in th~ mines led
to their arrival in considerable quantities after 1.544. To
control them Mendoza issued laws patterned after thc black
codes in use in the West Indies, forbidding them to carry
arms, to asse~blc, or to be out at night. 18
This abortive uprising caused the Spaniards to tum thcir
attention to interna! defense, and a mus ter of troops in Mcx-
io City brought out six hundred and twenty horscmen, of
whom four hundred and fifty were in condition to take the
field, and the same number of f oot soldiers. ~fendoza askcd
f or more arms from Spain and for a supply of saltpeter for
the manufacture of gunpowder. The project- for a citadcl
on the Tacuba Causeway leading into Mexico City was agi-
tated; in it would . be contained the residence of the viceroy,
the oidores, the alcaldes, and a supply of wheat and maizc
besides munitions and artillery. 11 . The project was never
realized as the shrinkage of ~he w~ter in the lake mad~ it
impractical f or use in conjunction with brigantines. 18 In-
.. /bid., 11. 199. .
11
A.~. I., 87-6-2, Oficio y parte, Valladolid, September 4, 1549, XCIV.
Mendoza, in Instrucciones que lo.1 Jllrt~t.1 dejaron sus St1cesore.1.
1
p. 231.
11
Mendoza, Carta, Mexico, Deccmbcr 10, 1577, in Pachcco y Cr-
denas, II. 201.
u N umerous letters as to the advisabitity of constructing such a
fortress passed betwcen the officials in N ew Spain and the home govem-
ment. Mendoza wrote letters in December 1535, ] anuary 1536, and
December 1536, concerning the project.-A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Interro-
gatorio del seor vissorey, prcg1mta 25.
. stead a munitions depot was cstablished in Mexico City and
thc viceroy was f orccd to storc his palace with arms f or his
guard andan additional cmergency force of thrce hundred,
at his own expense, bis brothers in Spain sending him muni-
tions, arms, and annor.
The great mass of the subject population in New Spain
was lndian, but cven here thcre were differences of treat~
mcnt, privileges, and rank to be noted. The Spaniards cons~d
cred certain Indians like the Tlascaltecans as friends and al-
Jies, owing to the aid receivcd from them during the conquest,
and accorded them rights and privileges which were denied
the other natives. Spain's grip on New Spain was not secure
enough yet to permit them to alienate the friendship of this
powerful tri be which could be relied on for ssistance i.n the
- future, as in thc case of the Mixton War. The Spaniards also
recognized, to a ccrtain extent, the Indian aristocracy whkh
had ruled the country before they carne and they acted as
local govemors under Spanish supervision. Sorne of these In-
dians were very intelligent and were treated almost as wetl as
i f they were Spaniards. A certain Hernando de Tapia, f or
cxample, who spoke Spanish fluently and wore Spanish
. clothes, scrved the audiencia as an interpreter and was al-
Jowed to wear a sword and marry the daughter of a Span-
iard.1.Ufn like f ashion a large number of Spaniards married
Indian women or lived "'ith them out of. wedlock. 2 Under-
. neath was the great class of Indian laborcrs (maceguales),
This daughtcr was probably a me.rti.ra, half Indian and hatf white,
and indced this pcriod saw thc bcginning of Mcxicos racc probtcm, with
castcs and privilegcs according to color. Mendoza grantcd the right to
wear swords to a considerable numbcr of othcr lndians who werc known
to be hvorably disposed towards the Spaniards. Ibid., preguntas, 68-78;
48-1-9/Jl, Testigo de Franco de Coronado, pregunta 74.
Gines de Mercado was married to the daughtcr of Bcmat Vsqucz
de Tapfa. Shc was ''bastarda hija de Yndia" and so was not abte to rc-
nouncc lndians owned by her father in Mercado's favor.-A. G. l.,
48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del seor vissorey, pregunta 29. Indeed by
royal ordcr of Juty 10, 1540, onty legitima.te sons could inhcrit Indians in
encomienda.
who served as carriers ( tamemes), worked in the mines,
toiled in the fields~ and did the bulk of the manual labor. The
Mexican peons o today are their lineal descendants. .
When the vkeroy arrived in New Spain he attempted to
enfo etter treatment of the natives than they had been
accorded up to that time. I-Ie was orced to_x:ecognize the en-
comienda system, but he tried to check its abuses and to stop
the extcnsion of slavery.over the. natives... Wheneve~ he.-could.
he secured their transfer to Crown lands where they would
be sure of better treatment than they received from the en-
comenderos,21 and, seeing the evils of the unrestrained rule
of the native chieftains over their subjects, he established
Spanish town government in their pueblos by which the na-
tives ele.cted, subject to his personal confirmation, alcaldes:
alguaciles, and regidores to the local cabildos, thus removing
sorne of the power from these local chieftains and placing it
in the hands of the natives and himself. 22 He was particu-
larly desirous of correcting the abuses connected with the
personal services of the Indians and passed laws fixing the
amounts which could be carried by an Indian carrier at two
arrobas and less on any given journey. 23 For the hot lands of
Vera Crui, Soconusco, Tehuantepeque, Oaxaca, Colima, and
Zacatula special provisions were made, as the climate made
overwork fatal, and it was forbidden to send the Indians

f rom the hot lands to the cooler regions or vice versa, 24 and
the limit of a day's march was fixed at six leagues. Horses
and mutes were i~troduced to do away with the need of
Indian carriers, but the mines absorbed most of the available
Bancroft, History of M c.i-ico, II. 382.
11
A. G. I., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del seor vissorey, pregunta 298.

11
.;.
Relacion del virrt)' de Nueva Esp01ia, Don Antonio dt Mtndoza.
sobrt las- serv)1cios personales que facian los Yndios en aquellas provin-
cias. (datcd 1537 bnt must havc bccn written after 1548 as refercnces
to thc mines o Zacatecas occur in thc document) in Pachcco y Cr-
denas, XLI. 150. An arroba was equat to fif ty pounds.
.. Except when they carried fruit and fish for the monastcrics and
wine and oil for the celebration of the mass.
..... .......____ .
92 ~-.ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
suppJy and..forccd the continuance of the system.~ 1 Mendoza
argucd that its abolition would be a hardship to the poor, who
. could not own carts in which to haul their goods to markct,
.. :and they would be forccd to sen them to Indian merchants,
who would have. them transported by Indian carriers any-
of
way. 21 The nature the country would not atlow the use of
carts vcry extcnsively and artillery had to be dragged by hand;
thc viceroy thu~ saw no way out of it but to use thc Indians
in-.such service when they werc willing, paying what he con-
sidered a fair wage for their labor. As thc chief retiance of
the state in the case of war was on the Spaniards, and as they
could not go to war without the services of Indian carriers,
~he state would be forced to recognize their legality. 21
To safeguard I~~i-~n fr_ee labor the viceroy hedged its
emplo~ent -wid\ regulations designed to~ preunt fraud.
Emptyers ~e;~ ~bl.iited to secure the vicerof ~ _consent, and
tbo-fnd1aiis"'eiployed had to indicate to him that the work
was ndertake~ -of their free- wilf-ariCT lnf'flief\vges were
sniSTatCiry~ -In addition, pay-rous-ad tooe -niade up when
the Indlans were paid and certified as correct by an author-
.ized escribano. These pay-rolls (cartas de pago), with the
labor contracts with the Indians, coutd then be produced at
any time in the future if the employers' treatment of the In-
. .
Relacion del virr~y in Pacheco y Crdenas XLI. 152. In the
. majority o thc mines machinery run by water-power (yngenios de aqua)
was utilized, but in the Zacatecas mines the machinery had to be tumed
by horses, as no river cxisted in the vicinity.
"Asi mismo se me ofrese, que orden se dara para los hombres
pobres que no tienen posybilidad para tener requas e carretas e tienen
estancias donde trcsquilan sus ganados e fazen quezos o tacinos e siem-
bran trigos e otras legumbres, para que estos tales traigan a vender lo
que tienen de sus granxarias, porq~e le sera forzoso de pardella o
vendello a mercadores yndios para quellos lo traigan con tamenes; e asi
esta ley es fecha contra los pobres e en favor ~e los ricos." /bid., pp.
153, 154.
"lbid., 154. Coronado testifies that the majority of the Spaniards
no bibicron en esta tierra syno tuberon yndios."-A. G. l., 48-1-9/31.
Testigo de Franco de Coronado, Mexico, January 18, 1547.
dians were brought into qucstion. 11 Thc only difficulty was
that the native chieftains would reni out their subjects and
)ocket the proceeds thcmselves and actual workers got little
chance to indicate their wishes in the matter.
A't~Qgb_ unable_ta_abnlish the harsh service .Qf_!hc In-
_di~ns in the mines, Mendoz did ~uch .to.. ~lley!-~e the at-
~"~\
tendant ~~mditions. He brought order out of the conf~s1on
prevailing as to the numbers of lndians who were to serve in
the mines and the kind. of service they were to pcrform; he
regulated their working hours, the food they were to reccive,
and how they were to be lodged. 21 The absolutely inhuman
and shocking living conditions of the Indians before such
regulations beCame effective are revealed by the report of
.Tejada of the visita he conducted in Nueva Galicia in 1544.
He found free Indians, men, women, and chitdren, forced to
labor long hours in the mines without shelter, proper food, or
compensation, dying in large numbers from exposure, under-
' nourishment, and the hardships of the work. Coronado was
directly responsible for this, and bis loss of both bis gover-
norship and the viceroy's warm friendship was due to these
and other acts of maladministration in Nueva Galicia, rather
than to the failure of his expedition in search of the Seven
Cities of Cbola. 30 The matter of Indian villages and their
lands also claimed Mendoza's attention. He discovered that
there were endless legal disputes conceming lands, the status
The oidor Lorenzo de Tejada employed Indians extensively on va-
rious projects. He introduced into bis reply to charges made against him
by the visitor Tello de Sandoval cartas de pago and bis contracts with
thc natives, flpproved by the viceroy, covering the period from July 1543,
to December 1547. In one case, when he was erecting ftour milis near
Mexico City, he paid the India.ns of Otumba three tomines (about sixty
cents) for every braza of stone they hauled.-A. G. l., 48-1-4/26, Me-
morial del Licdo Tejada, Mexico, 1547.
A. G. l., 48-15/27, Intetrogatorio del seor vissorey, pregunta 288.
A. G. l., 48-3-3/30, Residen.da que el Licdo Lorenzo de Tejada oydor
de la Audiencia Rl. de Nueva Espaa, tomo a Franco Vasquez de Coro-
nado, Guaalajara, August.;September, 1544. Cf. A. S. Aiton, "The Later
Career of Coronado," in A,,a. Hist. Rtv., XXX. 298..JQl.
.
of thc Indians, and thcir right to move about frccly. To
end this, he had an account of the lands takcn, indicating
boundaries and the status of the Indians resident on thcm,
and then gathercd the Indians living scattered about thc
CoUntry into villagcs where the Church and the govemmcnt
_could handle them with greater case.11 This was, in a
nieasurc, an anticipatktQ _--=Q,,fJhe later mission system.
~- Wc gain anTnstght intcfMendoza~'~n of the
J"Jatives and the proper attitude o( the viceroy toward them
in his instructions to Velasco, where we find him to be some-
w hat divided in counsel. He first told bis successor that the
n_atives should be treated as sons and loved and punished in
. that spirit, that services and carrying should be done away
with s]owly so as not to offend the Spaniards, and thpt the
conversion and hospitatization of the Indians should becare-
fully watchcd over.12 Then he expressed distrust of their
cunning and warned Vclasco that they lied most shrewdly
and wcrc not to be trusted without a thorough investigation
and that they had a habit, when a legal case was decided
against them, of waiting until the decision was f orgotten or
-~ntil a new judge arrived, to bring it up anew. To circum-
vent them Mendoza had had bis secretary keep a record of
such cases,13 and had forbidden them to have suits at law
- among themseh'es. He said that it was his custom always to
_hear the Indians and that although they lied to him of ten, it
did not annoy him, since he never acted until he had verified .
their statements, nor had he punished them for their mis-
.statemcnts, lest they cease coming to him with their troubles
and childish stories. He had kept regular hours for them
A. G. I., 49-1-3/30, Interrogatorio del seftor vissorey, preguntas
. 286. 287.
- Mcndoza, in l~trutciones qut los trtyts dejaron d sus sucus<Wes,
pp. 230-233.
The viceroy was judge in the first instance of aU cases involving
Indians.
bn Monday and Thursday momings, sending them f rom bis
audience chamber to the oido~es, alcaldes, or churchmcn
according to the naturc of their business and its imp<>rta.nce;
but he had been ready to listen to them at any other time
or place, "notwithstanding the smell of perspiration and other
cvil odors." 14 Sorne, he told Velasco, would paint the In-
dians to him as humble, abused, and misunderstood, others,
on the contrary, as rich, idle vagabonds who would not sow
or work. Neither viewpoint w~s correct, and the safest
course was to treat with them as with the men of any other
nation, openly and without prejudice.H
In 1539 Las Casas, the famous defender of thc natives,
had returned to Spain to lay their case before the royal
court. He had almost given up hope of securing definite
action and was on the point of departure for Guatemala, in
1541, when he was ordered, by Cardinal Loasia, then at the
head of Indian affairs, to remain and Jend bis advice to thc
Council of the Indies. It was during this sojoum that he pre-
pared and presented his "Brevissima relacion de la destruy-
cion de las Indias" to the court in 1542, a work which was
destined to color the writing of histories about the Spanish
conq~est in Ame rica f or generations. This vehement advo-
cate of the Indian cause succeeded in having his views em-
bodied in a code o( J~W .known _as__tbe New 1 aws, in tbc_
face of stroni.opPosition by the representati ves. Q. tb~e!l
comenderos in court and a memorial fro.m Cortsi who. was
in Spain, urging that i modified_ -~~~~-i~~d~ __s_r~.!~El was
necessary !l _~e\v Spain.-n~ The main provisions of thesc
.. Jbid p. 229.
16
/bid., p. 233. .. . Aunque algunos les parezca que estos yndios
naturales son bestiales y les quadra que no ai diferencia de unos a otros
porque no les entienden pero yo que los he tratado y conversado hallo
mucho dellos de buenjuizio y conrrespcto de hombres de bien y de servir
a su magestad. . ." A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Descargos del Seor Vis-
sorey, descargo 18.
The text of the Ncw Laws as passcd November 20, 1542, and ]une
4, 1543, is contained in Icazbalceta, Coleccin, II. 204-227.
96 . . ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
: laws were: l. Enslaved Indians were to be set free and
. . c~!-.vJ:ment_~~out~f'"CeSC-aitogCilif; -r.thSC-hOiding too
~- nany natives in encon1Cta ~were,~10give ~Titraniffoer of
- nlrs-..snuld
-~hCm. acf ~on diefr ~l!tatl1s~~meit not inherit
_. the lndians but should receive from the royal treasury com-
. pensation for their loss; 3. atl church and governmental
. offi_cials wcre to give up their. Indians immediately; 4. no
..-' relative or servant of a member of the Council of the Indies
- was to act as solicitor or attorney in any case concerning the
lndies; 5. the residencias of oidores and governors were to
be sent to Spain thereafter; 6. the audiencia was empowered
\
:_.to take.a residencia at any time; 7. henceforth persons asking \
.. f or royal fav.ors must be recommended by the audiencia; 8.
Jurther discovery was restricted in order that .the Spaniards /
. _should have no f urther control over the Indians, their per- i
!
. sonal services, or tributes; 9. the natives were to be con- /I
. :-.. verted to the Catholic faith. There were thirty-nine points \ /

_in the complet~ text of these laws, which, if properly en- ____J
. forced., would have freed the Indian.
The N ew Laws were first announced i!l Seville and a
f~r~ uf vlsltots was. af)pomfeto carry tllem:'toA'merica
and rnake them effective there. Alonso Lpez Cerrato was
sent to the West Indies and later to Venezuela andthe Gulf
_o f Paria; Miguel Daz to the provinces of Santa Marta,
. Nuevo Reino, ~artagena, Popayan, and Ro de San Juan;
~ BJasco Nuez Vela to Peru; and Francisco Tello de Sandoval
. to New Spain. New tribunal~ were to be established, one in
:Peru, and the other, termed the Audiencia de los Confines, in
. .Central America. 11 Francisco Tello de Sandoval, the visitor- /
. general for New Spain, wa~ a member of the Council of the
" I~dies, a canon of the Cathedral in Seville, and an inquisitor
. of the Holy Office. In addition to the duty of pubtishing
1
17
These audiencias were to rule instead of the governors, and the new
code was ordered translated in to the various native languages and pub-
lishcd throughout the Indies.-Bancroft,
. .
History of Me.rico, 11. 521.
SOCIAL ANO ECONOMIC PROGRESS 97
and enforcing the New Laws he was empowered.to takethe
residencia of all royal officials, to exercise the f unctions of
an oidor, with both seat and vote in the meetings of the audi-
.cncia, and, as achurch official, was e~trusted with a papal bull
conferring the power to extend or res tri et bishoprics and was
instructed to call a special meeting of the bishops to consider
the welfare of the church.
Sandoval arrived in Vera Cruz February 12, 1544, and
reached Mexico City, March 8th, where the. evil tidings of
his miss.ion had preceded him. Before bis entry in to the city
the conquerors, merchants, and citizens wished to sally f orth
to greet him dressed in deepest mourning, but were restrained
by the viceroy. Mendoza and the oidores urged him to put
~~- th~. publicatiotl OHfie N.e,V.-~Lawi~~jh~~~!~uQ.~--~
country was very hostile. Finally, on MarcP, 24th, in the pres-
ence of th. viceroy, the visitador, and oidores, and the assem-
bled citizens, Antonio de Turdos read the laws publicly.sa
They were received with great sadness and discontent and,
heeding the viceroy's plea to proceed cautiously, Sandoval
was prevailed-0n by the regidor Alonso de Villanueva, rcpre-
senting the cabildo of Mexico, to stay the execution of four
or five of the provisions, which struck th~ encomienda .system
hardest, until representatives of the encomenderos could ar
peal to the king. 89 The country was thoroughly aroused and
not only did the citizens protes.t but the three orders, Fran-
ciscans, Dominicans, and Augus~inians, and the bishops re-
ported in favor of the continuance of encomiendas. Six
proctors, Alonzode Vi11anueva, Gernimo Lpez, and Peral-
mendez Chirinos of the city c9uncit, and the provindals.-
of the three orders, Francisco de la Cruz, Dominican, Fran-
cisco de Soto, Franciscan, and Francisco de San Romn,
March 23, 1544, according to the report of Gonzalo de Aranda to
thc king.-A. G. l., 58-6-9, Mexico, May 30, 1544.
Herrera. Historia General, dec. VII, lib. VII, cap. XIV,. p. 142.
Augustinian, went to Spain to plead against the laws and
show their ~anger to thc country. 40
Thc r~al, as the Spaniards werc abso-
danger was vcry---------
. . "---:::--__ . --, ., ___ - -~--
. lutely depenaenTon Tndan labor for subsistcnce, anda veri-

.table panic ehsued which ~ight easily have led to revolt, as
it did in Pero, but for t~e. _moderation which the viceroy
._- succeeded in getting both on the p art of the visitor and the
--..~ ~dtizens:-~On-thc pblication of te taws.atl business carne
-. ~o a stadstill, wheat rose to eleven reales a fanega, maize
to five reales, the merchants and citizens went about tike men
bCreft of reason "saying that they would be f orced to kill
. their wives and daughters test they go to alife of shame," and
.. the first fleet returning to Spain took 600 settlers with it, in-
cluding thirty-five or forty families. 42 The viceroy, the
visitor, and the oidores did their utmost to hold the conquis-
tadores and their sons by distributing charity, as with their
departure the vast Indian population would have driven out
the rest of the Spaniards very quickly. 41 When news of the ~
situation reached Spain, the _threat.~af.a.grca.l {9ss of _~evenue
and the possible depopulation of N ew Spain soon overcame
._die reiigfou~s ardor alliUfarieTtil:entlons or- the government
.
.a~d ii1Cob~1o~1()uiiirovisions of the N ew Laws, as they con-
- - - . . .e_...........,._ _,.,......,. -. ~.- -< . _. 'c. . . , - " ~ ., . -"" ____.., ~
Beaumont, Crnica, IV. 502.

Thc clamor caused by the New Laws is dcscribed in the letters of
Gcrnimo Lpez to the king, of February 25, March 1, September 10,
1545, and March 1, 1547 (A. G. l., 58-6-10). But, as he was a represent-
ative of thc encomenderos, bis letters are not good evidencc by them-
sclves.
. A. G. l., 58-6-9, Carta de Gonzalo de Aranda, Mexico, May 30,
1544. A randa carne with Sandoval to N ew Spain to audit the accounts
i,I'
of thc royal officials and wrote strictly from the point of view of the
effect of the Jaws on royal revcnucs; his account is thcrefcie to be trusted
more than that of an interestcd party.
In addition to supporting the religious orders the citizens, with thc
aid of the viceroy, had bcen f eeding thc three hundred survivors of the
DeSoto cxpedition for ten months and, with their means of getting food
gone, had no alternative but to lea ve N ew Spain, which, Aranda s"ys,
"would lose N ew Spain to the great 1oss of the faith and the Crown."
His solution was that the king settle a specificd number of Indians .on
the Spaniards and their children as encomenderos in pcrpetuity.
________
cerned encomenderos,
..
-......... ..........""" : .w~r~,.
_,.....___.~- . -- suspended, October 20, 1545~
.._..
With this revocation of Spai~'s greatest program of humane

legislation the social lot of the Indians was definitely decided
and, despite subsequent attempts at enforcemen~ of the l~ws,
' the pri~ciple _of compulsory labor ..became fixed .in!tbe spcial
system of -New Spain.
In the st!:~ggle over_the New L~~ th.e___!~roy ami the
oidores identified themselves with the interests of the colon-
istsA Mendoza, writing~ httet h1 dcfense~t~pers-nal set vices .
with proper regulation, pointed out that the visitor himself
had been compelled to use Indian carriers, and informed the
. .
Council of the Indies that personal services were not invented
by the Spaniards but were an ancient practice of the nativcs
without which the country coutd not be kept in normal order.
He accused them of hceding the complaints of one or two
friars who had noticed isolated cases of cruelty and, while
granting the holiness and justice of the Iaws, remarked that
"Ali the provisions made or which could be made would not
be a sufficient .remedy; even i f his majesty deprived them of
their offices and cut off their heads, he could not make them
enforce the laws which destroyed his rents and his vassals and ..
depopulated the country, which needed inhahitants." 44 The
Audiencia wrote in a similar vein and asked what they were
to do in case of rebellion, as the Spaniards certainly would not
place their lives in jeopardy without the hope of sorne pecu-
niary rewards ; and since the captured rebels were, tike the
Indians put down in the Mixton War, who were only pos-
sessed of a mantle and a stone in which to grind their corn,
entirely without wealth, the only r~ward the Spaniards could
. expect was the persons of the rebels as slaves. 45
.. Mendoza, Rclacion, in Pacheco y Crdenas, XLI. 157, 158.

"A. G. I., 58-5-8, Carta del Audiencia de Mcxico, Mexico, March 17.
1545.
It is difficult to reconstruct the manners and customs of
the strangely composite society ovcr which Mendoza ruled.
. The subject population lived with thc barest necessities of tife
and engaged in the hardest kinds of work in the mines and
fields, 41 whilc the Spaniards lived in ccnsiderable luxury.~i
The church exerdsed a very sa1utary influence in restraining
wiJd excesses, but its feast days were very often the occasion
of celebratiops not entirely of a religious character. On such
days bull-fights would be held in the main plaza and con-
. siderable drinking was indulged in by the Spaniards. 49 Men-
:. ,doza and the Bishop, Zumrraga, who were often together-.'
in the 1fonastery of Zeptharztec "where the discourse was of
God and of what was best for His service in the country,''GO
worked earnestly to raise the moral and religious tife of the
rountry to higher levels, but it cannot be said that they were
successful. Severe laws against gambling were passed which,
the viceroy claimed, put a stop to t and its attendant dis-
'orders. n The sale of wine or pulque to natives, Negroes, or
.. The earJiest census figures, those of Februa.ry 25, 1560, show Ncw
Spain in its widest ~xtcnt to havc had a population, at that date, of
-_. 13,180 Spaniards, 15,609 negrocs, 2,425 mestizos, and 1,465 mulattoes,
. besides 3,0CO Spaniards of unfixcd habitation and 3,000 in Gua\emala,
Costa Rica, and Honduras. The number of the masses of natives is
:. unctrtain, but thcrc wcrc probably two or three million, despite the devas-
tating cfTects of such cpidcmics as occurred in 1545.-.. Relacioncs geo-
. grficas de Nueva Espafia," Boltln del Ctt1tro dt Est11dios Ame,.fran-
irtas, Sevilla, VII. nos. 36, 37, 45, 46.
, Aranda thought that the Indians of Mcxico City, who werc more
numcrous than the Moors in Granada, could do much more than they werc
doing, as he saw them toafing in the strects whcn they might havc bcen
ptanting wheat and maizc~-A. G. I., 58-6-9, Carta de Gonzalo de Aranda,
. Mexko, M:ay 30, 1544. :
... Numerous taws, forbidding the wearing of brocadcs. gold c1oth, or
()ther expcnsive stuff s, wcre passed. In 1537 the viccroy said that the
sum wasted on these luxuries was greal-Mendoza, Carta, in Pachcco
y Crdenas, II. 182.
As, for instancc, when ncws was rcccived of the safe arrivat of the
Emperor in Castile, Aug. 1, 1533, the Cabildo voted such a festival, the
~xpenscs o which were to be paid out of the fines collected by thc city.
-Actas de Cabildo, Libro 3, pp. 46~
.. Sir Arthur Hetps, Spanish Conqut.rl in America, New York, 1900-
1904, III. 282.
11
A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del scfior vissorey, pregunta 215.
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC. PROGRESS 101
Spanish miners was prohibited in a number _o f cdulas and or-
dinances, their repetition sh~wing that the traffic was not
ended,H and after a sharp controversy between thc cabildo
and the bishop, all shops and places Qf business were ordercd
closed on Sundays and f east days, and even the smatl vendors
in the plaza mayor were f orbidden to ply their trade on such
days. 58
The puritanicat cast of the thought of the times is pcrhaps
best illustrated by the charges brought against Alonzo Mal-
donado, President of the Audiencia de los Confines, concem-
ing his conduct while serving as an oidor in Mexico, of hav-
ing raced horses and played the game of ba11 known as pelota.
He admitted the first charge, but excused himself for the sin
on the ground that it had taken place on St. John's day, the
anniversary of the capture of Mexico City. Thc second ac-
cusation was also true, but in defense he a11eged that he had
played hall f or the sake of his health, on the advice of a
physician, quite privately in bis .own residence with all thc
doors closed. H
The City of Mexico was a busy place, with its shops and
stores, where f ood, clothing, and' luxuries from Spain were
sold, and its narrow streets thronged with Indians, Negroes,
and Spaniards.H Horses, mutes, clumsy carts, and Indian
u Bancroft, History of Mtsico, 11. 536; Actas dt Cabildo, Libro J.
p. 134.
11
On August 25, 1542, the bishop's alguacil was ordcred not to in-
terfere with the immemorial custom of selling fruits and foodstuffs
in the plaza mayor before the cathcdral on feast days. If he did intcr-
rupt such legitimate commerce, he was to be jailed by the alguacil mayor
of the city.-Actas de Cabildo, Libro 4, August 25, 1542. The contro-
versy ended in a victory for the bishop.-/bidv Libro S, August 31, 1545
.. A. G. l., 48~1-4/26, Carta del Licdo Maldonado, Gracias a .Dios,
October 23, 1546. An old Jove affair dug up by the visitor brought from
him the indignant reply :. "haze V ra M rd cargo q f uy enamorado pues
a tantos aos y despues desto a my se me tomo ressidencia y ya soy
cassado de cosa tan olvidada poca nescesydad abia de hazerse mi publico
cargo."
u The viceroy had caused streets and bridgcs to be built and
repaired, but the overflow of water from canals and the heavy carts
: 102 ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
rriers mingled there with f riars, as did the gentry f rom the
. viceroy's palace, and the citizenry, proud of their right to
wear arms. In it werc apothecary ~hops, tailor-shops, pastry..
shops, and taverns, 51 white outside the .city ~umerous ftour
mills gi-ound the wheat necessary for its provisioning, and
the aqueduct from Chapultepec brought water.
The viceroy was greatly interested in the opening of high
. ways f rom the City of Mexico in every direction, ~ith ali
: the roads centering on the capital. These were roads over
. which rhule-trains and pack-horses ~ould travel and, in sorne
. .cases, carts . 11. The viceroy opened new roads (caminos de
. nuevo) from Mcxico to Acapulco to Oaxaca, and from .thcre
.to thc ports of Zacatula and Tchuantepec, to Michoacn, to
:Jalisco, to Pnuco, and to the mines of Tasco, Zultepec, and
. Zumpango. In addition he had thosc repaired leading from
Mexico City to Vera Cruz.isa He issued a total of fifty orders
. concerning roads, their construction and rcpair, by 1546. 61
Despite ali this, conditions of travel were far from ideal. A
~ traveiling in N ew Spain had to take bis bed and all
necessities with him wherever he went, and in most cases
Indians had to do the carrying, as horses were hard to obtain
and very expensive. 80 To spare these Indians as much as
did grcat damage to them.-A. G. 1.,.48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del scfior
.vissorey, preguntas . 22, 23; 48-1-9/31, Testigo de Franco Coronado,
pregunta 23.
.. Thc sbops of Corts brought him a rental of over three thousand
pcsos.-Bancroft, History of Me rico, 11, p. 326, note 21.
"Francisco Prcsciado, writer of the diary of the Ulloa Voyage, .
ciaimed that he had travellcd ovcr the vicer9y's roads f rom Colima to
. Mexico, to the port of Acaputco, to the mines of Zultepec, Tasco, and
Zumpango, and had seen loaded carts on them.-A. G. l., 48-1-6/28,
Testigo de Francisco Presciado, Cura de Colima, Colima, February 21,
1547.
A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del seor vissorey, preguntas,
20, 21, 22, '297.
A. G. I., 49-1-2/24, Resumen de los mandamientos del Sr Vissorey
Dn Ant de Mcndoza sobre los caminos de la Nueva Espaa, Mexico,
October 31, 1546.
Mcndoza, in Instrucciones que los Vireyes dejaron .ru.r Sucesores,
p. 230.
possiblc, the viceroy had regular resting places established,
numbered the halts, and left their upkeep in the hands of the
alcaldes mayores. 81
Out over these roads went not only thc trade and the
exploiting agencies of the Spanish govemment, but also the
emissaries of the Church, to convert and civilize the native
population. From the time of the arrival of the famous
twelve, in 1523, the Church grew in the number of clergy,
secular and regular, in mempership, and in extent of territory
under control. The .natives were drawn from their bloody
rcligion, their idols w~r.e over.turned, and their children gath-
ered into schools, where they were taught to read and write.
They also displayed great capabilities in the arts and crafts
and were quick to imitate t~eir masters. Learned and zealous
fathers Jike Benavente (Motolinia) and Pedro de Gante
acquired the native languages and baptized thousands. Thc
great orders established custodias and provinces, and appoint-
ed provincials over them, to push the great task of conversion.
From very humble beginnings, when the first services werc
held in a room fo the house of Corts, to numerous churches
with magnificent ceremonials, was but the work of a decade,
and soon the country became dotted with monasteries.-82
The Church was organized for administrati ve purposes
in to four bishoprics, Mexico, Michoacn, Tlascala, and
Oaxaca, to which were added Guatemala and Nueva Galicia,
. with boundaries indefinitely fixed at fifteen leagues from the
cathedral town and the interveni~g space equally divided be-
tween the hishoprics. It was supported by the tithes 63 and by
grants of Indians in encomienda. Special costs like that of
/bid.
When Mendoza made up bis probanza of tbe religious in 1547,
167 f riars and priests testified in answer to bis interrogatorio in the
vicinity of Mexico City alone.-A. G. l., 48-1-8/30, Probanza del Sr
Vissorey, religiosos, February 6, 1547, to March 14, 1547.
This tithe was paid by the faithful ; the natives werc excmptcd
from it.
-104 ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
thc cr~ion of a cathcdral in Mexko City were sharcd by
.the royal treasury. 84 The outstanding figures of the Church
\\ere Bishops Zumrraga of Mexico, Quiroga of Michoacn,
_:. zrate of Oaxaca, Castro of Tlascala, Maraver of Nueva
- ~- .... Galicia, and Marroquin of Guatemala. on the death of Zu-
. _-.,mrraga, 1548, as archbishop-elect, he was succeeded by
Archbishop Montfar and Mexico became an Archiepiscopal
- See.
.. The establis~ent of bishoprics, the organization 'of pro-
. -_ --:. vi11das of the regular orders-Franciscans, Dominicans, and
. Augustinians,-the founding of monast~ries, and the con-
~tant erection ~f chur:ches gradually established the Church as
._ a powerful force in New Spain. Hard on the trail of the
_missionary, and often preceding him, carne the encomendero
and the tribute collector, and the Indian soon found himself
. caught and held both in the spiritual and temporal. Miracles,
. like the appearance of Nuestra Seora de Guadalupe to a
. _-._- poor Indian in 1531, were of tremendous help in impressing
.
- the natives, and the Church was not slow to realize this, . as
the good use it made of such occurrences proves. To com-
.memorate these marvels shrines were built, which acquired
great fame and exist today. The great work of the Church
'vas to convert and civilize the nati ves, and these early f riars
. ~ and priests toiled in the Indian villages, built hospitals for
-the care of ~he sick, like the one in Santa F near Mexico,
.,..organized fraternal orders of a religious character ( cofra-
. "_ _dias) and 'schools (colegios) for the teaching of grammar,
--reading, and writing. 85
The Spanish govemment f ound the Church to be a very
useful adjunct in its labors, especially in maintaining control
.. Fonscca y Urrutia, Historia General de la real hacitnda, Mcxico,
1845-1853, l. 519.
. Likc thc Cofrada del Bcnditisimo nombre de Jcsus founded by thc
Aucustinians in 1537, and thc colegio establishcd in conncction with it
through funds willed by a certain Bartolom de Morales.-A. G. l.,
C,0-2-16, Carta a Su Magt, Mcxico, Deccmber 15, 1537.
ovr the natives. The dergy carne closer to the daily life
of their charges than the Spanish officials could hope to come,
and were very useful as gatherers of information. Every
care was taken to keep up their prestige in the eyes of thc
Indians and crimes committed by any churchman were pun-
ished secretly to prevent a loss of reputation. The viceroy, in
bis capacity as vice-patron, exercised general supervision over
the affairs of the Church and strove to weed out unworthy
dergy, 88 reporting annually t!l the King on the churches'
progress. 87 Such matters as concubinage, as widely practiced
by the natives, and marriage within the forbidden degrees
of relationship were left to the Church for settlement, but its
use of the right of sanctuary to give shelter to refugees from
justice was challenged by the state. 88
In its edurational
. X-.
efforts the Church was ably seconded by
Mendoza, who received orders to have the Indians taught
the Spanish language by competent members of the clergy. 89
In Mexico, in the quarter of Tlatelalco, he founded the col-
lege of Santa Cruz for the instruction of the children of
Indian nobles, who soon knew more Latn than their instruct-
ors and were badly treated for it. " Sorne of the best stu-
dents died in the pestilence of 1548, but the school was
He found it necessary to makc a careful check on what the lndins
gave the clergy, as many of the latter were ruined individuals who carne
to New Spain to recoup their fortunes. In general, if it were not for
the nced of baptism he thought the lndians would have been bettcr off
without them.-Mcndoza, in lnstr11cciones qlle los Virrt)es dejaron a sus
St1cesores, 228. A summary of the laws concerning real patronato is
given in Solarzano, Poltica lndia11a, tom. II, liv. IV, caps. II et seq.
91
Herrera, Historia General, dec. IV, lib. V, cap. IX, 122.
11
As in the case of Francisco Flores, who sought to escape the con
sequences of the murder of a certain Francisco Manrique in ~Iexico
City.-A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del seor vissorey, pregunta 11.
A. G. l., 87-6-2, Oficio y parte, Valladolid, June 7, 1550.
"A. G. l., 87-6-2, Oficio y parte, Juty 7, 1550, 253. "L'intetligence et la
capacit des Indiens sont tres grandes, et leur font surmonts les dif
ficults de l'tude. Leur professcur me l'assurc et je les ai interrog sur
Je latin et 1a grammaire et j'a.i vu qu'ils taient fort avancs pour le peu
de temps qu'ils y sont."-Mendoza, Lettre, in Ternaux-Campans, Vo)agu.
Relations et M moire s, Serie 2; tom. V, p. 266.
106 . ANJ'ONIO DE MENDOZA
-~- . rnaintajned and did. xceUent work. Its progi"m includcd
. reading, writing, ~tin grammar, rhetoric, philosophy, music,
:. ._and Mexican medicine. Tlie college of San Juan de Letran
_was cstablished for foundting mestizo boys and gifls and
lasted over three centuries, as a school where trades and let- .
.ters were taught. The supervision of _the girls was a part
>.__of the duty of oidor Tejada, and Dr. Quesada lookcd after
~- the boys. In Michoacn a college for the instruction of the
.. sons.of Spaniards and of. sorne lndian chiefs was instituted,
-.-: while the famous convent school of fathers Juan de Tecto
. and Pedro de Gante in Tezcuco continued to teach great
numbers of natives. The cabildo of Mexico fostered a
foundling school for girls and many teachers taught private
. schools. n This interest in education, according to Antonio
. de Herrera, led the viceroy to petition the king to establish
. a uriiversity in Mexico as carly as 1539,'2 but the royal order
f or such a center of higher learning was not promulgated
until September 21, 1551, and the formal inauguration of.
A.merica's first university took place Jan.uary'21, 1553. Men-
.:-' .doia's record with respect to education is exceptionally good,
. ~ :: and he is to be particularly praised for his advanced views
_.on edcation for the priesthood. He was one of the first
._:_ to, advocate a trai!led native priesthood, and believed that
::-~: proper conversion of the natives to more than nominar Christ-
.---. -.' .ianity would never result from anything less uncompromis-
... ing.11
Another important inanifestation of civitization and cul- .
ture was the introduction of the printing press. During the
. ~
:.. "For cxampJc Baltasar de Salto, a notary, taught a school for
: children where they le~rned to rcad and write.-A. G. l., 48-1-5/27.
Interrogatorio del seor vissorey, pregunta 44. For an intcresting
- account of carly education in Mexico, see H. l. Priestley. The Old
. University of Mexico," University of Califontia Chrouicle, XXI. 369-385
.. , . u Hererra, Historia General, dec. VI, lib. VII, cap. VI, 153. Icaz-
- balceta and othcr scholars challenge the accuracy of this statement.
- n Mendoza, in Instrucciones qsct los Vireyes dejaron d sus S11ctsores,
p. 229.
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS , 107
frequent conferences in Spain of Mendoza and the bishop-
clect Zumrraga, during the winter of 1533-1534, the estab-
lishment of .a press in Mexico City was, in all probability,
clecided upon. 74 The flourishing German printing house of
Jcome Cromberger and bis son Juan Cromberger in Sevilla
was persuaded to undertake the enterprise . and agreed to
establish a branch shop in Mexico City. 115 The press and type
were probably shipped to Vera Cruz on the spring voyage of
.1536. For a time nothing but government print1ng was done,
and the religious books for the use of the Church continued
to be printed in Spain. These Doctri11as, little religious
manuals, were printed in both Spanish and the native dia-
lects, but unfortunately none have surviyed hard usage and
time. In 1539 the printing of bool<s in the N ew World was
begun. On June 12, 1539, Juan Cromberger entered. into a
contract with Juan Pablos, a native of Brescia, in Lombardy,
. to print books in ~f exico City bearing the legend, "printed
in the house of Juan C~omberger." 78 Pablos brought a c:om-
" Medina, La Imprenta. e11 M .rico, 1, xxxv, quotes memorials of
Zumrraga to the king from November of 1532 to June, 1534; that of
March, 1533, from Sevilla, being most pertinent as the fotlowing quota-
tion shows. "lten porque parece seria cosa muy util y conveniente haber
alta imprenta y molina de papel, y pues se hallaran personas que hol-
garan de ir conc1ue Su Magestad les haga alguna merced con que puedan
sustentar el arte, V.S. y mercedes los mandan prover."
" Jcome Cromberger had opened his printing shop in Sevillc in
1
1500, and had been so brilliantly successful that branch shops had bcen
opened in Portugal at Lisbon and Evora. la 1525 he secured the right
to contract printing for the N ew World and began operations in ~fexico
with one Diego de M endicta as his representativc. The death o f this
factor and subscquent legal complications led him to send his son-in-law,.
Lzaro Norimbcrger, to handle this business. Juan Cromberger, the son.
was associated with his fathcr in Sevilla from 1525 to 1527, and succecded
him in the enterprise on the latter's death in 1535. On his own death
. in 1542, thc printing rights passed to bis wife and sons. /bid., I, lvii.
"Juan Pablos is preceded in the records of Mexico City by another
printer, Esth:rn Gmez, who probably carne te;> New Spain in. 1533-1534,
and was grantcd citizcnship by the Town Council September S. 1539.
He could print hooks of Jarge or smalt lctter print, r:nusic, and illuminated
texts. He .may have printed books before the arrivat of Pablos, but. no
example cf thc earlier works, for which claims to printing havc been
advanced, has come down to us. Evidcnce of a lack of paper seems to
preclude crediting Estban Gmez as the printer of the first book pub-
lished in America. Cartas de Indias, p. 762.
108 ANTONIO DE.MENDOZA
. pletc supply f materials with him, and indced, may have
, escorted_ the press overseas." The press was set up in the
bishop's house and there, in 1539; the first Am~rican book
. :issued from a press, a Doctrina Christia11a in gothic typc
.of twelvc quarto sheets. This work was Jast seen and de-
., scribed in_ Spain in 1870,18 but diligent search since that time
has failed to bring it to light. . Despite this fact, the weight
of cvidcnce in its favor points to this book as
the first
product of American typography rather than the M a11ual
de los Adultos of the followirig year.' 9 The fact that a frag-.
ment of this last named work escaped destructio~ and is in
existence today, does not impair the conclusion that the first
American imprint appeared in 1539. 80
Following the death of Juan Cromberger in 1542, Juan
.Pablos continued to print books in Mexico City in the name
of the firm until January 17, 1548, when the first book of
"the house of Juan Pablos" appeared. Juan Pablos con-
tinued to be the official printer of New Sp~in until bis death
in 1560, and then the office was taken over by Pedro Ochartc.
Under the direction of Pablos were printed the first mathe-
n:iatical work published in America, the Simiario compendi-
oso of Juan Diez Freyle, 1556, the first physics text, the
Physica Spccttlati'lo of F. Alphonsus of the faculty of the
. University of Mexico, 1557; and before Jamestown was
"Thc valuc of thc press, ink, paper, and othcr supp1ies amounted to
165,000 maraveds. On the ship ~1iguel de Juarregui, which brought
him to the New World in 1539, he brought his wife, Jernima Gutierrez,
an Andalusian wqman, and a Negro slave apprcntice, Gil Barbero. The
writcr belicvcs that the confusion of the e\'dence on this point, the date
of the arrival of the press, may be accounted for by thc prcsence of
two presscs, one of inferior value brought over by the viccroy on thc
.$pring voyagc of 1536, and a sccond and hcttcr onc by Pahlos when he
camc to Ncw
Spain in 1539. Cf. ~lcdina, La / mprcnta en M (.rico, l. lvii.
"Cartas dt Indias, p. 787.
,. Medina, La l Hf'rt11la en M txico, l. v.
11
Thc great array of evidcnce marshatled by Medina in his intro
duction to his La Jmf>renta tn M xiro. makcs thc older view of lcaz
balccta, as containcd in his Bibliografia Mlxicana del Siglo XVI, pp. 1
ff., no longer. tcnable.
foundcd a law code for Ncw Spain, Vasco de Puga's Cdu-
laras, of 1563, and a work on navigation, the /nstroccion
Naittica, 1587, besidcs numerous works of a rctigious char-
acter, had been publishcd. 81 .
I~pressive beginnings in t~~-~~~vcl?_p~cnt of industry

and agriculture were mad~-- ~!! ,.~~w _?Pl!l,-~_!!de.LtJi- first
viceroy and 6e'f ore the stifling cffcct of the oppressivc mon~
, i}yOf Seville was felt. This unhampered growth suggests
what might have been accomptished in thc Spanish colonies
if free competition with the mother country had been per-
mitted. 82 The viceroy made evcry endeavor to encourage thc
natives in thcir indigenous cultivation of cotton, maize, cacao,
the maguey plant, and numerous species of cdible fruit, and
orders were issu~d that atl ships sailing from Spain t Vera
Cruz bring European plants, seeds, and selected stock for
breeding purposes. 83 Wheat, sugar, horscs, and mutes were
introduced in largc quantities and, as thc population grew and
new areas were settlcd, great ranches and plantations carne
into existence. New Spain in 1535 was cconomically an
exporting region able to f urnish the West lndies and Tierra
n The bcst and most comprehensive work on this subject of the
introduction of printing into the New \Vorld is Medina, La /mJ>ren
ta en M; xico. Icazba1ceta's older work, Bibliografla M 1xicana del
Siglo X V 1, is stilt uscf ul, and important documents are to be found
in thc Carlas de /mlias. For the Spanish sidc o the story thos~
intcrcsted should consult the important work of Konrad llurgcr, /Jit
Drucker tmd Jlerlegcr in SpmsirH tmd Porhgal von 1501 bis 1536;
also the monumental work of Konrad Hacbler, Bibliografa lbir .
ica del Siglo X JI, with segunda parte, and the local works on thc
history of printing in Sevilla, Francisco Escudero y Pcrosso's Tipo-
grafa hi.spaiense, and Joaquin Hazaas y la Rua's La Imprenta en
Sevilla. To the list of books known to have bcen printed by
. thc Cromhcrgers in Scvillc thc .writer f eels that these works should
miel thc titlcs of works printcd for Am<.rica hy thcm for which the
copyright is extant. S-Uch a work is thc /h)(trfoa Claristia,aa n-
cripto en lengua de yndios de Miclaoacan by Bishop Quiroga, fQr
which a licensc to print in Sevilla was issued on October 25, 15J8.
11
Bancroft, llistory o/ Me:rico, It. 135 ff., tells the story of the
pionccr work of Corts in agriculturc and in<lustry in Ncw Spain.
11
A. G. l., 87-6-1, Oficio y parte, libro J, Medina del Campo, March
20, 1532, XXVII.
Firme with whcat." The sugar crop was by 1546 of suffi-
cicnt size to keep many domcstic refineries at work, and thc
rcmarkable mu.ltiplication of shecp gave rise to a prosperous
cloth industry. Thc silkworm proved so ~daptable to the
climate that the samc date saw a considerable silk industry
_.flourishing, with silk officials so numcrous as to be noted
by visitors from Spain, and the product of sufficient quantity
and valuc for the Church to insist on its tithe of thc product
as was customary in Granada in old Spain. The Spaniards
.. brought improved methods of agriculture along with their
~ew plants and animals, of grea_test importance being the skill
in irrigation they had acquired from the Moors and the dex-
. terity with which they dug ditches (acequias) to convey water
to dry waste Iands. 815 To spare human lives by relieving the
Indians from severe labor, machinery was built in the refin-
eries and in the mines, motivate4 by water or horse power,
and thc whcat and maize werc ground by ~indmills, as was
_the practice in Spain.
Certain of the industries soon outdistanced ali others.
This was noticeably the case with the cattle and sheep
. industries, where the viceroy set an example by introducing
fine brceds like the merino on bis own ranches and by ~iding
wool doth f actories. So rapid was the multiplication of
sheep and cattle that, beginning in 1538, two judges-of-thc-
sheepwalk were appointed annually by the Town Coundl
of Mexico City, and semi-annual meetings of the sheep and
cattle proprietors were held to restore stray animals to th~ir
rghtful owners. 88 All ranches had their distinctive marks
.. Cdula, in Documentos de Ultramar# X. 309. After 1540 Indian
.. .troUbles and mystcrious cpidemics causcd a sharp diminution in the
quantity of wheat produccd.
~ 11 For instancc, Lorenzo de Tejada, oidor of thc audiencia constructcd
anacequia,. to bring water from the Tacuba rivcr near Mcxico City to his
fie.Ids, which was crosscd by thirty bridges of wood and stone.-A. G. I.,
48-1~/26, Memorial de Tejada, Mcxico, December 20, 1546.
.. Thc first elcction of alcaldes de mesta took place in Mexico City
January 1, 1538, and ordinances for the govcrnment of the sheep-owners'
or brands which were registered by the various cabildos to
prevent rustling and to kecp the flocks and herds separate.11
The opening of the wild country of thc Chichimecas to the
northwest, by the Mixton War, was fortunatc, for the ftocks
and herds about Mexico .City had become a nuisance and
hindered agriculture, as the cr9ps tilled by the natives were
consumed by unenced animals~ The new lands afforded
fine pasturage on open ranges far removed from cultivated
soil. This little known _lndian war, like King .Philip's War
and the Yamassee War, furnishes another example of thc
breaking of ~n Indian barrier in to the back country f or
economic reasons. 88
The viceroy's pet interest was the sheep industry, which
he f ostered and encouraged. The woolen cloth industry of
New Spain was the direct result of bis orders that the raw
product be woven into cloth. Its chief centcr was ~ezcuco,
the lake town near Mexico City, where he pcrsonally kept
thirty-three slaves and their f amilies engaged in weaving
the wool into doth. 81 One of the most prominent of the
wool cloth merchants of the period, Gonzlo Gmez, likewise
had bis f actories located in Tezcuco, where Indian labor-
slave and f ree-was used, and the cloth produced was sold in
stores which he owned in the Capital City and. the provincc
of Michoacn. The sheep were merinos, famous for their
fine quality of wool, and the cloth f ound a ready nlarket.
association (thc Mesta) were drawn cp Novcmbcr 14, 1542. The text
is to be found in the Actas de Cabildo, IV. 313-315. For the background
of this institution in Spain, see Ktcin, Tht Mesta, a Study in Spa11isla
Economic History, Cambridge, 1921.
" The brands of the owners in thc vicinity of Mexico City are re
produced in the Actas dt Cabildo II. 196-210.
11
Mcndoza sent his own flocks to these ncw rangcs. A. G. l., 48-
1-5/27, Interrogatorio, preguntas 306, 307.
/bid., preguntas S6-6S. Klein, in Tht Mesta, p. 6, states that he
found less than a dozen rcf eren ces to merino woot prcvious to 1600 in
ali his research, and on that basis concludes that its use was not general
untit the tater seventeenth century. Mendoza, howevcr, very clearly
states that his sheep were ''ganado merino muy buen de Castilla."
~ 1\fendoza consequcntly was not only a ble to sell bis cloth but
. :drcssed hi~ scrvants in the product of bis own ranchcs and
. '.: f actory.
The Jilk indtistrv lYS also favored and grew to such
propartions that speciat inspectors (veedores) and notaries
-. (escribanos) had to be appointed to supervise its manufac-
: .ture. In fa.et, Francisco Preciado, the first man to apply thc
n.me C3lifornia to the geographical region which bears it
today, commented,in 1547, on the riumber of silk officials he
saw when he visited Mexico CitY.' Ordinances for the
regulation of this nascent industry were framed by the
. eabildo.~---~~ that city, March 15, 1542, to stop the abuse of
_sJavc spi~ne-rs in the factories, and the sat_isfactory remedy

stipulatcd was complete prohibition of the employment of
slavc labor.'l Muferry trees were planted in many parts of
-:-: the country and the silk manufacture of New Spain soon
enjoyed a rcputation that reached Spain. 92 Free native
. labor, under the encomienda system, worked in the mulberry
groves and spfrn in the factories under Spanish overseers.
';fhe center of manufacture was Mexico City and the
arnounts which could be spun in each town were arbitrarily
: fixed by the viceroy. 93 So prosper9us did the silkgrowers
. -. becme that the Church demanded the tithe already altuded to
and the jealousy of Spanish growers, which in the end would
. cause the suppression of this colonial industry, was aroused. 94
Old towns grew, and new ones were estabtished on the
. basis of these industries, the discovery of new mines, and the
exploring activities of the viceroy. The entry port <;>f San
-~Juan de Ulloa was improved by the building of a mole and
. " . A G. I., 48-1-6/28, Testigo de Franco Presciado, cura de Colima,

Colima, February 21, 1547.
n Actas de Cabildo. Libro 4, p. 273.
Martn Corts was given a grant to plant sorne thousands of mut-
bcrry trees on bis estate.-Pacheco y Crdenas, XII. 563.
A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del seor vissorey, pregunta 283 .
.. A. G. l., 140-3-9, Cdula, Vatladolid, 1543.
a tower, in addition to which a tigbthouse and a fort wcre
projected. 915 The new town, Puebla de los Angeles, increascd
in number of inhabitants and was favored with a license to
~ound silk factories without being subject to control or in-
terference. Two cities, which are state capitals in Mexico
today, Yalladolid in Michoacn and Guadalajara, were
founded, the second in 1541, as the result of the removal of
the old city to a better location, and the shipbuilding at1ivi-
ties of the viceroy brought numerous Indians and officials to
Navidad in Colima. In Nueva Galicia, Zacatecas was estab-
lished and there was a great movement of population into
the surrounding region.
This development of agriculture and industry was also
attended by great eagerness to acquire more lands than were
conferred by q1e act of becoming a citizen in a town or city.
The oidor Tejada was particularly active, improving lands,
purchasing, trading, building, so that he probably earned f or
himself the title of the first great real estat.e promoter in the
N ew World. On one occasion he traded sterile land in
Chaleo two to one with ntives f or lands they possessed near
Chapultepec and they discovered the poorness of their bar-
gain to their great chagrin when it was too late. 98 Even the
Church was interested, and the bishop of Oaxaca had to be
warned to cease troll:bling the natives with bis ranches and
flocks. 97
Since in New Spain no money save that brought from
Spain was in use until 1535, the merchants were forced to use
gold and sil ver by weight for the payment of larger amounts,
and bits of gold f or retail trade. The Indians bartered or
!JSed cacao as a medium of exchange. On May 11, 1535,
"A. G. l., 48-1-7/29, Testigo de Alvaro Femandez Piloto del galcon
La Concepcion, testigo 194, pregunta 228.
"A. G. l., 48-1-4/26, Memorial de Tejada, Mexico, Decembcr 20,
1546.
"A. G. l., 87-6-2, Oficio y parte, Valladolid, October 9, 1549.
the establishment of a mint was authorized for the coinage
~f silver and copper. 98 The silvcr coins wcre to be reales,
-:.~ reales, three reales, and quartillos. 99 In charge of the
__rnint, under the viceroy and oidores, we~e two alcaldes, a
balan~aro (weighing and measuring), a treasurer, an es-
cribano, a tallador, coiners (acuadores), and a guard, be-
sides Negroes and Indians for the manual labor involved. 1
The money was legal tender both for New Spain and the
. rnother country, but the right to coin gold was reserved.
The fact that the mint was not able to satisfy the needs of
the country during these first years is evidenced in a number
of requests for permission to increase the coinage and un-
doubtedly points to a considerable growth of trade.
.: The period also afforded interesting attempts to fix prices.
:The City Council of Mexico drew up lists of legal prices, with
the. approval of the viceroy, covering bread, wine, olive oil,
and the other necessities of life, which were changed as con-
ditions sccmed to warrant. 101 When Tejada arrived in New
. Spain, in 1536, he found prices to be excessively high, much
. higher in fact thanin Spain. He cites the fact that a pound
. (libra) of grapes cost him a peso of gold and a quince two
Puga, Cldula.r, l. 360; Documtntas de Ultramar, X. 264-271
.. Thc monctary units of ut1coined gold werc :
Peso de Oro
De Tcpuzque 271 maraveds
Comun 300 maraveds
Comun con tres quilates aadidos 360 maravcdf s
De ley perfecta 450 maraveds
De minas 450 maraveds
_:_Haring, op. cit., in Hi.r,. Amtr. Hist. Rtfl., 11. 177
... A. G., l., 48-2-20/2, Visita a la casa de Moneda, May 28, 1545.
At this tiinc one, two, and four maraved pieces of copper werc being
coincd. The coins of the period. with an account of the founding of the
first mint, are pictured in Riva Palacio, Mexico d lrafJs dt los Siglo.r,
1 l .. 242-249.
sei Bread was to be. sotd 11 loaves (de a ti~ra) for a tomin (575
minigrams) of gol d. White sugar was to be sold for an arroba for three
pesos or one a.nd one-hal f sil ver reales a libra. Olive oil was to be sold
f or an arroba for f our pesos of oro comun. Milk, that was good and not
watered, an azumbic for a medio real of silver.-Actas de Cabildo~ Libro
4, passim.
tomines, but that, owing to the great development of agricul-
ture, he was soon able to sell f9r prices equal to those current
in Spain, that is, a libra of grapes for a half tomn and one
quartillo and one hundred quinces for a tomn. 102 lf a con-
clusion can be drawn from this, it is that a considerable low-
ering of prices took place in New Spain following the in-
creased production of the ranches operated by the Spaniards.
Prices for hauting and carrying, and the wages of the In-
dians were also fixed by law. Thus every twelve fanegas
of wheat paid a cartage of six silver reales, 103 and every
arroba of goods brought from Vera Cruz paid freightage at
a legal rate of five tomines. 104 Those who overcharged could
be prosecuted, and the records of the Town Council in
Mexico City are filled with complaints against profiteers.
These attempts at govemment control of prices and wages
are significant and merit more attention than has been paid
them up to the present. 1015
A. G. l., 48-1-3/25, Descargos del Licdo Lorenzo de Tejada.
Mcxico, 1546.
Actas de Cabildo, 111. 12.
IM /bid., II. 22.
The reader will find a more elaborate discussion of this interesting

subject in A. S. Aiton, "Early American Price-Fixing Lcgislation,.. in
Michigan Law Rttliew, XXV. 15-24.
CHAPTER V
EXPLORATION UNDE~ THE FIRST VICEROY
When Antonio de Mendoza assumed bis duties as vice,-
. -roy of New Spain, Corts and Guzmn w~re still in the-New
World engaged in a bitter struggle for the right to explore
. the South Sea and the unknown northem interior. Guzmn,
by virt11e of his afithority as governor of Nueva Galicia, was
able to block the advance of his adversary by land and to
~ place numerous vexatious hindrances in the path of bis sea
c.--(peditions. Guzmn had acquired this position of advan-
. tage by bis own efforts when it became apparent that bis po-
sition as president of the first audiencia was in jeopardy.
ln December, 1529,. he had set out from Mexico City to the
_west to Jo~k for new conquests which would rehabilitate bis
_ repu~ation, lured in that direction by tal~s of an Amazon
:.. island and rumors of seven opulent cities which had reached
._ . his_ears. \Vithintwo years he conquered Jalisco and Sinaloa
. _. and fotinded the towns of Compostela and Guadalajara in the
.former, and San Migel de Culiacn and Chiametla in the
: Jatter. He named bis new conquest, Greater Spain (Mayor
.Espaa), but the authorities in Spain felt this to be pre-
.!=urnptuous and bestowed the less pretentious title of Nueva
Galicia on tqe region. 1 In the meantime Corts r~turned
rom Spain in 1530 .with the title of Marqus del Valle de
Oaxaca and armed with extensive privileges to continue bis
. discoveries in t~e South Sea; ~hile over against both of the
.rivals the. second audiencia set up its claim to supremacy.
s Guzmn had first ovcrrun Michoacn, but was merely repeating the
_carlier exploration f Francisco Corts and Avalos until he crossed the
Tololotln Rivcr. When thc new tcrritory to the north failed to reveal
. , thc ricltes he. was seeking, he then ignored the earlicr claims of these
agcnts of Corts and dcvotcd bis attention to the south of the River
along the coast as far as the borders of Michoacn and Zacatula.
EXPLORATION 117
Corts, thwarted in bis attempt to assume the military lead-
ership of New Spain, tumed immediately to his shipyards at
Zacatula, Tehuantepec, and Acapulco, where he resumed
work on a large sea le, as f ailure to sail within two years
would makc bis privilege voicJ. Witb renewed hope he bc-
gan the exploration of the coast northward, a task which had
. becn abandoned after .Saavedra's fleet had sailed as far north
as Santiago in Colima in the year 1527.
In, J~-~'~Jhe .fir.st .of ~fleet&.f:wa.s.. ready, and under the
command of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, bis cousin, and
Mazuela, its two vessels set forth up the coas t. But ill for-
tune soon overtook them. Buffcted by storms, plagued by
sickncss, set upon by India~s, and refused pe~ission to land
for provisions and repairs within Guzmn's jurisdiction.
l
both vessels and nearly all of the crews were lost. The discov-
..~!Y. oJ the Tres Maras !stands was the barren result of this
effort. Undaunted by reverses and opposition, Corts des-
patched Bercerra and Grijatva the following year with two
vessels and was rewarded by the discovery of the peninsula
of Lower California. This voy~ge was not a complete tri~
umph, however, as one of bis vessels was lost and the other,
. after murder and mutiny, fell into the hands of Guzmn.
Appeals to the second audiencia only brought orders to stop
his exploring activities, as this body had been secretly in-
. structed to undermine the conqueror's authority. In the
teeth of this opposition, .but with royal authority ~or bis
action, Corts determined to f ollow up thi~ discovery in per-
son and, in midwinter of 1534-1535, he set out at the head of
an expedition to plant a colony in the newly f ound land. The
colony was established at Santa Cruz (La Paz) on the ~nner
coast, but failed to be successful iq that sterile region and he
was forced to break it up in 1536. 2 The news of the arrival of
1
For detaited_accounts of these expeditions sec Bancroft. History of
M tsico, 11. 419-425; Bancrof t, N ortli JI exican Statts, San Francisco.
11~ ANTONtO DE MENDOZA
the vic_eroy had .been brought to him bcfore this time by
. Francisco de Ulloa and hopes f or better treatment at the
.hands of the new goveniment had started him back to New
Spain >0st baste. These hopes were transitory, howcver, as
. Mendo~a could not rccgnize any personagc as cqual or
.greatcr than himsclf in govcmmcntal activity, including dis-
. covery. The exaggcrated politeness which characterized thc
relations of the- two at the otitset incvitably gave way to open
rivalry, emphasized by the enforced withdrawal of Guzmn
. f rom the field, whicJt. lcff Corts and Mendoza alone as the
.~o strong contenders for the right to discover. 1
. In 1536, a new glamo~r was thrown around the work of
discovczy .which ,resultcd in the definite exclusion of Corts.
Threc strangely-clad Spanish wanderers, Alvar N ez Cab-
eza de Vaca, Andrs de Dorantes, and Alonso del Castillo
. Maldonado, accompanied by a Moorish slave, Estevanico,
carne in from the mysterious north with new tales of marvels
. they had seen or heard of in the course of their journcy. They
: were the only survivors, save one, of the three hundred men
on the ill-starred Narvez expedition to Florida in 1528.
._ After several years spent among the lndians in Texas they
had managed to escape and had made their way westward
across Te.xas, Chihuahua, and Sonora to Culiacn, the. torth-
emmost Spanish settlement on the Pacific coast. From there
1884-1889, l. 16-54; and Charles E: Chapman's Tht Founding of Spanis/1
California, pp. 6-8, and A History of California, the S~anish Ptriod, pp.
49 ff.
Guzmn had failcd to produce the wealth his reports had promised
and fate in the person of bis judge of residencia, Diego Prez de la
Torre, had overtakcn him at the viceroy's palacc in Mexico City when he
was on thc point of flight to Gcnoa in ltaly. A period of arrest in the
common jail in Mexico City cnsued until bis rcturn to Spain in 1538,
a disgraced and discrcditcd man. Thc attcmpt of a servant of Cort:1
to pJace bis master's chair on a linc with that of thc viceroy was thc
~ginning of thc open brcach bctwcen thc two men that was to bcar
1
f ruit in thc deliJ?eratc attcmpt of Corts to gct even with his rival at
the time of thc Sandovat visita.-Bancroft, History of M~xico, II. 425,
note 49.
EXPLORATION 119
. .
they were brought to Mexico City, where they lived for sev-
eral months as the guests of the viceroy. 4
Fired by their tales of Indian cities in the Northem in-
'
tcrior,-"'Mendoza-determinett ro-enter fhe ent of discovery
and to appropriate to himsclf the ame of conqering ne
and rich civlzations for the king. To profit by the experi-
ence of the wanderers, he tried to induce them to enter his
service, and one of their number, Andrs de Dorants~ \vas
tendered a commission to explore the northem country, but
for sorne unknown reason the project was. never carried out. 5
Mend~za purchased Estevanico, the Moorish slave, and madc
his ambitions known by applying to the Council of the Indies
f or permission to engage in discovery. 8 A large-scale ex-
For a critica! treatment of thei~ route and wanderings, scc Herbc~
Davenport and J. K. Wells "Th'c First Europcans in Texas," The Soutls-
western Historical Quarterly, XXII. 111-143; 205-260. Translations o
the original narrative by Cabeza de Vaca are contained in Fanny and
Adolph Dandelier, "The Journcy of Alva Nuez Cabeza de Vaca," in
The Trail Maker Series and the Narrative of Alvar Nue:: Cabe,a de
Vaca (F. W. Ho<lgc Edition) in Spataisli Explorati.oris in the Southern
United State.r, 152S-154.!.
'Mendoza, "Premiere lettre" in Ternaux-Campans, Voyagu, IX.
287. Thc plan embraced the scnding o a party o horscmen and friars
into the country Dorantes had hcard about, undcr thc latter's personal
command. Mcndoza spent considerable money prcparing the expcdition
and in his letter is at a loss to explain the fact that nothing carne from his
preparations. Pcrhaps the real rcason was a decision to havc onc of his
own mcn, a pcrsonage of more consequencc, or cvcn himsclf, undcrtake
the entcrprisc. Cabeza de Vaca returned to Spain in 1537 and was re-
wardcd for his scrviccs by an appointmcnt to be adelantado of thc Ro
de la Plata country. In South Amcrica, he distinguishcd himsetf by
anothcr rcmarkable ovcrland journcy and was finalty scnt back to Spain
to spcnd the balance of his days in comparative quict as a residcnt of
Scvilta. Both Castillo Matdona.do and Andrs de Dorantcs remained in
New Spain. Dorantes was rewardcd with the grant of a pueblo, married
the widow of Alonso de Bencvidcs, Doa Mara de ta Torre, and served
with sorne distinction under the viceroy's command in the ~iixton \Var.
Dorantes "experienced deep grief on being asked that Estebanico
serve the viccroy, Don Antonio, and woutd not give him up or fivc
hundrcd pesos in a plate of silver which the viccroy scnt as payrnent
by a third pcrson, but was willing that Estchanico serve thc viccroy in thc
r.amc of His Majcsty without paymcnt becausc of thc good which might
nccruc to thc souls of the Natives of thosc provinccs and to thc interc!lts
of real hacienda." Ohrcgm, Crnica, April 16 and 18, l 584. This
tcstimony !.ccms to indicatc that Estcvanico was lent to the viccroy, not
sold as usually stated in the historil!s which treat of this pcriod.
. pedition was not jtstificd by the mere ~torics of Cabeza de
Vaca and bis companions conceming the marvels which, they
had hcard, existed in the north. To verify these stories and to
secure somcthing definite enough to justify an expedition of
conquest, Mcndoza scnt out a srnall reconnoitering party
under Fray Marcos de Niza, vice-commissioner-general of
the Franciscan Order in New Spain. Simultaneously he be-
gan thc prepration ~f the more f onnidable expedition that
was to depart on the receipt of a favorable report, by sending
a new govcmor to Nueva Galicia, Francisco Vsquez de
Coro. .r.iado, a gentleman of bis personal following." Fray
-e: .......
Uircos was accompanied by Coronado to the limits of Span
ish settlemcnt at Culiacn, and was instructed to proceed with
Estevanico, a lay brother, Oronato, and a few friendly In-
dians, into the unexplored country to see if a large expedition
would be worthwhile. His instructions were precise, and their
. minute directions admirably illustrate the training and ad-
. ministrative ability of the viceroy. 8 Fray Marcos left Culia-
. cn, March 7, 1537, with bis little band. Oronato soon fell
siclc and had to be lef t bchind while the rest pushed on.
Eventually, Estevanico, sent on in advance, while bis com-
9
There are unsubstantiatcd accounts of other expeditions into the
north. In 1538, Fray Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo, provincial .of the
_Franciscan Order, is rcportcd to have sent Fray Juan de la Asuncin
and a companion friar to the lowcr Gila on the lowcr coursc of thc
CoJorado.-W. Lowcry, SJ>anl.rh Stllltmtnl1, New York, 1901, pp.
258. 259; A. F. Bandclicr, Conlribution1, Cambridge, 1890, pp. 79-103.
It is also supposed that thc viceroy may have lcd an expcdition into the
Topia rcgion in northwcstcrn Durango thc same ycar, but lack of food
and the difficultics cncountcrcd in the mountains forccd a return.-Tcr
naux-Campans, Vo,agt.r, IX. 285.
They. are to be found in Pachcco y Crdenas, 111. 325-328. Lowcry
analyzcs thcir contcnts in his Spanish Stttltmtnl.r, pp. 262-264, and points
out that thcy are rcmarkablc and unique" in that "the viceroy had
shrcwdly disguiscd thc arm of the ftesh under the Franciscan .gown,
and the expedition, ostcnsibly undertaktn for the gtory of God, and
prosccutcd at thc expense of the Church, rcceived direct authority from
him to takc possession of any discovery in thc name of his imperial
master." Thc instructions are also notcworthy for their insistencc on a
carcf ul survcy of the country traverscd and by a wise admonition to
.
preserve thc pcaccfut charactcr of thc cxpedition
..
with the utmost scruple.
EXPLORATION 121
mander gathered ~nfornation conceming the coast, sent baclc
by Indian messcnger, in acco~dance with a prcarranged sig-
na!, ''a great cross as high as a man," indicating that he had
discovcrcd a great~r and wcalthicr land than New SpaitL
A sccond cross as large as the first and the messenger, who
verified and amplified the first reports, confinned Fray Mar-
cos in his belief that great things were at hand. In rcality,
. Estevanico had arrived at the Z.ui pueblo Hawaikuh in west-
ern Ncw Mexico. On being.informed that it was the first
of seven, his imagination liad connected it with the mys-
tcrious Seven Cities, long the .object of search, and he mis-
calted it Cbola. Inord~nat~. van~ty and mistreatment of the
natives brought Estevaitico death as a punishment, but Fray
Marcos, undaunted by this sin is ter news, pressed forward
until he caught a distant view of the pueblo, before prudence
turned him back. In his report he stated, "judging by what
I could see from the he~ght where 1 placed myself to ob-
serve it, the settlement is larger than the City of Mexico.
. It appears to me th_at this land is the best and largest of ali
those that have been discovered." 1 With this exaggcrated
notion of thc importance of bis find Fray Marcos then has-
tencd back to Culiacn, and not finding Coronado there, con-
tinued his journey as far as <;:ompostela. Here he composed
reports of his journey for the viceroy and the Provincial of
bis Order which, by reason of the false hopes they gave rise
to, were responsible f or the ensuing expedition and its ul-
timate failure. \Vhile they failed to give first-hand infor-
mation of the presence of great wealth in the north, they at
least encomaged such a belief, and spurred the rival claimants
f or the right to discovcr and possess these new lands to still
greate~ efforts. 10 In the courts of Spain legal suits wcre
Quoted in G. P. Winship, "The Coronado Expedition," in Tht Four-

ltenth Annual Rtport of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 362.
111
As soon as the report of the successfut issue of the joumey of
Fray Marcos reached the viceroy he took precautions to withhold the news
brought to determine the justice of the opposing claims in
whith Mendoza f ound rangcd against him, not only Corts,
Guzmn, and De Soto, but also Pedro de. Alvarado and Lucas
Vsqucz de Aylln. 11 De Soto and Aylln were too distant
for their pretentions to rcceive serious considcration and
Guzmn's career was overas far as the home govemment 'YS
concerned. The real contenders were the viceroy, Corts,
and Pedro de Alvarado. Corts claimed exclusive rights on
the .basis of bis commission as captain-general of New Spain
and bis contract with the King, but bis star was on the wane
and Mendoza treated him with scant regard. After this,
Corts sent out Francisco de Ulloa, in the face of a viceregal
p~ohibition., in 1539, and explored the Gulf of Lower Cali-
fornia to its hcad, but this defiance inade relations between the
two so unpleasant that Corts, realizing the impossibility of
making any headway against such a powerf ul personage,
withdrew to ~pain. n~ver to return, cherishing the deluded
hope thatJ1is past .~ervices would win him a restoration of
favor, power, and .privilege. 12
The only immediate rival of the viceroy Jef t in the lists
was Pedro de Al varado, f ormer lieutenant of Corts and
conqueror of Guatemala. He had recently retumed from
Spain with high honors anda contract, dated April 16, 1538,
to discover and conquer islands in the Pacific. His opposition
could not be formidable, however, as bis contract stated
from bis rivals. In the case of Hcmando de Soto, who had recently
secured the right to discover in Florida and for that reason would claim
it to be within bis grant, all vessels en route to Spain were ordcred
to avoid the Island$ of the West Indies on the home voyage. /bid p. 370.
u-A. G. l., 1-1-2/21, Processo del Marques del Vatte, nuo de Guz-
man y los adelantados Dn Pedro Alvarado y Hernando de Soto y el
licdo Lucas Vasquez de Aylln sobre el descubrimiento que hicieron de
la Nueva Gaticia y tierras del Mar del Sur.
u The natre of his defiancc and thc uncompromising attitudc of
Mcndoza may be gathcred from the fact that the conqueror's petition
flf Scptembcr 4, 1539, to secure pcrmission to send a vessel with thirty or
forty men and supplies to rescuc Ulloa was refused by the viceroy and
audiencia.-A. G. l., 1-1-2/21, Pcticion del Marqus del Vatle, Mexico,
Septembcr 4, 1539, in Processo del Marques del Valle.
EXPLORATION 123
definitely that bis was to be an expcdition by Sea and, more-
over, the viceroy was granted, by the contract, a third inter-
est in it, for what aid he. might. extend. 11 Alvarado arrived
off the coast of Colima in August 1540, with a fleet of
twelve vessels and a force of six hundred men. His need of
supplies and assis.tance from Mendoza threw him into the
latter's hands as an ally rather than an opponent. Luis de
CastilJa and Agostn Guerrero, the emissaries of the viceroy,
met Alvarado on the coast and soon secured his consent to
a meeting between the two to take place at the home of Al-
varado's kinsman, Juan de Alvarado, at Tiripito in ?\fichoa-
cn. At this place, November 29, 1540, the two met and
after a series of conferences entered into a contract in which
Alvarado was given a f ourth share in the proceeds of the
viceroy's expeditions and the viceroy was to have his share_
in the adetantado's ships increased from a third interest to
a half and future expenses were to be borne equa11y by the
two contracting parties from that time forth. 14 By this
agreement Mendoza effectively barred Corts from f urther
discovery and, to this New World triumph, was added the
11
A. G. I., 139-1-3, Libro de la provincia del Poniente que comen~
'en la Villa de VaJ:adolid a diez e seis dias del mes de abril de 1538.
This contains the complete contract with appointments of officials in
the lands to be discovered, with salaries and ali thc usual libcrality con-
taincd in contracts with prospective conqucrors by the Spanish govem-
ment.
"A. G. l., 1-1-2/21. Asiento y catitulacion entre el 'flirrey de la
NuttJa Espaa. D. Antonio de M endo:a y el adelantado, D. Pedro de Al-
wrado, Tiripitio, November 29, 1540; printed in Pacheco y Crdenas,
III. 351.~362. Bancroft, who makes Corts the hero of bis narrativc.
beratcs the viceroy for his action in thus forcing a friend and formcr
lieutenant of Corts to betray his interests. He also accepts the view that
Mendoza, holding the whip hand, practicalty used the advantage Alva-
rado's need of supplies gave him to force the latter to givc him a sharc
in his enterprise. He pictures the interviews as quite stormy with only
the diplomacy of Bishop Marroquin standing between the two and open
hosti1ities.-Bancroft, History o/ Me.rico, II. 495. This is an acceptancc
of the embittered report of Corts and f ai1s to take in to account thc
fourth share in the viccroys expeditions received by Alvarado and bis
very t.vident satisfaction with thc entire arrangement.
. .
ncws of thc report of the fiscal of th~ Council of thc Indica
'of. May 25, 1540, which tumed asidc the requests of ali
claimants for the right to discover to the north savc that of
the viceroy. 11 .
Thc choice of Mendoza for thc leadership of his cxplor-

ing enterprise was Francisco Vsquez de Coronado, who
was appointed govemor of New Galicia in 1538 in prepara-
.
tion f or the northward march. He was a native of Salaman-
. ca in Spain and had come to the Ne~ \V'orld in the viceroy's
retinue. In Mexico he had won the viceroy's confidence and
favor and had married a wealthy wife, Beatrice de Estrada,
the daughter of thc royal treasurer. With such high patron-
age and with such a dazzling opportunity the future of the
young govemor secmed to be assured. With the gathering
of men and provisions f or the entrada under way in Nueva
. Galicia, he sent out a new reconnoitering expedition of fif_teen
men ~dcr Mel~hoir Daz and Juan de Zaldvar, November
.17, 1539., and with their departure from Culiacn hastened
to Mexico City to help recruit the requisite force. The vice-
roy's call f or volunteers met with an enthusiastic response,
as ali the unemployed adventurers of New Spain flocked to
Compostela to join in the venture. 11 Men and supplies con-
verged on this rendezvous and, by February of 1540, threc
. \Vinship, "The Coronado Expcdition," p. 373.
The jaundiced eye of Corts saw a grave peril in this popularity
ami in 1540 he complained that New Spain was being drained of its
citizcns and woutd be lef t defenseless against an Indian revolt. From
evidcnce gathered by Mcndoza to refute this c~rgc it would seem that
- thc majority of the advcnturers who went with Coronado wcrc not
citizcns of thc towns or encomenderos but ncwcomers from Spain and
thc fioating population that a chance for adventure always attracts.
. Indeed, a goodly numbcr of the thrce hundred Spaniards had bcen- living
in Mcxico City on the Viceroy's bounty and could no longer loaf at his
expense with good excuse. Mendoza was undoubtedly pleased to be ablc
t'1 put bis guests to sorne use.-lnformacion del Virrey de Nuna Espaa
D" Antonio de Metsdo:a, de la gente que va poblar la Nurva Galicia
con Francisco Vsques de Coronado# Gobernador de ella, Compostela,
Fcbruary 21, 1540~ in Pachcco y Crdenas, XIV. 373-384.
EXPLORATION 125
hundred Spaniards and eight hundred Indian atlies1 ' were
gathered there, together with a great store of culverines,
horses; mutes, cattle, pJgs, and sheep provided at the viceroy's
expcnse. 11
On Sunday, February 22, 1540, all was ready for the
start and the little Spanish tow~ of Compostela beca.me the
center of European interest in North America. The viceroy
was present in person with his guard and attendant offi.cials
to pass the troops in final review and to impart bis last in-
structions. A host of notable personages were in attendancc
to witness the departure and to bid friends and relatives
"godspeed." It ~as a brilliant spectacle as the three hundred
mailed horsemen, armed with lances and mountcd on picked
. 1
steeds from the viceroy's ranches, accompanied by two hun-

dred f oot-soldiers and over a thousand nati ve allies paraded
by the king's representative. The whites in corselet, casque,
and silks, with lance, sword, harquebus, and crossbow, made
a striking contrast to the swarm of Indians in vivid paint,
fes tive attire, nodding plumes, and with spears, clubs, bows,.
and quilted armor, that crowded the background. The f ol-
lowing day, after they had sworn an oath of fidelity to their
commander, with pennons unfurled and in organized com-
panies, the expedition set forth. Regretting that he could not
go all the way, Mendoza accompanied them on the march
f or two days. In the wake carne almost a thousand camp-
f ollowers, black and red, with the baggage and supply train
of horses and mutes, the latter laden with light mountain
guns, and accompanied by a commissary "on the hoof" of
cattle, sheep, and swine. Vsquez de Coronado, resplen~ent
" Ten thousand Indians wished to go, but the viceroy limited thcir
number to the neighborhood of one thousand.-A. G. I., 48-1-9/31, Tes-
tigo de Coronado, Mexico, January 18, 1547, pregw1ta 200.
11
In certain narrow passes they counted the horses and mutes aftcr
the expedition got under way and the total was 1005 beasts. /bid.,
pregunta 199.
126 ANTONIO. DE MENDOZA
in gildcd armor and gay trappings, hui loath to part. with his
_wife, rode none too gaily to the fate that would mar his
*
carecr. 1
At Chiamctla the main body wa.S rejoined by Daz ar1d
.ZaJdvar, who b~ought in advance an un favorable report. of
the country, where sorne of their Indians had been frozen to
. dcath on thc coast and thcy had been tumed back by the
. exccssive cold which they had encountered. The ill-tidings
leaked out and spread discontent amongst the fine gentlemen
of the expedition, who were already dispirited by the unex.;.
pected hardshi-ps they had been forced to undergo. At
Culiacn, Coronado resolved to leave the main body behind .
to folJow in casy stagcs and pushed on in advan~e .with a
small party~ On July 8th, Hawaikuh was captured and
shortly thercaf ter si de cxpeditions, led by Pedro de Tovar
and Garca Lpez ~e Crdenas, over.came the Moqui ~.illages
and gazed for the first time into the Grand Canyon ~f the
Colrado River. Soon the other" pueblo lndians had been
visited and Alvarado went far to. the East to the Pecos.
Hither the entire anny marched t spend the winter in thc
valley of the Rio Grande in the country of ~igueux.
The_ following spring, after a winter of almost constant
warfare, Coronado started northeastward across the great
buffalo plains in search of great towns and precious metals,
which a wily Indian guide, El Turco, so-called because the
Spaniards thought he looked like a Turk, infonned him lay just
beyond in a land known as Quivira. Coronado probably
penetrated as far as 'the wigwam to~ns of .the Wichita
Indians in modem Kansas before he turned back in Septem-
ber 154L2 Expeditions were also sent far up the Rio
9\Vinship, "Thc Coronado Expedition," pp. 378, 382, note 2, gives a
vivid description of the review and collates the authorfties for thc dates
of thc departurc from Compostela and the arriva! at Culiacn.
Coronado was in Quivira for twenty-fivc days, af!d the ceuntry
must have been fairly thoroughly explored, for he says, in his lettcr to
thc king, that he scnt "Captains and men in many directions." Cf. Coro-
EXPLORATION 127
Grande in search of treasure, but, in the spring of 1542, aftcr
the govemor had bcen seriously inj~red in a toumament and
the men had become almost mutinous, it was decided that the
expedition should be abandoned. Sorne friars elected to
rema in and were killed soon after the departure of the
soldicrs on the return march, i~ April 1542. The journcy
was characterized by insubordination, and by the time Culia-
cn was reachcd, late in June 1542, the army had become al-
most disorganized. Owing to ~he painfulness of his injuries
Coronado had to be carried in a litter and arrived in Mexico
. City with barely a hundred men, so numerous were the de-
- sertions. 21 Mendoza was keenly disappointed in the outcome
of bis venture and showed it when Coronado " . . very sad
and very weary, completely worn out, and shamefaced carne
to kiss the hand of the viceroy," 22 as he had expended a great
sum of money on the e.xpcdition as a wholc and to hclp equip
private individuals. 28 Coronado had not displaycd the great
qualities of leadership cxpected of him, but his joumcy had
accomplishcd certain very important things. It had made
known the vast interior of the continent, and for a time had
dispelled the current illusion that new Mexicos and Peros
existed in that directicn. The sedentary pueblo tribes of the
Southwest, the Grand Canyon of the Colorado, the tribes of
nado's letter to the king, in Winship, "Tbe Coronado Expedition," _p._ 582;
for further information concerning the sojourn in Kansas, scc Richey
.. Early Spanish Exploration and lndian lmplements in Kansas.'' in
Kansas State Historical Society Collections, VIII. 152-168.
A convenient English translation of Pedro de Castafieda's narrative
of the Coronado expedition with a critical introduction and notes cxists
in Spanish Exp/orers in tlie Southern United Statts, 1528-1543. (Original
Narratives of early American Histor3, F .. W. Hodge, cd.) George P.
Winship's account of the expcdition in the Fo11rteenlli Annual Rtport of
lht Bureau of .Etlinology, Washington, 1898, is standard.
Castaeda in Winship, uThe Coronado Expedition.'' p. 539.
A. G. l., 48-1-9/31, Testigo de Franco de Coronado, Mexico, January
18, 1547. Suarez de Peralta, who as. a small hoy witnessed thc entry
of the unsucccssful explorer into Mexico City, says that the viceroy
reccived him with sadness, for he saw the loss of his labor and capital,
but found forgetf ulness of his losses in the government of New
Spain (Tratado del dtscubri111ie11to de las Yndias):
..
the plain9, and thc teeming hcrds of bison had bcen ~iscov
ered, but the trcasure so eagerly pursucd did not exist. Coro-
nado's great advance into the north ranks with the contcm
porary expedition of Hcrnan~o de Soto as die last nOt:able
conquistador cffort Jlefore the Spaniards settled down to th
. slowcr movcment .f ,thc cattle and mining frontier. 24
Coronado returned to his govem.orship over N ew Galicia
in 1542, but bis rul~- \vas cut short in 1544, when a residencia
revealed the '.shortcomings of his administration. Hetd guil-
ty on a nunlber. of charges, involving at lcast gross careless-
ness, he returTied to Mexico City where he spent the remain-
- der of his days serving the dty as a regidor. In 1552 and
.. 1553 he was i~ poor health, and sometime between January
-.. and November the f ollowing year bis death occurred. Cor-
. onado {ell from favor not primarily as the result of the
great failure of bis expedition in search of Cbola but be-
.cause he lacked the qualities of leadership high positions
.demand, and because h~s maladministration of Nueva Galicia
. , exposed bis incompetence as an administrator. The measure
of success enjoyed by the great pioneering enterprise which
will always bear bis name was due not to his ahilities, but
to the organizing genius that stood sponsor for him and
inspired the expedition, Antonio de Mendoza. 28
Sincc the report of Fray Marcos de Niza had given the
~ceroy the impression that the route Coronado's expedition
would f ollow lay along the western ooast, he ordered bis
cha~berlain, Hernando de Alarcn, to f ollow the shore by
vessel, keeping in communication with it. Alarcn left Aca-
Coronado was awardcd the grant of an encomienda for bis meri-
torious services in dscovcry and conquest in 1549, but his maladministra-
tion of Nueva Galicia marred his record so seriously that the audiencia
wrote to the king, February 20, 1548, that "ni et ni Castillo Maldonado
estar para que se les cometa govemacion ni cargos de justicia."-A. G. l.,
87-6-21, Oficio y parte, Nov. 9, 154.9, 121: 58-5-8, Consulta del. abdiencia
d~ la nueva espaa de XX de Febrero de 1548.
For details and ref erenes, sec A. S. Aiton, Thc Latcr Career of
Coronado,'' iq A mtrican H istorical Rt'Vitt.0 XXX. 298-305.
1
EXPLORATION 129-
puteo, May 9, 1540, with two ships, the San Pedro and th~
Santa Catalina, and was joined by the San Gabriel at the port
of Santiago. He knew of the earlicr expcditlon of Ulloa
and procccded up the coast to the .~cad of th gulf, reaching
the shoals at the mouth of the Colorado whcre that navi-
gator had turtcd back. A passagc was f ou~d by thc pilots.
Nicolas Zamorano and Domingo de Castillo, but the swi f t
currcnt and the borc caused by thc tides decided Alarcn to
Jeave bis vessels and go up the river by boat. On August
26th he started with two small boats and twenty men. For
two wecks he toiled up the river and made thc acquaintance
of numerous Indian tri bes, f rom whom he hcard ncws of
bearded strangers like himself in Cbola, armed with swords
and firearms, and calling themselves Chrisrians. . This
was probably the advance guard of Coronado's army, but
Alarcn could get no messenger 'to brave thc unknown descrt
intervening and was obliged to tum back without having
achieved his objectivc.
After Alarcn had careened the San Pedro and built
an oratory to Our Lady of Buen Guia, whose name he bc-
stowed on the river in honor of the viceroy, he started up
the Colorado again, determined to effect a junction with
Coronado. He ascended the river beyond thc mouth of the
Gila to a place where it flowed between high mountains,
probably in the vicinity of Yuma. 21 Here he erected a huge
cross and lef t a map of the strcam with letters which were
subsequently found by Melchior Daz. 21 After rejoining bis.
Lowcry, Spanish Stlllements, p. 294. For furthcr dctaits sce H. R.
Wagner, California Yoyagt.r, 1539-1542, San Francisco, 1925, pp. 82-85.
11
Diaz, lcf t bchind with thc main patty when Coronado pushcd on in
advance, went in search of Alarcn with a party of twenty mcn and
sorne lndian guides. He marched.150 lcaguesto thc region ncar thc mouth
of the Colorado, and found the Alarc6n letters about fiftccn !cagues up
sttcam by land. 'fherc is no cvidencc, howevcr, that he went abovc thc
mouth of the Gila, as he travellcd onty fivc or six days more on thc
Colorado in scarch of a ford, final1y crossing it on a rat, rccrossed, and
rcturncd down atrcam to the coast. Diaz dicd on thc way back to San
.. ships at the river's mouth, Alarcn startcd on
thc return
- joumey, skirting the coast and landing freqt.icntly, still in
. . hope of gctting into touch with Coronado. He rcachcd the
port of Santiago28 in Novcmber, gave a narrative of bis
voyage to Agostn Gurrero and Lus de Castilla, the repre-
scntatives of the viceroy, and sailed away by night to avC?id
trouble with Pedro de Alvarado's flect,.which was anchorcd
in the harbor. The viceroy planned another attcmpt to
communicate with Coronado by sea and to explore more
cxtensivcly thc following year, and issued instructions to
_that cffect May 31, 1541. These vessels were made ready
but the Mbdon Revolt intervened, and Alarcn was placed
on duty .at AutJn with thirty men to aid in holding the
country for the Spaniards. It scems, however, that after
Alarcn's retum Mcndoza sent out anothcr expcdition under
Francisco de Bolaos, which sailed up the outer coast of
Lower California probably beyond Magdalena Bay late in
1541 or early in 1542.29 No official account of the voyage
has been brought to -light as yet; therefore we know little
. conceming the detalls.
aarc~~~ -~.?"~g~:itad retracd. thc gutf coast, first fol-
Iowed by Ulloa, had explored the lower course of the Colo-
rado River, and had made the first contacts of white men with
Gernimo, which place his party reachcd early in 1541.-Bancroft, .Vorlla
.,.1t'Xican Sta tu. l. 88, 89.
Lowery (Spanish Settlemtnts, p. 295) says, "The port of Colima.''
. Bancroft, (North Mtxkan States, l. 93) thinks it was probably Navidad,
but an cye-witncss of the arrival, Joan de Jaso, who had come from
Guatemala with Alvarado, says he had seen Alarc6n return-estando
en la puerta de Santiago .de Buena Esperan~a de la Costa de Coliman
donde estubieron juntos los navos q el dho Hcrnando de Alarcon haya
estando a la sazon en el dho puerto el Armada del Adelantado Dn Pedro
. de Alvarado."-A. G. l., 48-1-1/23, Testigo de Joan de Jaso, Mexico.
May 8, 1546.
. "Y asi mismo envio otra vez el dicho vissorey con ciertos navios a
un fulano de Bolaos a descubrir por la misma costa del poniente." /bid.,
"a un bolaos a descubrir por la costa del sur."-A. G. l., 48-1-1/23,
Testigo de ato de Ba~n. Mexico, May 1O, 1546; also the interesting
material .in H. R. Wagner, CalifornitJ Voy_ages, 1539-1541, pp. 85-96.
EXPLORATION 131
the natives who livcd therc ( whi~h makc~ the report of the
cxpedition valuablc to cthnolo.gists), and had establishcd
the fact that California was not an: island.' Whcn latcr
gcographers forgot thcse ~rly voyages, California was
believcd to be an island for years, a~d was so shown on thc
maps .until Father Kino repeatcd the earticr dcmonstration
of Ulloa and Alarcn.
The death of Pedro de Alvarado in the Mixton War
left Menaoia~T1i possession ot tJteJlee-:i::w1in-.whdi ~Tiey had
planned to engage. in northem- dts~overy tmder the tcrms
of their contract. In 1542 thc viceroy sent part of this
fleet up the o uter coast of Cali f omia and despatched thc rcst
across the Pacific to thc Philippines under Vitlatobos. The
Victoria and the San Salvador were equippcd for thc north-
crn voyage and placed in the command of Juan Rodrquez
Cabrillo, a Portuguese by birth and skilted in navigation. 31
Under him were, as chief pilot Bartolom Ferrelo, as pitot
Bartolom Fernndez, and as mastcrs Antonio Carrera and
S. Remo. Ferrelo, w.ho took o.ver the command after thc
death of Cabrillo, was a native of the Levant.
This little fleet of poorly built, badly provisioncd ships
set sail from the port of Navidad June 27, 1542, on onc of
the most remarkable voyag.es in the history of navigation.
On July 3 the point of Lower California was reached and
by August 5 the vessels anchored off Cedros lsland on thc
outcr ~oast, which was the farthest limit of previous cxplora-
tion. Continuing up the coast, Cabrilla heard of men with
beards, dog~, and Spanish weapons five days inland, and in
an. effort to communicate with them he confided a letter to
thc care of the Indians. . In atl likelihood this was a report
A1arcm's narrativc is accessihle in Lt Yoyagt dt Clbola, appendice
IV. 2<J9. See also Pacheco y Crdenas, IV. 218, Relacion del Armada.
For the map of the Colorado madc by thc pilot, Domingo de Castillo,
sec Winsor, Narrative and Critical Hist01"y of America. Boston and
New York, 1884, 11. 444.
11
Herrera, Historia General, dcc. VII, lib. V, .Cap. 111, 89.
of Cor~nado's party in. the interior at the time. Thc end of
the month of September brought thc two f rail vesscls into
the harbor of San Diego, which they named San Miguel.
Aftcr. Cabrillo left San Miguel harbor bis real troubles
.began. Sailing through the Santa Barbara channcl and
discovcring its islands, bis ships encountered stonny weather
and hcad-winds at Point Concepcin and were forced to make
port at Cuyler's Harbor on San Miguel Island. While
thcre Cabrillo felland broke an arm, bt would not consider
tuming back, and, finally, on November 6, the barrier of
Point Concepcin was rounded. Under most trying weather
conditions, the ships becoming separated, land was sighted
Novembcr 14, near the site of Fort Ross north of San
Francisco Bay, which they missed along with .Monterey Bay
and the intervening havens along the coast. Turning south
again, they discovered Drake's Bay; and," driven south by a
stoim, the ships once more anchored in Cuyler's on
San Mib'llcl Island. Hcre, on January 3, 1543, abrillo di d
and in bis honor the !stand was named Isla de uan od-
rquez.
Ferrelo, the sccond i~l~t.omma 0d, deteanjn.~d,tg_J)~~~~~one
more~~P.~,~~~d ~~~~e ~ctu~JJl~!> N~~-S~in a~~.~--
Fsome l!~P~rati<ms.... sailed~.::t~l>rn~n 18.. By. a
most e.x_traoidmary display of endurance and skill he reached
a ,northe;; latitude of 42 in the neighborhood of the Rogue
Rivcr in Oregon. 12 Driven apart by a heavy storm thc two
11
Thc diary, which is rcally a summary or prlcis, p_ves 44 north
Jatitude, but this has becn corrected by G. Davidson to 42 in "An Exam-
ination of somc of thc ca,rly Voyages of Discovery," in Report of tht
SM/Jtrintendmt of tlit u. s. eoast and Geodetic Suroey, App. 7, pp.
155-253, and Gcographical Socicty of thc Pacific, Transactions and Pro-
tttding.r, second ser., IV. 16, citcd by H. E. Bolton in Spanish ExpltJration
in tht Southwcst 1542-1706 (Original Narratives of American History,
J. Franklin ameson, ed.), p. 9. This volumc contains a very usef ul Eng-
Jish translat1on of thc diary of thc Cabrillo-Fcrreto voyagc, with a critica!
introduction and f ootnotcs. Thc original is printed in Pacheco y Cr-
. dcnas, XIV. 165-191, undcr thc titte ''Rctacion del descubrimiento q hizo
Juan Rodriqucz Navegando por la contra costa dei sur al norte hecha por
EX~LORATION. 133
vessels as they tumed south were reunitcd at Cedros Island,
March 24, 1543. Thcy complcted the retum voyage on
April 14, when they. cast anchor in Navidad after an ab-
sence of nine and one half months.
The mariners who rcturned from this voyage were en-
gagcd by Mendoza to undertake the rescuc of thc Villalobos
expcdition. While he was preparing the armada, in ordcr to
occupy their time, he dispatched them to .Peru with three vcs-
sels loaded with mares and colts from bis ranches. The three
vessels were held in Peru and with them, not only the vice-
roy's ships, mares, colts, and supplies, 31 but the men who
Juan Paez." As there has becn sorne doubt conceming the authorship of
Juan Pez, the writer examined the original in the Archivo General de
Indias ( 1-1-1/20 [70]) and verified the note in handwriting of thc
time, "De Ju Paez" and also noted the additional annotation, which is
not included in the printed document, "no ymporta," a common secre-
taria! notation on the backs of documents not considered important enough
for the consideration of the Council of the Indies. This whole subject
of the Juan Pez Diary is treated in H.' R. Wagncr, Tht Spanish South-
w~st, 1542-1794, pp. 91 ff. Since writing that work he has, through
f urthcr jnvestigation to be published soon, determint'd that Juan Pez
is Juan Pcz de Castro, who was appointed royal Cronista in 1555, and
that the documeht, as we bave it, is an abridged transcript of the original
for bis use.
11
"Q aviendo el d'ho vissorey enbiado ciertos navios .at descubrimiento
delas yslas del poniente, y otros al dcscubrimo de la costa de la Mar del
Sur en cumplimo del asiento q el d'ho vissorey y don Pedro de Alvarado
avian tomado con S. M., bueltos Jos q avian ydo en descubrimiento de la
d'ha costa y qucriendose despedir los marineros della por entretenellos
para el socorr9 q esperava hazer Jos q avia ynbiado los d'hos yslas,
concerto conellos de darles tres navos con el bastimiento necessario para
q hiziesen viajes al Pcru, en el entretanto q aderecava el d'ho socorro;
y por q no se querian encargar de los d'hos tres navos sin q tes diese
carga, el d'ho vissorey les ofreci carga de sus yeguas y potros, en caso
q no hallasen fletes de otras partes y q les dava de ftcte de cada cab~a
sesenta Pos de oro de minas . q en cumplimiento del d'ho asiento
los d'hos marineros se encargaron de los d'hos navos y los fletaron su
voluntad, y llevaron en los d'hos navos solas diez y seis cab~as de yeguas
y potros del d'ho vissorey, de q no llegaron 'ivas salvo d~e, los cuales
tomo Machacao, y les repartio entre los soldados ; y los navfos, por de-
tcnellos, como los detuvo, se perdieron y se echaron al travcs, sin q nin-
guno volviese esta nueva espaa, por manera q del d'ho yiaje el d'ho
vissorey no solamente no yntereso cosa alguna, antes perdio . todos sus
navios yeguas y potros y bastimientos..."-A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Inter-
rogatorio del sefior vissorcy, questions 226, 227; full text printed by
Joaquin Garca lcazbalceta, in Coleccin dt documntlos tara la historia
dt M lxico, Mexico, 1866, II. 125, under the title .. Fragmenta de la visita .
hecha Don Antonio de Mendoza." .
I
134_ ANTONIO DE .MENPOZA
might have given us .a more complete account of their pre-
vious experienccs along the coast of Upper California.
.. Tbe ~~rill~~c::r_:.!o__.!~Y!l.K!L~4. ~~pku:.c;.d_t_b~ .1?acific
Coast from Cabq del En~ii9;.~~AZ~fQf,.the . firsltime,
. and from. tS record soinc seventy places have been identified
_ by modern schotars.14 It represents a great achievcment in
. -:-. navigation,. when the means at the disposal of the mariners
._ is taken into consideration, which has not been given due
--credit in comparison with similar voyages on the east~m
coasts of the continent.
While the Cabnllo-Ferrclo voyage was in progress, Men-
doza despatched Ruy Gmez de Villalobos31 with two ship~
.:,- and three smaller craft~ carrying three hundred and seventy
: mcn, from the port of Navidad to found a colony on the
- lsland of Zeb in the Philippines. These vessels were also
_ ... sorne of those that the viceroy inherited from Pedro de Al-
varado. The expedition f ailed to obey thc instructions not
to settle within the limits of thc territory claimed by Portu-
_gal in the East and soon became involved in difficulties with
the nationals of that country. The King of Spain advised
Mendoza that since Portugal daimed thc lands Villalobos had
attempted to settle, the project would have to be abandoned.11
- Efforts were made to send vessels back across the Pacific to
N cw Spain, but contrary winds prevented, and at .last the
survivors f ound their way back to Europe by way of the
Cape of Good Hope.n
"That thc name Mendocino was applied to one of the northcrn capes
by Ferrelo is doubted by Davidson and othcr modcm scholarf.
Somctimes given as "Ruy Lpez," sometimcs as "Ruy Gmez."
Mendoza was quite vcxcd by this set-baclc and in a lettcr to Juan
de Aguilar hoped that he ( or onc of bis sons) might be permitted to go
in person to thc Rast, where he would stand on thc linc of demarcatiQn,.
and, with only a cape and sword, would show the Portuguese what right-
fully bclongcd to them.-Carta Juan dt Aguilar. in Pacheco y Crdenas,
lll. 510. . .
Some rctumed to. N ew Spain, circumnavigating thc globe, as for
_ instance, Pero Belbas, who testified during the Sandovat visita : A. G. l.,
48-1-9/51, Testigo de Pero de Belbas, Mexico, 1547.. Villalobos, whom
EXPLORATION 135 .
It is prob1:blc that during this voyage the HaWaiian
Isla~ds wcrc first totichcd by whitc men, whcn two vcsscls
undcr Alvai;-o de Sa.avedra were lost f rom the rcst of thc
expedition in a stonn onc thousand lcagues from port. At
least, Hawaiian tradition tells of a forcign vcssel wrccked
on thc coast of Keei Ca at about this same time, and relates
that two of the crew lived and became the ancestors of thc
royal line.18 There is strong evidence of the discovery of
this group by Juan Gaetano. the pilot of the Villalobos cx-
pedition, when in 1555 he . named them the Islas. de Mesa.
No account of the discovery has been unearthed savc an
anonymous chart, belleved to be that of the Spanish gallean,
preserved in Madrid, which records 'the discovery as made by
Gaetano. 89
In addition to thcse larger movements of discovcry,
just reviewed, Mendoza was4nter~sted in_-~h~ ..~Qnquest of
Yucatn, which was being pushed to a conclusion througlout
bis perioa,~ a:nd in lesser entradas, of which wc only have
vague mention, into the Chichimec country to the north,
which will be discussed in connection with the Mixton
War. Under his direction and with direct aid from him in
money, ships, horses, cattle, sheep, munitions, and supplies
of all kinds, one of Spain's mgst remarkable cxhibitions of
exploring activity had taken place. The "Northem Mystery"
had been penetrated by land and by sea and Spanish curiosity
about current "tales of the marvelous" had been thoroughly
Burncy describes as a brother-in-law of the viccroy, dicd on the lsland of
Amboyna in 1543, more from vexation than any actual sickness.-Bumey,
A Chronological History of tht Discoverits in tht South Sea. London,
1803, l. 226, 236.
11
Tht Discovery of tht Solomon I slands by Alvaro dt M endaa in
1568 (The Hukluyt Society; Lord Amherst of Hackney, Basil Thomp-
son, eds.), 1, Introd. p. ii.
/bid. I .. Introd. pp. iii, iv; Bolttn dt la sociedad Geogrfica de
Madrid, tom. II. 347, tom. XI. 7. An original account of the Villalobos
cxpedition is the Relacion del viaje que hi::o desde la Nueva Espaa a los
islas dtl Poniente Ruy Gomez de Villalobos. Lisboa. 1 dt Agosta de 1548.
in Pacheco y Crdenas, V. 117-209.
..
_136 . ANTONIO DE MENDOZA

.- gratified by a revclation of lcss exciting truth. In thc East, .
: Portugucsc mastery had becn disputcd and thc Philippincs
namcd. If ncw wondcrs had cxistcd, Antonio de Mendoza
.. .. would havc gonc down in history as a grcater conqueror tha11
... Corts or Pizarro. As it is, he will be remembered as the
_grcatest_Qrpnii~r <?.! cxplo~ing cxpeditions irt t~e sixteenth
century.
...,______,.....,._,,.
...

CHAPTERVI
THE TESTING OF THE VICEROYALTY
The govemment which Antonio de Mendoza had in-
stituted with such vigor and prudence during the first years
of bis rule was destined to experience two severe challenges
before he achieved a generally aclmowledgcd success. The
first of these was a serious revolt of the natives in Nueva
Galicia, known as the Mixton War; the sccond was a deter-
mined endeavor to discredit bis. rule and to oust him from
bis high office, headed by the visitor-general, Francisco Tello
de Sandoval. The military skill of the viceroy saved New
Spain from a general uprising of the natives, in the first
instance, and the genuine merit of bis work as viceroy, plus
the powerful influence he was able to wield at court, per-
-mitted him to vindicate bis reputation and to save the bene-
fits of the viceregal rule for New Spain in the second.
The successful weathering of these two storms, one from
within and on~ from without, enabled ?vlendoza to face the
last years of bis rule as an official of demonstrated success,
the undisputed master of the situation and an indispensable
servant of the. king. Ind~ed~ he was almost too successful,
as the firm conviction of his excellent qualities meant that no
relief from office could be accorded him and that he should
eventually die in the harness.
Nuo de Guzmn, as govemor of Nueva Galicia, by bis
enslavement and mistreatment of the nati ves, had left a
legacy of discontent in that province which in 1538 had flared
up in a revolt of the inhabitants of the northern region lying
about Jocototln. His successor i~ office, Diego Prez de
Ja Torre, suppressed the movement by force but lost ~s lifc
in the decisive battle of the campaign. Coronado was ap-
. .-.138 ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
. pointcd acting govcmor as soon as the news reached the cap-
ital, but thc actual labor fcll on Cr~stbal de Oate and the
chicf-justicc, Lus de Galido. When Coronado departed
to search f or Cbola, Ofiate carried on the govcmment, but
with a great handicap sincc bis superior had mcrely used
.the province as a base for bis expedition and ~use of bis
~bsorbed intercst in the new conquest had--so neglected its
affairs that he left portions of it in open revolt-a condition
which was to spread and to threaten N ew Spain when he
.departed with bis fine body of troops. 1 No blame for what
happened was lodged at the door of Cristbal de Oate, the
active hcad of the ~overnment of the province, by his con-
tcmporaries or by latcr historians. 2
Various definite opinions have been advanced as to what
, :. were the immediate causes of the outbreak of widespread
.. -rebellion in Nueva Galicia. The cruelty of the encomen-
. dcros is given as the principal cause and the departure of such
a large body of soldiers as the opportunity for revenge and
. ~ -pcrhaps complete liberation. Sandoval, in bis charges against
the viccroy at the condusion of bis visita, placed the blame on
Mendoza. and alleged that the ill-treatment accorded thc
. .
..
1
The inhabitants wcre appr~hensive that thc coronado cxpcdition
.. would strip thc provincc of its dcfcnders, but at thc review of thc troops,
February 27, 1540, an inspcction of the roster showed that only two wcre
- citizcns of Mcxico and two of Guadalajara. The grcat butk of the force
. were ncwly arrived advcnturcrs attracted by the f ame of thc entrada.
Whi!c uscf ul in the evcnt of. an uprising, which seemcd to be a rathcr
remotc contingcncy, they were mcrcly a burden. on thc viceroy and the
community in time of pcacc. Their participation in thc expedition
seemed to be a wise utitization of othcrwisc wasted energy.-Bancroft,
History 'of Mtxico, 11. 468.
Cristbal de Oatc is praiscd !>y all who kncw him and was onc of
. thc few to escape censure fo the swecping invcstigation of conditions in
. Nueva Galicia conducted by the visitor Lorenzo de Tejada in 1544
. . Tejada even goes out of his way to state that during Coronado's absencc,
Oate, he found. ''avcr usado del dho oficio bien e diligentemente segun
q buen gobernador debia hazcr e aber syrvido S. Mt. en el dho cargo
especialmente en la pacificacion de tos rebeliones e levantamientos desta
.-. gobcrnacion e provincia."-A. G. l., 48-3-3/30, Residencia secreta con
. Cristobal de Oate, sentencia, Guadalajara, September 16, 1544.
Bancroft, History of Mexico~ 11. 4~3.
THE TESTING OF THE VICEROYALTY 139
natives by the men on the viceroy's various exptoring ~
ditions, particularly the Coronado party, provoked thc revolt.'
This accusation was indignandy denied by both Coronado
and the viceroy, who pointed out that the route of thc for-
mer's anny lay through the pueblos of Avalos fully forty
Jeagues from Tlatenango and the fortified hill or pcol of
Tepestistaque near by, the scene of the first revolt, and that
the port of Navidad, the center of his sea explorations, was
seventy leagues from that place, so that neither the land nor
sea expeditions could have been responsible. 0 The adminis-
tration claimed that the real -cause was the incitement to revolt
of the wild tribes in the north who carne down from the
mountains of Tepeque and Zacatecas and urged the pcacc-
' que ha entendido en enbiar gente de guerra por mar e por
tierra a descubrir nuevas tierras e yslas y se ha ocupado en ello y por
malos traticntos que Recibieron los yndios naturales de la provincia de
Xatisco de la gente que enbiaua a las dichas armadas y descubrimientos
e~pecialmente de los que enbio a la tierra nueba de cibola los dichos yndios
se Revelaron e atc;aron contra el servicio de su magestad y mataron es-
pafioles legos y religiosos e quemaron yglesias e hczicron otros daos."
-A. G. l . 48-1-2/24, Cargos que resultan de la visita secreta contra el
muy illustre seor don Antonio de Mcnd~a, Mexico, ] une 21, 1546, Cargo
35. Sandoval based this charge on the similar complaint of Corts
voiced in Spain in 1543. Corts had gone farther in his charge with an
additional accsation that Mendoza had e~tortcd men and provisions
from the dcstitute Indians.-Corts, "Peticion al Emperador,'' in lcazbal-
ceta, Coleccin de documents para la historia de M xico. 11. 63.
After demonstrating th~t the witnesscs in the visitas who had testi-
fied against him were personal enemies and merely showing spite and that
a host of worthy witnesses testified to. the truth of bis statement of thc
case, the viceroy said . . . lo niego porque la gente de la armada passo
y estuuo apartada sesenta leguas de los pueblos que primero rreuelaron
y por estar tan lexos los dichos pueblos reueladas del camino por do .Ja .
gente de la armada yva no pudieron rrecebir los malos tratamientos de
que en et cargo se haze mencion.."_;_A. G. I., 48-1-2/4, Descargos del
Virrey, Mexico, October 30, 1545, d~scargo 35. A similar statement is
made by the viceroy in A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del seor
vissorey, preguntas 130, 131. Coronado atso ctaimed that Mendoza had
purchased maize and other foodstuffs from the Indians in Avalos in
order .to prevent any molestation of the natives of Jalisco. Miguel de
Ibarra and a host of other witnesses concur and in addition point out
that Alvarado's arrival could have nothing to do with the rebe11ion as
he arrived af ter it was an accomplished fact.-A. G. l., 48-1-9/31, Tes-
tigo de Franco de Coronado, Mexico, January 18, 1547, preguntas 130.
131; A. G. l., 48~1-5/27, Testigo de Miguel de Ybarra, Compostela,
January 26. 1547, preguntas 130, 131.
..
ful nativcs of the pueblos of Tlatenango amf' Suchipila to

throw off the Spanish y~ke. They pointed out the weakness
_of the Spaniards and their medicine men promised victory,
telling them that they would no longer need to sow maize
. or any other grain, as food would be provided miraculously,
and that the ancient gods and their resurrected ancestors
with great riches in jewels of gold and turquoise, f eathers,
mirrors, magic bows and arrows, dothes for men and women,
and many other wonders, would lead them to
an assured
triumph. What the Spaniards were f acing was a religious ,,
revolt from out of the north, with the superstition of the
. aborigine fighting against the.m, not with them, as had been
the case in the conquest of Mexico. The new religion prom- .
ised cverything from sensual pleasure to immortality to those
who would desert Christianity, and threatened unbelievers
with dire penalites. Its political danger lay in its appeal to
.the native and in its declaration of unrelenting war against
ihe Spaniards and ali Christians in the N ew World.' The
"Que estando los yndios de tlatenango de ta dicha provincia que es
mas de sesenta leguas de compostela muy qietos y sosegados y aviendo
asentado monasterio de rteligiosos franciscos en suchipila vinieron vnos
yndios de la serrania de Tepeque y ~acatecas a ciertos pueblos que confinan
con tlatenango que se llaman cuitlan y hueli y coltlan y tepeque con .IG.
habla del diablo que ellos llaman tlatol y Uegaron a tlatenango donde
juntaron los seores y principales y ma~equales del a los quales hablaron
jziendoles rtosotros somos mensajeros del diablo c1 qual se llama tecocoli
y venimos a hazeros saber como ~1 viene y trae consigo rresucitados a
todos westros antepasados con muchas rriquezas y joyas de oro y tur-
~ucsas y plumas y espejos y arcos y flechas que nunca quiebran y mucha
. rropa para nuestro vestir y muchas quentas y otras cosas para las mugercs
y hazcos saber que los que le crcyerdes y siguierdes y dexardes la dotrina
de los frailes nunca morireys ni tenays necesidad y lo~ vicj os y viejas se
tomaran m~os y concibiran por muy viejos que sean y las sementeras
. .se os haran sin que nadie p0nga tas manos en ellas y sin que llueba y
la lea del monte ella se os vendra a casa sin que la traiga nadie y el
~ue fuere al monte despues del diablo venido comeran tigres y leones
y que a los ynd~os mandaria que tuuissen las mugeres que quisiesen y no
uno como los f rayles dezian y que tuuiesen por cierto que el yndio,
~l yndia que c1eyase en dios y n<> en el diablo luego no veria mas luz y
seria comido de los bestias. . :"-A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Descargos del
Virr~y, Mexico, Octobcr 30, 1546, descargo 35.
'" . rrobarian quanto tuuiescn y de a11i (Guadatajara] a jalisco y
mechoacan y a Mexico y a do qui~r.a que huuviera Xrisptianos 1Qs
truth with respect to the ~use of the Mixton War was prob-
ably a combination of both views. .The Indians in encomi-
enda in Jalisco were ripe for rebellion, owing to the harsh
treatment they had received from their masters, 8 but no great
revolt would have occurred without the incitement of the
new religion introduced by the unconquered strangers of the
north. A contributing cause was the slow realization by the
Spaniards of the formidable character of the movement, so
that much precious time was wasted in futile negotiation and
smatl expeditions until the growth of lndian strength com-
pelled them to jeopardize the entire military power of New
Spain in a final desperate attempt to stem the rising tide of
red.
The "messengers of the devil," as the Spaniards called
those who preached the new religion, first appeared at Tlatc-
nango and the chief men and their followers were soon per~
suaded to desert Christianity. At Suchipila, Xuitleque, chicf
of -the Indians and respected by ali, was likewisc converted
and the two peoples united in retirement to the rocky hill or
peol of Tepestistaque northward toward Zacatecas with
the emissaries of the new god. While they f ortified thc
peol the mes$engers continued to impart their tidings to
. them and to delegations from other tribes. Peta~al, the chief
of the pueblo of Jalpa, was won over with bis people and
carne to Tepestistaque, as was Tenamastel or Tenemaxtli,
brother of the Lord of Nochistln (or Nuchistln), who
matarian y rrobarian.. ."-Ibid. " .. Yria el diablo a Guadalajara
y a jalisco y a mechoacan y a Mexico y a guatimalo y a do quiera que
Xrispianos huiese.. ."-/bid.
This harshness cou1d not have been universal, for thcre are numerous
examples of encomenderos rescued from death by their Indians during
the cpurse of the struggle and two Franciscan friars in Suchipila, Martn
de Vera and Pedro de la Concepcin, despitc thc branding they had
suffered at the hands of the natives, expressed nothing but Christian for-
giveness.-A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Testigo de Miguel de Ybarra, Compostela.
January 26. 1546, pregunta 125.
142 ANTONIO PE MENDOZA
".arrived with a contingent from that town. This last defec-
~ . tion was. a good indication of the gravity of the situation, as
. Tenemaxtli had been baptized and given the Christian name
Diego Zacatccas and was an alguacil of the church and the
king's justice in bis district. On the ~ol of Tcpestistaque
thc sorcerers or m.edidne men of the Zacatecas Indians con..
tinued to preach their f aith, practiced the ancient bloody
; rites, and predicted thc defeat of the Spaniards as new re-
. cruits carne to join thcm. 10 To convincc their growing fol-
.... lowing of the truth of their claims to supematural powers
thcy conceived a .clever stratagem. Toribio de Bolaos was
. : ;. induced to come to Tlatenango in bis capacity of alcalde of
... Guadalajara to effect the arrest of a native chieftain, Teu-
: - quitate, under the belief that the natives had returned to th~ir
.homes, and then was followed and attacked two hours before
. dawn .while sleeping in the fields with his prisoner and one
Spanish companion, Alonso Lpez. The latter was killed and
the prisoner lost, but Bolaos, though wounded, succeeded
in reaching Suchipila, wher.e Miguel de !barra, visitor and
captain of 'flatenango, with-. Fray Antonio de Segovia, was
trying to pacify the inhabitants, following a fruitless visit to
.. Thc ~vement was accompanied by deeds of violcncc. At Jatpa the
. Cascancs dtovc out thcir encomendero, Diego de Proano, and his. com-
..' panio~1. Bartolom de Mendoza, while at Tlatenango, Gonzalo Vare lo was
. set upon but managed to escape with sonie wounds, and one Gonzalo
.. Garijo narrowly cscaped death by fteeing on horseback; white at Suchipila
: two Spaniards and a, Negro werc killed and the encomendero was drivcn
:cut. Similar disturbances occurred cverywherc in the area of the revolt.
: -A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Articulos para la provan~ sobre lo de jalisco,
..:... Mcxico, May 16, 1546.
Bancroft (Histry of Me.rico, 11: 590-611), follows Mota Paditla,
:,. Bcaumont, and other writcrs in making the pcoles of Nochistln and
Mixton the scenc of early rcsistance and does not mention the more .
, northerly strorghold of Tepestistaque, although he does mcntion Tla-
tenango, Suchipila, and ] alpa in conncction with the appearance of the.
Zacatecan sorccrers. The writer in his account has followed the narra-
frvcs of the actual participants, Miguel de !barra, Cristbal de Oatc,
Antonio de Mendoza, and others, which are agreed that Tepcstistaque was
the first armed camp organized by thc natives.
THE TESTING .OF THE VICEROYALTY 143
Tepestistaque. 11 This bold attack had the effect anticipated
by the Indians, who wished to Jure Ibarra into an attack on
their pcol, accompanied by a force of apparently fricndly
allies who would lead him into a prcconcerted ambush.
Ibarra reacted as the medicine men had hoped. After a
consultation with the Franciscans in charge of the arca~ Fray
Martn de Vera and Fray Pedro de la Concepcin, he sent
out .an cmergency call to atl Spaniards for reinforcements.
The Spaniards in the vicinity responded, and the opportunc
arrival of others from Guadalajara swelted bis little troop to
s~venteen Spanish horsemen, and fifteen hundred Tonal
alJies were induced to accompany him. 12 In addition a num-
ber of Cascanes. joined bis little band from the towns of
Suchipila, Jalpa, and others in the arca of disaffection, with
loud protestations of friendship, in order to carry out their
treachery. Fortunately, !barra mistrusted them, as he was
warned of their plot in advance. At bis request Fray Martn
u lbarra had set out to reconnoitre the situation with an escort of
1even Spaniards, soine fricndly Indians, and a f ew Franciscan f riars. He
had pcnctratcd to thc peol of Tcpestistaque and had catled on the revolted
Cascancs in the fortress to lay dow!} their arms and to retum to their
homes in thc presencc of thc royal notary, Juan de Salinas. But their
prompt answer had been an armed sally in such strength that !barra.
in view of the wnkness of his force, retreated to Suchipila.-A. G. I ..
48-1-5/27, Testigo de Miguel de Ibarra, Compostela, January 26, 1547.
Bancroft has no account of this first expcdition in his history.
Bancroft, History of Me.rico, 11. 493, says" somc twenty-five Span-
- iards anda considerable force of friendly Tlajomulco and Tonal Indians...
Mendoza (A. G. l., 48-1-2/24,. Descargos del Virrey, Mexico, October 30,
1546, descargo 35) sets the number of Spaniards at fourteen, but 1 have
followcd lbarra's account cited above. Bancroft's story is based on thc
early chroniclers Fray Antonio Tc11o, Matias de Mota Padilta, and Fray
Beaumont de la Pursima Concepcin with sorne stight attention to thc
documents conta1ned in Icazbalceta, Coleccin de doettmtntos, II, namely,
Fragmenta de la visita hecha d don Antonio de M endo:a, 72-140; Peti-
cion contra J.ftndo~a, 63-64; Rtlacion de la jornada qHe hi:o don Fr41'1-
cisco de Sandoval Acca:itli, Octobcr 20, 1541, 141-154; and the standard
secondary works at the tiqie he wrote. As the sworn testimony of all
thc participants In the war, contained in the Sandoval visita, was not
avaitable whcn he wrote. Bancroft dismisscs Mendoza's account as biased
and, ever a staunch defender of Corts, he accepts the conqueror's cm-
bittcrcd criticisms as true. T.he writer has chosen to present the story
of thc revolt from the narratives of thc military commaitders, believing
them to be better judges of what actually took place. .
144 ANTONIO DE MEND.OZA
de ta Corua and bis companions spokc to. thc Cascancs and
.
admonishcd them to the effcct that .anv traitorous act woutd
be scverely punished. Th~n he set f orth once more f or the
pCol of Tepestistaque, bringing the friars atong as wit-
nesscs to the sincerity of his offcrs of peaee. On the line of
ma~ch the CasCanes belme u~ruly and threatened to kill
the Tonal Indians, who promptly deserted, with the exception
.. of about one hundred chie.f men. The following day these
: Tonal ~ndians divulgcd the -full details of t~e plot and told
him of the ambush that awaited in a gulty wooded with
. cedars, wher the Spaniards would be unable to use their
horses. He seized the ringleaders and executed ten or twelve
of them as ~ warning and sent the rest of them to their homes.
rhis took place two leagues from the peol, and two days
later he arrived within sight Qf the strongplace and the In-
dians swarmed out to the appointed place of treachery. 11
.!barra called upon them to lay down their arms and to retuni
t~ their homes and promised them amnesty, but was answered
_. by a erce attack. Thc battle raged for over f our hours
-.. before the onslaught was repulsed just at sunset. 14 !barra
.and several of the Spaniards were severely wounded and a
. ~umber of the horses injured, but they camped on the field
of the encounter that night. 11 When morning carne !barra
11
"Dos leguas antes del dicho pcftol nuestro seftor fue servido de
descubrir la trama y traicion que los dichos Yndios tenan ordenada y el
"dicho Miguel d Ybarra prendio ciertos p"rincipales que eran en la traicion
y sabida la verdad por su confision y informaciones hizo justicia dellos
y a los Yndios cuyos caciques hcran justiciados los despidio y ynbio a sus
asas llevar las. espaldas seguras y dos dias des pues des to llegados lo!
espaoles, a uista del peol los yndios salieron a ellos con mano armada
al lugar scnalada que era arrQyo de los cedros donde estaua concer-
tado."-A. G. I., 48-1-2/24., Descargo del virrey, Mexico, Octobcr 30,
l 546, pregunta 36.
. s. Bancrof t makes the t>Col of Mixton the seenc of this smart skir
, niish, which is an error, smce Ibarra and the other veterans of the war
describe it as being fought befrc the peol of Tepcstistaque.
11
But noi comfortably, for they were ''harto heridos trabajados y
maltrcchos."-A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Testigo de Miguel de !barra, Compos-
tela, January 26, 1547, pregunta 125.
THE T~STING OF ~~E'VICEROYALTY 145
took counsel with the friars '3.rtd' resolved to retire, as bis
force was insufficient. 11 An~r a further ineffectual attcmpt
. to negotiate a peace with the . na~ives, he retreated to Suchi-
pila.1' At this place ncw disorders had brQken out which he
quieted temporarily and proceeded to Teul, wherc he rcscued
one Bobadilla and bis f amily from the revolted Indians. .
Ibarra then made his way ~s rapidly as possible to Guadala-
jara by way of Nochistln, effecting the rscues of unfor-
. tunate Spaniards and N egroes as he went. 18 By this time
peaceful meas ures had become. useless. The movement had
gathered such momentum that ne~ posts on the pe~les of
Mixton, Acactic, Nochistln, and. :~liinao had been established,
and ali the Cascane tribes were flocking to the conclaves
of the "devil worshippers," and the Tonal Indians wcrc
secretly rep~esented atthese gatherings. The spread of the
revolt. was everywhere. caccom_p~pied by deeds of violence
against encomenderos and Neg(ocs. The only ray_of com-
fort in the situation was the fact that the actual arca in active
rebellion was limited to the region north of the Tololotln
River and east of the mountains just west of Tlatenango,. the
focus of the disturbance. c;onditions, white grave, were not
desperate as yet, and prompt action could remedy matters.
Failure to take these active me~sures would, on the other
hand, give rise to most serious complications, as ali thc
native warriors of Nueva Galicia from Culiacn in the ex-
H .. Porque el dicho capitan Miguel de Ybarra no Heuaua mas de
catorze espaoles y un arcabuz y una ballesta y el pefiol hcra muy fuerte
y de mucha gente y pertrechado de atbarradas."-A. G. l., 48-12/24,
Descargo del virrey, Mexico, October 30, 1546, pregunta 35.
"His cncounter with Toribio de Bolaos, alcalde of Ttatcnango, at
thls place occurrcd befo re this expedition, not af ter his rctum, as som
writers statc.-A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Testigo de Toribio de Bolaos, Mcxi-
co, pregunta 7. .
11
A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del seor vissorey, pregunta 143.
Bancroft and the writers he follows at this juncturc indicate that Crist-.
bal de Ofiatc sent Diego de Vsquez posthaste to thc viceroy in Mcxico
for help. As thc viceroy was already prcsent in ~ueva Galicia this docs
not seem plausible.
treme north to the borders of Michoacn in .the south only
, waite<i for the success of their kinsmen to make common
cause with them.
~en~ t}le m~~~m~~~ . C?f .~evolt hcgan, MeD!JQz;a was just
rcturning to Navidad from a cruise with his fleet, probably
lrom Santiag& and- _d~ppC~~--~f!~~f~~-th~i~t~~~ . <Jay~
~~1540,nol~quite-a year after t~e departure of Coronado. 11
Tlie revolt WflS apparently only local in character and could be
handled by the local authorities, so he went about bis regular
business wldisturbed. When !barra retumed with the ill-
tidings of the spread and magnitude of the rebetlion at the
time t~t ~e peol of Mixton was co~~~~~gJnt~~ed
Indian camp, he was In tte'VilTa '<fe"Vrificacin, sout4 pf the
... river near t~e o~,--codcting a .visita. 20 When he was
.apPrtsecfOfthe new tunl..of e~nts he hastened to Guadata-
. jara to hear the details and to consult with the p~ovinciat
. officials.. Before taking drastic meas ures, he sent to the In
dians at Suchipila one more >Cace embassy, consisting of
Fray Martn de Jess, guardian of the monas.tery at Suchi-
pila, and the notary Juan Leon, with a. small armed esort
under Miguel de Ibarra. When the Indians proved obduratc
and attempted to kitl his messengers of peace, it was decided
that force must be u sed to bring them to their sen ses. A
great junta was held in Guadalajara at which the viceroy,
Pedro de Alvarado, Cristbal de Oate, Bishop Marroquin
of Guatemala, Miguel de !barra, and most of the prominent
personages of Nueva Galicia were present. Mendoza asked
this body if they thought that he should go in person against
. . .
" Quando los Yndios de la dicha provincia se comcn~aron a at~ar

f uc quando los navios de mi armada y yo entramos en el puerto de la
navidad que fue dia de navidad del ai\o de quinientos y qua renta''
-A. G. 1:, 48-12/24, Descargos del virrey, Mexico, October 30, 1546,
descargo 36.
" , Quando se encastillaron en el miston estaua en ta villa .de
purificacion visitando aquella provincia y alli fue a.visado de lo que pasaua
. " Jbi.d.; A. G. l., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del seor vissorcy, pre
gunta 143. '
the rcbcls or send an agent~ The unanimous decision was
that the lieutenant-governor O ate was the prqper person to
~nd and t m eo'tltd bt itrg the--Tevo t to a successful con
clusion. An armed force of over fifty Spanish horsemen
-from-the province and the viceroy's ships, with footsoldiers,
Indian allies, and a proper equipment of cannon an.d firc-
arms was assembled under his command. 21
When Oate arrived at the peol of Mixton his attcmpts
to parley with the defenders were met with taunts and mis-
siles; he then prepared to take the place by storm and pitched
his camp before it. But Oate had misgauged the strength
of the natives, ~ho had gathered in great nwnbers from the
places near by and suddenly fell upon his rear simultaneously
with a sally from the peol. . Over thirteen Spaniards, six
Negroes, and three hundred Indian allies were killed. Defeat
was saved from becoming utter rout by the bravery of Diego
Vsquez, in command of the rearguard, and the survivors
made their way to Guadalaj.ai:a with great difficulty. 22 The
Mendoza waitcd in Guadalajara until he reccived word from Oate
that he had surrounded the pcf1ol of. Mixton and, with the failure of
peaccf ul mcasurcs, was al>out to apply force with cvcry hope of succcss.
He then returncd to Mcxico City whcrc his prcsence was ncccssary.
f eeling certain that the problem of the revolt was in compctcnt hands
and would soon be settled. H is own statement is " y vista su rre-
belion y dctcrminacion el dicho Xrispoual de Oate asento su rreal sobre
ellos y me escriuio que el los tenia cercados y que no se podan yr y que
el los castigara y allanara y yo le torne a escreuir que mirase si cstaua
poderoso para rresi stillos y desharatallos porque sino yria en persona a
ellos y el dicho Xrispoual de Oate me respondio que estaua bastante
poderoso para deshazellos y castigallos que me dccuidase de aquello y me
viniese a proveer lo de esta governacion lo qual por tenello por muy
bastantemente proveido me vine a esta ciudad porque ava necesidad de
mi persona en ella . . ."-A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Descargos del virrey, Mex-
ico, October 30, 1546, descargo 36. Corts and Sandoval both charged
the viceroy with ncglcct of duty for returning to Mc:icico City and claimed
that the n:volt could have becn easily supprcsscd at this time by the vice-
roy and that his dcparture m<'ant dcf cat and thc loss of many lives.
To thc writcr M encloza sccms to be. justificd in his actions by the opinion
of such cxpcrt Inclian fighter!i as A:lvarado and Oiate.-A. G. l., 48-1-
2/24, Cargos que resultan de.Ja visita secreta contra el muy illustrc seor
don Antonio de Mcndoc;a, Mexico, June 21, 1546, Cargo 36.
u From thc scqucnce of evcnt:l April 10, 1541, is probably thc corrcct
date of this battle.
. \
- disaster was thc signal fQr new revolts and the pueblos of
N ochistln, Tlacotln, and many others which had been se--
cretly in sympathy with the rebels went over to open
cspousal of the nativc cause. The garrisons of Culiacn,
Compostela, and Purificacin were hard pressed by besieging
Indians and an advance on Guadalajara itself began. Oate
immediately sent news of bis defeat to the viceroy, probably
by Diego Vsqucz, with an urgent appeal for aid. 21
. Mendoza, thoroughly aroused, now sent letters to Luis de
Castilla and to Pedro de Alvarado, who were in Avalos with
the fleets rcady to sail on a voyagc of discovery, and asked
- them to abandon the ships if need be, until the revolt was
crushcd. 14 At the same time he sent one hundred men. from
Mexico City to Guadalajara under Captain Iigo Lpez de
Anuncibay and ordered Juan de Alvarado to march from
Michoacn with thirty horse and six thousarid lndian f oot
soldiers. 25
Alvaredo and Lus de Castilla answered the vice~oy's
request and an earnest personal pica f or aid from Oate with
_-. grcat promptitude. They sent fifty men to strengthen the
: garrisons in Autln and Purificacin, left fif ty more in Za-
. potln to hold the districts of Colima, and stationed twenty-
. Bancroft (Hislory of M1xico, 11. 493, 494, note 4) places !barra
in fummand of this expedition in spite of contrary evidence in Herrera
and in Mendoza's Interrogatorio as printcd in IcazbaJceta, Coleccidn d1
tlocummtos. He \vas also unawarc of thc junta which had preceded it
. and confuscd it with thc carlier lbarra entrada in many detaiJs.
. " Estauan en Jos pueblos de aualos con la gente de mis armadas
7 del dicho adelantado que yuan a despachallos para el descubrimiento de
la mar del sur si fuese necesario lo dcxasen todo y f ucsen a socorrer y
poner rrcmedio en lo de la nueva galizia los qualcs lo hizicron asi por lo
que yo les cscrcui como porque el dicho Xrispoual de Oate les auiso ."
-A. G. I., 48-1-2/24, Descargos del virrey, Mcxico, Octobcr 30, 1546,
descargo 36.
. At thc saine time Ofiate sent atl thc information he posscsscd con-
ceming thc rebels to the audiencia of Mcxico. As a punishmcnt that body
- . passcd judgment on thc rcvoltcd Indians and sentenced them to slavery
for their misdccds, and the royal brand for that purpose was sent to
the licutenant-govcrnor Cristbal de Oatc.-A. G. l., 48-1-S/27, Inte-
rrogatorio del seor vissorcy, pregunta 157.
- THE TESTING OF T.HE VICEROYALTY 149
fivc soldiers at Atzatln and Lake Chapala respectively. .
while they pushed on with ali speed to Guadalajara with one
hundred mounted troopers and as many f oot. Within two
# \
days after receipt o~ the news, Junc 12, 1541, they were in
the Capital City. Their timely'arrival puta stop to the In-
dian advance on the city and enabled other points to be
reinforced. 28 Oate immediately called a new junta to for-
mulate a plan of action, but its cautious deliberations caused
Alvarado to grow impatient as he was anxious to depart on
bis voyage of discovery. He declared that the other mem-
bers of the junta were like children in their timidity and that
he would defeat the na ti ves himself. Oate and others tried
to dissuade the adelantado, f or they had experienced the met-
tle of the foe and feared the consequences of his rshness.
He reminded them of bis long experience in Inclian warfare.
scoffed at their f ear of a f ew wretched Indians, and with
characteristic impetuosity set f orth on what was to be his
last campaign, without waiting f or aid from Mexico City
ancl_w~!'1 a curt refusal of Oate's offers of help.
'----~lvar~(!g~_arrived befare the peol of Nochistln, June
24,--mi:-with an army composed of one hundred horsemen,
an equal number of infantry, and five thousand Indian allics
from Michoacn. After a brief attempt to treat with the
defenders he contemptuously headed a direct chargc on their
" A toda diligencia f ucron dentro de dos das m la ciudad de
guadalajara con la gente de las armadas y con su llegada ceso la venida
de los yndios sobre la dicha cuidad y rrepartieron parte de las dichas
armadas en guarnicion para quel dicho leuantamicnto no pasase ade-
lante poniendo en y~atlan a diego lopcz de ~uniga con treinta de cavallo
y en tonala a miguel de ybarra con quarenta, de cavallo y en amcca a
hcrnan nieto con doze cauallo y a Ja, ciudad de compostela ynbiaron a
francisco de godoi con treinta de cavallo y porque juan fernandez de
ijar escriuio de la billa purificacion al puerto de la navidad que
todos los yndios benian sobre la dicha villa se desamaron tres navios que
e~tauan a la vela para yr con el capitan hernando de alarcon a poblar el
Rio de buena guia y socorrer a francisco vazquez de Coronado .. saco
la gente de los dichos navios y la enbio a socorrer la dicha villa .. con
las armas y muncion de los dichos navios y porque la gente no queria yr
Ja socorrio de nueva a mi costa. . . ."-A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Descargos
del virrey, Mexico, October 30, 1546, descargo 36.
..
1
150 ANTONIO DE MEND.OZA

. entrenchments, only to find himself repulsed with heavy
._ losses. He rallied bis force for a ~ew .effort, but an ill-timed
. inrantry charge in which the cavalry failed to cooperate,
. . owing to a :misunderstanding of orders, proved to be the de-
. ,- dsive action o.f the battle. The rebels, workea up to a frenzy
~by the medicine men, took full advantage of the mistake
. ~ .:and swarmed out of their defences in overpowering force.
Alvaraqo'~ .. mett we1e soon .. fn -panicskickeo ,.tligh(with .the
Indians in hot pursuit; bis frantic efforts to rally them were
. . '
fu ti le; and he was obliged to dismount and fight on f oot
in a vain endeavor to cover the headlong retreat. To make
. matters worse, it was a rainy day and the roads were verita-
. ble quagmires. In the mele of the pursuit, seeing that ali
was lost, Alvarado led bis horse ai:id tried _to save himself by
retreat on foot. His terror-stricken secretary, Montoya,
madly spurring his jaded steed up a slope, slipped and fell
.: . and Alvarado, directly behind him, was thrown into a ravine
with his horse on top of him. The cowardly secretary carne
. off unscathed and lived to a ripe old age, but Alvarado re-
. ceived in.juries which later proved to be fatal. Oate, who
had fea red the worst, had followed Al varado with a small
force of twenty-five men and had witnessed the disaster from
.an eminence near by. He hastened to the scene and extricated
the remnants of the expedition. 21 Alvarado was transported
to Guadalajara in a litter, where he died July 4, 1541, at the
-home of his relative, Juan de Camino~ a victim of his own
rashness. 28 The immediate result of his fiasco was a great
spread of the revolt and a siege of Guadalajara itself, which
. Herrera, Historia Genera!, dec. VII, lib. 11, cap. XI, pictures the
... attack and dcf eat as a combined attempt of the forces of Al varado and
Oate, a version which cannot be accepted when conf ronted with the
. : actual narrative of Oate.
... . For a discussion of Alvarado's will and the "seizure" of his fleet by
. Mcndoza, sce Bancroft, History of Central Anierica, 11. 208 ff. Bancrof.t
. once more allows his partizanship for Corts to influence his good j udg-
mcnf and he speaks insinuatingly of thc viceroy's "appropriation" of
Al varado' s ficet.
E-
'J.
~
..,:..
::
---:
::::::
<
:..:
<
"'
......
-~
1

THE TESTING OF 'l'HE VICEROYALTY tSl
was invested, late in September, 1541, by fifty thousand
jubilant Indians. The attack was beaten off with the greatest
difficulty, despite the presence of the viceroy's soldiers. Thc
defenders were a ble to hold only a f ew of the strong buildings
about the plaza of the town by the aid of artiltery fire. Thc
heroine of the siege, Beatriz Hernndez, wife of one of the
captains, not only kept the women qui et, but f ought like an
Amazon alongside of the men. A series of successful sorties,
during the course of which Santiago was reputed to have ap-
peared on his white steed with an army of angels, finally
caused the natives to retire and gave the city a breathing
speu.21
~ Mendoza was greatly excrcised by the tidings of con-
tinued disasters in Nueva Gaticia and consulted the audiencia
of Mexico as to the advisability of going in person to pacify
the province. The audiencia f elt that only the most serious
conditions would warrant risking his person in the field and
on their advice he sent the oidor Maldonado to Michoacn
tq gather first-hand information concerning the revolt. 1-Ial-
donado moved from Michoacn to the towns of Avalas and
there soon realized th~ need of the viceregal presence and
.. wrote to Mendoza that bis intervention had become impera-
tive. Similar communications from other officials decided
the questiOnTor 1~...a~<J he d.eter.mined to pat an cMl .
to Spanrsh defea.t's-~af. the 'hands~:of Indians. He cotterted.
as large a forc~ as pssihf~ ..coi1~1sting-of -one hundred and
eighty horsemen and a considerable body of friendly In-
dians, 80 and with cnnons, the arm of greatest Sp~nish
superiority in attacking a fortified place, and munitions in
One of the consequences of this investment was the removal of the
city tO' its present site south of the Tololotln, where it was less exposed
to such incursions f rom the north .
.. The authorities vary as to the nnmber of Spaniards from 180 to 500
and the native allics from 10,000 to 60,000.-Bancroft, History of M~xico.
11. SOS, note 16.
152 ANTONIO DE .MENDOZA
large quantities.11 A dangerous conce.ssion to induce Indian
chieftains to enlist under him was permission to ride horses
and to use Spanish weapons, granted f or thc first time in
N ew Spain.12 Late in September33 the army led by the
vicery in person: ,vith Agus.~bt -~uerrero as lieutenant
.r-geaeral. sta:rtea~for-Jatsco~ The question of white suprem-
. acy in.Ne,~SpaTn was to be settled anew.
Mendoza led his army through. Michoacn, receiving let-
. ters while there from Oate, describing.the att_ack on Guada-
lajara, which had been beaten off, and suggesting a juncture
~- of forces for an assault on the peoles of Cuina (Coyna)
and Nochistln. As the plan suited Mendoza's purposes,
he marched in that direction and at the Tazazatca river, a
. day's ~arch from Cuina, he was joined by Miguel de !barra
and Juan de Camino, to whom the Indians of the region were
. granted in encomiend~. The two had warned the natives of
the '"iceroy's approach, but their pleas for a peaceful rendi-
tion had been fruitless. Mendoza, aft~r one last appeal to the
:nati ves, proceeded to invest their f ortress, which he capturd
by use of the old stratagem of pretended ftight. When he
~ .f ound a temple and ali the evidences of idolatry and sacri-
ficc on the peo), he condemned the Indians, as renegades, to
_death or slavery, hop~ng that this example would make ~n
. . Mcndoza had his agents purchasc powder and arms in Vera Cruz
and elsewhcrc in such quantitics that sufficient weapons werc tcft over
from thc war to stock a munitions dcpot in Mexico City.-A. G. I., 48-
1-5/27, In~crrogatorio del scfiot vissorcy, preguntas 79, 239.
Thcrc was sotnc evidencc of a plot to revolt among the Indians o{
Michoacn and thc tribes near Mexico City: thereorc somc thought it
unwisc to acquaint them with thc use of Spanish wcapons.-Carta dt
Gernimo Lpez al Emperador, Mexico, October 20, 1541, in Icazbatceta,
C oltecin dt docummto.r, II. 141 154.
Herrera, Historia Central, dec. VII, lib. V, cap. 1, 87, says that
Mcndoza teft Mexico City, October 8, 1542, with an rmy of three hun-
drcd Spanish horscmen and sorne f oot sotdiers. Bancrof t, ut supra,
places thc number at ..about f our hundred and fif ty Spaniards with somc
thirty thousand Tlascaltec and Aztec warriors" and collates the various
authorlti.cs as to .thc date of thc departure.
impression which would lighten bis task at the other strong
places. From Cuina, whose conquest had consumed two
weeks, he pushed f orward to Acatic, seven leagues distant.
There f or two days he treated with the nati ves, and with thc
terrible punishment of Cuina fres~ in their minds, was ablc
to persuade them to abandon their ido~s and to disperse to
their homes. At the same time messengers to the inhabi-
. tants of Istln and Cuyutln, who had f ortified a peol on
the f ord of the river on the route to Guadatajara, secured a
similar result;
Mendoza then headed for the strongest centers of resist-
an ce by way of Zapotln, while the troops stationed at Guada-
lajara, which place was relieved of immediat~ danger, mo,cd
up to strengthen the number of effectives at bis disposat.
The army, so augmented, moved forward .Qn the peol of
N ochistln. The usual peace parleys were conducted by
Miguel de Ibarr.a, Fray Antonio de Segovia, Fray Juan de
San Romn, and other priests, but without result. As long as
he dared, in his desire to avoid bloodshed, Mendozacontinued
the negotiations, 84 but was finally forced to fight to avoid
the contempt of bis own Indians. The combat lasted from
eight .in the moming until four in the af ternoon and only
resulted in the capture of the outer lines of defense. Seeing
that such procedure would be toq costly, Mendoza settled
down to re~ular siege methods, cut off the peol's water
supply and battered down the :remait)ing obstacles with ar
tillery fire. Before the final assault the Indians tried to stop
it by offers of peace if the Spaniards would turn. aside .and
march against Mixton. The viceroy rejected this P.rowsal, 1
.. "La dilacion que tuuo en et combate fue tanta que a mi me Jo tenian

ta genfe a poquedad y ellos cobrauan soberina y los yndios amigos que
yuan conmigo se querian amontinar diziendo que pues no les dcxaua
pelear que se querian boluer a sus casas y visto esto hordenc publicamente
el combate."-A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Descargos del :virrey, Mcxico,
October 30, 1546, descargo 37.
. 154 . ANTONIO DE- MENDOZA
and in tbc attack which f ollowed the large force of defcnders
wcrc cither kil1ed in combat or captured and enslaved. 1 ~
. After thc conqucst of Nochistln, the viceroy marched
to Suchipila and while there discovered t~at_ the_.greater part
of the _I~g~i-U.S. in rehemoa werc~-"caii~~ntrated
.. ...,.;l.~ _....,. ">' -
on the peol
.~~ .r,;, . . .. .. .... ~
.:. ~L~_xton nea~ ~Y-~ an almost i~p~~~~~P.~~~J2~!~!!~n.H The

j vcry naie--orthc--Peot,-Mixton, which meant ''subida de
gatos" or 1'cat's ascent,'' i~dicated the nature of the task be-
. f ore the expeditionary force. The si des of the ~ountain
. "were precipitous and the f ew practicable approaches had been
.f ortified ;ind were well defended. The earlier defeat of
Oate at this peol had given the Indian 'eaders great con-
fidence in their ability to defend the position, so the bulk
~f their forces had gathered he re to try to con elude the war
by a defeat of th~ viceroy. Miguel de !barra and Francisco
:h Ialdonado were sent in advance across the three leagues of
1
. territory lying between Suchipila, where the viceroy's camp

was pitched, to make offers of peace, bt.t they were obligcd
11
!barra, who had the officia1 branding iron in his posscssion. was
encomendero of the district and did not rclish dividing his lndians among
thc victors, so he was convenicntly absent in Guadalajara with the iron
and connived at thc escape of the rnajority o( thc prisoners.
11
lt was during a rcorganization of thc forces at SuchipiJa that
Mcndoza incurred thc cnmity of Iigo L6pcz de Anuncibay, captain of
onc o the companies of cavalry. lt had come to Mendoza's attcntion
that a number of thc so-callcd cavalry wcre incapablc of so scrving as
thcy wcre not trained horsemcn. He ordercd ali such pcrsons to be
placed in the foot companics so that the cavalry would not be hampcrcd
in criticat moments by their lack of skill. Th~ compa.ny of Lpez de
Anuncibay nearly melted away under the selective process and bis
mutinous atti-tude led to a stern reprimand f rom Mcndoza. Smarting
from the tongue lashing he rcceived, Lpez de Anuncibay was further
guiJty o lcaving the artillery unguarded on thc march f rom Suchipila
to M ixton whcn sorne o thc picces were mi red. As he was in command
" of thc rea.rguard and r~sponsibJe for their sacty, this cvidence of in-
capacity brought the vicercgai, wrath about his head once more and
Mendoza le rrcprehendi con palabras asperas y afrentosas como el
caso Jo rrcc1ucria." From that time forth he hatcd M ~ncloz:i nml was
thc chic! witncss against him in thc Sandoval vi~ita. 11 i~ ahan<lonmcnt
of thc artillt"ry was due to a privatc tradc in olive oil which he ha<l pushcd
ahcad to sen, to the complete neglcct of hh duty.-A. G. l., 48-1-2/24.
Descargos del virrey. Mexico, October 30, 1546, pregunta 34.
THE TESTING OF THE VICEROYALlfY lSS
to ftee and Jeavc thcir supptics in thc hands of thc cncmy.
Thc f ollowing noon a force of eight hundrcd lndians ap-
peared on a hill abovc thc Spanish camp at Suchipila and,
chanting a hymn to the god Tlatl, sacrificcd sorne chickens in
f ull view of the viceroy. Mendoza sent Miguel de !barra to
thcm to urge peace once more and to secure their lcader Tena-
maxtli, but was carcful to secure Ibarra's retrcat by ptacing a
company of cavalry and a company armed with the arqucbuse
to hoJd the line of retirement. This was fortunatc, as the
Indians tried to entrap Ibarra's party and would have been
successful if these reinforcements had not been posted.
With ali chance of a peaceful conquest gone, Mendoza
advanccd upon Mixton with his cntire army. In a stcep
pass leading toward the peol he was attacked simultaneous-
ly in front and rear, but his dispositions were so well taken
that the assault was beaten off by the vanguard and rear-
guard. Much of the day was taken by this skirmish. Thc
main body spent the night in the pass, after caref ully fortify-
ing their camp, and the main position of the enemy on Mix-
ton was not reached until the following day. For threc
wecks the f ortress was dosel y invested with no visible sign
of submission on the part of the Indians, despite daily offers
o peace which were received with showers of arrows. Final-
ly the continuous artillery fire and the persistence of thc
Spanish attack won ouL A number of the Indians began to
waver in thcir f aith in Tl.atl and the warriors of the neigh-
boring town of Teul deserted to the Spanish side en massc
in the hope of winning clemency. These deserters betrayed
their erstwhile comrades by disclosing the existence of a
secret pass to the top of. the mo~ntain, and the peo! fell bcfore
a combincd frontal and rear attack. The viceroy restrained
his horsemen and pcrmittcd t11c majority o thc dcfendcrs
to escape, fccling that the lcsson had bccn severe enough and
ho)ing to spare thc local encomenderos thc loss of all thcir
156 ANTONIO PE MENDOZA
nativcs. ~ith the capture of. Mixton, where the bravest war-
:
....._ riors had been assembled under Tenamaxtli to tbe number

.. Of OllC hundred thousand,IT tbe backbone of tbe revolt WaS

....broken. After 'dividing tbe captives a~ong bis troops as
. slaves, Mendoza extended bis operations to tbe north and
then to the south of tbe Tololotln to stamp out the remaining
" embers of revolt. His Iine of march took bim to Teul, Tla-
tenango, Jalpa, and Pozol and resistance ceased cverywhere
at his approach. The itinerary of the expedition then led. it.
<Jown the Suchipila river to San Cristbal, where the Tolo-
. lotln was. crossed, early in the year 1542. The region about
Tequilla and Etzatlan was soon pacified and the war was
. tenninated by the capture of Ahuacatln, where the natives
of Compostela were assembled, by Juan de Villalpa, justas
the viceroy prepared to march on the place. Mendoza had
. completed bis task in a manner worthy of the best traditions
_. of bis training in the Moorish border wars in Granada; and
his military skill, by completing the second "Conquest of
MeXico," had demQnstrated that New Spain could control
the Indians witho~t the presence of Corts. In the far
north Coronado's ~xpedition. which retumed at this time,
.extinguished a few sparks of hostility near Culiacn, and the
inaccessible mountain districts of Nayarit and the north
were to resist conquest f or nearly two centuries more, but the
_danger of a general upheaval of the Indians of New Spain
. against the Spaniard was over. 18
. "A Jargc proportion of the force on Mixton werc Chichimcc tribes-
. mcn and those ~t cscapcd dcath or slavery fled to thc mountain dis-
: tricts of Zacatccas and Nayarit. The figures as to tbe numbers of
- Indian participants vary grcatly, but undoubtcdly the number given abovc,
from the best obtainablc authority, is an exaggcration. Fifty thousand
would be closer to thc ttuth.. The accoWlts of the siege likcwise vary
considerably, and Herrera (Historia Gmeral) gocs so far as to state
that the peol was taken without any native resistance. Evidently Men-
doza's account of the exploit was not available to this usually accurate
writer.
During thc course of thc viceroy's military tour side expeditions
into thc country of the "chichimecos blancos'' werc made and Franciscan
. mi~si~arics wcrc sent _therc at bis personal expense. Thcsc Indians wcre
Mendoza left 'sorne cavalry in Guadalajara and retumed
to Mexico City, where the lustre of his triumphs had pre-
cCded him and his entcy_,~s accompanied by "great solem-
nity, rejoicing and festivi'ties." 89 The celebration was one
of genuine thanksgiving, for they believed that a general up-
rising of the subject population had been averted and that
their supremacy would henceforth be unquestioned. 40 In
the land which had suffered from the scourge of war the
lieutenant-governor Cr;stbal de Oate was able to report
to the viceroy in 1542 that the lndiaris were back in their
homes ~nd that "the land, prai~e God, is fine, and 1 have never
seen it better since 1 have been in it." 41
While the celebration was at its height, news of the revolt
of the younger Almagro in Peru and of the murder of Fran-
cisco Pizarra reached the viceroy. He was "scandalized"
by the tidings and regarded the situation as nothing short
of "diabolical." He wrote to the king and to Vaca de Castro.
the special royal representative in Peru, offering ships, men~
and artillery to aid in quelling the rebellion. 42 A body of
troops f or this service was organized in Mexico, but the
prompt triumph of Yaca de Castro made a relief expedition
unnecessary. When tidings of the events in Peru became
probably in the north between Zacatecas and Quertaro.-A. G. l .. 48-1-
6/28, Preguntas para ta probanza de Mechoacan, 304. Bancroft, N orlla
M exican Slatu, l. 13, sums up the little that is known about early en-
tradas into the region.
Obregn, Crnica, cap. XLV
.. Miguel de !barra betievcd that the cordon of garrisons placed about
the region in revolt prevented it f rom sprcading to N cw Spain.-A. G. I ..
48-1-5/27, Testigo de Miguel de !barra, Compostela, January 26, 1542.
preguntas 162, 163. _
0
Mcndoza, Carta, Mexico, May 10, 1542, Cartas de Indias, p. 255.
/bid., p. 254. In this letter, Mendoza displayed grcat magnanimity
or perhaps subtle irony toward his enemy Corts by stating: "Parese me
que el Marques del Valle seria muy bueno para remediar lo de ally, por
la esperiencia que tiene de lo de aca y por el aparejo, y yo le ayudarla a
etlo to possible." On the other hand, it may have been an attempt to
placate the former ruler of N ew Spain in order to ward off such an
attack as the Sandoval visita, which grew out of the conqueror's hostitity
toward him.
.known, the celebration ofthe victory in Nueva Galicia was
prolo.ngCd to recognize the complete vindication of royal
aut}\ority."
: :.-- . The scond test of the .M~ndoza adrriinistration in New
Spain carne from without and was the answer of Corts to
the summary trCatment of bis pretensions to exploring rights
which had been accorded by the viceroy. In 1540, when he
.: , f ound the way to f urther discovery blocked by the union of
._. Af~ndoza and Alvarad~, he had returned to Spain to seek re-
: dress at court. At the outset he met with. little save rebuffs, but
Mendoza had becn accuscd by Corts and thc visitor Sandoval of
. grcat cruelty in thc course of these tri~phs in Nueva Galicia. Since
that time historians have cither justified or condemned him for his con-
duct. Bancroft (History o/ M~xico, 11. 532) speaks with scorn of thc
viccroys humanity and moderation, forgetful of his own rather singular
blindness to the faults of bis hero Corts. In the matter of slavery it
~ should be said that compara.tively few slaves were taken and that, since
slavery ws a mattcr of justice, the viceroy was bound by the decision
of his audiencia to give lndians captured in thc field to bis soldiers and,
in additfon, tha.t the actual work of enslavement was in charge of the
oidor Maldonado and that the branding iron was in Cristbal de Oate's
posscssion. To this can be added thc evidencc of positive orders from the
home government to place Indians in revolt in slavery as a bctter punish-
ment than death. sincc the Indians were weak and prone to crime and
the death penalty was no punishment in their eyes. A. G. I.. 87-6-2,
_Oficio y parte, October 25, 1548. XVII, furnishes an even later expression
. of this attitude of the home government. The other charges, that he
.. had had Indians blown f rom the mouth of can non, mutilated by N egrocs
armed with knivcs. torn to pieces by savage dogs, a.nd hanged. were brought
'. originally by Sandoval and werc refutcd to the satisfaction of the vice-
roy's superiors. In the first place, ali sentences were passed by the oidor
Maldonado, not the viccroy, as the latter was not a letrado, a1~d the sen-
tences were carried o~t by Cristbal de Oate. In the second place. thc
. sta.bbing was done by the N egrocs and Indians in the heat of battle and
was not a matter. of justice at all but, as the viceroy puts it, "como se
haze en espaa con los erejes e ynfieles que la gente los acuchillan e matan
, en el camino sin que sea a cargo de la justicia." Finally. it was a matter
of the sixteenth-century point of view admirably expressed by ~Iendoza
-in the following: ''el apperrear algunos yndios de los mas culpados y
ponellos a tiro convino hazerse para escarmiento y mas temor de los
yndios .' la muerte de la horca el los se la dauan de su propia voluntad
en estas partes . y en el rreyno de granada se acostumbra a ca-
a uerear y apedr~ar muchos moros de los que an rrenegado nuestra santa
_.. f-c''; and he closes by stating that as a viceroy and general in the field
at war he cannot view the punishment meted out as doing more than
fit the case. a necessary example, and for the good of God and His
. l\{ajesty.-A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Descargos del Virrey, Mexic:o, October JO.
.~ l 546, descargo 38.
the framing of thc Ncw Laws in ~542 and 1~43, under the
dircction of' Las Casas, gavc him an '.opportunity to secure
a hearing. In Valladolid, Juty 6, 1543, he presented a list
of charges against the viceroy in which he set forth his com-
plaint of. unfair treatment at Mendoza's hands and charged
that his administration was saturateq with f avoritism, gross
inefficiency, and graft. In addition to introducing the New
Laws overseas, he strongly urged that conditions in New
Spain warra~ted the appointment of officials who would
also be judges of residencia empowered to suspend the vice-
roy and his subordinates from office. 44 On July 11, he
renewed bis charges and petitioned that sorne action be
taken to right the wrongs of N ew Spain. The members of
the Royal Council were at last in a receptive mood and
ordered an investigation by one of their own m~mbers, the
Jicentiate Salmeron. 45 Corts by this time had heard that
only a visitar was to be sent, so was. particularly solicitous
that his powers be as great as those of a judge of residencia
and include the right to suspend the viceroy from office,
alleging that a simple visita 48 would be insufficient to free
the inhabitants of their fear of Mendoza's revenge in cases
of testimony against his rule. Corts was given a hearing,
July 19, and produced thirteen former residents of Ne\v
Spain as witnesses to the truth of his charges, contained in
thirty-fiv~ questions comprising a formal interrogatorio and
" .. Suplico a vuestra alteza aya conpasion de aquella tierra y de sus

subditas y naturales que en ella estan que tanto an servido a vuestra
magestad y sea servido de proveher juez de residencia para el dicho
vissorey y oficiales con suspcnsion de oficios."-A. G. l., 48-1-1/23, El
Marques del valle con el vissorey de la Nueva Espaa Don Antonio de
Mendoza sobre la residencia que pide se le mande tomar, Valladolid,
July 6, 1543. On the reverse of the document are written these signi-
ficant words : "dese traslado desto al seor .licenciado Sandoval."
"A. G. l., 48-1-1/23, Peticion del Marques del Valle al real consejo,
Valladolid, ] uly 11, 1543.
.. For a treatment of the origin of this institution and its history in
New Spain, see Priestley, Jos de Glvez, Visitor-General of N ew Spain.
160 ,ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
desigried to show speCific instances of misrule by Mendoza. 47
~e f ormcr oidor of the audiencia of Mexico, Loaysa, who
happened to be at court, denied. the truth of the cbarges in
1
his an swer to .the list of questions presented by thc Marquis,48
des pite the fact that his son, Diego de Loaysa, was married
to a niece of Corts, and was joincd in his negative testimony
by Juan de Najara, Andrs de Barrios, Diego de Zrate, and
Juan Cano. 41 . Not satisfied with bis showing at court Corts
. made certain that bis accusations were given to tbe visitor
:. _Tello de S~doval and wrote to all bis friends in New Spain
_. asking them to testify against the viceroy and the audiencia,
._..to permit the visitor to suspend them from office. He assured
, ~:. his partizans tha~ they would find every necessary aidcso
_ . in the visitor; and this cooperation between the visitor and
__ , the <;orts party was not successfully concealed from the
A. G. l., 48-1-1/23, Ynterrogatorio del Marques del Valte presen- .
tado en Valladolid a XIX de Jullio de 1543 con testigos.
Loaysa and the veedor Peralmendez Cherino had been sent to Spain
:. "Pjth some laws conccrning privilegcs which thc inhabitants of N ew Spain
wished to sec enacted in order to keep the Spanish element f rom leaving
thc country.-A. G. l., 60-3-17, Carta del Cabildo de Mexico al rey,
Mcxico, January 20, 1543. The list of witnesscs who testified in the case
against the viceroy is as follows: Juan de Najara, resident of Mexico
and a conquistador; Francisco Tellez, resident of Mexico; Andrs de
Barrios, resident of New Spain: Diego de Zratc, resident of New Spain;
. Andrs de Tapia, resident o Mexico: Juan Cano, resident of Mcxico:
Martin Ruiz de Monaraz, resident of Mexico ; Francisco de Lerma, resi-
dent of Mexico: Miguel Diez, rcsident of Mexico; Jan de la Pea. resi-
. dcnt of Mexico; Francisco Rodrquez, canon of the church in Mexico
City: Francisco de Porras, and Francisco de Loaysa, former oidor of thc
Audiencia of Mexico, now a resident of Cuidad Reat
Juan de ~fajara said that sorne untoward things might have taken
: place if the viceroy had not known " . lo castigaria muy bien por ser
.. el mas honesto honbrc que puede ser " Andrs de Barrios spoke of
1'!endoza as " . . buen governador que es muy temeroso de dios e que
disimule ni consienta hazer cosa mal hecha c. que pluguiese a dios que
._tal fuese el anima y conciencia deste testigo como es la del dicho vissorey
y tan buen Xrisptiano como el lo es." and Juan Cano put bis finger on the
ccnter of the trouble when he said "vio que entre el dicho virrey y el
. Marques del Valle ovo manera de. differencia en quel marques se quexava
porquel dicho virrey no le dexava yr aJ dicho descubrimiento."-Interro-
..
11
"Todo aparejo."-A~ G. l., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del seor vis-
sorey, pregunta 225.
. gatorio. del Marques del :Vattc, "' sutra.
viccroy and his supporters. ~ Indee~, a careful comparison
of the thirty-three accusations of Corts and the. subsequent
charges growing out of the visita, with respect to charges,
cven to spedfic cases, leaves only two possibitities open. Either
the accusations of Corts were sufficiently correct to warrant
the visitor's adverse. judgment of Mendoza's administration,
or Sandoval f ound it convenient to use the discontent of
Corts and bis followers to further bis own ends.H
Francisco TeJlo de Sandoval carne to New Spain clothcd
in ample powers. He brought with him a provision de visita
which authorized him to investigate the conduct of the vice-
roy, the audiencia, treasury officials, and their subordinates
down to most insignificant town officials in the most wretched
town of New Spain. He was empowered to bring charges
against those f ound remiss in their duties and to pass sen-
tence on such persons, subject to revision on appeal to the
0
Spcaking of thc testimony of Anunciabay against him in the coursc
of thc visita the viceroy stated this knowledge clearly in the following
and in a number of other places. ..Juro a dios que si supiera que le
avian de tomar su dicho que huuiera huydo de la tierra por no lo dezir
porque asi como asi se avia de yr de la tierra por aver dicho su dicho este
fue ardid ynuentado por el y por otros apasionados conforme a lo que el
Marques del Valle les tenia escripto por sus cartas que dixesen que por
estar yo en et cargo no osauan dezir la verdad porque avisando por
vuestra merced su magestad y su rreal consejo de yndias me suspenderian
como en su tiempo y lugar pareccra por sus cartas."-A. G. l., 48-1-1/23,
Descargos del virrey, descargo 41.
u Corts denounced the viceroy as being partiat to his servants and
f riends. Agostn de Guerrero is pictured hI him as being abte to sccure
advancement for anyone through his influence with Mendoza. Francisco
Vsquez de Coronado is singlcd out as a friend of the viceroy who had
secured undeserved official positions and grants of tand. Juan Alonso de
Sosa, the treasurer, dec1ared that the explorer livcd in wcalth on moncy
that rightfully should have been the king's, bis virtual cmbezzlement of
royal funds winked at by the king's representative. Conquerors, married
and possessed of family, went without lndians, white the friends of the
administration were showered with corregimientos. Mendoza's mole at
Vera Cruz was a wastcful extravagance, bis expeditions taid the country
open to rebellion, the Mixton War was the result of shameful abuse of
the nativcs and lack of leadership, thc viceroy and his f riends indulged in
unlawful commercial cnterprises and dodged the payment of customs
dutics, and so on the plaint goes. A vindictive old man venting bis
disappointment is the answer. Sandoval, the instrument of revenge, in
his turn tried to make the situation into something advantageous to bis
own ambitions.
162 'ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
. . Council of the Ind~s. Ali royal officcrs were to render him
every assistan_ce_ in their po:wer ~nd bis summons to .thcm
to appcar before him was to be hceded on pain of condem-
. nation as rebels. For the duties confided to his care'he was
granted f ull royal i>ower~.153 In addition, he was granted
the right to attend meetings of the audiencia with voice and
vote, andwas not obliged to act in accord with the viceroy,
and, by . special commission from Cardinal Juan de Tavera,
:_ . was made inquisitor of New Spain. 64 The. New Laws,
.:: already discussed in another connection, were also intrusted
. to hiqi for ~ublication and cnforcement. Since bis powers
were really those of a super-viceroy, the presence of two men
~ . 'vith such exalted authority niight easily lead to a struggle
f or supremacy between the two. Only a inan of exceptional
devotion and character could safely avoid the tempt~tion
such a struggle involved.
After Sandoval received bis instructions he went to
-_'. Seville and embarked for the New World from the port of
: San Lcar, November 3, 1543. After a successful voyagc
. _.he arrived at San Juan de Ulloa, February 12 of the follow
: ing year. Tlie Contador Gonzalo de Aranda, who accom-
. panied him, has Jeft an accbunt of the journey which fi11s out
. the meagre outline of times and places. H They first lande8
on the small island in the harbor, inspected the mole
v:hich the viceroy had under construction, and slept therc
_that night. The charges of Corts concerning this work
-_undoubtedly lay behind this visit. They f ound a tower there
f or the defence_ of the port with walls of cement as high as a
man, and observed the progress of the work on the mole,
- which was in charge of a cleric and employed a large group o~
Negro laborers. Satisfied with.what they had seen, they went
1
A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Probisyon e comision ori1inal del seor visitador.

.. Puga, Cdulas, II. 452-453.
A. G. I., 56-6-9, Carta de Gonzalo de Aranda al rey, Mexico, May
30. 1544.
next to Vera Cruz, five !cagues distant, and waited there ten
days while their baggage was bcing unloaded from the boats
of the fleet, a wait which permitted an inspection of thc
customs and the town govemment. From Vera Cruz the
party made its way overland ~o Mexico City, where they were
greeted in sullen silence, a~ the ill-tidings of the New Laws
had preceded them. With the unw~lcome laws proclaimed and
a stay of execution granted, Sandoval ~lunged into the more
important duties of conducting a general visita.
The visitor instituted a vigorous inve~tigation in ali parts
0
of New Spain, and every official of any importance within its
confines soon felt the uncomfortable presence of the visita
and had bis officiat acts while in office subjected to an exami-
nation. The complete papers of the legal process involve4
in this extraordinary check-up on early N ew World admin-
istration fill n~neteen bulky legajos and show conclusively
that the vi~itor did accomplish . great deat and that the visita
was no mere matter of form. 58 Evidence was collected on
the basis of which charges were preferred, defenses werc
heard, and in numerous cases final sentence w.as passed. In
the more im1lortant cases the lis~ of witnesses catled to ~estify
ran into hundreds.n Statements with the sworn attestation
of numerous citizens as to their truth or falsity (probanzas)
were gathered in the mines, cities, and towns and even such a
remote hamlet as San Estvan del Puerto ( Pnuco) did not
escape the sweeping inquiry.H The escribanos, abogados. .
11
A. G. l., 48-1-1/23 to 48-1-20/2, Visita hecha el ano de 1543-1547
al virrey de la Nueva Espaa y Presidente de la Audiencia. de Mexico
Dn Antonio. de Mcndoza a los oidores de ella y demas oficiales por el
licdo Dn .Francisco de Sandoval, del consejo de S. M. en et con~~jo de
Indias visitador general de la Nueva Espaa. Bancroft dismi~:;es thc
whole mattcr rather lightly, History o/ M cxico, II. 531-534.
"For examplc, 162 friars were callcd as witnesses for the viceroy's
dcnial of the chargcs brought against him in the immediate vicinity of
Mcxico City, and in the city proper 108 citizens appeared as witnesses.
11
A. G. l., 48-1-18/40, consists -0f' an entirc legajo given over to the
trials of the individual regidores and Mcaldes of that town, accompanicd
in each case by thc final sentcnce of the visitor.
164 .ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
alcaldes mayores, alguaciJcs,19 and ali the other members of
the officialdom of New Spain, in officc at the time or out of
office, were subjected to the prying scrutiny of the visitor..
The mass of details thus collected by Sandoval is not on~y 1
indispensable to a proper study of Mendoza's reigrl but also ,.
throws a flood of light on the organization and mechanism #
of visitas and on the institutionat history of the sixteenth

cent~ry in both Spain and _New Spain.
In view of the e~traordinary powers granted the visitor
it is not strange that he was unwelcome to the viceroy and
' 1
the oidores, who felt that they were temporarily deprived

of the full powers of their offices while he remained in New
S~in. The visitor's comportment aggravated rather than
alJayed this predisposition to dislike. V ery shortly a f ter
his arrival he began to display certain unpleasant character-
istics and rumors of bis personal ambition to supplant the
. viceroy began to reach the latter's ears. Too much authority
seemed to hav~ turned bis head. On the ship coming to
N ew Spain he had boasted that he was going to bring order
out of the chaos which existed there and at V era Cruz he
spoke slightingly of Mendoza as one he would ship home
. on a vessel whenever he saw fit. ' In Mexico he let it be
A. G. I 48-1-15/37; 48-1-16/38; 38-1-17/39 contain~ thc complete
papcrs o the visitas of thc escribanos. A. G. l., 48-1 .. 14/36, is a bulky
bundle containing the visita of thc abogados, procuradores, and rclatord.
A. G. l. 48-1-12/34 and 48-1-13/35 contain the trials of the alcaldes
mayores and ordinarios. A. G. l., 48-1-10/32, holds the visitas of the
algua~iles mayores and thcir assistants.
Desde que el dicho licencia~o pa.rtio de Sevilla mostro hodio
y hcncmistad a mi parte y alla y por la mar yba deziendo y publica, do
que a rredemir la tierra que estava perdida con mi parte y esto dixo
muchos vezes como honbre que llevava proposito de le hazer mal. "
~{endoza, A. G. l., 48-2-20/2, Resultas de la visita, le recusacion del vir-
rey. Valladoli-j, May 7, 1548. As early as 1544 Mendoza wrote to Juan de
Aguilat: "la primera cosa que en el puerto publico fue qu~ traia todo et
gobierno de la tierra. y preguntandole que sera del vissorey? rcspondio
cnvialle en un navio cuando me pareciere'," and f urther complained that
thc visitor held the viceroy in such slight cstecm as to publish his rcsi-
. dencia throughout the land twi~, "como si fuera el mas triste corregidor
6 alcalde en ella..''-Mendoza, Carla a Juan dt Aguilar, in Pacheco y
Crdenas, 111. 509.
THE TESTING. OF THE VICE~OYALTY 165
known that he hoped to find the viceroy guilty and would
welcome testimony against him. His ovcrbcaring attitudc
even evinced itself in the solemn sessions of the audiencia
where, on one occasion, he placed one arm on the table about
which they were seated with Mendoza presiding, and went
through the pantomime of opening his eyes with bis fingers
when Lorenzo de Tejada ventured to vote with the opposition
against him. With the completion of this extraordinary
maneuver he shoutcd angrily at Tejada: "You had bettcr
open your eyes and remember that 1 am your visitor,'' to-
gether with other threatening remarks which il1 became thc
character of his office, to the great amazement of the viceroy
and the oidores, who considered his actions in the light of an
open affront to the presiding officer. 11
-~ In the task of gathering information conccming the
----.:7 conduct of the viceroy in his office, Sandoval was accuscd
of predetermining the former's guilt and of seeking only
sch evidence as woutd bolster his charges. He sought out
') the makontents, who had run afoul of the viceroy's justice,
- (___ and made their complaints the substantiating evidence of the
formal accusations he brought against him; without waiting
for the viceroy's side of the case he hastened to send thcsc
charges to Prince Philip an~ to the Council of the Indies .
This was contrary to his instructions, as contained in bis
commission, which ordered him to gather futl iriformation,
to formulate charges on the basis of this information, then
to provide the viceroy with a copy of them and then, with
that official's reply in hand, to notify the Crown of his find-
ings. Vexed at every turn by Sandoval, who seemed to be
attempting to badger him into an open .act of defiance that
would justify suspension from office, Mendoza wrote re-
peatedly to the home government complaining about bis
A. G. l., 48-1-4/26, El licdo Lorenzo de Tejada can Franco de San-
doval, visitador que fue de la Nueva Espaa.
quivocal. position. 11 Sandoval openly consorted with thc
.known enemics of Mendoza and cntertained them in bis
dwelling, where he offcred them govemme~t officcs and
boasted of the fact that he was going to be the rul~~- of New
Spain. 81 A f ortunate tum in the wheel of affairs. in ~pain
finally gave Mendoza ~ chance to present bis side of the story
to the home govemment. in 154.S his brother, Bemaldino
de Mendoia, captain-general of the gatleys of. Spai~.' was
appointed president of the Council of the Indies and took
. up the .cudgels in defence of the family honor. At his in-
stance, Philip ordered Sandoyal to retum to Spain so that
the whole qi:iestion might be si f t~d by the supreme goveming
, .body. , Sandoval was loath to return an:d .only a repetition
... of the order in a series of increasingly st~onger terms brought
him to a realization of bis true pos~tion as he clung tenacious-
':. ly to his hope of succeeding Mendoza as yiceroy of New
... spatn.
.,
h was not tintil June 21, 1546, that Sandoval rnade public
. a signed list of f orty-four accusations against the conduct
of Mendoza as viceroy, in the presence of the audiencia
and the escribano mayor, Antonio de Turcios. In these
charges he accused Mendoza of favoring his personal friends,
Lus de Castilla, Agostn de Guerrero, Antonio de Turcios,
'In a lctter to the king dated f rom Mexico J une 20, 1544, Mendoza
took painl to point out the progress of New Spain under bis rule, parti-
cularly stressing the increase of royal revenue. In view of this evident
succcss he protested against the power givcn Sandoval to pass sentence on
him ''sin embargo de qualquier apelacion'' and protested vehemently that
" .... no estuviera mi honra puesta en manos de letrados a quien yo nunca
scrvi ni conosci"; Instrucciones que los Vire3e.r dtjaron su.r Suctsorts,
240-241 . In 1548 he reported " escrevio a vuestra alteza y a los de
vuestro consejo muchos vezes contra el dicho licenciado Sandoval de lo
que hazia y cxcedia en su officio.."-A. G. l., 48-2-20/2. Resultas de
la visita, la rccusacion del virrey, VaJladotid, May 1, 1548.
a " Teniendo por cierto que abia ser governador abia dias que
tenia ofreeidos officios y hecho Repartimiento dellos entre sus amigos y
Alegados publicando ansi el como sus criados que benia por Governador
. ,, /bid. .
.. /bid.
1"HE TESTING OF THE VICEROYALTY 167
and othcrs; of rcceiving gifts from individuals in retum for
his favor; of abusing the nati ves in the intercsts of his
ranchcs and exploring cxpeditions ; of not watchirig the col-
l~ction of thc royal revenucs with sufficient care; of vacating
corregimientos and applying the revenues dcrived from. thcm
to. unlawfut purposes, and so on through thc long list. Two
interesting items in the inventory of his crimes are first, an
attempt to fue responsibility on Mendoza for the death. of
an, unknown person at the hands of one Pedro Paco through
ari.~~ccident incidental to a fencing match in his palace,115 and
second, an allegation that he had forced his sister, Maria de
Mendoza, to marry a rich mine-owner, Martin De Ircio,
against her will. 88 Appearing against the viceroy were a
number of bis enemies, such as Bernardino de Albornoz,
Alonso Ortiz de Zuiga, and Tello <le Medina. In general,
\ the earlier complaints made by Corts were repeated and
. / amplified and, in particular, the conduct of the Mixton War
r carne in for severe criticism. 87
,----
As soon as the viceroy was able to secure a copy of the
charges which had been preferred against him by Sandoval
he prepared a lengthy reply to them, which was con:ipl~ted
Mendoza attacked this trivial charge with great vigor in bis. reply.
stating that he might as well be held responsible for ali those killed in
bull and cane fights.-A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Descargos dei virrey, descargo 8.
Mara de Mendoza was living with her husband and children at the
mines of Zumpango during the year 1546-1547 and indignantly denied thc
truth of this charge against her brother in her sworn testimony.-A. G.
l., 48-1-7/29, Probanza hecha en las .minas de ~umpango, testigo de Mara
de Mendoza. The statements of many others, including no less a per-
sonage than Bishop de Zumrraga, crroboratc her story. It scems
that she had taken a certain vow before leaving Spain which prevcnted
her from immediately entering into matrimony, but that after freely
consulting letrados and churchmen, she had married De Ircio of her own
volition.-A. G. I., 48-1-6/28, Testigo d.el Obispo Juo de Zumarraga.
preguntas 26-27.
"A. G. l., 48-1-2/24. Cargo~ que resultan de la visita secreta contra
el muy illustre seor Antonio de Mendo~a. Mexico, ] une 21, 1546. Ban-
croft, History of Mexico, 11. 532, states that no one dared appear against
Mendoza.
'""""-
Octobcr-30, - 1546. ~ . In this rebuttal he. ass~bied ali bis
commissions and licenses f rom the gove~ent granting him
. powcr to do many of the things branded as illegal by thc
visitor and in general sought to show that the charges were
false and .Placed against him by enemies who had been
. ref used office by him or had been convicted of cdme under
his administ~ation. . In order to make bis c3.se stronger and
. to prove bis contentions, he petitioned f or permission to call
in witnesses on bis own behalf, and drew up a list of three
hundred and nine questions covering his entire administration
towhich they.were to reply. As soon as this permission was
obtained his representatives took this list of questions (Inter-
rogatorio) to ali parts of the kingdom and nearly every
Spaniard of any consequence, as well as a large number of
Indians, gave answer to it in the course of the f otlowing
year. 89 l\fendoza by this means secured an overwhelming
mass o fav<?rable evidence but Sandoval paid no attention to
.it and persisted in his attack. Mendoza then transferred bis
case to the Council of the Indies and Sandoval was instructed
~o complete the visita within sixty days and .was ordered
home to explain his conduct. 70
Saridoval departed in 1547, and the termination of bis
.- four-year sojoum lifted a great weight of uncertainty from
thc minds of those charged with the duty of goveming New
A. G. I., 48-1-2/24, Descargos del scftor vissorcy, Mexico, Octobcr
30. 1546.
Thc first 303 questions havc bcen printed under the tit1e "Frag-
. menta de la . visita hecha . a don Antonio de Mendoza" by Icazbalceta,
. Colcccin d~ documentos, II. 72-140. T~is is thc part drawn up by thc
notary Miguel Lpez, which lacks thc fivc additional questions f ramcd
by Juan de Salazar f or the probanza in Michoacn.-A. G. l., 48-1-6/28,
Probanza hecha en Mechuacan, 1546.
"Sandovat lingered in New Spain eleven months after bis first order
to return to Spain; to th~ great disadvantage and interruption of good
gove rnment. I t took "Carta sobre carta y tercera'' to convince him that
the home goveroment was in earnest and he was f uriously angry with thc
Yiceroy and his brother f or thc part they played in upsetting his plans
to govern New Spain.-A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Cargos que puesto contra
el licenciado Tello de Sandoval, Valladolid, May i, 1548.
THE TE:;TING OF THE VICEROYALTY 169
Spain. He had been too long about bis business and had
bccome a hindrance to the proper conduct of affairs rather
' than thc bcneficial stimulant intended by the home govem-
\ ment. Ev,eryone had been so busy defending himself that
\ little time was left for his real quties. .Sandoval's effort
\ to enforce the New Laws had failed and the rather mean-
'\. ingless :vot~ of a~. ecclesiasticat congress to the effect that
slavery was unlawful had only afforded Las Casas an
. opportunity to show that his hands at least were clean of the
\j: offcnse. Thc visitor had done nothing of a constructivc
1
( character and bis numerous inspections and threats against
.
the administration had brought progress to a standstill.

Y-- In the case of the viceroy, no stone was left untumed
until the stigma of Sandoval's accusations had been removed.
Mendoza sent Agostn de Gu~rrero and Juan de Aguitar to
Spain to push the case to a conclusion before the Council
of the Indies, and retained Sebastian Rodrquez as his legal
advl-ser in Spain. The first gun of the legal battle was fired
in Valladolid, May 7, 1548, when Mendoza's representativc
presented a petition to the Council of the Indies asking that
Sandoval, a member of that body, be barred from considera-
tion of the visita findings against the viceroy as an ac-
knowledged enemy incapable of an unprejudiced decision.11
The Council of the Indies granted the petition as one based
on good grounds and, af ter viewing the credentials of thc
viceroy's agents, accepted a bond of 30,000 maraveds as a
guarantee of their good faith. Sandoval was then summoned
to appear before the Council for a formal hearing.12 At the
n A. G. l., 48-2-20/2, Recusacion del seor vissorcy, peticion, Valla-
dolid, May 7. 1548: " . por ende pido y suplico a vuestra alteza mande
aber al dicho licenciado sandoval por Recusado y que no haga Relacion
de la dicha bisita ni de parecer en ella ni conosca de las causas que mi
parte tiene y tubierc ni sea juez en ellas y se avstenga de conocer de
todas ellas . "
" A. G. l., 48-2-20/2, Peticion al Cor.sej o de Y ndias, V aliadolid.
May 24, 1548. On the back of the petition, the consent "que esta bien
provcy .d_o que se cumpla lo mandado," dated May 28.
_same time a Jist of twcnty-eight reasons why he. shoutd be
:SQ ba~ OUt. of thc case was prescnted i~ order that
Sandoval could answcr thcm bcfore the Council.
The ..former v~sitor appeared bcfore the Council, Junc 2,
- ' 1548, and replied briefly with negations, half admissions,_ and
laclc of memory .conceming sorne details. In general he
de~i~ unfriendliness and that he had hoped to become gov-
emor of New Span -in thc viceroy's stead, but two admis-
sions darnaged -his case sevcrely in the cyes of his f ellow
members of the Council. He admitted that he had wished
to prlong bis stay in New Spain for another year,"l'a ~nd
_that he had. been aAced by many to stay in New Spain as
president of its audiencia, when it was rumored that Men
doza would g0._ to Pero, but that he had replied that he lacked
- the nCccssary qualifications." The decision of the Counc1
of the Indies, September 14, 1548, was in favor of the vicc-
roy, and Sandoval was ordered to abstain from taking any
part in the examinations of the visita which concemed M:en-
doza." After two meetings. which ended in ~isagreement, it
was finally shown by an actual examination of the files of thc
archives of the Council that Sandoval had sent a letter and
memorials to the king against the viceroy. immediately after
.his arrival in New Spain and bef~re he could possibly havc
made a judici~l inquiry. n N ot satisfied with this vindication
,. .. Por que si otro afio mas estaviera pcnsabe de hacer mucho servicio.
a su magestad pero que niega avcr dicho las dichas palabras por tener .
pensamiento de quedar por governador."-A. G. l., 48-2-20/2, Testigo de
Francisco Tello de Sandoval, Valladolid, ]une 2, 1548.
'/bid., pregunta XVIII.
. n " Cierta carta e capitulos quel dicho licenciado sandoval confeso
que avia enbiado al dicho vuestro Real consejo de yndias luego que llego
a la nueva espaa. .''-A. G. l., 48-2-20/2, Resultas de la visita, Va-
lladolid, August 24-Scptembcr 14, 1548. Thc dccision was signed by
the liccntiatc, Hernan Martinez de Montalvo, Doctors Anaya and Castilla
of thc Royal Council, and by the liccntia.tes Gutierrcz V clzquez, Grc-.
gorio Lpcz and Doctor Hernan Prcz of the Coundl of the Indies and
it reads that " .. Sanctdoval se abstenga de la vista y det~rminacion
del proceso de la visita que por mandado de su magestad tomo en la nueva
~spaa en lo que tocare al dicho virrey don Antonio de Mcndo~a "
lbi<J Scpte~bcr 14, 1548.
of their master, the viceroy's rep.resentatives pressed the case
further and on September 22, 1550, secured an extension of
the prohibition so as to include any case which might involve
Mendoza." Even aftcr the viceroy's dcath the case was con-
tinued by bis son, Francisco, who obtained an injunction
which excludcd Sandoval from any case in which the children
\ of Mendoza were parties, July 29, 1555.77 Thus ~he attempt
; to oust the viceroy, which had its gcnesis in the charges
'. brought by Corts in 1543, ended in ignominious failure; and
1
the viceregal system as represented by Mendoza was vin-
dicated as a successful means of maintaining imperial control
in the distant Spanish Indies.
"A. G. I., 48-1-20/2, Mandamiento de los scfiorcs del consejo Real de
Indias, Valladolid, Septcmber 22, 1SSO.
"/bid., Valladolid, July 29, 1555.
.'
CHAPTER VII
THE LAST YEARS OF ANTONIO DE MENDOZA'S RULE
The fitecn years of Mendoza's . govemment in New
Spain faH naturally in to f our pe'r!2_c!~ ;, _fi.rs~, the era of be-
girinings, characteriz! d by a strggle between the viceroy and
Corts-l'or the rigltt.... ..,,to engage in disco'lery 1535-1540);
_____..--
- sec l-, the ears of the r~markable voyages and exploring
- o-n"""
expeditions under vicer ega'l-promotfon and-- ~ectioo durmg
, .~ch time:i\;;.o ~ ~c'itrred the last r i.ve-rebellion,
the Mixtqn W r 1 iAf)~ lS.44) ;.__thir_?, th~_petjod-o.L_the
visitor Sandoval's so 'oum in New s aj_n _( l544:J~17.} as.
a menaceTo :Medoza~~ntinilance in offi~~,__ and noteworthy
frthe failureof te N ew Laws; la_~tly,~~cogni
.
tion, wen-;-despte
~---:---, -- _..,. - f.iling
~ .
health, the "good
-....
viceroY'eottld
.. -- --
get no re ief from the office he had fought the v1sitor so
~J,o_r._e.tain~- - This final series of years, stretching
from 1547 to the time of Mendoza's departure for Peru in
1551, brought many new problems to be soived as well as
continued progress and increased prosperity. The viceroy
had to devote much attention to the questions oncerning the
. relations between the conquered race and the Spaniards,
which arose asan aftermath of the Mixton War and from the
._ great scarcity of labor caused by a destructive epiclemic which
broke out among the Indians in 1545 and ran its course the
. following year. 1 In addition to the great social unrest which
": these conditions produced, ~he period was characterized by
. ~. continued expansion on the northern frontier, where the
'It has becn cstimatcd that as many as 800,000 natives perishcd from
this disease, but the figures seem to be greatiy e~aggerated . The cpidcmic
is bclieved to have becn sm;\11-pox, first intro<luced into Ncw &pain by a
Negro with the Narv.ez e~pedition. The Indians apparently had no
immunity and in most cases the results were fatal.-llancrof t, History
o/ M exico, II. 529.
...
THE LAST YEARS 173
breaking of the Chichimec and Otomi barriers prepared the
way f or the advanee into Nueva Vizcaya under the succeed-
ing viceroys. ' The devclopment of mining and ranching, the
f ounding of ncw towns, and the establishment of an audiencia
.. in N ucva Galicia, were indeed the preliminarics to the great
advance of the frontier of settlement in the second half of
the sixteenth ce~tury whcn Francisco de !barra, Lus de
Carabajal, the two Urdiolas, Juan de Oate, and othcrs
opcned up vast new regions in the north of N ew Spain. From
the standpoint of the viceroy, Mendoza's detennincd but
unsuccessful effort to make his office hereditary in the person
of..his son, Francisco, was the outstanding feature of these
last years.
The failure of the New Laws, and with thcm Spain's
greatest program of humane legislation, coupled with thc
disorder occasioned by the Mixton War and the Sandoval
visita, lef t a trail of discontent .in N ew Spain of which
traces were to be f ound in alt classes-among the Spaniards,
Negro slaves, and subject Indians alike: The victors in thc
Mixton War petitioned for rewards for their services and
were highly discontented with their lot. War, pcstilence,
and conscription had killed off so many of the natives that
the problem of securing enough laborers to gratify these de-
mands beca me a most ~erious one; for the govemment could
only pay its bligations to its servants by grantirtg them the
right to exploit the labor of the servile classes. Since the small
number of slaves captured during the war were far from
sufficient, Negroes .wer impqrted in increasing numbers.
those in service were subjecte~ .to increased exactions, and,
under the guise of chasing runaway Indians, an extensive
illicit slave-trade grew up on the northern frontier. This
was particularly true of Nueva Galicia, where such raids
had been customary from the time that Cabeza de Vaca met
such a party north of Culiacn.
-. 174 ANTO~IO DE :rdEN.DC?ZA
. _The undercurrent of discontent engendered by the exist-
.. :.ence of these oppressive conditions f ound expression in spo-
radic revolts on the part of the ~ervile classes and in attempts
, to overtum the government on the part of dissatisfied Span-
. . iards who f ancied that such yiolence would remedy the
.cconomic situation. These disgnintled Spaniards went so
. far, in one instance, as to plot the murder of all the magis-
_ trates in M~~ico City, whom they felt were responsible for
their grievances. Fortunately for the government, two of
-._ the conspirators weakened and betrayed their accomplices
_:-~- before a~ything had been accomplished. The government
. seized those conccrned and executed them with utnost
. -: promptncss as a.n example, for the very thought that such an
act even could have been contemplated thoroughly alarmed
. the authorities. 2 During the same year, 1546, the Negroes
_ w~re discovered in a conspiracy to throw off the yoke of
:_.- _ slavery in the region about Tlatalulco and Tenoch.a and were
__~ _dealt with in summary fashion. This was a rcpetition of
. __ -. the earlier attempt, in 1536, of the less docile A frican to
substitute. black for white rule in New Spain, and again the
_-.-viccroy's quick action and effective measures quelled the
i.nsurrection before it got under way.
'
In like. fashion the lndians manifcsted their restiveness
under the harsh and often intolerable 1i fe of serfdom they
- . were f orced to live. These uprisings were scattered and
". ill-timed and there was no evidence of leadership or con-
. ccrted action. Accordingly the viceroy was never hard
pressed, as his f ull military strength was available in each
instance. Among the more important of these social revolts
was that of the Tequipans of Oaxa~a in 1548 and that of the
Zapotecans in 1550. The Tequipans, like the Cascanes in
N ueya Galicia, retired to mountain f astnesses in their
country in a vain attempt to shak~ off Spanish. rule. Men-
Bancroft, History of Me:tico, II. 538.
THE LAST YEARS li'S
. .
doza struCk hard at thc vcry outset this time, having Jcamcd
a valuablc lcsson from the Mixton War, and nipped thc
movement in thc bud by sending Tristn de Aretlano with an
ovcrwhclming force against the insurgcnts. The Zapotecans .
enjoycd a bricf success in 1550, when they renounced their
allcgiance to Spain unde~ the leadership of a chicftain who
claimed to be Quetzalcoatl himsel f, returncd to free them
from oppression. It was onc thing. to convince the natives
of bis supernatural mission and quite another to displaythe
m~litar)' skill which bis role required. A f ew well-directcd
blows delivered with great vigor by the viceroy causcd th~
movement to collapse and the chieftain to topple from bis
exalted position. While none of these outbreaks were seri-
ous they were symptomatic of underlying conditions of social
injustice and inequality existent in New Spain.
In 1544, Blasco Nez de Vela had been scnt to Peru
to create a second viceroyalty. His instructions ordered thc
strict enforcement of the New Laws within his j~risdiction.
Unlike Mendoza, he was a man of little tact and refuscd to
listen to the picas of the angry encomenderos, on the ground
that he had no powcr even to delay the execution of a royal
ordcr. Peru, as a result, was plunged into a series of profit-
less wars culminating in the assassination of the viceroy.
Gonzalo Pizarro, the bastard son of the colonel of the samc
name, profited by ~he disorder to make himself ruler ovcr
Peru. Fearful of osing this rich arca the Spanish govem-
mcnt despatched a very ab1e diplomat to right the situation,
the licentiate Pedro de la Gasea. Havfog been appointed
president of the royal audiencia of Peru, this agent of t.hc
king reached Panam earJy in 1547, and called on Mendoza
to f urnish him with military aid in bis task of wresting the
control of Peru from the hands of Gonzalo Pizarro. Meu-
Cavo, Tris siglos dt M ljico, l. 155~156, citcd by Bancroft, placed the
blame for this outbreak on the corregidores and the cruel treatment the7
accordcd their charges.
doza answercd \'cry qt.ii~kly and a force of six hundred men
was enlisted. This am1y was placed under the command of
Frapcisco de Mendoza, SQn of the viccroy, and Cristbal de
Oatc, of Mixton War fame, was appoint~d maestro de
campo.
J.n Mxico, before the trOops departed, a revicw was ~cid
on March 1; 1547. . In order to inspir~ the sotdiers on this
occasion francisco de Mendza and Hernando de Satazar,
the king's factor, "spurred on their horses and attacked each
other ~o f uri9usty that they shivered their lances, and the
two horses met head to head and breast to breast, so that
from the force of the shock they fetl down and were left
dead, without, however, the knights being killed, although
. they were racked and wounded because of the great force
of the horses and the encounter which took place." This
was the first jousting that took place in New Spain of which
an account has come to light.' On the eve of the departure
of t~is expeditionary forc~, -probably from Tehuantepec or
Navidad, when ali was in readiness for the sailing of the
armada f or Peru, news that Gasea, by the prestige of bis
commission and the adroitness of bis diplomacy, had gained
. a bloodless victory over the instirgents arrived, and the army
was recalled and disbanded. 1 As Mexico City had f urnished a
large quota of the men who volunteered f or the campaign,
'F. M. Garca Icazbatccta, ''El primer torneo habido en ta Nueva .
Espafia," in Hisp. Amer. Hist. ReTJ., V. 749, quotes this dcscription from
Torquemada and venturcs the opinion that thc tourney must havc been
. bcld in thc main square of thc city about the middle of 1547.
. Di!go de Ocampo, a knight and nativc of Cacares in Castite, is
crcdited with thc achievement of having opened the navigation route from
New Spain to Peru at his own expense. Santia.go in Colima was another
possible port, u the viceroy used it for the despatch of most of bis
exploring cxpeditions by sea.
Onc hundred and nincty-two thousand pesos were e.~pended on
munitions, provisions, and the accoutrcment of thc men who volunteered
for thc cnterprize, a heavy expense wben one considers that thc outcomc
showcd thc necdlessness of such extensive preparations.
THE LAST YEARS 177
aftcr proper reprcsentations had becn madc, the king rc-
warded this display of loyalty and zcal f or the royal scrvicc
by conferring on th~ city the titlc of "muy noble, insigne
y leal" and granted ,special immunities and privileges to it.'
In the region directly north of Mexico, around thc ~od
em city of Quertaro,. even before the advent of the Span-
iards, the Indians had never yielded to outside rule.
From the time of the conquest a struggle was in progress
against these roving native tribes. who were designated by
the Spaniards by the general term Chichimecas. 8 The Span-
iards adopted the policy of the former Nahua Confederation,
entrusted the subjugation o this area to native caciques,. and
treated the region as a buffer state. The obscure wars which
ensued were )argely f ought by christianized Mexicans and
Otom under Spanish direction against the Chichimecas and
unconverted Otorri of the country about Quertaro. Two
native chieftains were conspicuous in the pacification of
this frontier, Nicols de San Lus de Montez, created a
knight of the order of Santiago and a captain-general in thc
army by Charles V, and Fernando de Tapa. In 1531 Quer-
taro was captured and by 1550 San Lus had made it safe
f or settlement. Mendoza at that time referred to this place
as Trueco, ~he Mexican equivalent of Quertaro, and, in
1551 and 1552, grants of town-lots and orchards were made
to incoming settlers. Warfare on this frontier continued
unde~ Indian leadership, the caciques being permitted to
ride horses and use Spanish weapons, almost down to the
close of the century. However, as need of ready communi-
cation with the Zacatecas mines rnade control of this border-
']une 20, 1530, Mexico had grantcd to it thc spccial privileges enjo7ed
by thc city of Burgos in Spain. The new titlc and privilcges wcre re-
ceived by the cabildo in the meeting of June "/, 1549.-Rivera Cambas,
Las Gobtnsantt.r dt M t.~ico, l. 32.
A generic tcrm which they applied to ali thc wild tribes of the nortb
who, in contradistinction to thc Aztecs, had no fixed abode.
Jand essential, no effort was spared by Mcndoza and bis suc-
cessors to secure a safe passagc through.' .
On August 8, 1544, in Guadalajara, the oidor Lorenzo de
Tejada inauguratcd a searching visita, having assembled
the leading citizcns of Nueva Galicia in bis residence on ~he
main square o f the town. 1 Francisco y squez de Coronado,
the g9vernor, Juan de Saldvar, Pedro de Placencla, alcaldes
cf th~town, Diego de Proano; Juan de Ojeda, contadores,
Miguel de !barra, Juan Snchez, regidores, Alonso de ta
Vera, cscrjbano, Cristbal de Oate, Juan Mkhel, Cristbal
Romero, Pedro Quadrago, Diego Hurtado, Juan de Cubia,
Barto1om Garca, citizens, Francisco de Godoy, Alvaro de
Bra~amonte, citizens of Compostela, and Juan Fernndez,
captain in thc Villa de Purificacin, were present whcn Te-
jada's royal provision was read and the alcaldes surrendered
tl:teir wands of office into bis keeping. Two days later he
.- _began to call in witnesses to testify conceming the conduct
~ irr office of the incumbent, and past officials of Guadalajara, 11
and of the governor and bis lieutenant Cristbal de Oate.
1 Fora summary of this contest see H. E. Bolton and T. M. Marshall,
The Coloni.::ation of North Atnerica, New York, 1921, 39, 58. A rathcr
unsatisfactory account of this confuscd and relatively little-known
series of wars is to be found in Bancroft, History of M~xico, 11. 539-546.
.
11
By a roya~order dated in Valladolid, S~ptember '/, 1543, Tejada
was allowed two ducats a day in addition to bis salary as oidor for a
pcriod of cighty days, in order to defray the expenses he incurred dur-
ing the visita.-A. G. l., 48-3-3/30, Residencia que el Licdo Lorenzo de
Tejada oydor de la Audiencia RI de Nueva ~spaiia tomo Franco
Vazquez de Coronado Governado que fue de la nueva Gaticia y su teniente
_Xpoval de Oate, 1544. Thc legajo contains the complete papers of the
visita of all the officials not only in Guadalaj ara but elsewhere in Nueva
Galicia and no further citations to it will be given cxcept in the case of
particularly important documents.
u Soon after thc siege, during the Mixton Rcvolt, Guadalajara had
bccn moved to a new sitc south of the Tololotln. The old city had becn
abandoned, October 6, 1541, and, on February 11; 1542, town officers had
.. bcen clcctcd in the ncw settlcment. It was located in the f ertilc valle y
of Atcmajac, where it grew rapidly into one of the most important cen-
. t~rs in N ew Spain. Tl}e visita included the officials who had scrved in
thc olJ Guadalajara.
Alldcs q han sido (Miguel de Ybarra, Diego Vsquez, Juan de
Villa Royal, Diego de Colis, Heman Flores, Toribio de Bolaos, Alonso
de Castaficda), A. G. l., 48-3-3/30.
THE LAST YEARS . 179
Chargcs of .a serious nat re, with ample proofs, were
brought against Coronado, during the days which followed
untit the fifth of September, when Pedro de Placencia, the
twenty-ninth and last witness, was hcard. From the infor-
mation collected under oath in the coursc of . this secret
inquiry Tejada drew up a list of thirty-four formal charges,
of which a cpy was presented to Coronado with a request
that he file his answer within a week. 12 Chief among the
charges were gross mistreatment of t~e natives and mishand-
ling of the royal f unds. He was accused of having se~t
heavny loaded Indians a11 the way to MexiCo City and retum,
driving them so relentlessly that a considerable number
died on the march and many more later in the hospital at
Patzcuaro; and, moreover, of exacting this toll without re-
muneration. He was declared to have forced the nati ves to
labor under inhuman conditions, to have taken them from
their villages without permission or just cause, to have sepa-
rated families, and to have taken whatever he wanted from
them without compensation. In connection with thc
journey to Cbola it was stated that he. h~d left a considera-
ble portion of the country in revolt behind him and hd
drawn his salary as governor ali the time he was absent. 11
In matters of justice, religion, industry, and all the varied
interests which should have been bis, he ~as declared to have
been 'remiss and negligent. In one specific instance he even
was said to have gone so far as to have used bis authority
as governor to force Juan <le Villa Real on the cabildo of
Guadalajara in the place of Colis, the regularly elected regi-
dor. A few days later Coronado returned his replies, admit-
.ting most of the charges but pleading extenuating circum-
u Cargos que resultan de ta residencia secreta contra Francisco V as-
quez de Coronado, Guadal aj ara, September . 5, 1544, in Coronado resi-.
dencia cited above.
u '' Q sin tener facultad a llebado el salario de gobernador tres
afios q. tubo absente desta provincia q es en cada un ao 1500 ducados
de buena, moneda." lbid.
' . stances. H H~ was placed in his home under arrest .f or a
..:time but allowed to go free on an appeal to the Council of
- : thc Indics.
Cristbal de Oate, who had served as lieutenan~ govem-
. or during the absencc of Coronado, was cleared of ali guilt
__ by the visitor and, what is quite unusual in a residencia,
. praised most. wannly f or. bis spl~ndid
, .
record as an official
in the sentencia at the close of his case, September 16, 1544.
Tejada. fined, suspended from office, and other~ise punished
. _eight of the lesser officials of th~ province for laxness in
.. office before he closed the official business connected with
. bis task on the fo_llowing day. Qn bis retum to Mexico City
. he wrote a report _of _what he had accomplished and sent it~
accompanied by a n_umber of constructive suggestions f or the
bettennent of the province, to the king. 16
The. most ~mportant remedy for the maladministration
of Nueva Galicia ~vanced by Tejada was the establishment
of an audiencia in one of the chief towns, Guadalajara, Com-
postela, or Purificacin. 18 These were the only Spanish
.towns of any consequence and what is more to the point,
were possessed of the only cabildos and jails.
Coronado was replaced in 1545 by Baltasar .de Gatlegos,
who ruled over Nueva Galicia as alcalde mayor until thc

:, The reply bcars the title "Descargos Confesantes."
M
A. G. l., 58-5-8, Carta del Oidor Lorenzo de Tejada al Rey, Mexico,

March 12, 1545.
:. ..... Parceme que para pacificar aquella probincia y reducirla a ta
obediencia de vuestra magcstad y conserver los naturales e industriarlos
en las cosas de N ucstra santa f ce catolica que. conbiene y es necessario
- que vuestra magestad probca aquella provincia de audiencia y perlado
- _proprio y que este sea Religioso y se le apliquen pueblos dabalos y provin-
- cias de Colima y ~aca,tula que confinan con Galicia y estan muy lexos
dcsta Real audiencia y con el mismo salario que se da a los oydores desta
los quales se podran pagar con lo que se a quitado a gobernadores e
oficiales y de algunos Residuos." /bid. It would seem f rom this that no
bishop had bcen appointed for New Galicia at this time, although 1544 is
usually the date givcn for the establishment of a bishopric there. The
first bishop, Maraver, is refcrrcd to in the Sandoval Visita as bishop-
clect, so it may be that the gencratly accepted date is wrong.
THE LAST YEARS 181
recommcndation o.f Tejada was carricd into effcct by a royal
dccree, February 13, 1548, ordering the installation of an
audiencia at Compostela subordinate to that of Mexico. 1 '
The oidores Hemando Nez de la Marcha, Lcbrun de
Quiones, and Miguel de Contreras arrived in Mexico in
July of 1549, after having been appointed to office in _Spain
during the .month of ~fay of the previous year. 18 They
proceeded to Compostela together, where, after a brief sur-
vey of the situation, they reported to the king, November 28,
1549. 19
Just before the arrival of the new administration for
Nueva Galicia the town council of Compostela wrote a
lengthy report on the actual state of the province and earnest-
ly requested the appointment of Cristbal de Oate as gov-
ernor and captain-general. 20 !-lis earlier services had bcen
so effective that they thought him to be the best man to handle
the peculiar difficulties of the local situation. Conditions as
described were indeed very grave. The Spaniards, originally
attracted to the region by the gold mines within three leagues
of the town, had left for Peru and other more prosperous
settlements beca use a plague had carried off ali but four
thousand natives within a radius of fifteen leagues of Com-
postela and the mines could no longer be worked at a profit.
11
Bancroft, Histcwy of M ~xico, II. 547, note 26, collates the printcd
authorities on the date of founding, jurisdiction, and first oidores.
11
A f ourth, Seplveda, died on the voyage over f rom Spain. Lebnm
de Quiones ha.el arrived in Mexico City in 1548, where he awaited the
arrival of bis colleagues, as it appearf; from a list of recommenda.tions to
the Emperor on the government Qf his future charge of N ovember 2,
1548. He had served as an oidor in Es pafio la and as governor in Santa
Marta, where his conduct had not been above approach. Complete free-
dom f rom supervision by Mexico and the fixing of the capital at Gua-
dal aj ara were the principal points in his communication.-Pacheco y
Crdenas, X. 52-56.
A. G. I., 67-1-18, Carta al Rey de los oydores y Alldes mayores de
Ja Nueba Galicia., Compostela, Novcmbcr 28, 1549.
A. G. l., 67-1-18, Carta S.. Mt de la justicia y rregimio de Com-
Postela, Nov~mber 1, 1549.
. : .Only the poor .and. the married remained. It was requested
that perm'ission to. import six thousand indians.. from New
Spain with their families be granted by-.the viceroy so that
.the land could be cultivated_for.the purpose of reduci~g the
: excessive.price.of food transportro from New Spain and even
from Cast~le. . The citizens lamented that theirs was the
poorest province iri .the Indies since the culti~ation f the
... vine had becn prohibited; they felt, ho~eYer, that if Colima
were added to it, if bis majesty would grant them. two thou~
sand Negroes at a moderate price, and if the royal fifth be
reduccd to a twentieth, they would make it the riChest by
. developing the mine~. Even the mines of Zacatecas were
declared to be in straitened circumstances owing to their dis-
. tance f rorit Guadalajara and to their being situated in an
.... uninhabited region~ This was a condition which was not
_rectified until the Otom barrier was broken in 1550 and a
direct road to Mexico City opened. .
The new oidores reported to the king, N ovember 28,
1549,21 _on what they thought would be the measures most
... _conducive to the. prosperity of the A'udiencia. They p~r-
,: : ticul.rly felf their subordination to Mexico ~nd asked that
they be given preeminence, as in the case of the Audiencia
_>de los Confines, and pleaded for more oidores as it would be
..:impossible to keep two out on visitas if one should become
.- iJl. They put off the matter of choosing between Guada-
.. lajara and Compostela as the seat of their government until
..- tbe relative merits of the two places coutd better be asc~r
. tained, although a hint at thc ultima te triumph of the fonner
is contained in their description of the latter as a town
where ortly about twenty people actually had houses
and about one hundred and thirty-one claimed residence be-
A. G. I., 67-J:..ts, Carta at rey de tos oydorcs y attdcs de la Nueba
Galicia, Compostela, Novcmbcr 28, 1549.
THE LAST YEARS . 183
cause of their encomiendas and offices. 21 To increase the
population they requested a repartimi~nto to attract men cap-
able of bearing arms and repeated the earlier plea for the
incorporation of_ Colima into their jurisdiction. Indian trou-
bles, the need of clergy, the danger of the Negro slaves who
were joining the war-like tribes in the north, their action in
placing alcaldes. mayores in the mines of Zacatecas, thc
inconvenience of sending silver from there to Compostela
to be stamped and a plca that a mint be established in thc
capital city made up the balance of this account.
The royal officials in Nueva Galicia throw additional
iight on the progress of affairs in Nueva Galicia in a report
to the king at about the same time. 23 They f elt that the
province was showing distinct evidences of progress and that
new mines were being discovered in every direction. 24 Their
view was too narrowly restricted to revenue, however, to
be given mu ch weight. Like the oidores they felt the su-
periority of the audiencia of Mexico keenly and said that
they had refused to appeal to it up to that time. They ad-
vised that the new oidores wererinexperienced and that a presi-
dent to keep them in check would be expedient. An interest-
ing opinion of the viceroy is revealed in their reques~ th1.t
if they are to be subjected to a visita, ~endoza be sent
rather than sorne inexperienced and overzealous official.
Simultaneously with complaints against the oidores,25
news of the unexampled richness of the mines of Zacatecas
Bancroft, History o/ M exico, II. 549, note 32, says the gov-
ernment was trans ferred to Guadalaj ara somewhere between 1550 and
1569, the seat of the bishopric bcing removed at about the same time.
The ycar 1560 scef!ls to be the most reliabte date.
A. G. l., 67-1-18, Carta de los oficiales de V. Mt de Nueva. Gaticia.
Compostclat Deccmber 20, 1549.
"/bid., "Al presente como dios es servido q las cosas desta provincia
vayan de bien en mejor con el describrimo de las minas."
A. G. I., 67-1-18, Carta de Juo de Cespedes, Guadalajara, August
25, 1550. He ~llegcd that they were drawing their salaries while neg-
lecting thcir dutics and that the scttlers rcteived nothing but "molestias
y aggravios" at their hands.
184 . ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
started a rus.h to that district which almost depopulated Nueva
Galicia. 28 rhis movement of the populatiori and the success
of the mining operations almost coincided with the opening
_of a direct road t~rough Quertaro to Mexico .from Zacate-
._-_ cas, which probably means that the improved communication
was responsible for the "boom" which resulted.
In the month of April of 1550 the licentiate Hernando
Nez de Ja Marcha, 21 in the course of a general visitation
of New Galicia, lasting from December 9, 1549, to December
7, 1550, visited the Zacatecas country and made a valuable
report on what he observed there. 28 He found a total of
thirty-four companies owning and operating mines with
_smelters to extract th~ metal, with free Iridian and slave
Jaborers. The ~ompanies were headed by such men as Cris-
tbal de Oate, who had thirteen stamp-mills and foundries
-~ (yngenios' d~ moler y fundir), one hundred and one slaves,
, his residence, and a church for the workmen, Juan de _Zal-
. dvar, B~ltasar de Bauelos, the oidor Santilln, 20 and the
factor Juan de Salazar. In addition there were numerous
residences, merchant stores, churches, and an Indian quar-
ter. To take care of the royal interests he appointed, to
_- . r~side at the mines, Alonso de Roa, as veedor, with two
: .' :lieutenants, one to serve as contador, the other as treasurer.
- _ -._ On the journey, both going and coming, he visited the vari-
. A. G. I . 67-1-18, Carta at rey de los Justicia's y Rcgimio dcsta
. Cibdad de Guadalajara. So great was the loss of population-as the en-
. comcnderos took thcir Indians with thcm-that thc four oidores had little
- - . work to do and were almost urinccessary.
n Somctimes .thc namc o_f this official is also givcn as Hcman Martf ncz
de Ja Marcha.
A. G. I., 66-5-14, Rclacion sacada en suma de vesita general hecha
por el sefior licenciado hcman martincz de la marcha oydor allcaldc
- . mayor en la Real Abdiencia que Reside en la cibdad de Compostela.
And this jn spite of royal decrecs a.gainst any membe~ ,of the audien-
cias cngaging in business. Santilln had a foundry, stamp-mill, a resi-
dence for himsetf, and five houses for his slavcs. By a royal cdula,
May i, 1SSO, he was givcn a ycar in which to dispose of bis holdings.
- . _-A. G. l., 87-6-2, Oficio y parte, Cdula, VaUadolid, 227.
THE LAST YEARS .185
ous towns, held trials, inspected boundaries, settled disputes,
and inspected the conduct of officials. .
New Galicia then, at the close of the vi~roy's reign, was
a vast district as yet inadequately populated by Spaniards
with probably only about five hundred settlers, exclusive of
the mines in the neighborhood of Zacatccas. These Span-
iards were largely dependent on mining and stock-rai.sing,
thc actual labor involved f alling on the Indians~ slave and
free, and imported N~gro slaves.
Mendoza, from t4e time that he arrived in New Spain,
had tried to secure a measure of social justice for the In-
dians. He had published on June 30, 1536, his first ordi-
nances regulating their services in the mines.10 The succeed-
ing years of his rule were given over in large part to efforts
to better the harsh lot of the subject population, by reitera-
tion of the laws, by investigations, and by constant support
of the .Church. This was particularly true of the period
immediately f oltowing the elimination of the effective pro-
.visions in the N ew Laws.
, Before the visitor Sandoval arrived, Mendoza had or-
dered the inspection of the mint in Mexico City, but as thc
visitor conducted a regular visita there, the viceroy had post-
poned his own investigation. However, when Sandoval had
returned to Spain he proceeded to examine the work there
in person and f oun~ evcry official guilty of fraud of onc
kind or another even to the extent of debasing the coinage.
The situation demanded heroic measures but, as the country
needed money badly, he could not dismiss all the officers and
close the doors of the establishment, no matter how damn-
ing the evidence in the case might be. He wrote to the king,
summing up the problem and indicating the various remedies
' which might prevent a recurrence of the s~ndal he had
A. G. l., 58-3-8, Hordenan~as para la conservacion y buen trata
miento de los naturales libres y eslavos q sirven y andan en las minas de
plata. Mexico, June 30, 1536.
' 1
uncovered.11 Thc-chief cause he found in the systcm where-

.- by mcn were permitte~ to hotd positions in thc mi~t by mcrcly
posscssfog a tit1e of officc from the king and subletting the
. - actual work to substitutes who paid f or thc privitegc and,
- naturally, would take advantage of any chance to take more
of the silvcr they coined than was their legal right. In ad-
-.. _dition to changing this method of appointment, he recom-
mende4 the. payment of the quinto in coin rather than silver,
which could be changed to a lower grade, and that weekly
. accountings ~ made in the presence of all
interested parties.
From the time of ~fendoza's visit to Nueva Galicia in
1540, to participate in the final organization arid start of the
Coronado expedition, he suffered from intermittent fevers
which left him weak in body for abrief period. 32 So?~ after
thc death of bis good friend and fellow-servant .. of the
king, Archbishop-elect Zumrraga, May 4, 1548, these at-
tacks and other complications so reduced his physical strength
that he could not tend to the affafrs of state. A year before
.this he had expressed a desire to return to Spain to discuss
. a repartimiento of the land which he had made and matters
of finance with the Prince, topics which it was inconvenient
to write about without being prolix and perhaps misunder-
stood~ He also intimated that he had served loyally and
needed sorne time to look after his own business in Spain.13
Despite bis declaration that New Spain was .now so well
o rganized that it could do without him, ~o relief was ac-
A. G. I., 58-3-8, Consulta del Virrey, Mcxico, July, 1549.
A. G. I., 2-2-1/1, no. 30, Carta del Virrey, Jacona, April 17, 1540.
At this time he contracted a fever in Colima and wrote to the king that
he was ''muy flaco de una calentura continua q tuve en Colima que aun
no foc mas de seis dias me appretto muy rezio a nro Sr plazios q ya
~stoy bueno y encamiendado."
"Ya catorze anos que sali de Espana a servir en estas partes, y con-
. viene mis negocios y hazienda visitalta ; y asi suplico V. A. me mande
dar li~en~ia por el tpo que fuere servido, porque, Dios gracias, lo de
estas partes est assentado de manera que no Ay de que tener cuydado
mas de los nego~ios ordinarios." Carta de D. Anto dt Mcndo::a, in
. Carlas de Indias, pp. 253-55, Mexico, October 30, 1548.
THE LAST YEARS 1e1
.cordcd. Thc fceling of discontcn~ which this rcbuff produced
may wcll havc contributcd to thc seriousncss of bis illncss.
In 1549, wbilc about to le~ve .Mcxico to visit Oaxc;ica,
Mcndoza was stricken with an~ illness which forccd him to
go to thc hot Jands for his health. On Jun~ 10, 1549, he was
stiJI in bed but convalescent.~~ During the period of bis
indisposition his son Francisco de Mendoza was givcn charge
of the ad interim administration of the affairs of thc kingdom,
instcad of the audiencia as was customary. The home gov-
ernment at the same time w':ls deluged with requests that
Francisco be appointed as his f ather's coadjutor in officc
and, when the time carne, viceroy. 81 The petitioners de-
scribed Mendoza as bcing so sick that bis ultimate recovery
was doubtful and said tbat even if he did survive he would
be lef t without his f ormer vigor. He was reported to havc
one lcg paralyzed and a pronounced tremor in bis hands
which would incapaci~ate him greatly. They asked that
Francisco be given official recognition as his father's assis.t-
ant and in case the viceroy died that he succeed to that
office until someone else was appointed. This, they alleged,
would insure continuous government by a capable man
who bad the confidence of the citizens and wbo had already
shown great aptitude f or the task.
The king, as soon as he saw the trend of Mendoza's am-
bitious project to make bis office hereditary, bastened to
check the movement, but was caref ul not to offend his faith-
16
Carta de D. Antonio de Mendo::a, Guastepeque, ]une 10, 1549, in
Carlas de l11dias, 258-259. He was alert enough at this time to protest
against the royal project of abolishing personal service in the mines,
which he pointed out was too drastic and would lead to a repetition of
the former trouhles and a let-down in the production of the silver mines.
Such refortns must come slowly, he statcd.
11
The rt'gular and secular clergy and numerous officials serit auch
Jetters. A. G. l., 60-4-8. Carta del Obispo de Tla.rcala, Los Angeles,
May 24, 1549; Carta de Fray Domi11go de Santa Maria y otros Clerigo1
en nombre del Orden de los predicadores, Mexico, ]une 13, 1549; Carla
de Fray Alo11so dt la V tra, Mexico, Octobcr 1, 1549, in Cartas de Indias,
pp. 86-88. The above are just a few of a long list which might be cited.
ful servant. In a coinmunication dated at Peafiel, May 8,
1550,31 the govemment intimated that it had. heard of the
satisfaction derived from the rule of his son Francisco
.... through lcttcrs received from oidores, prelates, and many
oth~rs and that~ while recognizing bis loyalty and great ser-
vices, could n.ot approve this action "por ser cosa nueva y
Cont~ la universal costumbre destos Reynos." In such
cmergencies the crown held that it was the business of the
audiencia to govem and such was to be the.practice from then
on. His motives were recognized as being pure and he was
addrcssed as "tan servidor nuestro," but a mild rebuke was
intended. hus ended the project to ,~-a,~ ~-.:f>f
lfendoza.yiceroys 1n
The tmperor Charles 'V' al last became aware of the
. fact that even a good servant like Mendoza could not remain
. forever in the same place and replied to Mendoza's request
. f or retease and permission to retum to Spain by appointing
. as his successor in office Lus de Velasco, a member of the
. noble house of the cons~ble of Castile and a knight of the
Order of Santiago with a long career as a military rnan and
royal servitor behind him. .Qn July 4, 1549, in the city of
Brussels, thc appointment was officially made11 and the offices
of_yiceroy and president of the audiencia of Mexico were
conferred on Velasco. }{is salary was fixed at ten thousand
ducados beginning the day he should set sail from San
Lcar38 an~ an additional sum of 4,000 ducados was pro-
.vided for his expenses in Seville. 31
1Iendoza was too useful in the New World despite bis
enfeebled health to be free from service; therefore he was
A. G. l., 87-6-2, Oficio y parte, 231, El Rey Don Anto de
Mendo2.
., A. G. l., 87-6-2, Oficio y parte, ttulo de Presidente, titulo de Visor-
rcy. Brussels, July 4, 1549, LXXXV, LXXXVI.
A. G. I., 87-6-2, Oficio y parte, El Rey al oficiales reates de ta, N ueba
Espaa, Brussels, ] uly 14, 1549.
.. A. G. l., 876-2, Oficio y parte, El Rey a los oficiales reales en
Sevilla, Valladolid; August S, 1549.
THE LAST YEARS 189
promoted to thc viceroyalty of Peru. In case he was too ill
to make thc joumey Vclasco was to procecd to that chargc
and Mendoza was to continue his rule in New Spain. The
salary of cither in case he went to Peru was fixed at 20,000
ducados, with an allowance of 6,000 ducados f or the costs of
the voyage. ' This possible trip of Velasco t~ Pero from
N ew Spain was previsioned by the Spanish government and
orders were sent to oidores of New Spain that they were to
provide him with the necessary ships even if those of private
individuals had to be requisitioned, and a trustworthy person
was to be appointed to accompany him to Peru. 41 In case
either of the viceroys became sick so that he could not gov-
em, the audiencia was ordered to govern until he recovered,
and in the event of the death of either, until the king ap-
pointed a new representative. 42 Soon after May 8, 1550,43
Velasco set sail for New Spain and arrived i~ Mexico during
the month of November of that year.
Mendoza sent representatives to receive Velasco when
he arrived at San Juan de Ulloa and agreed to rlleet blm in
person at Cholula twenty leagues from Mexico. 44 This
meeting was held "so that they might agree upon what was
best to do and which one of the two was to go to Peru as
governor, considering that bis majesty had left charge and
choice of the two in the hands of and subj~ct to the desire
A. G. I., 87-6-2; Oficio y parte, El Rey a los oficiales reales de ta
Nueva Espaa, Valladolid, March 11, 1550.
n A. G. l., 87-6-2, Oficio y parte, El Rey al Presidente y oydores de
la N tieva Espaa, Valladolid, March 11, 1550.
A. G. l., 87-6-2, Oficio y parte, El Rey al Presidente y oydores de
la Nueva Espaa, Valladolid, March 19, 1550.
Date of the last royal order to him before he left Spain. His
instructions are printed in Pacheco y Crdenas, XXIII. 520-547 and were
dated in VaUadolid, April 16, 1550.
" Before the arrival of Velasco an impostor Janded who called him-
setf the licentiate Vena and announced himself as a new visitor. He was
accompanied by a beautif ul woman companion and for a time defied
detection while spreading consternation among the office-holders.-Ban-
crof t, History o/ M t'xico, II. 559, 560.
.
. . of the viceroy Don Antoni~ de Mendoza. It was becausc of
his humbleness that ~e agreed to take upon himself thc
. :voyage tQ Peru and s~ that bis choice should not be attributed
.~. to laziness and cowardice he chose the most dangerous and
. : ~arduous joumey, evidence that he was an obedient ilnd
foyal scrvant of his Majesty." 41
. . . The two viceroys were accorded splendid receptions on
. . their way to Mexico City in passing through the close-by
towns. "Great rejoicing and happiness prevailed, which
. involved considerable expense and novel. cntertainments on
the part of the natives." 41 After the ceremonials of the
transinission of pow.er were over, Mendoza remained in
~f exiQ f or sorne time advising Velasco and preparing for
his joumey to Peru. During this period he compiled at the
king's command a lengthy written instruction for Velasco
concerning the gove~ent of N ew Spain and the proper
course of action f or the incoming viceroy to adopt. 41
_This became the model of a long series of such instructions
given by each viccroy to bis successor.48 Mendoza, in. his
instruction, laid particular stress cm the conversion of the
natives, on real hacienda, on the relations of the viceroy
..to the various elements in New Spain, and on the promotion
of new discovery. It was extremely valuable to Velasco
as it was the result of many years of hard-won experience
and dealt very explicitly with the problems the new ad-
.ministration was f orced to f ace.
l\Iendoza; before setting sail f or Peru, sent bis son, Fran-
cisco, on in advance, to determine the state of affairs there.
_ Obregn, Crnica, cap. V
.. Jbid.
f t Rtlacion, apuntamientos y avisos, q11t por mandado dt S. M. tli
.
D. Antonio dt lrf endet=a, virty dt Nut'V<J-Espaa d D. Luis dt Vtlasco,
nombrado para sucedtrlt e.i tstt cargo in Pacheco y Crdenas, VI.
484-515.
- These documcnts are printed in lnstruccionts qt1t los _Virt3'U dt
Nweva Espaa dtjaron d sus Sucesoru.
THE LAST YEARS 191
Francisco, af ter a brief stay iri that country rctumed to Spain
to report to the Council of the Indies on behatf of bis
father." With a small retinue he sailed from one of the
ports on the South Sea about the middle of 1551 and, after
an uneventf ul passage, arrived in Lima Septcmber 12, of the
san:ie year. GO He was received with regal honors, as his
reputation had preceded him, but he modcstly refused to
enter under a canopy as the city of Lima (Villa de los Reyes)
desired. 51
Mendoza fulfilled the good hopes of the inhabitants of
Peru in the brief period of bis rule, although greatly handi-
cappcd by his poor health. He f orgot ali the past mistakes
of his subjects and endeavored to show no favoritism to any
group. He interested himsel f in the Indins and their con-
version to the faith, but felt that sorne relief from their
forced labor in the mines must be afforded first. His son
Francisco was sent to the mines of Potos to see conditions
at first hand f or his father and every effort to ameliorate
harshness in the services required of the natives was made. 52
It was this virtual enslavement which finally brought on the
storm which contributed materially to Mendoza's death.
The Marqus de Cafiete, who followed Mendoza in Peru, reported
that he brought out one Francisco de Mendoza with him in 1554 and there
is a grant of a repartimiento of a cocoa plantation to such an individual.
but we know that Mendoza's son died in Spain after holding the impor
tant positions of governor of the mines of Guadalcanal and ca,ptain-
general of the galleys.-Carta del Marques de Caete al Emperador,
Pacheco y Crdenas, IV. 96, 110.
.. Velasco, when he accepted the office of viceroy, had been given to
understand that at the end of two years Mendoza would return and he
would go to Peru. He states that the j ourney to Peru had cost Mendoza
210,000 ducados, 6,000 of which were covered by the royal atlowance.
Carta de Don Luss de Ve/asco, Mexico, July 12, 1552, Cartas de Indias.
260-262.

11
Herrera, Historia Gctacral, Dcc. VIII, lib. VII, cap. 1, 1~.
u In l SS 1 Baltasar de Zrate presented the viceroy with a royal cdula
granting him the soJc right to "traer camellos al Peru" for a period of
ten years, in vicw of the f act that with no personal service they would
be most desirable for the carrying of burdens ".. q dicen algunos,
que siendo grande el ~elo de D. Antonio de Mendoza para sacar aquellos
naturales de todo trabajo." lbid., dec. VIII., lib. VII. ca.p., 111. 148.
----192 ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
- Bartoloin de las Casas, when he heard of the non-en-
. ,_.- forccment of the royal orders against personal service in
. ~- .Pcru, wrote a letter of protest to the head of the Dominican
. ~. _'. order there which precipitated a crisis. The oidores resolved
._ :to promulgate the original order ev~n though it had been re-
.
. :.voked. Mendoza was fearful of the results of such an
--~--- injudicious act and counseled against it but gavc the audien-
.
-_ .. cia f ull liberty of action. With great rashness th_ese officials
_:_ defied the public sentiment of Peru and promulgated the ob-
. noxious orders of June 23, 1552. Discontent was imme-
diate and widespread and the cabildos met to find a remedy.
Sorne petitioners of the cabildo in Lima secured permission
to protest to the viceroy, but he was too ill to hold an audi-
ence, and thc.audiencia mct their advances with rudeness. 11
-\Vhen he heard of this ill-advised action Mendoza ordered bis
secretary Pedro de A vendao to write the king a f utl account
. of the. happenings. A month later, July 21, he died and the
; disorders he had predicted broke out shortly thereafter.H
__ His body was buried with f ull honors in the cathedral next
to the conqueror Pizarro. Thus the N ew World was de-
privetl of the services of its first great administrator.
They statcd that they obcyed only the King and the Council of the
_I ndics and would not "dar lugar juntas, ni congregaciones de pueblos,
~ue es adonde, por la Maior parte, se fraguan las rediciones." /bid.,
_. dcc. VIII, lib. VII, cap. III. 189.
"Relacion cierta y breve de los dtsasosiegos suctdidos en Per
dupiics de la muerte del Seor Visorty D. Antonio de Mtndo=a in
Pachcco y Crdenas, 111. 246-271. When Mendoza was sick and dying
the decrce of the audiencia was brought to him for bis sign;i.ture but he
refused, saying it was inconvenient and that its execution should be sus-
pended until he could go to Spain and consult the king..
CONCLUSION
When thc career of Antonio de Mendoza is summed up.
bis imposing record as a pioneer administrator and the ]JClrt
he played in creating and sustaining the colonial empire of
Charles V strike the attention most forcibly. One needs but
to consider that the superstructure of Spain's thrce hundred
years of rule in New Spain rested on the sure foundation
which he laid t9 appredate tbe i!!t~rtanc~ of fs acTieve-
.ment. ~ .That bis immediate mccessors in offie~-were-ttkewise
able men who continued his poticies and that they conservCd
what he_ rdinquished into their keeping no more detracts
from the lustre of his performance than the fact th~t capable
and courageous navigators followed Columbus deprives him
of the credit for his first voyage. It is as an adrriinistrator,
then, the first, and, from many points of view, the ablest~ of
a long line of imperial agents in the New World, that he
should be remembered.
Mendoza'.s. success was in the main due to three things:
-----~-~
his prestige, bis statesmanship, and the reasonabie-use-e
. -
made of the wide powers of bis office. He ca~e--to New -

Spain a great nobleman, possessed of ample wealth, from thc
immediate cir~le about the Emperor, to be bis personal rep-
resentative. No la ter word or act of his lessened the original
respect this inspired. On the contrary, he bent every effort
and made use of every means to enhance the prestige of bis
person and, by so doing, to estab~ish a tradition of proper
awe for authority. His bodyguard, bis palace, and his open
hospitality were atl elements which contributed to this end.
So well did he reflect the Imperial splendor in bis entertain-
ments that years afterward, when atluding to the celebration
Qf the peace with France in 1538, the bluff veteran Bernal
:. 194. ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
Daz was moved to remark : "They decided to hotd great
-..- festivals and rejoicings, and they were such that it seems to
me I have nieen others of the same quality [even] in
,Castile ... '.' 1 The reputation he acquired in this manner
_. served the vice ys well, al~ho~gh in the end it proved to be
._ _-. too costly f or men who were without. private f ortune and
. therefore were forced to lavish state money on such functions
in a later age ~ben great achievement n~ longer existed to
accompany the grand manner.
M~ndoza'$ statesmansbip is mirrored in bis ordinances,
his recommendations to the king, and bis instructions to his
successor. Velasco. ~His -mining regulations, bis Jaws calcu-
. .Jated to moderate tbe services of tbe Indians, bis encourage-
1 .ment of the clergy, his scbools, and his provisions f or defense
. .. show him to have been a man of broad vis ion for his time
.and a prudent servant of tbe state. By nature firm and just,
.. - ,he lmew when to yield to popular clamor in order to ay~id .
_destruction, not only of his own i~fluence but of the new
society. He never antagonized the Spanish settlers un-
1 Bemal Diaz, Tru~ History, V. 188. His description of thc happcn-
ings on this occasion is most vivid and what he writes concerning thc
viceroy's banquet is worthy of quotation. He relates "that supper was
" given by thc viceroy, and this f east took place in thc corridors of thc
Royal Palace, which werc transformed into bowers apd gardens
and for each seat of honor therc were stewards and pages and a futl and
well-arranged servicc," Then, after mentioning all manner of pasties,
- salads, birds, and ra.ther exotic dishes served, ''together with much music
of singers . and trumpetry and all sorts of instruments, harps,
. gcitars, violas, flutes, dulcimers, and oboes, especially when the stewards
. served the cups to the Jadies," he speaks of the piece de resis-
. : lance, consisting of hugc pasties filled with live quail and rabbits which
were brought on and afforded much mcrriment when these animals
cscaped. Therc wcre jestcrs and versificrs at this rcmarkable dinncr also
and the rcdoutab!c Diaz dwells on fountains of white winc, Indian sherry
and red winc and other store of bottles. "Over tluec hundred men and
more than two hundrcd women were present and thc banquet lasted until
two hours after midnight, when the Jadies cried out that thcy could
stay no longer at tahte, and others werc indisposed." Evcrything was
servcd on gold and sil ver and non e of it was lost, for the maj or-domo.
Agostn Guerrero, had placed an Indian on guard over each piece of
platc. Silver salt cellars, many table cloths, napkins, and knives disap-
peared, but that was not regarded as serious. /bid., V. 188-197.
. CQNCLUSION 195.
neccssarily but rathcr chosc to obtain bis cnds by diptomacy~
managcment, and, if necessary, on occasion by intrigue. The
one great failure of his administration, thc faiture of thc laws
emancipating the nativcs, was in reality an evidence of his
-
common sense, f or he saw that the alternati ve to Indian
labor was revolt and the loss of New Spain, since his own
countrymen were too few, too little acclimated, and, in gen-
eral, regarded work as degradipg. He chose to keep Ncw
Spain and to do bis utmost to protect the Indian from want
or inhumanity.
1
'
\
The powers he cnjoycd were not abused but rather
' wielded in useful service. In bis administration th~ enco~-
l; enderos were brought under control, the royal authority es-
~ tablished, and the ground laid f or a period of peace. He gave
a new impulse to industry and agriculture; cattle multiplied
~ extraordinarily, new mines were opened, a~d exploration
J pushed far into the unknown north, while at the same time
his vessels plied the Pacific Oeean. Under. his direction thc
conquests of Nueva Galicia and Yucatn were extended and
consolidated arid the remnants of disorder which were thc
heritage of the conquest were almost completely eradicated~
'\ In brief, confusion gave way to the order and system of a
\ regular state, and Mex1co of the conquest became M:exico of
~ the viceroys.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
MANUSCRJPT MATEllIAL
I. Archivo Gcn~al de Indias. (A. G. I., abbreviation sed in

thc tcxt. )- '
A. Patrohato Real section.
1-1-1/20
Carta C$crita por fr. Ger6nimo de Santistevan a Dn
Anto de Mendoza en la q le relaciona la perdida de la
armada q salio en 42 para las yslas de Poniente .a el
cargo d~ Ruy Lopez de Villalobos.
No. 10. Relacion del descubrimiento q hizo Juo Rod-
riquez navigando por la contra costa del mar del Sur
hecha por Juan Paei.
1-1-2/21 .
No. 72. Cartas de Nufio de Guzman sobre la Jornada
q hizo en 1530 y 1531, sobre q restituyere ciertas armas
y sobre descubrimiento del mar del Sur y Nueva Galicia.
Ynformacion del virrey de Nueva Espaa Dn Anto de
Mendoza de la gente q va a poolar la Nueba Galicia con
Francisco Vsquez de Coronado Gobernador della.
Compostela, February 21, 1540.
Asiento y capitulacion de compania que celebraron Dn
Anto Mendoza Virrey de ta Nueva Espaa y el Adelan-
tado, Pedro Qe Alvarado sobre el descubrimiento q este
ofrecio hazer en el mar del Sur. Tiripito, Novcmber
29, 1540.
Processo del Marques del Valle, Nuo de Guzman y los
adelantados don Pedro de Alvarado y Don Hemando de
Soto y el Lkdo Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon sobre ~1 des-
cubrimiento que hicieron de la Nueva Galicia y tierras
del mar del Sur. 1541.
No. 297. Carta de la Nueva tierra de Santa Cruz
descubierta por Hernan Cortes el dia 3 de Mayo de
1535 de promovieron Nuo de Guzman, Pedro de
Alvarado y otros. Se acompafia el acta de posesion.
1-1-1/23 .
Relacion del viage que hizo Ruy Lopez de Villalovas
desde la Nueba Espaa a las Islas del Poniente el ao de
1542 por orden del virrey Don Anto de Mendoza.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 197
Cdula al virrey Don Anto de Mendoza,Brujas, Nov~-
ber 9, 1545.
1-1-2/28
No. 72. Carta de Nuo de Guzman sobre descubri-
miento del Mar del Sur y Nueva Galicia, diario que
escribe d~ este viage y un planp siquiendo dicho des-
cubrimiento. 1540.
2-2-1/1
No. 30. Carta del virrey, Jacona, April 17, 1540.
No. 63. Copia de todas las ordenes e instruciones que
se han dado a D~ Anto de Mendo~ quando fue nom- .
brado virrey de Nueya Espaa, Barcelona, April 17,
1535.
No. 67. Ordenanzas f1echas' por el Virrey de la
Nueva Espaa Dn. Anto de Mendoza sobre el buen trato
de los Yndios. Mexico, June 30, 1536.
.. No. 68. Obligacion q hace Martin Cortes al virrey de
Na Espaa de plantar en las provincias de Guapocingo
Cholula y Tlascala 100,000 pies de morales en 15 aos
para la Crianza de la seda y dice que fue el primero q
Ja crio en aquel reyno. 11exico, October 6, 1537.
No. 70. Relacion del. Virey de Nueva Espana D.
Antonio de Me~doza sobre la~ servicios personales qu~
hadan los Indios de aquellas provincias, 1537.
No. 73. Ordenanzas hechos en la ciudad de la Vera
Cruz para el buen gobernacion desta dudad se Aprova-
ron ciertos capitulas dellas por el Virrey D. Anto de
Mcndo<;a. Mcxico, July 3, 1539.
No. 76. ordenanzas hechas por el Virrey de Nueva
Espana D. Anto de :Mendoza sobre prohibicion de todo
juego de Naypes. 1539.
No. 77. Real provision por la que se senala al virrey
de Mexico Dn. Anto de Mendoza 15 leguas de termino
para entender en negocios civiles y criminales. :Madrid,
October 24, 1539. ,
No. 77. Carta de Joan de Alvear en no'be de cavildo
Justicia y regimiento de la Ciudad de Mexico. (~Iexico,
1592 ?)
Relacion de Be de Zarate. 1543.
2-2-2/2
No .. 3. Ordenanzas hechas en la Ciudad de Mcgico
por su Virrey D. Anto de Mendoza sobre el Modo de
labrar generos de seda en aq~ella ciudad. 1542.
No. 15. Tetimonio informacion hecho en Mexico
contra Luis Roman y otros sobre haber tratado de robar
las niinas de Tasco matiar al virrey y ministros de
aquella audia y levantas.e con el gobierno. 1550.
2-2-i .
No. S~ Minuta de los despachos que el secretario
Sainano enbia al Licdo Franco Tello de Sandoval sobre
puntos de buen gobierno.. 1543.
No. 10. Testimonio de la comision que se dio a Gon-
zalo de Aranda para las cuentas de Real Hacienda en
Nueva Esp~a y otros puntos de buen gobierno.
2-2-5 .
No. 12.. Cartas del Licdo Salmeron de Mexico; Janu-
ary 22, 1531 ; March 30, 1531.
No. 15. Carta al consejo del Licdo Quir9ga sobre l
venida del obispo de Santo Domingo. Mexico, August
14, 1531.
No. 17. Cartas de Nuo de Guzman, Mexico, Janu-
ary 1.5, 1531, to the council; January 15, 1531, to the
king; Jtine 7, 1531.
No. 21. Cartas del Obispo de Santo Domingo.
:Mexico, April 30, 1532; July 10, 1532; September 8,
1532; September 20, 1532; November 3, 1532.
No. 22. Carta de Nuo de Guzman, Compostela,
July 12, 1532.
No. 24. Cartas originales de Nuo de Guzman.
Santiago de los Valles, ~Iarch 1O, 1534 ; Valle de Bande-
ras, March 9, 1535; June 8, 1535.
No. 25. Carta del Obpo de Guatemala, Santiago,
Fcbruary 20, 1542.
No. 27. Cartas a la Emperatriz de Dn Anto de Men-
doza, sobre Cabeza de Vaca y puntos de buen gobierno.
Mexico, 1537.
No. 30. Cartas del Obispo de Guatemala. Mexico,
October 24, 1537; November 10, 1540; Mechoacn,
November 30, 1540.
No. 31. Carta a S.Mt. del virr~y Don Anto de Men-
d~a. Jacona, April 17, 1540.
No. 35. Carta de obpo de Guatimala, Mexico, Fcbru-
1.ry 20, 1542. .
No. 41. Cartas originales del obispo de Mexico al
~mperador y Principe. Mexico, March 31, 1547; Dc-
cember 4, 1547; February 18, 1548; May 15, 1548;
June 2, 1548 (advise of his d~ath from officiats, July
13, 1548.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY 199
2-5-1/22
Traslado de una carta que el Virrey de Nueba Espaa
escribio a Miguel Ruiz Avisandolc que Juo de Anasco
iba a tierra firme en busca de unos Cosarios franceses a
fin de ayudarle en la comisiqn. 1544.
B. Justicia.
'47-4-20/15
El licenciado Diego de la Torre juez de residencia en la
Nueva Espaa con Gonzalo Lopez, Cristoval Oate veci-
nos de ~1exico y salvador Marte! vecino de compostela
sobre derecho a cierta numero de .esclavos cavallos
yeguas y otras cosas. 1537.
47-4-28/23
No. 3. Franco Montejo con el adelantado Pedro de
Alvarado sobre ciertas encomiendas. 1541.
. 47-4-34/29.
El objspo de Mechuacan Vasqucz de Quiroga con el
obispo dean y cavildo de Mexico sre demarcacion de
estos o}Jispados y diezmos que a ellos pertenece. 1542.
47-4-36/31
Gonzalo Zerezo Algua~il Mayor de la Audiencia de
Mexico con Juan de Samano Alguazil Mayor de Aquella
ciudad src las preheminencias de sus oficios. 1543.
47-6-8/3 . .
El fiscal con Martin Ibaez y Hernani residente en
Me~ico sre que pagase de sus Mercaderias los derechos
que estaban impuesto para la obra del muelle de San
Juan de Ulua. 1539.
47-6-13/43
Residencia tomada el ano de 1535 y 1536 a los Licdos
Juan Salmeron Alonso Maldonado Francisco de Loaysa
oidor de aquella audiencia juez nombrada para este efeto.
48-1-1 /23-48-2-20/2 (inclusive)
Visita hecha el ao de 1543-47 al virrey de la Nueva
Espaa y Presidente de la real Audiencia de Me."tico Dn
Antonio de Mendoza, a los oidores de ella, al fiscal, a los
algua~iles mayo res, a los relatores, a los escribanos de
camara a los abogados, a los regidores e los alcaldes, a
los ess nos del numero y demas oficiales de Real hacienda,
contador, tesorero, fator, y a sus tenient~s y oficiales
sobre el cumplimiento de sus deveres por el Licdo Dn
Francisco Tello de Sandoval del consejo de S. M. visita-
dor General de la Nueva Espaa.
200 ANTONIO DE MENDOZA .
48-1-1123
. El. Marques 'de Valle con el Visorrey de la Nueva
Espaa Don Antonio de Mendoza sobre la residencia que
pide se le mande tomar. Nota: se unira a la Residencia
del dicho visorrey. Valladolid, July 6, 1543.
Ynterrogatorio del. Marques del Valle presentado en
Valladolid a XIX de Jullio de 1543.
48-1-2/24 .: .. . .
Fees de la guarda aos 36 hasta 46.
Visi~a hecha a J uo Alonzo de Sosa Tesorero, Mexico,
May, 1547.
Cargos que resultan de la visita secreta contra el muy
illustre seor Antonio de Mendoza, Mexico, June 21,
1546.
a
Visita hecha Rodrigo Muoz, teniente de Tesorero de
la ciudad de Vera Cruz.
48-1-4126
Testimonio de varios autos sacado por orden del Licdo
Tello de Sandoval.
Diego de Esquivel con Franco Maldonado sobre ciertas .
casas. Mexico, December 12, 1542.
Descargos del oidor Tejada., Mexico, December 20, 1?46.
Relacion de los cargos que se le podian hacer al fiscal.
:Mexico, 1547.
. Testimonios y pleitos se unirar a la visita de la Audi-
encia, Mexico, 1547.
El fiscal de S. :Mt con Don Antonio de Mendoza sobre
la visita que se le tomo.
:Memorial de los cargos q hizo et muy Magco Senor
Licendo tello de Sandoval del consejo de su magestad al
Licdo Tejada oydor del audiencia Rea' de Mexco.
La acusacion puesta contra el Licdo Sandoval de consejo
RI de las Indias por el Licdo Tejada.
Cargos que resultan de la visita secreta contra el Licen-
ciado Al!>nzo :Maldonado oydor que fue del audia Real
de Mexico y los descargos q por su parte fueron dade a
ellos.
48-1-5127
Inte~rogatorio ~e los descargos del Seor Visorrey (con
las preguntas de Johan de Salazar.)
Proban~a fha por parte del yllmo Seor Visorrey en las
minas de Tasco. April 14, 1547.
Provam;a fha por parte del yllmo Seor Visorrey en la
Nueva Galicia.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 201
48-1-6/28 .
Proban~ de Don Antonio de Mendoza hecha en
Mechuacan. 1546.
Proban~as que dio el Virrey de la Na Ea Dn Antonio de
Mendoza en la visita que hizo el lizdo Dn Fr Tello de
Sandoval del Consejo de Indias, 1546-1547.
Provan~a hecha en la prova de Zacatula. 1547.
Proban~as que dio el Virrey de la Na Ea Dn Antonio de
Mendoza en Colima (pa lo de los Navos de Navidad)
1547. .
48-1-7/29 .
Probanza hecha en la Ciudad de la Vera Cruz por Franco
Duarte en nombre del Virrey Dn Antonio de Mendoza.
1546. . .
Probanza hecha en las minas de <;unpango y su juris-
dic;ion por parte del yilmo Seor Don Antonio de ~{en
doza vissorey de nueba Espaa.
Probanza hecha en las minas de plata de Zultepeque por
el seor virrey Dn Antonio de Mendoza.
Probanza hecha en Ja Ciudad de Antequera por el Sor
Virrey Don Antonio de Mendoza. 1547.
Probanza por parte del virrey Dn Antonio de ~Iendoza
hecha en la ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala.
48-1-8/30
Probanza hecha en la Cibdad de los Angeles n nombre
de yllmo Sor Visorrey desta Nueva Espaa por los des-
cargos de la visita.
Probanza del yllmo Senor Dn Antonio de Mendoza Vis-
sorey y gobernador en esta nueva Espaa. En Mexico,
religiosos.
Probanza hecha en la cibdad de los Angeles en nombre
del yllmo Sr Vissorey. Los Angeles, January 8, 1547-
Ftbruary 9, 1547.
Probanza de descargos fecha con rreligiosos por parte del
yllmo Senor Don Antonio de Mendoza, February 23,
1547-}.farch 21, 1547.
48-1-9/31
Provanza del virrey de la N ucva Espaa don Antonio
de M~endoza, testigo de Francisco Vasquez de Coronado.
(IX) :Mexico, January 18, 1547.
Probanza del virrey de la Nueva Espaa Don Antonio
de ~lendoza hecha en ~Iexico por Johan de Salazar.
1546-1547.
... 202 ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
'
48-1-10/32
Visita a el fiscal de la RI Audiencia de Mexico el lizclo
Crlstoval de Benavente a los relatores y a los escribanos
de cmara y a sus oficiales a el Algua~il Mayor y sus
tenientes por el .Licdo Dn Franco Tello de Sandoval
visitador general (Processo de la visita secreta contra
los oficiales de Addia rreal de Mexico).
48-1-11/33
Gabriel de Castellanos de la Ciudad de Mexico con Juan
de Samano Algua~il Mayor de la dha Ciudad sobre cierta
acusacion~
El fiscal de S. M. con Gon1.alo Terezo Atgua:dl Mayor
de ta cibdad de Mejico sobre el nombramiento de los
oficios de Alguac;iles.
Visita a Pedro Nuez Algua~il Mayor de Mexico. 1544.
Visita a Alonzo Perez Tamayo teniente de Alguazil
Mayor de Mexico por el Licdo Fr Tello de Sandoval.
: ... 1544.
Proceso de la residencia contra Francq Lopez de Archo-
leta teniente de Alguazil Mayor. August, 1544.
Los c-.argos que se .haze~ a Franco Lopez de Archoleta
por la residencia se puesta del tpo -q fue teniente de
Alguazil mayor en esta cibdad de Mexico. 1544.
Proceso de la Residencia contra Diego de Pieda teniente
q fue del Alguazil mayor, 1544..
Proceso de la Residencia contra Lopc de Valdcs teniente
q fue der Alguazil mayor. 1544.
Proceso de la Residencia contra diego de Puelles teniente
q fue del 'Alguazil mayor. 1544~
Proceso de la residencia contra Juan de Calahorra
teniente de Alguazil :Mayor de Mexico. 1544.
Proceso de la residencia contra Franco Hernandez
teniente de Alguazil M~or de Mexico. 1544.
Proceso de la residencia contra Juan Sanchez teniente
de Alguac;il Mayor de Mexico. 1544
Visita a Juan de Segovia teniente de Alguacil ~ayor de
Mexico por el seor visitador. 1545.
Proceso de la visita contra Gonz~lo Cerezo Alguazil
~Iayor de la abdiencia de l\f exico del tiempo que tuvo a
su cargo dicho oficio por el Sr visitador. 1546.
Cargos q resultaron de la visita contra Lope de Valdes
teniente de algua~il mayor de Mexico~ 1546.
Visita a Juan de Samano alguazil mayor y regidor de.
Mexico. 1547.
BJBLIOGRAPHY 203
Proceso de la residencia contra J uo de Samano alguazil
mayor por el Licdo Fr Tello de Sandoval.
Proceso criminal de Gabriel de Castellano~ con Juan de
Samano Alguazil mayor de :Mcxico sobre los prejuclos
q le havia originado..
48--1-12/34
Visita a Bernardino Vasquez de Tapia Voy Regidor de
Mexico del tiemp\l q fue atlde ordinario en la dha
Ciudad. 1544.
Libro de la Residencia secreta de las Justicias desta
cibdad de Mexico. 1544. .
Visita a los alcaldes mayores y ordinarios de Mexico a
los Alguac;iles ~layores y sus tenientes y dcmas minis-
tros del distrito. 1544.
Visita a Franco de Terrazas del tiempo q fue allde ~n la
cibdad de Mexico. 1545.
Visita a Luis Marin del tpo q fue Alcalde Ordinario de
Mexico. 1545.
Proceso de la Residencia contra Juo Xaramillo Alcalde
q fue de la cibdad de ?\Iexico. 1545.
Visita a Luis de la Torre allde de la Cibdad de Mexico
por el Licdo Dn Franco Tello de Sandoval. 1545.
Proceso de rresidencia con Juan Perez de boca negra
del tpo q fue allde en esta Ciudad. 1545.
48--1-13/35 .
Visita a Alonzo de Bazan aldc ordinario de la Ciudad de
Mexico por el Licdo Frano Tello de Sandoval. 1546.
Proceso de rresi<lencia con Anto de la Cadena del tpo q
fue allde Hordinario en la cibdad de Mexco. 1545. .
Proceso de la residencia con Juan de Burgos del tpo que
fue alld ordinario de Mexico. 1546.
'Visita a los alcaldes de ~1exico Geronimo <le Medina y
Gonzalez Lopez por al Licdo Franco Tello ele Sandoval.
1546.
Proceso de Residencia con Gonzalo Lopez del tpo q fue
Alde en esta Cibdad de :Mexico. 1546.
48-1-14/36
Visit~ a Agustin Guerrero Chanciller de la Real Abdia
. de Mexico y contra Juo de Salazar su oficial y teniente
y los descargos por su parte dados. 1546.
Visita a Anto <le Almoguer Registrador de la Real Abdia
de l\i!exico. 1546.
Cargos que re~ultaron de la visita secreta contra Franco
Ramirez Procurador de la Real Audiencia de Mexico. . ~
1546.
Los cargos y descargos de Hemando de Herrera relator
de la audiencia de Mexico. 1546-1547. 1
Visita a Anto. de Turcios Escribano de camara de la '
Real Audiencia de Mexico. 1546.
~
Visita al commendador Juan de Baeza Herrera escribano
j
de camara de la Real Abdiencia de Mexico, por el Lic 1
Tello de Sandoval. 1546. l

Visita a los abogados de la cibdad de Mexico el licdo 1
~
. Diego Tellez el licdo Bartolome Melgarejo el licdo luys
. Rodriguez el licdo Nicolas Aleman el licdo Hernando
. Caballero.. 1544-1547. .
Visita a lo~ Relatores, Hcrnando de Herrera, Juan
Alvarez de .Castaeda. Mcxico, December .30, 1546-
March 21, 1547.
Visita a Franco Ramirez procurador de la Real Abdia.
l\!exico, November 19, 1546.
Visita a Anto. \lmoguer registrdor de la Real Audiencia
de Mexico.: Mexico, November 20, 1546.
Visita a Agustin Guerrero, Chanciller de la Real Abdia
de ~exico y a Juo de Salazar su teniente. Mexico,
November 20, 1546~
Visita a el Doctor Juan Alvrez de Castaeda Relator
de la Real Abdiencia de Mexico. 1547.
48-1-15/37 ..
Visita a los Escribanos de la Ciudad de Mexico por el
Licdo Dn Francisco Tello de Sandoval. 1545-1546.
(Entire legajo.)
48-1-16/38
Visita a los escribanos de la Ci.udad de Mexico por el
Licdo Dn Francisco Tello de Sanooval. 1545-1S4.
( Continued.)
48-1-17/39 .
Visita a los escribanos de la Ciudad de Mexico por el
Licdo Dn Francisco Tello de Sandoval. 1545-1546.
( Concluded, the acts of f orty-seven officiaJs examined in
the 'Visitas included in the thrce legajos.)
48-1-18/40
Visita a Vicencio Corzo Alde de la Villa de Santistevan
del Puerto de la Provincia de Panuco y a Andres de
Valladolid Algua~il por el Licdo Tello de Sandoval.
1544. '
BIBLIOGRAPHY 2os.
Visita a los Alcaldes y regidores de la villa de Santi-
stevan del Puerto de la Provincia de Panuco por el Licdo
Tetlo de Sandoval. 1544-1546.
Pedro Becos contra Martin de San Juan, Benito de
Cuenca, Jua~ Acedo y otros Alcaldes y Regidores de la
Villa de Panuco-salio el fiscal y entiendo en estra causa
el juez visitador Dn Francisco Tello de Sandoval. 1545.
J mm de Becos = con el cabildo de Panuco = sobre
agravios= Juez el Licdo Dn Francisco Tello de San-
doval. 1545.
48-2-19/41
Visita a Alonzo Perez Tamayo Alcayde de la carcet de
Mexico por el Licdo D. Franco Tello de Sandoval~ 1545.
Visita a Franco Hernandez Alcayde de la Caree! Rl de
Mexico. 1546.
Visita a Bernaldino de Albornoz Alcayde de los atara-
zanas de la ciudad de Mexico y regidor por el Licdo Dn
Franco Tello de Sandoval. 1546.
Visita a Juan Femandez Berdejo Carcelero Alias
nkayde en la de corte de Mexico. 1546. .
Visita a Juan Xaurez Alde ~for de las minas de Ayotcco
de la Provincia de Chiautla. 1545-1546.
48-2-2012
,
El fiscal = sobre denuncia de dos esclavos= Juez de
visita El Lic Tello de Sandoval. Mexico, 1544.
De oficio y el fiscal contra Rodrigo Alonso Maestre sobre
haber llevado a la Nueva Espana dos esclavas Moriscas
sin licencia. 1544.
Visita a el cabildo de l\1exico por et Licenciado Dn
Franco Tello de Sandoval. 1546.
Don Anto de Mendoc;a Virrey de la Nueba Espana sobre
la recusacion q puso al seor Licdo Tello de Sandoval
del Consejo de Indias. 1546.
Visitacion de la cassa de la ?doneda de la Ciudad de
Mexico hecha por el Seor Visitador Ao de 1546.
Visita a Estevan Franco fundidor y ensayador de la
Casa de Moneda de Mexico por el Licdo Dn Franco Tello
de Sandoval del Consejo de Indias. 1546.
Proceso del fiscal con Scbastian de Moscoso sobre una
morisca q vino sin Licencia de S. Mt. 1546.
Prci:cso de oficio de Rodrigo Cordero (sic) 1546.
Proceso de residencia de Ruy Gonzalez regidor. ~Iex
ico, 1546.
1
206 ANTONIO DE MENDOZA 1

1
Mandami~nto del. Juez visitador a el Alcade Ordinario
de Mexico Ato Garcia Bravo para q hiciese diligencia del 1
pas~dero de Juan de Salamanca meztizo y se lo enviase.
1
1547. l
Proceso de residencia de Aqto de Carabajal rregidor. 1
Mexico, 1547~ .
Resultas de la Visita de don Antonio de Mendoza, Vir- 11
rey de la Nueva Espana. 1545-1547~
( 1) La recusacion del virrey. Valladolid, May 7.

1548. .
(2) Poder e sostitucion a sebastian Rodriqucz. !
l
Valladolid, ~fay 7, 1548.
(3) Peticion que pide que jure de calunia y Ja cedula
de deposito! Valladolid, May 17, 1548.. l
( 4) Carta de Agustin G~errero y Juan de Aguilar
al Consejo. Valladolid, May 23, 1548. 1
(5) Pusiciones que ha de responder el senor licen~ 1
ciado tello de sandoval. Valladolid, May 28, i
1548.
(6) Juramento y depuso del licenciado Tello de 1
Sandoval Cerca de la Recusacion que le fue
puesta por parte de Antonio de Mendo~a. Val-
ladolid, June 2, 1548.
(7) Peticiones de Agustin de Guerrero y Juan de
Aguilar al consejo. Valladolid, June 13, 1548;
June 20, 1548; August 13, 1548.
(8) Mandamiento de los seores del consejo Real de
Yndias.. Valladolid, September 14, 1548.
(9) Recusacion General puesta par parte del v.irrey
don Antonio de Iviendo~a con mandamiento de
los seores del consejo Real de yndias. Valla-
dolid, September 22, 1550.
( 10) :Mandamiento de los seores del consejo Real
de Yndias. Valladolid, July 29, 1555.
El thesorero Juan Alonso de Sosa sobre la accusacion q
ha puesto en el seor Licdo Sandoval. Mexico, 1550.
La ciudad de Mexico con el seor Fiscal sobre excesos q
comctio en una visita q hizo Diego Ramirez en varios
pueblos de Yndios. :Mexico, 1554.
48-3-1/17. (Guadalajara.)
El fiscal con Frano Vasquez de Coronado vecino de la
ciudad de ~Iexico sre malos tratamientos hechos a los
Indios de diferentes pueblos. 1553.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 207
48-3-3/30 . ..
Residencia q el Lizdo Lorenzo de Tejada oydor de la
Audiencia de Nueva Espaa tomo a diego de colis alde
ordinario que . fue de la ciudad de Guadalaja~a en el
Nuevo Reyno de Galicia. 1544.
Residencia que el Licdo Lorenzo de Tejada Oydor de la
Audiencia Rl de Nueva Espaa tomo a Franco Vazqucz
de Coronado Gobernador q fue de la Nueva Gaticia y
a su teniente Xpoval de Oate y deinas oficiales. Nueva
Gaticia, 1544.
52-1-1/10
Informacion hecha en la ciudad de Mexico a instancia
de los mineros de Zumpango Tasco y Zultepeque acerca
de los crecidos gastos que importavan al labor y bene-
ficiar las minas solicitando rebaja de derechos. 1540.
52-1-512
El fiscal con Dn Garcia Ramirez de Cardefias Vecino de
Madrid sobre los escesos que cometio cuando fue el
maestro de campo a la jornada a Cibola desde la pro-
vincia de Cuyuacan en Nueba Espana. 1551.
El fiscal con Dn Bernardino de 11endoza Capitan General .
de las Galeras de .Espaa sobre paga de una libranza en
las caxas de Nueva Espaa. 1550.
51-6-5/22 ( :Mexico)
Pedro de Membritla residente en Madrid con Frano
Rincon vecino de Mexico sobre derecho a los oficios de
fundidor y ensayador de la casa de moneda de Mexico.
1544.
C. Consejo
58-3-8
Hordenan~as para la conservacion y buen tratamiento
de los naturales libres y esclavos q sirven y andan en
las minas de plata, Mexico, June 30, 1536.
Consulta del Virrey. Mexico, July, 1549.
58-5-8
Carta del Presidente y oidores. Mexico, May 11, 1544.
Carta del Licdo Tejada. Mexico, May 23, 1544.
Carta de Gonzalo de Aranda al Rey. Mexico, May 30,
1544. .
Carta al Rey del Presidente y oidores de la rl audia de
Mexico. Mexico, June 1, 1544.
Cart~ del oidor Lorenzo de Tejada sobre la residencia q
se mande tomar en la Nueba Galicia. Mexico, March 12,
1545.
Carta del Virrey y Oydores del RI Audiencia de Mexico.
Mexic:o, March 17; 1545.
Carta al rey del Presidente e oydores de Mexi~.. MeX
ico, March 17, 1545.
Carta del Licenciado tejada oydor de la audiencia Real
de la Nueva Espaa. Mexico, March 12, 1545.
Carta -del Licenciado Tello de Sandovat, visitador de
Nueva Espa.a al Pricipe Don Felipe. Mexico, Sep-
tember 19, 1545.
Consulta de la Audiencia de la N ueba Espaa de XX de
Hebrero de 1548.
Carta de los Oydores del Real Abdia de Mexico sobre
los enfermedades del virrey. Mexico, March 30, 1549.
Carta del Oidor Gomcz de Santillan. .Mexico, January
20, 1551.
58-5-9
Carta de la Audiencia de Mexico sobre hordenan~
para . descubrimientos de los minas y metales de plata
oro. Mexico, December 10, 1577.
Carta de.Lope de Samaniego al. Rey. Mexico, December
l, 1537.
Carta de Gonzalo de Aranda al rey. Mexico, May 30,
1544.
'58-6-10
Cartas al Rey de Geronimo Lopez. Mexico, February
25, 1545; 1viarch 1, 1545; September 10, 1545; Mrch
1, 1547.
R1 orden a los individuos q componen dha Audiencia de
:Mexico q entienden ni armadas ni descubrimientos ni q
tengan granjerias de ganados mayores ni menores
labranzas ni mercaderias. Pregonado en Mcxico, 1549.
59-6-23
!_~formaciones de oficio y parte. Baltazar de Obregon,
Informacion de Servicios. Mexico, April 12, 1584.
602-16
Carta a S. :M. de los religiosos Augustinos de Nueba
Espaa dandole cuenta de una cofradia q fundaban y de
los estatuos o reglas de ella. :Mexico, December 15,
1537.
Parecer de los frayles de San Domingo. Mexico, May
4, 1544.
Carta del Obi.spo de la Nueva Galicia Gomez de
~Iaraver. Compostela, June l, 1544. .
Carta de Joan de Zarate obispo de Antequera al Rey.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 209
Antequera, December 26, 1547.
60-3-17
Cabildo secular de Mexico, supplicadon que se de cedula
para q se puedan meter a trabajar en la casa de moneda
de Mexico los negros q fueron necesarios para labrar la
plata. April 15, 1537.
60-3-23
Cartas de los oficiales de ta Nueva Espaa. February
16, 1537; September 20, 1538.
Ordenes del virrey Don Antonio de Mendoza sobre la
casa de :Moneda. Mexico, May 9, 1541.
Carta del cabildo secular de Mexico visto en et consejo.
Mexico, January 20, 1543.
Cartas de Thesorero Juo de la Sosa y de los oficiales Rls
de Nueva Espaa. Mexico, March 12, 1545; March 15,
1545; September 6, 1545.
Abtos hechos ante los juezes de tas cuentas del hazienda
Rl de la Nueba Espaa cerca de las dichas cuenta.-;.
Mexico, May 7, 1547.
Carta del contador Gonzalo "'de Aranda al Rey. Mexico,
F ebruary 7, 1548.
,Cartas de los offs Res de Nueva Espa. Mexico, Febru-
a~y 20, 1548; July 24, 1548; October 29, 1548; Decem-
ber 30, 1548.
:ls fondos existente en tesorera de la Nueba Espaa.
Mexico, November 12, 1549.
Cartas de los officiales Res de la Nueva Espaa. l!exico,
July 5, 1549; February 20, 1550.
66-5-14 ..
rrelacfon sacada en suma de vcsita general hecha por el
seor licenciado hernan rnartinez de la marcha Qydor
altcal<le mayor er1 la Real Abdiencia que Reside en la
cibdad de Compostela ffechas por las partes probincias
e pueblos en la dicha vesita.
67-1-18-No. 2a
Carta al rey de los oydores y Alldes Mayores. Com-
postela, November 28, 1549.
No. 3a. Carta a S.Mt. de la Justicia y rregimio de
Compostela. November 1, 1549.
No. 4a. Carta de los oficiales de V. Mt. de Nueva
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No. Sa. Carta de Juan de Cespedcs. Guadaljara,
August 25, 1550.
.No. 6a. Carta al rey de la. Justicia y Regimio desta
Cibdad de Guadalajara. September l, 1550.
67-1-18 ..
Libro en pergamino contie~e varios cartas esritos al
Rey por la Audiencia obispo y oficiales reales y otros
personas de la Nueva Galicia. 1569-1571.
87-6-1
Registros de oficio y partes, Reales Ordenes dirigidas a
las autoridades y partitulares de Nueba Espaa. 1529-
1539.
87-6-2
Registros de oficio y parte, Reales ordenes dirigidas a las
autoridades y particulares de Nueba Espaa. 1548-1569.
87-7-6 .
Reales cedulas dirigidas al virrey y otras autoridades.
1546-1548. -
88-6-2
Hordenan~as hechas por el muy itlmo Sr Don Anto de
~Iend~a Visorrey y gobernador por su Mt en la Nueba
Espaa para la buena Gobernacion della y el buen
recabdo de la Real haciendo de S. Mt. Mexico, August
30, 1539.
Hordenan~as hechas por el vissorey ~ Anto de Men-
doza. Mexico, October 4, 1540. .
Hordenan~ hechas por parte del virrey Dn Anto de
:Mendoza. Mexico, March 20, 1542.
91-1-9
Poder dado al doctor Anto Rodriguez Quesada y Juo y
Sebastian Rodriquez por los oydores del Real Audiencia
de ?\fexico. Mexico, October 24, 1550.
D. Indiferente General.
139-1-3
. Registros :-reales ordenes y capitulaciones sobre la
~~pedici~n de ..AJvarado y venta de su armada 1538-1540.
139-7-14
Registros :-Reales decretos y ordenes Generales. La
jornada de Monzon desde 30 agosto de 1537 hasta 8 de
Febrero de 1538.
Diferente jornadas de M~nzon desde 6 de Junio de 1542
hasta 22 de Diziembre de 1542.
140-3-9
Real ceduta sobre el pagar de los diezmos por los q en
Nueva Espaa cogen seda. El principe, Valladolid,
1543.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 211
144-1-10
Informacion sobre el desacato q cometio el P. Frano
Juan de Zumarraga con la Audiencia de Mcxico estando
esta .en la carcel haciendo ciertas diligencias. Mexico,
March S, 1530. .
144-1-11
Probanza hecha en la cibdad de Mechuacan a 15 de
otubre de Myll quinientos y treynta y tres anos para
haber infonnacion de las minas de cobre q ay en esta
provincia.
144-1-12
Informacion sobre la villa de San Miguel a la provincia
de Culiacan y Ynformacion q sobre ello se hize. Guada-
lajara, November 22, 1538.
144-1-13
Oficio de Tesorero de la armada a Anto de Almaguer.
Don Anto de Mendoza y Pedro de Alvarado. En la villa
de Autlan, Provincia de Colima. February 8, 1541.
145-1-10 . .
Merced a Andres de Dorantes. Madrid, December 15,
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Peticion de los mercaderes y otras persones q tratan en
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No. 1049
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F. Ayer Collection of the Newberry Library, Chicago.
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G. Bancroft Library, University of California. .
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~Iadrid, 1878.
INDEX
A bogotlo8, of audiencia, 62. Alguaciles, of the Audiencia, 6.1 f. ;
Acatic, pcftol of, 145 ; surrmder of, bishop's, 101; to aid corregi-
153. . dores, rl; Indian, 'Zl, 91; visita
Acapulco, port of, 128 f.; road1 of, 164.
to, 102. Alguaciles mayores, of the .Audi-
Actquia.r, 110. encia, 56, 63 f.; of Me.~co Cty,
Acutrdo.r, defined. 59 f.
.Adelantado, as frontier govcmor, 101 ; visita of, 164
66; Pedro Hurtado de Mendoza Alhama, viccroy's father captain
as, 6. of, 8.
A f ricans, see N egt"oes. Alhambra, Moorish fortress, 8.
Agriculture, in New Spain, 109-13. Alhendin, Kingdom of Granada, 3.
Aguascalientes, fronticr in, 25, 45. Aljubarro~ battle of, S f.
Aguilar, Juan de, represents vice- Almagro, Diego de, thc younger,
ror. in Spain, 169. revolt of, 157 f.
Agu1tar, Marcos de, governor in Almeida, Portuguese viceroy, ex-
Mexico, 18. ample of, 31.
Ahuacatln. capture of, 156. Alnaojarifa::go, coltected in Ncw
Alarcn, Hernando de, viceroy's Spain, 73.
chamberlain, namcs Colorado Alonso, Prince of Portugal, 3.
River, 8; expedition of, 128-32; Alonso Xl, of Castile, S.
ships of, 129: up Colorado, 129; Alphonsus, F., physics text of, loJ.
return of, 130; in Mixton War. Atvarado, Jorge de, royal treas-
130; results of exploration of, urer, 71.
130 f. Alvarado, Juan de, 123, 148.
Atava, Basque province of, 4, 6. Alvarado, Pedro de, Guatemala
Albolodny, town in Kingdom o imder, 43; discovery rights of,
Granada, 3. 122; contract of, 122 f.; fleet of,
Alboquerque, Portuguese viceroy, t2J, 130 f., 134; agreement with
example of, 31. viceroy of, 123; at junta, 146;
Albornoz, Bernardino de, 167. letter of viceroy to, 148 ; sends
Albornoz, Rodrigo, contador, grant aid, 149 f.; attack on peol of
o f office to, 18. Nochistln by, 149 f.; death of,
Alcabala, salcs-tax, resumption of, 150; mcntion of, 139, 158.
38. Alvarez de Castaeda, Juan, re-
Alcata la Real, as viceroy's birth- lator of audiencia, 63.
place, 3 f., 8. Amboyna,. 135.
Alcaldas mayores, courts in, 60; Amazon quccn, Guzmn finds, 25.
provinces ranked a.s, 66. America, happenings in, 12. 32;
Alcaldes mayores, over alcaldas maintand of, 16; intcrest of
mayores, 66; position of, 67; Charles V in, 33 ; audiencia in,
duties of, 27, 47, 103; in New 60; coi ns minted in, 73; defen~'!
Galicia, 65, 180; visita of, 164. o f, 83 ; vi ceroy highcst offidat
Alcaldes de Mesta, judges of the in, 35, 83; histories about, 95;
sheep-watk, 67 f., 110. first university in, 106.
Alcaldes mayores <te minas, 66, 183. Anaya, Doctor, 170.
Alcaldes, of the mint, 114. Andalucia, 7.
Alcaldes ordinarios, 67 f., 91, 178. Antioch, Patriarch of, 7.
. Alderete, J utia.n de, royal treas- Aragon, Kingdom of, 7 ; viccroy
urer, 71. of, 31.
224. ANTONIO DE MENDOZA
Aranda, Gonzalo de, inspection by, jurisdiction of, 44; N ew Gaticia
72; adivities, 72 f., 162 f.; over.. under, 45; legacy of discord lcft
sces bullion shipment, 82: trust- by, 46; incompetcnt officials let
worthiness of, 98: quoted, 98: by, 47; residencia of, 57 f;: re-
opinion of Indians of, 100. tiremcnt of, 57. f.; mcntion of,
Araviana. batt1c of, 6. 116.
Archivo General de Indias, materi- Under Jlictroy: Mcndoza ap-
. .. als on Guzmn in, 19. pointed president of, 34 : vicc-
:. Arellano, Tristn de, expedition roy's duties in, 36, 60-62; Mcn-
.. of, 175. doza's rclations with, 37. 52, 54-
.. Armada, 176; sec also Flcets. 68 passins , .as check, SS ; num-
. Annor, 90, 125 f. ber of oidores in, 56; executive
... . Arms, 89 f.. 125, 155. functions of, 56 f.: organization
Army, of. thc viccroy, 151 f., 176; of, 55-66; mixed powers of, 57;
_.... scc also Troops... ad interitn rule of, 57; ad in-
Artillery, 89, 92, 154 f., 157. terim rule of, 64, 188; advisory
. Arts, Indians instructed in, SO. capacity of, 59; jurisdiction of,
Assessor, 18. 59; members of, 59; powers and
Astap:t, viccroy's ranch, 48. duties of, 59 f.; la,ws made by,
Asturias, fieis there, S. 60; reform.; in procedure of,
. Asuncin, Fray Juan de la, expe- 61 f.; new duties of, 61 ; Indian
. d:tion o, 120. cases in, 61 : poorly defined
. '.- Atemajac, valley of, 178. powers of, 61 ; officials of, 62-64;
Atzatln, l:t9. abogados of, 52; chanceltor of,
Audiencia, i"1 America, general ac- 62; escribanos of, 62; receptores
counts of, 60. of, 62; relations with Ncw Gat-
Audiencia de los Confines, virtu- icia of, 63; representation at
. ally indepenc!ent, 44; Maldonado court of, 64; representation
_-. president of, 58: Nicaragua in, cabildo of, 64; spccial rights and
66. duties of, 64 f.; provinces under,
: -.Audiencia of Espaftola (Santo 66; view of personal services of,
Domingo), 18, 23, 30. 99: condemns rebels to s!avery,
Audiencia of Granada, 36. 148, 158; advice of, 151; visitar
Audiencia, of Mexico, first~ pro Sando,a.I in, 165; Mendoza ac-
jected, 18: appointed, 19; com ct~~ed in presence of, 166.
position of, 19; failings of, 20; Audiencia of New Galicia, created,
cotonists dissatisficd with, 20; 59, 173; seat of, 65; jurisdiction
~ cxcommunicated, 20; orercd re- of, 65; organization of, 65; re-
moved, 21 ; residencia of, 27; lations with viceroy of, 65; re!a-
territorial jurisdiction of, 44; tions with audiencia of Mexico
abuses of. 46; fiscal of. 47; no of, 65; creation recommended,
._. . reprcsentation in cabildo of," 54: 180: administration of, 181-86.
mention of, 116. Audienci of Peru, 13, 175, 192.
Second, orders addressed to, Audiencia of VaJladotid, 36.
19; decision to appoint, 22 : Ayuntamiento, see Cabildo.
labors <>f, 26-30; task of, 26; Augustinians, in favor of encomi-
nced of more. oidores by, 26: endas, 97; monasteries of, 104;
instructions to, 26 f.; supervis- cofrada and colegio of. 104.
ion over Pnuco Country of, Autos acnrdaclos, dcfined. 60. -
28; cxpansion under, 28; aid to Autln, Alarcn at, 130, 148.
Montejo e,,f, 28; weakness. of, Avalos, lieutenant of Corts, 116.
,. . 2:9: Corts not in harmony with, Ava1os, province, 65, 139, 148, 151.
2!); prob1ems of, 29: requests A vendao, Pedro de, 192.
f or relief o, 29; temporary Ayala, Doiia Aldo11~a de, 6.
character of, 30; powcrs and Aztccs, 177; scc aJso Nahua.
INDEX 225
Bacan, Alonso de. 86. Buffalo plains, 126.
Badajoz, bishop of, 22 f. Buitrago, scigneury of, S.
Baeza, siege of, 8. . . Bulas dt enuada, receipts f rom
Baili, viceroy compared to, 31. sale of, 78. .
Bancrof t, H. H., Mendoza'a salary Butl-fights, in Mexico Citr, 100.
estimated by, 35._ Butt, Papal, of Juty 13, 1486, 8. .
Bauelos, Baltasar de, mines of, Bullion, shipped to Spain, 81 f.
184. . Business, higher officials not to en-
Baqui~uata, viceroy' s ranch1 48. gage in, 49, 184.
Barbero, Gil, s.lave-apprenucc, 108.
Barcelona, viceroy's commissions Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nficz.
issued in, 34. arrival of, 118; companions of,
Barrios, Andrs de, 160. 118; wanderings of, 118; gucst
Bars, P"ecious metals made into, of viceroy, 119; later career of.
79. .119; stories of, 120; slave-hunt-
Belbas, Pero, circumnavigation of, ing party encountcrs, 173.
134. Cabildo, lndian, 91.
Benavente, Cristbal, fiscal, duties Cabildo, Mexico City, conf erencH
of, 62. of with Mendoza, 42, 54; ~f en-
Bcnavente, Fa.thcr, 103. . doza's relations with~ 53-56;
Bena.viclcs, Alonso de, widow of, privilegcs of, 54 ; viceroy inter-
119. venes in, 54, 67 ; twelve votes in.
Beltrn, Leonor, viceroy's iltegiti- 54 ; oidor Loaysa in, 54, 64 ;
mate sister 10; voyage to New . citizenship granted by, SS; town
World, 11. lots granted by, SS; viceroy over-
Bercerra, voyagc of, 117. shadows, SS; Fuenleat residencia
Bi~hop, of Tlascala, 28; of Mich- insisted on by, 57 : sel f-govem-
oacn, ss; of Oaxaca, 113; of ment in, 67 ; corresponds with
Guatemala, see Marroqun; of Spain, 68; dutics of, 68; alcaldes
M ichoacn, see Quiroga ; o de mesta etected by, 68 ; alcaldes
Mexico, see Zumrraga; of Ncw ordinarios elected by, 68: fes-
Ga!icia, sce Maraver; of Santo tival voted by, 100; controvcrsy
Domingo, see Fuenleal ; of Tlas- with bishop of, 101; foundling
cata, see Castro. school of, 106.
Bishoprics, detimitation of bound- Cabildo, Peru, 192.
aries of, 39, 103; of New Spain, Cabrillo, Juan Rodriquez, voyage
45. of, 131-3S; death of, l32.
Bishops, how paid, 8 t. Cabo del Engao, 134.
Body-guard, of the viceroy, 35, 48, Cacw, 109; mcdium of exchangc,
so. . 113.
Bolaos, Francisco de, V\lyage of, Caciques, (ruelty to Indians .of, 68.
130. Cadena, Antonio de ta, 86.
Bolaos, Torribio de, a.1calde of California, na me applied to, 112;
Guadataj ara, 143 ; alcalde of proved not an island, 131.
Tlatenango, 145. : California. Lower, colony of Cor-
Bologna, Italy, Mendm~a i~, 12. ts in, 44.
Rooks, account, SS, 72. Camin9, Juan de, 150, 152.
Books, printing of, in Mexico,
107-10. Cana1s, 101.
Caete, ~larqus de, 191.
Boundarics, o N ew Gaticia, 25.
Bra~amonte, Alvaro de, 178. Cano, Juan de, 160.
Brcscia, Ita1y, Juara Pablos from, Captain-general, Corts as, 29, 36,
107-9. 122; dcscription of office of, 36;
Bridges, 101 f., 11 O. govcrnor as, 66; in :M ixton \Var,.
B11en Guia, Our Lady of, Colorado Mendoza as, 146-58; Indian, 177.
River named, 8, 129. Carabajal, Luis de, 173.
. Carceleros, dutics of. 64. parture of, 59; Mendoza ap-
Carillo, ] uana. 7. points, 72; activitics of, 72 f.
Carillo de Toledo, Juan, 7. . Chancellor, of audiencia, 62.
Carrera, . Antonio, 131. Otapultepec, 36, 113.
Carricrs, Indian, 102. Chalco, 113.
Carta.gena, 96. Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor,
use
: Carts, o f, 92 : on roads, t 02. 11 f., 17 f 21, 33-35, 37 f 40,
. Carvajal, Catalina de, viceroy's 74, 100, 177, 181, 188 f 193
wife, 13. Chiametla, 116, 126.
Casa de Contratacin, con.soli dei Chiapas, 44, S9.
M crean ti compared to, 31. Chichimecas, 135, 1S6 f., 173,
Casa de fundicin,_ in Mexico City, 177 f.
80. Chihuahua, 118.
Cascan es, Indian tribcs of. 142-45, Chirinos, Peratm~ndcz, 97, 160.
. 174. Cholula, 189.
Castile, fie!s there, S; comuneros Christianity, 87, 140 f.
of, 10; Jaws differing from thosc Christians, 8, 86, 140.
o f, S2, 7S; relations with King. Church, conflict with audiencia of,
72. 20; relations of, 29, 37; gi f ts to,
Castilla, Doctor, 170. 74; announcements made in, i7;
Castilla, Lu~s de, visita in Tutc- activities of, 103; organization
peque of, 47; aidc to viccroy, of, 103; support of, 103 f.; ~ish
48; collccts royal loan, 74: ops of, 104; monastic orders of,
grant to, 86; trcats with Atva- 104; mirad es of, 104: relations
rado, 123 : greets Alarcn, 130 ; with government of, 104, 1OS;
letter to, 148; sends aid, 148 f.; schools of, 105 f.; books 1>rinted
viceroy accused of favoring, for, 107; silk tithe of, 110 f.;
166. intercst in real estate of, 113. .
Castilla de Oro, Salmern alcalde O bola, Se ven Cities of, 93, 121,
of, 23. 128 f., 138, 179.
Castillo, Domingo de, pilot with Cid, The, Ruy Diaz de Bivar, 4.
Alarcn, 129. Cidececci, pirate cavalry leader, 9.
Castillo ~Iatdonado, Alonso de, ar- Cisncros,. Doa Mara (Menda)
rival of, 118; later career of, de, 6.
. 119. Citadel, project for, 89
Castro, bishop of Tlascala, 104. Citizenship, cabildos grant, SS.
Catatonia, viceroy of, 31. Ciuda.d Rodrigo, Fray Antonio de,
Catholic M ona.rchs, 4, 8; sce also Franciscan provincial, 120.
Ferdinand and Isabetta. Claims, rules governing mining,
Cattle, industry, 110-12, 125. 76 f.: proccss of filing, 77 f.;
. CatJallcria, defined, S3. jumpers of, 17.
Cavalry, 1S4 f., 157; see also Classes, Sl)cial, in Ncw Spain,
Horses. 85-90.
Cazarla, Spain, 6. Clergy, ~. 10S; sce also Church.
Ceb, sec Zeb. Ooth, wool industry, 49, 110.
Cdulas, r~quired for Indians, lands Coat of Arms, Mendoza and Vega
and offices, S3, 86. families, 14. .
Cedros ISJand, 131, 133. Cofradas, 104.
Ccnsus, of towns, 38: of conquis- Coins, 73, 114, 18S.
tadores, 38 ; m.ade by Luis de Colima, 43, SO, 65, 91, 113, 123,
Velasco, second, 63: of 1560, 100. 148, 182.
Ceynos, licentiate Francisco, nomi- Colis, Diego de, 178 f.
. .-. natcd oidor, 22 f.; fiscal of Colmenar el Cardoso, seigneury of,
Council o f the Indies, 23 ; chccks 6.
accounts, SS: residencia of, S7 f.; Colonies, Spain's attitude towa.rd,
rcmain3 in N ew Spain, S8 ; de- 70.
INDEX 227
Colorado River, 8, 126, 129. tiality toward, 161 : visita of,
Columbus, Christophcr, 16, 193. 178-81.
Comayab'lla, 58. Corr~g1dorcs, to rcplace encomen-
Comuneros, in Spain, 9-11, 33, 67. deros, 2.7: powcrs and ctasses of,
Commendador, of. Socuellanos, 6. 2.7; aid for, 27; failurc of, 2.8;
Commercc and Tradc, of Europc discontent of, 46; cause discon-
expands, 78; illicit in silver, 80; tcnt, 46; alcaldes mayores as
see also Industrie!. substitutes for, 47: viccroys as.
Commissions, of Mcndoza, 168. 48; powers and duties of, 66 f.;
Compostela, Santiago de, N cw only married men appointed, 86:
GaJici~ founded, 26, 116; seat blame far revott of, 175.
of audiencia, 65: remotcness of, Corregimientos, threaten labor sup-
66; mines near, 75: Fray Mar- ply, 29 : power to grant. 53 ;
cos in, 121; rendezvous at, 124; courts in, 60; provinces ranked
Coronado starts from, 125; hc- as, 66; vacating of. 167.
sicgcd, 148; natives of, 156: Cortes, embryo, in N ew Spain, 68.
visita of officials of, 178; audi- Corts, Francisco, 116.
encia at, un: conditions in, Corts, Hcrnando, conqucst of
181 .: 1>opulation of. 182. Mcxico by, 16; achicvcment of.
Concepcin, Fray Pedro de la, 143. 17; reasons for rcmoving, 17:
Concubinage, 105. loss of power by, 17-19: ap-
Confiscations, source of revenue, pointees of displaced, 18: ~ap
73; by Corts, 73. tain-general, 18, 24, 29, 34 : gov-
C cmsoli dei mercmati, casa de con- ernor, 18; drivcn to Spai~
tratacicn comparcd to, 31. 18 f.: ordcrs addressed to, 19:
Constantinople, Venctian f'odtstd in Spain, 19: treatment of
ovcr, 31. friends of, 20; commission of.
Contador, 18, 184. 24; disappointment of, 24: held
Contreras, Miguel de. oidor, 181. in Spain, 24; title of, 24, 116:
Conquest, of New Spain, character barred from Mexico City, 24;
of, 32. rivalry with Guzmn of, 25, 29:
Conquistadores, Age of, 17; in- inferior position of, 28; lndians
fluence of Corts with, 17; of, 29; return from Spain of,
census of, 38: discontent of, 46; 29: as source of weakness, 29;
attitude toward mines. of, 74 f.; territorial jurisdiction of, 43;
powerful and favored class of, grant to, 44; cotony in Cali-
86; Mendoza asks aid for, 86. fornia of, 44, 117 f.: fotlowers
Crdoba, King Fcrdina.nd visits, 3. of, 46; appoints of.icials, 70 f.;
Coronado, Francisco Vzqucz de, new socicty under, 8-1: memorial
te5timony of, 10 f.; opinion of, from, 95; shops of, 102: housc
15: account of viceroy of. 49 f.: of, 103; in agriculture and in-
quoted, 15, 55: deprived of of- dustry, 109; rivalry with ~f en-
fice, 65: maladministration of, doza of. 116-23; flects of, t 17;
93; native o Salamanca, 124: discovery under, 117 f., 122:
governor of Ncw Galicia, 120, . final retum to Spain of, 122, 158;
124; cxpedition of. 124-29; ex- claims of disregarded, 123, 125 :
pcdition of organized, 124 f.: J3ancroft's view of, 123; chargc3
review of, 125: de'parture of, of, 124, 136, 147, 159-62, 167:
125 f., 146; Spaniards with, suggested for Peru, 157: genesis
124 f.; Indians with, 125; return of Sandoval visita by, 171 :
of, 127, 156; accomplishment of, period of, 172.
127 f.; later career of. 128 : , Corts, Martn, mulberry trees of.
Alarcn seeks, 129: ncws . of, 112.
132: activities as governor of, Corua, Conde de, 6.
137 f.; accusation of, 139; par- Corua, Fray Martn de ta, 143 f.
Cotton, 109. Del Paso. viccroy's ranch. 48.
Council of Castile, 9, 21. Dcmarcation, line of, 134; bctween
Council of Finance, 21. Ncw Spain and Guatemala, 44.
Coundl of the Indica, Lula Hur Dcputics, in mining rcgions, i9. .
tado de Mendoza, president of, De Soto, Hernando, survivors of
9; order to Guzmn of, 19; cxpedi tion o f, 15, 98 ; discovery
considcrs govcrnment for Ncw rights of, 122.
Spain, 21 ; Ceynos fiscal of, 2J; Dia.z, Berna!, quoted, 20 f., 193 f.
Guzmn appeals to, 26; colonies
govcrncd by, 3J; suprcmacy of, Diaz, Mclchoir, cxpcdition of, 124 :
:40 f.; rclations with viceroy of, report o f. 126 ; scarch for
41, 52; rclations with audiencia Alarcn of. 129 f.
of, SS: Fucnlcal presidcnt of, Daz, Miguel, 96.
S8 ; court o f last resort, 60 : Discovery, under Mendoza, 116-
cvidcncc gathcrcd for, 65; con- 27 ; sce also Exploration, Expc-
firmation of, 66; free communi- di tions, and Voyages.
cation with, 66; salaries fixcd by, Doctriua.s, printing of, 107 f.
il; Tcllo de Sandoval member Dominicans, 20, 97, 104, 192.
of, 96; grants right to discovcr, Don Diego, Indian governor of
119, 124; chargcs sent to, 165; Mcxico City, SS.
Bemardino de Mcndoza. prcsi- Doran tes, Andrs de, arrival of,
dcnt of, 166; Mcndoza's case 118; commission to explore of,
transferred to, 168: Mcndoza 119; later career of, 119.
petitions, 169; Sandoval tricd by, Drake's Bay, 132.
169-72; Coron~do appeals to, Dueq,do, defincd, 35.
180. Oyes, monopoly of, 40.
Cou!lcil, Royal, 170.
Council of Trcnt, 9 f. Ejidos, SO.
Council of War, 9. El Turco, Indian guide, 126.
Coyu~ sec Cuin. Encomenderos, lcsser clergy, 29;
Cozumcl, 44, S9, 66. discontcr.ted, 46; corregidores
Crombcrger, Jcome, ; printing ovcrshadowed by, 67 ; reprc-
house of. 107. sentatives of, 95; cruelty of, 138;
Crombergcr, Juan, printing house &ttacks on, 142, 145; spared loss
of, 107. of na ti ves, 155 f.; rcvolt of in
Cruz, Francisco de ta, 97. Peru, 175 f.
Cubia. Juan de, 178. Encpmienda system, d e e i s i o n
Ccinao, pefol of, 152 f. against retention of, 21 ; Indians
Cuin, pefiol of. 1S2 f. in, 24, 29 ; corregidores to rc-
Culia.cn, outpost of, 45, 66, 118, place, 'Z7 ; tit!es in, S3 : cvidencc
120 f., 124, 126, 145, 148, 156, collected about, 65 ; Indian labor
. 173. 1.mder, 85; only legitimate sons
Custom dutics, 73. inherit under, 90; New Laws
Cuylcr's Harbor~ 132. and the, 95-100; grants to
Cuyutln, lSJ. Church under, l 03 ; in Jalisco,
.. 141, 152; in Peru, 191 f
Dccrces, Spanish, 71, 86. England, Diego Hurtado d,. Mcn
Dcfensc, of Ncw Spain, 39, 40, doza ambassador to, 1O; An
' . 89 f. . . . tonio de Mendoza in, 13.
Del Ancn, viccroy's ranch, 48. Epidem ic.s, 100, 172.
Del Car ,'izal, viceroy's ranch, 48. Escriba1ws, 61 f., 163 f., 178.
Dclgadilio, Diego, mcmber of first Espaola, 23, 181; sec also West
audiencia, 19 ; conflict with Indies.
Omrch of, 20: trial and con- Espirit Santo, N ew Galicia, 26,
viction of, Zl. 85.
INDEX 229
E1tev,nico, with Cabeza de Vaca. Fiocka, shcep, 11 O f., 113.
1J8 ; acquircd by viccroy, 119 ; Food, pricc of, 113 f., 182: servcd,
with Fray Marcos. 120; dcath of. 194.
121. Florida, 44 f., 118.
Estrada. Alon!o de, govcmor, 18: Fort Ross, 132.
suspcnds Corts, 18 : royal trcas- F ondachi. officials ovcr, 31.
urcr, 71. Foundries, 184.
Estrada, Beatrice de, wife of Co- Francc, 193.
ronado, 124. Francisca.ns, 20, 97, 104, 143.
Etzatln, 156. Frauds, mining, 76.
Europe, effect of inftux of gotd Freight ratcs, fixcd by law, 115.
upon, 78; Spanish wcahh scat French, corsairs, 81.
tercd throughout, 78 : Spanish Fresno, seigneury of, 6.
rcverses in, 88. Freylc, Juan Diez, mathcmatical
E..'tpedition, of Fray Juan de ta work of, 108.
Asuncin rcported, 120; of Daz Fromesta, Marcscat de, 22.
a.nd Zaldivar, 124; by sea, 176; Fronticr, 32, 173, 177 f.
see al so Discovery, Exptoration, Fuenleal, Sebastin Ramirez de.
and Voyages. bishop of Santo Domingo, presi-
Expenses, 100, 176, 178, 191. dent of audiencia of Espaola,
Exploration, under Mendoza, 116 23; appointed president of scc-
137. ond audiencia, 23; instruction of
Extremaclura, villa of, 14. quoted, 2fJ; lingcrs in Santo DO-
mingo, 24; promise of early re-
licf to, 24 ; bttrden weighs on.
Factories, of wool cloth, 49, 110 f.; 26 ; encomienda problem un-
of silk, 112. solved by, 27; work of, 27-30;
Fa mili es, encouraged, 86; tea ve for la ter offices of. 57 f.; residencia
Spain, 98. o, 57 f.; reports lack of re!a-
Farms, royal, 39. tores, 63.
Fernandez, Juan, 178.
Ferdinand, of Aragon, 3, 7; scc Gaetano, Juan, discovcry by. 135.
a.Jso Catholic Monarchs. Galindo, Lus de, 138.
Ferdinand, King of Na ples, 8. Galicia, Spain, viceroy of, 31.
Ferdinand, King of Hungary, 12 f. Gallegos, Baltasu, alcalde mayor
Ferrelo, Bartolom, voyage of, of New Galicia, 65, 67, 180.
131-35; :urther exploration by, Galleys, 14, 166.
132 f.; return of, 133; fa te of Gambling, laws against, 100.
men with, 133 f. Gante, Pedro de, 103, 106.
Fiefdom, acknowledgmcr.t of, 38. Garay, Frandsco, 43.
Figucroa, Catalina de, :\[arqucsa Garca, Bartolom, 178.
de Santillana, 6. Garij o, Gonzalo, 142.
Figueroa, Gm:..~~ Suanz de, 6. Gasea, licentiate Pedro de la. 175 f.
Figucroa, Don Lorenc;fo, 6. Gems, confiscated, 73.
Fines, 61, 100, 180. Germans, 33, 40. 107.
Fiscal, 23, 26, 47, 56, 62, 124. Gifts, royal, to Church, 73.
Fleet, conveys viceroy, 41; at Vera Gila River, 120, 129.
Cruz, 78; at Ha vana, 81; trcas- Goazacoa1co, provincc of, 45.
ure; 81-83; base o, 83; return- Gober11ador, powers of viccroy as.
ing to Spain, 98: spring voy- 54 f.; see also Govemor.
age of, 107; of Corts, 117: of Gobier110.r, provinces ranked as, 66.
Alvarado, 123, 130 f.; of Ca- Godoy, Francisco de, 17g_
brillo, 131 ; Mendoza on cruise Gold, uncoined, units of, 114.
with, 146; on coast of ~valos, Goleta. 10.
148; rnen. of, in Mixton War, Gmez, Estvan, silversmith, 81 ;
148 f.; L1nloading of, 163. carly printcr, 107.
. (imcz, Gonzalo, wool .mcrchant, Guon, Alberto, dye monopoty of,
. 111. . 40.
:. Gmez de Santiltn, Qidor, ordercd Guon, Enrique, dye monopoly of,
. to Yucatn, 52; relieves Mal- 40
. donado, 59; mines of. 184. Guticrrey, Jernimc. 108.
Gonzlez de Mcndoza, Pedro, Guzmn, Nuo de, govemor of
seor of Hita and Buitrago, S; Pnuco, 19; . president of . first
Grand Cardinal of Spain, 6. audiencia, 19; interpretation of
Gothic dukes, of Cantabria, 4. career of, 19: materiats . in
Governor, Mendoza a>poiuced, 34; Archives of Indies on. 19; di$-
Mcndoza's duties as, 36; pro- pleasure with rule of, 20; initi~
vincial, 66. . tion of conquest of New Galicia
Gracias Dios, capital at, 58; rc- by, 24; favors accorded, 25; de-
moteness of, 59. fiance of second audenc~a by, 25,
Graft, in Ncw Spain, 72. 29: appointed governor of New
Granada, Spain, 4, 7-9, 11 f . 36, Galicia, 26; accomplishments of,
. 110; 156. . 25 f.: failure of, 26: residencia
Grants, of offices and Indians, 86. of, 26 ; arrest of, 26, 118 ; last
Grcater Spain, N cw Galicia first years of, 26; defies Corts, 29 ;
named, 116. Spanish residents folJow, 29;
Greenwich, Engtand, 13. Pnuco and Vitoria Garayana
Grijalva, voyage of. 117. . granted to, 43; grant o, under
Guadalajara, New Gaticia, found- first audencia, 44; followers of,
. ing of, 26, 116; audiencia re- 46; in Michoacn, 116; conquest
moved to, 65 ; remoteness from of New Galida: by, 116; riva.l-
Culiacn of, 66; si te changed, ries of, 116-23; return to Spain
113, 151, 178; citizens of, 138; o, 118; claims o, ll2; legacy
Bolaos alcalde of, 142; viceroy of, 137.
hastcns to, 146; junta in, 146 f.;
retreat to, 147; reinforcement~ Havana, Cuba, naval officer at,
arrive in, 149; junta in, 149; 81; recommended as port, 83.
death of Alva.rado in, 150; Hawaiian !stands, probable discov-
sic ge of, 150 f.; route to, 153; ery of, 135.
troops in, 153; visita o officials Hawaikuh, Zu pueblo, 121.; cap-
in, 182; government transferred ture of, 126.
to, 182 f.; mention of, 143, 145, Henry IV, King of Castite, 6 f.
148, 152, 154. 157, 179. Henry VIII, King of England, 13.
Guadalajara, Spain, 4 f., 7. Hernandez,. Beatriz. 151.
Guadalcanal, Spain, mines of, 14. Herr~ra~ Hernando de, 63.
Guadalupe, Our Lady of, in Spain, Herrera y Tordesillas, Antonio de,
5; in ~lexico, 104. historian, statement of, 106.
Guatema.la, separate government Hibueras, 44 f.
ot 43; province of, 44; outside Hita, seigneury of, S.
j urisdiction of N ew Spain, 44; Holy Officc, Sandoval inquisitor
audie!lcia of, subordinate, 45; as of, 96.
border march, 45 ; Maldonado, Holy See, 8.
govcrnor of. 58; Las Casas to Horses. in N ew Spain, 49 f . 91 f .
depart for, 95; Pedro de Atva- 101, 109, 125, 143 f., 151 f . 176.
rado in, 122; bishopric of, 103. Hospitats. in New Spairt, 58, 104,
Guerrero, Agostn de. Maj ordomo, 179.
.. -captain of the guard. 48: chan- Hot Lands, in Mexico, 91.
". cellor .of the at.diencia, 52; . House of Trade, see Casa de Con-
. acti vi tics of, SS, 72 f., 123, 130, tratacion.
. .152, 161, 166, 169, 194. Huesear, Spain, t t.
Gunpowder, manufacture of, 89. Hurtado, Diego, 178.
INDEX 231
Hurtado de Mcndoza, Diego, voy- service of Mendoza, 36, 48 f.,
age of, 117. 194; trMltment of, 39, 46 f .. 93.
Hurtado de l\Iendoza, Diego, 158, 179; instruction of in arts.
Grand-Admiral of Spain, 5. so; experiments with, 51; grant
Hurtado de ~lendoza, Diego, vice- of, 53; lndian govemors ovcr.
roy's brother, ambassador to 55, 68; jails of \"isited, 61; rc-
Venice, England, Rome. 10; lations with Spania.rds, 66; Caci-
rcpresentativc at Council of ques in assemblies, 68 ; as j udges
Trent. 10; allcged author of of residence, 69; in local offices.
La Guerra de Granada and 69, 91 ; conversion of, 70, 85.
La.:arillo de Tormes. 10. 103-7; pay tribute, 72 f., 79 ;
Hurtado de Mendo~a. Diego, Car- carriers, 81, 91 f.; break up of
dinal, Archbishop of Sevitle, 7. social organiz~tion of, 84; sourcc
Hurtado de Mcndoza. Juan, seor of cheap labor, 85; legislation
oi Fresno and Colmenar el fa voring, 85 ; possible uprising
Cardoso, 6. of, 86; in Negro Revolt, 88; in
Hurtado de Mendoza, Lus, third mines, 89; inheritance of, 90;
conde de Tendilla, 9. aristocracy recognize<l. 90; inter-
Hurtado de Mendoza, Pedro, ade- marriage of, 90; under Mcndo~
lantado of Cazorla, 6. 90-101; labor, 90-92, 111 f., 114.
Honduras, limit of New Spain, 185; viceroy's opinion of, 94 f.;
43; independcnt governor of, New Laws concerning, 95-100;
~3; Cape of, 44. number of, 100, 156; in priest-
House:hold, of viceroy, 47-49. hood, 106; with Coronado, 125;
pueblo. 126; \Vichita, 126; re-
lba.rra, Diego de, discovers mines ' volt of in N ew Galicia, 137-59;
of Zacatecas, 75. epidemic among, 172; spcradic
Ibarra, Francisco de, 173. uprisings of, 174 f.; border wars
!barra, Miguel de, testimony of, of, 177 f.: of Peru, 191.
139; narrative of, 142; visitor Indies, King's own poss~ssion, 87.
and captain of Tlatenango, 142; Industries, in !\ew Spain, 109-13.
attack of, 142-46; forces under, Infantado, Dukes of. 4, 6.
143; plot against frustrated, . lnnocent VII 1, Pope, 8.
143 .; return from attack of, , Inspections, by various officials,
146; at junta, 146; peace em- 47; by Mendoza, SO; sce also
bassy _-0f, 146; joins ~f endoza, Visitas.
152 ; peace parley of, 153 ; ad- lnstructions. to Fuenlea1, 20; to
vance of, 154 f.; branding iron viceroy, 37-42; to Aranda, 72; to
in possession of, 154; attcmpt to Fray ~!arcos, 120.
en trap, 155; visita of, 178. Interpreters, of the audiencia, 63.
lmprint, first American, 108. Interrogatorio, of Corts, 159 f.;
India house, sce Casa de Contra- . of Mendoza, 168.
tacin. Ircio, Martn de, ~line owner mar-
Indians, cor..trol of Corts over, ried to viceroy's sister, 10, 167.
17; enslavement of, 20, 99, 148, Isabel, of Portugal, the Empress.
156, 173; methods of convert- 12; to provide new govcrnment.
ing, 20; Quiroga friend of, 23, 21 ; selects ).lendoza, 22; order
28 ; in encomienda to Corts, 24, of, 23; seeks viceroy, 2-1; letter
29; under corregidores, 27, 66; ,from quoted, 25.
traincd in Spanish methods of Isabel, the Infanta, daughtcr of
government, 27; repatriation of, the c~tholk ~lom&rchs, 3.
28; hospitals and collegcs for, Isla de Juan Rodrquez, 132.
28; Zumrraga protector of, 28; Islas de Mesta. 135.
oppo4iition to program for, 29; Istln, 153.
interest of Charles V in, 33; in I~alians. in Spanish sen-ice, 31, 107.
232 ANT.ONIO DE MENDOZA
Ja.En, Spain, frontier town, 3; sumptUary, 28, 100; fixing prices,
_ Francisco de Mendoza, bishop 114 f.; see also New Laws.
of, 9. Lat:arillo de Tormes, Diego Hur-
Jail, in Mcxico City, 20, 26, 63. tado de Mendoza reputed author
Jalisco, New Galicia, 24 f., 45, 102, of, 10.
116, 139, 141, 152.
Jalp.a, pueblo of, 141-43, 156. Ledgcrs, of royal trcasurers, 70.
] aso, Joan de, sces Atarcn rctum, Legislation, sce Laws.
130. Lcon, Juan, notary, 146.
Jess, Fray Martn de, 146. Letrados, viccroy's attitude toward,
J acotlotln. rcvolt about, 137. 11 ; viceroy not a, 52; of Mcxito
] uan 1, King of Castile, S. City, 57. .
Juan II, King of Castile, 5 f. Lcvant, Ferrelo native of, 131.
] uana Mariuel, Doa, Quecn of Lhna, capital of Pero, 13 ; cath'!-
: Castile, 6. dral of. 13. 192; rcception of
. Juarr~qui_ Miguel, ship, 108. Mendoza in, 191; death of Men-
] udges, sec Oidores. doza in, 35, 192.
Junta, of Council! under Empress, Lisbon, Portugal, 10'1.
21; in Guadafajara, 146, 149. Litigation, 46.
Juzgado de bienes de di/untos, dc- Local Govcrnment, in Ncw Spain,
fined, 73 f. 67-70.
Loaisa, .Cardinal, 95.
Kansas, Coronado in, 126. Loaysa, Diego de, 160.
Kcci Ca, coast of, :JS. Loaysa, Francisco de, oidor, in
Kino, Father Eusebio, 131. cabildo, 54, 64; conducts resi-
. dencias, 58; new oidor, 59; wit-
Labor, in New Spain, tremendous . ness at court, 160.
suppJy of, 17; slave in mines, Lodio, in Alava, original seat of
39, 79; Spaniards control, 85 ; Mendozas, 4.
Negro, 87, 162; Indian, 90 f.; Lombardy, Italy, Juan Pablos
free Indian, 92 f.; contract~ from, 107.
92 f. ; compulsory, 99; in cloth Lpez, Alonso, 142.
factories, 111 ; in silk ind11stry, Lpez, Gernimo, proctor, 97: lct-
112; in mint, 114; scarcity of, ters of, 98.
173, 184; dependencc on, 185. Lpcz, Gregorio, 170.
.La Gtctrra de Grnnada, Diego Hur- Lpez Ccrrato, Alonso, visitor, 96.
tado de Mcndoza. reputed author Lpez de Anuncibay, Iigo, t1oops
of, 10. under, 148; misconduct of, 154;
Lake Chapa1a, 149. hatred for viceroy of, 154; tes-
Las Casas, Bartolom de, 95, 159, timony against Mendoza of, 161.
. 169, 192. . Lpez de Crdenas, Garca, cxpe-
Lasso de Mendoza, Marina, 7. dition of, 126.
Lasso de la Vega, family, 6. Lpez de Mendoza, Diego, Duque
Lasso de la Vega, Ca.talina, '1. de Infantado, 6.
Lasso de la Vega, Marina, '1, 9. Lpez de Mendoza, Iigo, second
. Lasso de la Vega, Pedro, 7. . Conde de Tcnditla, viceroy's
Latin, teaching of in N ew Spain, father, 3 f.,. 7-9.
105 f. Lpez de .Mendoza, Iigo, first
. Laws, of Toro, 36; locat., 52; min- Conde de Tendilla, viceroy' s
ing rescinded, 76 ; compiled, grandfather, 6 f.
75 f . 79; in confti~t with Laws Lpez de Mendoza, ligo, Marques
of lndies, 52, 75; concerning de Santillana, viceroy' a grea,t-
moriscos, 87; concerning Ne- grand father, 4, 6.
grocs, 88 f .. ; concerning lndians, Lpez de Villalobos, Ruy, see
91-95; against ga.mbiing, 100; Villatobos~
INDEX. 233
L6pez de Mendoza, Lorenzo, Mayor Espafta, New Gaticia named.
Conde de Coruna, 6. 44.
Lpcz de M endoza, Pedro Lasso, Mazue1a, voyage of, 117.
seor of Mondjar, 6. Medicine men, 141-43.
Lpez de Orozco, ligo, seftor of Medicine, Mexican, 106.
Santa O llalla, 5 f. Medina del Campo, Spain, 9.
Lpez de Saleado, Diego, govcrnor Medina, Tetlo de, 167.
of Honduras, 43. Medinaceli, first duke of, 7.
Lower Ca.lifornia, 117, 122, 130 f. Mendieta, Diego de, 107.
Mendocino, Cape, 134.
Marchena, Kingdom of Granada, 3. Mendoza, for family _ atso see
Machinery, in mines and rcfineries, Hurtado, Lasso, Lpcz. and
110. Yez.
Madrid; Spain, 12, 135. Mendoza, Antonio de, biography
Magdalena Bay, 130. of, 3-16; birth of, 3; birthplace
Maguey plant, 109. of, 4: genealogy of, 4-11; great-
Majorca, viceroy of, 31. grandfather of, 4-6; motto of.
Mansilla, Juan de, regidor, 41. 5; grandfather of, 6 f.; fathcr
Manrique, Francisco, regidor, 41. of, 3 f 89; mother of, 7; brothers
Mainland, of Ameria, 16. and ~ister~ of, 9 f.: early years
Maizc, 89, 98, 109, 139, 140. of, 9, 11; am~sador to Hun-
Maldonado, Alonso, nominated gary, 7: caballero in order of
oidor, 22 f.: f rom colegio in Santiago, 9: Queen's Chamber-
Salamanca, 23; in Yucatn, 58; lain, 9 ; diploma tic career of, 11
governo~ of Guat~mala, 58; f.; in Italy, 12: representativc
presidcnt of audiencia de los of Hungary, 12; in Zaragoza,
Confines, 58; relieved in Mexico 12; off ered viccroyalty. 12; visit
by Gmez de Santillr., 59 ; to Granada, 12; appointed vicc-
charges against, 101 ; quoted, roy, 12; visit to England, 13:
101; mission of, 151. marriage of, 13; amity of, 13
Maldonado, Francisco, membcr of f.; portraits of 14 f.; character
first audiencia, 19; death of, 19: of, 15; appointment as viccroy
replaced, 23. of, 12; New \Vorld career of,
Maldonado, F ranci seo, grant to, 13-16; death in Peru of, 1~: ap-
86; advance of, 154 f. pointment as viceroy of Ncw
Marabatio, Michoacn, 48. Spain, 16-43; agrees to serve,
Maraveds, value of, 23, 114. 22: commissions of as viceroy,
Maraver, bishop of N ew Galicia, 34; qualifications of, 34; gov-
104, 180. ernor, 34 ; vice-patron, 35, 105 :
Marcos de Niza, Fray, expedition duties as viceroy. 35 : body-guard
of, 120-122, 128. . of,. 35, 48, 50: Indian service of.
Maria, Condesa de Monteagudo, 36, 48 f.; duties as president of
viceroy's sister, 10. audiencia, 36: duties as govemor,
Marriage, fostcred, 86, 105. 36; captain-general, 36; relations
Marroquin, bishop of Guatemala, with audiencia, 37, 52, 54-68; re-
104: at Tiripitio, 123; at junta, lations with Church, 37, 39;
146. native cities under, 39;. defensc
Martnez de 1a Marcha, Hernan, instructions of. 39 f.; journey to
see Nez. America of, 41 ; :irrival in Ne\V
Martnez de Montalvo, Hernan, Spain of, 41 f.; initiates vice-
170. regal government, 42; jurisdic-
Martyr, Peter, historian, 8. tion of, 44-46: reforms of, 46-
- Matalcingo, valley of, 48. 48; speciat relations to Mexico
M~tienzo, see Ortiz. City and district, 48, 54 f.;
Mayas, 16, 43. ranches of, 48 f.; household of,
48; court of, 48; incomc of, 49 : f.; in Pcru 190-93: death of, 3,
factories of. 1,9, 1u: houses of. :3, 35, 192 ; sumrnary of career
49: wheat of, 49; family with, of, 193-96.
49.; debts Qf, 49; daity rou.tine Mendoza, Bartolom de, 142.
of, 49 f.; inspections by, 50: Mendoza, Bernardino de, viceroy's
hospitality of, 50: instructions brother, govert1or of Goleta, 10;
to Velasco of, 50-52, 94 f., 190: lieutenant-generat of the Span-
philosophy of government of, 51 ish galleys, 10; viceroy of Naples,
f.; t)owcrs and limitations of, 1O; trcasure shipped to, 81 ;
52-57; relations with cabildo, president of the Council of thc
SJ-56; provincial govcrnment of. Indies, lli6.
66 f. ; local government , of, 67- Mendoza, Francisco de, viccroy's
70: 'lndian government of, 68, son, surnamed "el Indio,'' 14; in
6? : activities, 71 f.. 75, 76, 79 ; Mexico, 49: inj unction obtained
appointments by, 72; reforms in by, 171; command of Peruvian
real hacienda of, 74; responsible forces by, 176; jousting of, 176;
f or treasure, 79; orders to, 82 ; his father's coadjutor, 14, 187 f.;
new sodety formed under, 84 : journey of, 190 f.; later career
social and cconomic policies of, of, 191; death of, 14.
85-87 ; measures taken by, 88 ; Mendoza, Francisco de, viceroy's
opinion of Negro Revolt of, 88 brotht:r, Cardinal, 9 f.
f.; laws issued by, 89: defense Mendoza, ligo de, "el largo,"
measures of, 89 f.: treatment of vic\!roy' s son, 13 f.
natives under, ,91-96; works for Mendoza, Mara de, illegitimatc
delay of New Laws, 91-100: sister of the viceroy, 10 f., 49,
Zumrraga and, 100, 107 ; on 167.
luxuries, 100; road building of,. Mercado, Gines de, marriage of,
102 f. : aids education, 105 f. ; 90.
advocates native priesthood, 106: Mercedarian order, 54.
industry and agriculture under, Merchants, 37, 82, 98, 113.
109-13; shipbuilding of, 113; es- Merida, Yucatn, 59.
tahlishes mint, 114; priccs under, Merino sheep, 48, 110 f.
114 f.; rivalry with Corts and Mesta, 110 f.
Guzmn, 116-125: exploring ex- Mestizos, 85, 90, 100.
peditions of, 119-137 : results of Metals, precious, 17, 113 f., 184.
cxploring activitics of, 135 f.; Mexico, City of, 14 f., 20, 24, 29,
scnds ves seis to Peru. 133 f.; 36, 39, 41 f., 48, 53-55, 61, 72, 78-
Mixton War undcr, 137-58; al- 81, 89 f., 93, 97, 100, 103, 105-10,
leged cruelty of, 158: the test of 112, 118, 124, 138, 147 f.. 152,
the Sandoval visita of, 158-i2 : 157 f.,. 163, 174, 176 f., 185, 189
chargcs of Corts aginst, 159- f.: bishopric of 45, 103 f :;
61 : relations with visitor of, country and province of, 13, 16,
. 164-67 : charges of visitor 18 f., 23~ 45, 84, 90, 106, 195.
against, 167 f.; reply of to visi- Meztecapn, province of New
tor's charges, 168 f.; case against Spain, 45.
visitor of, 169-72: rumored as Michel, Juan, 178.
going to Peru: 170; pcriods of Michoacn, province of New Spain,
government of, 172; last years 28. 45, 58, 75, 81, 102, 103, 106,
. of, 172-93: rcvolts put down by, 111. 113, 116, 123, 146, 148, 151 f
174 f.: aid for Peru of, 175 f.; Milis, ftour, 93; stamp, 184. ,
New Gaticia in last years of, Mines and mining, 38 f., 66, 74-779
178-186; illness of, 186 f.; dc- 79, 80 f., 87, 88, 91-93, 101, 167,
sire to return to Spain of, 186 173, 177, 181-85, 187, 191.
f.; son as coadjutor of, 187 f.: Minerais, 73 f., 79, 80 f., 84.
appointed viceroy of Peru, 188 Mint, 4(), 73, 114, 183, 185 f.
f.; rcception of Velasco by, 189 Mixton, pef\ol of, 145-47, 153-56.
INDEX 235
Mixton War, causes of, 138-42, visions, 95 f.: visitors to e"tfo~.
bcginning of, 141-47, cfforts to 96 f. ; protest against, 97 f. ; ef-
end, 146-52, viceroy concludcs, f ect of, 98 f.; viceroy and oidors
151-58; mcntion o, 90, 99, 111, against, 99 f. ; suspension of. 98
137, 167, 173, 175.. f.; framing of, 159: ill-tidings
Monasterics, 91, 103 f. .of, 163: failure of, 169, 17J; in
Mondejar, :teor of, 6; history o( Peru, 13, 175, 192.
thc estltc, 7; Lus Hurtado de New Spain, Valladolid founded in.
Mendoza, second Marquis of, 9, 4 ; cht.nge of government in, 12;
11 : viceroy's father, first Mar- Mendoza appointed for, 13;
quis of, 11. natives of, 15, 90-101; position
Moncy, in N ew Spain, 40, 61, 113 f. of Corts in, 17 f.; arri1al of
Monteagudo, Mara, Condesa de, first audiencia in, 19: discon-
viceroy's sister, 10. tent in, 21 ; nced of new govem-
Montejo, Catalina, 58. ment acute in, 21 ; decision to
Montejo, Francisco de, conqueror appoint a viceroy for, 21 f.;
of Yucatn, 28, 43, 58. Corts desi res to govcm, 24;
Monterey Bay, -california, 132. audiencia's inabiJity to cope with
Montoya, . Alvarado's secretary, conditions in, 30: def ense of. 39:
150. lack of money in, 40 : adminis-
Montfar, Archbishop, 104. tration of, 42-70; territorial ex-
Moqui, villages of, 126. tent of~ 43-46; provinces of. 44
Morales, Bartolom, de, 104. f.; unsettled. condition of, 45:
Moriscos, in .New Spain, 85, 87. laws of, 52; local government in.
Moslems, 8, 33, 87. 67-70 ; embryo cortes in, 68 : be-
MotoJinia, see Bcnavente. ginnings of real hacienda in, i0-
Motto, of the Mcndozas, S. 81; accounts of checked, iJ:
M ulattoes, 100. social classes in, 85-90; Negro
Mulbcrry trees, 87, 112. revolt in, 88 f.: Telto de Sando-
Mules, 91 f., 101, 109, 125. val visitor-general of~ 96, 158,
Municipal governmcnt, see Cabildos, 172; hostility to New Spain of,
Local. 97 ; loss of settters, 98 : manners_
Munitions, 89 f. and customs of, 100-03: popJ
Museo Nacional, Mexico City, 14. lation of, 100: official printen
in, 108: industries in. 109-13;
Nahuas, of Central Mexico, 16, 86, agriculturc in, 109-13 ; an ex-
177. porting region, 109 f.: money in.
Najara, Juan de, 160. 113 f.: prices in, 114 f.; ~lixton
Naples; Italy, 10, 31. _ \Var in, 137-58: military power
N arvez, Pnfilo de, 44, 118, 172. of, 141; former residents of,
N atives, see lndians. 159 f.; inquisitor of, 162: periods
Navarre, Kingdom of, 7, 31. of government of, 172: fir~t
Navidad, Mexico port of, 113, 131, tourney in, 176: new viceroy ap-
133 f., 139, 146, 176. pointed for, 188 f., Spain in, 193.
N avigation, work on, 109. N ew \Vorld, aff airs of, 12: civiliza-
N ayarit, Mexico, 156. tions of. 17: Spain's expansion
Negroes, in Ncw Spain, 85, 87-90, in to, 32-35 ; fi rst printing in, 107-
100, 108, 114. 142, 145. 147, 158, 1O: see al so Amcrica.
162, 172-74, 182 f . 185. Nicaragua, 66.
New Empire of Mayas, 43. . Nochistln, pueblo, of, 141 f., 145;
New Galicia, Kingdom of, 19, 25 peo/ of, 145, 153 f.
f . 44, 47. 59, 65, 75, 93, 103, 113, Norimbcrger, Lzaro, 107.
116, 124, 128. 137 f., 145 f . 151, Northern Mystery, 135.
157, 173, 178, 180, 186, 195. Nuchistln, see Nochistln.
N ew Laws, in N cw Spain, partial N ucstra Scf\or a de Guadalupe, see
cnforcement of, 89; main pro- Guadalupe.
236 ANTONIO .DE MENDOZA
Nuestra Scftora de Zacatccas, Oropcso, Conde de, declined "ice-
. f ound~ 75 ; see atso Zacatccas. royship, 22.
Nueva Galicia, sec New Galicia. Orozco, M arla de, S f. ; sec aJso
Nueva Vizcaya, 173. Lpcz.
Nuevo Reino, 96. Osorno, Conde de, 21.
N.ez de la Marcha, oidor, 181: Otomi, lndians, 173, 177 f., 182.
visitatiott of, 184 f. Otumba, Indians of, 93.
Nez Vela, Blasco, viceroy of Ozumba, viceroy!s ranch, ~-
. Peru, 96, 175.
Pab1os, Juan, Italian printcr, 107-10.
Oaj aca, 45 ; sce atso Oaxaca. Pacheco, Francisco, viccroy's
. CFcUCaca, 91, 102 f., 174, 175. mother, 9.
Obregn, Baltasar de, 15. Pacheco, Juan, Marqus de Vil-
Ocaa, Spain, 25. lena, 9.
Ocampo!' Diego de, 176. Pacheco, Mar[a de, viceroy's sister,
Ocharte, Pedro, printcr, 108. 10: widow of. Juan de Padilla,
Ocoraritarco, viccroy's rancb, 48. 10; flight to Portugal and dcath
Offices, SS, 86. the.rc. 10.
Officia1s, various, 17 f., 47, 68, 69- Padilla, Juan de, lcadcr of con-
73, 75-7/, 79-82, 110, 112, 114, sumers, 10.
163, 16-!, 178, 185. Pez, Juan, diary o, 132 f.; cro-
Oidores. in N~w Spain, arrivat of, nista. Juan Pez d"! Castro, 133.
19; conflict with Church, 20: Pnuco, 19, 28, 43, 45, 102.
new appointcd, 22 f.; salaries of, Paper, for printing, 107 f.
23, 59, arrival at Vera Cruz of, Parada, Alonso de, member of
24: sma!I number of, 47, 56; l!'st audiencia, 19, 23.
orders c-oncerning, 49; harmony Paria, Gulf of, 96.
with viceroy of, 61 f.; in prvate Pt.tzcuaro, 4, 179.
business, 64, 184 ; residencias and Pay-rolls, 92 f.
\risitas condut:ted by, 65; re Peda:co, defined, 53~
stricted residen ce of, , 65; in Pea Vallejo, Juan de la, SS.
cabildo, 67; counsel delay, 97; Peafiel, Spain, 14, 188.
djstribute charity, 98; in N ew Pcnalties, 73, 76, 80.
Galicia, 181, 181; of Peru, rash- Peons, Mexican, 91.
ness of, 1.92; sce also Audiencia. Peralta, Martn de, 86.
Olmedo, battle of, 5. Peralta, Suarez de, sees Coronado
<:>ate, Cristbal de, tieutenant of return, 127.
Guzmn, 25 ; discoven mines, Prcz, Hernan, Doctor, 170.
75: governmcnt of, 138; narra Prez, de ta Torre, Diego, gov-
ti ve of, 142; at junta, 146; ex pe ernor of N ew Gaticia, 26, 118,
dition of, 147 f.; aid to Alvarado 137.
of, 149 f.; with Mendoza, 151 f., Perios, of Mendoza's rule, 172.
154: maestro de campo, 176: Peta~al, chief of Jalpa, 141.
visita of, 178-81 ; mines of, 184. Peru. 13 f., 35, 83, 96, 133 f., 157
Oate, Juan de, 173. f., 170. 172, 175 f 181, 19093.
Oporto, Cathcdral o, 10. Phi1ip, Prince, latcr Phi!ip I 1 of
Ordcr of Santiago, 6. Spain, 14, 165 f., 186.
Ore-gon, Roguc River of, 132. Philippincs, 131, 134, 136.
Ortiz de Maticnzo, ] uan, oidor, 19 Pirates, in American wattrs, 81.
f 23, 27. Pioneers, discovcr mines, 74.
Ortiz de Zuiga, Alonso, 167. Pizarro, Francisco, conqueror of
Ordinanccs, local, 53; mining, 79, Peru, 13, 136, 157, 192.
185; sheep, 110 f.; silk, 112; see Pizarro, Gonzalo, revolt of, 175 f.
also Laws. Placencia, Pedro de, 178.
Oronato.. lay brother with Fray Policy, of Spain in N cw World,
Marcos, 120. 32-34, of v1ceroy, 193-96.
INDEX 237
Ponce d Leon, Luis, 18. Rcvenue, 28, 38 f., 47 f., 67, 70, 72.
Popayan, modern Co1ombia, 96. 74, i8, 81, 85, 87, 98, 167. .
Portugal, 10, 107, 134. Rcvolt, 8, 88 f., 174 f.; sce atso
Portugal, Fernando de, royal treas- Mixton War.
urer, 71. Rio Grande, valley of, 126; river,
Portuguese, in East, 16; in Italian 126 f.
service, 31. Ro de las Palmas: province of, 44.
Potosi, Peru, mines of, 191. Ro de San Juan, 96.
Pozol, pueblo, 156. Rivera-Cambas, historian, on por-
Presciado, Francisco, curate of trait of viceroy, 14.
Colima, 102, 112. Roa, Alonso de, 't!eed"'~ 184.
Presinga, diplomatic agent, 11. Roads, in New Spain, 102 f.
Prices, in New Sp:iin, 68, 87, 98, Rodrquez, see Cabrillo.
114 f. Rodrquez, Sebastian, 169.
Printing, in Mexico, i 06-10. . Rogue River, Oregon, 132.
Provinces, government of, 66 f. RC'tnan patricians, 4.
Proano, Diego de, 142, 178. Nomcro, Cristb:il, 178.
Puebla de los Angeles, N ew S>ain, Ruiz, Miguel, captain of armadn.,
- 28, 39, 113. 81.
Pueblos, nativc, 68. Ruyz, Gonzalo, regidor, 41.
Puga, Vasco de, Cdu1ario of, 109.
Pulqtae, sale of, 100 f. Saavedra, Alvaro, voyage of, 117.
Purificacin, town of, New Ga- St. Francis, chapel of, 9.
licia, 26, 146, 148, 178. St. ] ohn's day, 101.
Sala del crimen, 62.
Quadrago, Pedro, 178. Salamanca, Spain, 23, 124.
Quadros, Doa Teresa de, 6. Salaries, 23, 35, 46, 59, 67, 71, 188 f.
uartillos, coined, 114.
8 uesada, Doctor Antonio Rodr-
quez, 59, 106.
Satazar, Hernando de, jousting of,
176.
Salazar, Juan de, fact~r. 62, 184.
Quertaro, 28, 45, 157, 177 f. Saldva.r, Juan de, sec Zaldvar.
Quetzalcoatl, 175. Salinas, ] uan de, 143.
Quiones, Lebrun de, 181. Satinas, Martn de, 12.
Quinto, royal, 73, 74, 182, 186. Salmern, Juan de, oidor, 23, 57 f.,
Quiroga, Vasco de, oidor, 22 f., 28 159 f.
f., 57 f. ; bishop o f Michoacn, Salto, Baltasar, school of, 106.
23, 58, 104. Salvador, 43.
Quivira, 1.26. Sandoval, Mara (Juana?), 7: see
also TeUo de Sandoval.
Race problem, in Mexico, 90. San Cristbal, 156.
Ranches, 48, 113, 125, 167, 173. San Diego, harbor of, 132.
Real estate, dealings in, 113. San Estvan del Puerto, 16.1. .
Reales, coined, 114. San Francisco Bay, California 13?..
Reales de Mina~. 75. S01i Gabriel, ship of Alarcn, 129.
Real hacienda, ddined, iO; in N ew San Gcrnimo, Oiaz dies at, 130.
Spain, 70-81, 190; in New San ] uan de Lctran, coitege of,
Galicia, 183, 184. 106.
Real patronato, laws of, 105. San ] uan det Ro, 1S.
Receptores, 62 f. San Juan de Ultoa, 41, 162, 189.
Rcfincrics, sugar, 110. San Lcar, Spain, 13, 25, 41, 162,
Regidores, 27, 67, 91, 128, 178; 188. .
se.e also Cabildos. San Miguel, San Diego harbor
.Registration, of mines, 76-78. named, 132.
Relatorn, of audiencia, 26, 62 f. San Miguel de Cutiacn, 116.
Remo, S., 8; pilot, 131. San Miguel Is1and, 132.
Residencias, 51, 5~. 65, 159. San 'Pedro, ship of Alarcn, 129.
..
San Romn, Fray Juan de, 153. Soto, Hemando de, expcdition of,
San Romn, Francisco de, 98 f. 128. . .
San Sal'Z.1ador, ship.of. Cabrillo, 131. South Sea, 24, 44, 65, 116-25
San Quentin, battle of, 14. passiln, 191.
Sanctuary, right of. 20, 105. Spain, 6, 11~ 12, 14, 16 f., 19, 26,
Santa Barbara, channel islands of, 29, 31-33, 78, 81-84, 87, 90, 95,
132. 99, 166. .
Santa Catalina, sMp of A1arcn, Spaniards, 32, 40, 76-78, 85-87, 90,
100, 140, 142, 147, 174.
129. 'Spanish, gallcys, 1O: car1y dis-
Santa Cruz~ co1ony o Corts at, .covcry, 16; governmcnt, 16-18,
117 f. 85; colonists, 20, 29: teaching of,
Santa Cruz, co11ege of, 105. 105 . .
Santa F, Michoacn, 28, 39, 58, Stamp, metal, 79.
104. Stock-raising, 185; sec a1so Shcep,
. Santa Marta, 96, 181. Cattle.
~ Santa Olalla, scigneury of, 5 f. Stores, scc Shops.
Santiago, appearancc o, 151. Strcet~, in Mcxico City, 101 f.
Santiago, Colima, port of, 117, 129 SuchipiJa, ~ucblo o, 140-56 pas1im.
f., 146, 176. Sugnr, in Nc:w S1>ain, IOCJ f., 114 f.
Scmtiago, M cxico, 36.
Santiago, Ordcr of, S f., 14, 177. Tabasco, provincc of, 43 f., 59, 66.
Santo Domingto, 181 23 f., 44 f. Tacuha (Tacubaya) Causcway, 40,
Santillana, Marc1ut:s de, 11\igo 89; rivcr, 110.
Li,flt"Z de M cndo1:a, 6. 1'apia, Fernando de, Indian cap
Santillana, Marquisatc of, S. tain-gencral, 1i'7.
Sardini._, viccroy ovcr, 31. Ta pa, 1-lcrnan de, interpretcr, 90.
Schools, 104, 106. Tarascan Jndians, 28.
Scgovia, Fray Antonio de, 142, lSJ. Ta~ca, mining district, 74, 102,
S(phl-da, oidor, 181. Tavcra, Cardinal Juan ~~. 162.
Scrviccs, of lndians, S, 91, 99, Tavcrns, 102.
1R5, 191 f. Tazazalca Rivcr, Ncw Gaticia, 15~.
ScvilJe, Spain, 3, 7, 41, 78, 82, 96, Tccto, Juan de, school of, 106.
107, 10?, 162, 188. Tchuantepec, 91, 102, 176.
Sheep, in New Spain, 48 f., 87, Tejada, Lorenzo de, oidor, 47, 59,
110-12, 125. 65, 93, 106, 110, 113-15, 138, 165,
Ships, treasure, 78 f., 82. 178-81.
Shops, in Mexico, 101 f., 111. Tello de Sandoval, Francisco, visi-
Sicily, viceroy over, 31. tor-general of New Spain, jaits
Sigienza, bishop of, 7. Antonio de 1"urcios, 63; salary
Silk industry, 87, 110, 112, 116. of, 67; Aranda sent with, 72:
Sinaloa, 66. charges of, 93, 101, 138 f., 147;
Sihersmith, in Mexico City, 81. appointed visitor-gencral, 96 :.
Slaves and Slavery, 20, 39, 78-80, earlicr activities, 96; powers of,
87-89' 98, 100, 108, 148, 156, 158, 97: New Laws pub1ished by, 97,
173, 184 f. 163; distributes charity, 98; use
Small-pox, cpidemic of, 172. of carriers by, 99; visita of, 118,
Sodety, in New Spain, 85, 100-03. 137, 157, 172, 185.
SoconusCt>, 91. TenamasteJ, see Tcnemaxt1i.
Socuellanos, co1mnendador o, 6, Tendilla, condado of, 6 f., 9.
14. Tenemaxtli, dcfcction o, 141 f.,
Sonora. state, 118. 155 f.
Sosa, Juan Alonso de, royal treas- Tcnocha, pueblo of, 174.
urcr, 55, il, 86, 161. Tenochtitln, conquest of, 16.
Soto, Dit-go de, royal treasurcr, 71. Tcuquitate, chief at Tlatcnango,
Soto, Francisco de, provincial, 97. 142.
1NDEX 239
Tcpestistaquc, /'riiol of, 139, 141-43. Urdifiola, Francisco de. 17J.
Tcpequc, mountains :>f, 139. U rdiola, the Youngcr, 173.
Tequilla, rcgion of, 156. .
Tequipans, revolt of, 174, 175. Vaca de Castro, Cristbal, 157.
Tezcuco, school in, 106; wool cloth Va1daraccte, villa of, 14.
center, 111. Valdcrrama, visitor, 60.
Teul, pueblo of, 145, 155. Valds, Maria de, 6.
Texas, Cabeza de Vaca in, 118 f.. VaJladolid, Michoac!Ul, t 13.
Tierra Firme, 81, 109 f. Valladolid, Spain, 4, 9, 36. 159, 169
Tigueu, 126. Valle <le Oaxaca, marqus of, 24,
Tithcs, 38, 81, 103, 112. 116: aI~o st~ Corts.
Tit k!, to mines, 77. Varclo, Gouiato, 142.
Titulo.,, 53, 67. V&1lcncia, Spain, viccroy ol, 31.
Tiri1>itio, 123. Vargas y Carvajal, Catalina, vice-
Tlascala, 28, 45, 103. roy's wif c, lJ.
Tlasca1tccans, 90. Vsquez, Diego, 147, 148.
Tlatl, ludian god, 155. Vsquez de Coronado, sce Coro-
1'1ata1u1co, puchlo of, 174. nado.
1'1atdHlco, colllgc of S"nta Cruz Vns<1ucz de Ay1tl'" Lcas, 12:.
in, 105. Vsqucz de Tapia, Bcrnarwno, 41,
Tlah'nango, pueblo o, 139-42, 145, 54, 90.
156. Vudor, 18, 184.
Tololotln Rivcr, New Galicla, 116, Vcga, Leonor de la, 6. '-
145, 178. Ve lasco, Lu(5 de, second viceroy
To losa, Jmm de, discovers mines, of Ncw S1>ain, 50-54, 69, 87, 89,
75. 94, 188-91, 194.
Toluca, mining district, 74. Velasco, Luis de, the Youngcr, 63.
Tonal, lndians, 143-45. Vclzqurr, Gutierrcz, 170.
Torre, Dof\a Mnr(a de la, 119. Vl'na, liccnti:ite, imposturc o, 189.
1owns, 37 f., 60, 68, 112 f., 173, Vcnczucla, 96.
180. V en ice, ltaly, 10, Jt.
Toro, laws of, 36. Vera, Alonso de, 178.
'fovar, Pt'<lro de., 126. V era, Fray Martn de, 143.
1'ravd, in .New Spain, 102. Vera Cruz, Ncw Sr.ain, 24, 41, 48.
Treasure, hidden, 38. 56, 59, 67, 72, 78, 81 f . 91, 107,
Treasurer, 18, 184. 109, 152, 161, 163 f.
Trcasury, 47, see atso Real Viu-comitcs, viccroys comparcd
hacienda. , to, 31.
Trent, Council of, 10. Vice-patron, Mendoza as, 35.
Tres Maras !stands, discovcry of, Viccroy, qualitics needcd in, 30;
117. Portuguese and Italian cxamples
Trevio de Bauelos, Battasar, of, 31 : antecedentS of officc of,
discovers mines, 75. 31 : the title of, 31; dccision to
Tributes, 37 f., 47, il-73, 79. appoint for New Spain, 22; see
Troops, 89, 151 f., 157. also, Mendoza, Antonio de.
Turcios, Antonio de, ucribano Viceroyalty, as a Spanish institu-
"'>'or,
63, 86, 97, 166. tion, 32-34 : of N ew Spain, 44 ;
Tute-peque, 47. testing of, 137-72; vindication of,
171.
Ulizaha1, vatley, viceroy's horse- Victoria, ship of Cabrilto, 131.
ranch, 48. Villalobos, Ruy G>mez (~pcz)
Ulloa, Francisco de, voyage of, de, voyage o{, 131-36.
118, 122, 131. Villalba, Juan de, 156.
University of Mexico, 106, 108. Villa de Purificacin, scc Purif142.
Upper California, coast of, 134. cin.
Villa Real, Juan de, li'9. Yftcz de Mcndoza, Gonzalo, S.
Villanut.-va, Alonso de, 97. Y gueras, Las, province of, 44 ; see
Visita, of Tejada, -t7; toal, 6S; of also Higueras, Hibueras.
Sandcval, 138, 157, 158-72; vice- Yucatn, province of, 28, 44, 45,
roy conducting, 146. 58 f.; 66, 135, 195.
. Vitoria Garayana, 43. . Yuma, Arizona, 129.
: Voyage, of Saavedra, 117; of
Hurtado de Mcndoza and Mazu- Zacatecas, in N ew Gaticia, 24; 45,
efa, 117; of Bercerra and Gri- 75, 92, 113, 139, 141 f., 156 f.,
jalva, 117; of Ulloa, 122; of 177, 182. .
Alarcn, 128-32: of Francisco Zacatecas, Diego, sec Tcnemaxtli.
<ic Bolaos, 130 ; of Cabrillo- Zacatula, port of, 59, 65, 91, 102,
. Ferrelo, 131-35; of Villalobos, 116.
134-36; to Peru, 133 f.; period Zaldvar, Juan de, expeditfon of,
. . o, 172. 124, 126; mines of, 184; see also
Wagcs, in Ncw Spain, 92 f. Sa.ldvar.
\V cights nnd Mcasures, 23, 73, 71, Zamorano, Nicolas, pitot, 129.
81, 91, 93. Zapotecans, revolt of, 174 f.
Wcst Indies, 16, 87, 89, 96, 109 f. Zapotlin, 148.
Wheat, 49, 89, 98, 109 f. Zrate, Bishop of Oaxaca, 104.
W ichita Indians, 126. Zrate, Diego de, 160.
\Vine, sale of regulatcd, 100 f. Zrate, Baltasar de, in Pcru. 191.
Windmills, in Ncw Spain, 110. Zcb, Island of, 134.
Witnesses, in visitas, 160, 163, 168, Zeptharztec, monastcry of, 1OO.
178 f. Zultepcque, mining district (Zul-
. Wool, 49, 111 f. tcpcc), 74, 102.
Zumrraga, bishop Juan de, 19 f.,
Xilotepec, 15. 28, 100 !., 104, 107, 1~7. 186.
Ximnez, Cardinal, 8: also Jimnez. Zumpango, mining district, 10, 74,
Xitleque, Indian chief, 141. 102, 167.

AITON 1927 - Antonio de Mendoza, First Viceroy of New Spain

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AITON 1927 - Antonio de Mendoza, First Viceroy of New Spain

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Antonio de Mendoza

First Viceroy of New Spain

ARTHUR SCOTI AITON

D.UKE UNIVERSITY PRESS

... JJ,"'~~,.1 ~~iJ1tltN61hf(.-.ttk.. ~

THOMAS MAITLAND MAR.~HALL

Tlie writer's solution of the vexed problems of Spanish

AREA OF THE MIXTON W AR fatjng 139

THE APPOINTMENT OF A VICEROY

grcatly dissatisfied the Spanish colonists, particularly the

'A. G. l., 144-1-10, Informacin, Mexico, March S, 1530.

lcal and bis associates that they petitioned the gov~rnment

The conditions in New Spain had demonstrated the in-

ure. 48 Mendoza's qualifications are immediately apparent:

THE ADMINISTRATION OF NEW SPAIN UNDER

of closer royal control. The cdula of December 13, 1527,

,. Mcndoza, Carta, Mexico, December 10, 1537, in Coleci11 de Docu-

. The center of the viceroy's public life was the capital

The viceroy's relations with the cabildo resident in M~

~erfcrc with its privileges, to corrcspond with thc Coun~l of

Solrzano, Politica Indiana, Madrid, 1776, libro V, cap. 11, con-

Puga, Cldtdas. I. 377.

.. His prescnce there was vicwed by the visitor Vatderrama as a dis-

'~-. ts reorganization in the eighteenth century. For instance,

to. be approved first by the president and the oidores before

,. Real tldula, Madrid, Ortober 'Zl, 1535, in Doc1une11to.s de Ultramar,

:~ Tlie leu-gers of the royal treasurers in Mexico begin in

. In thc first pcriod, 1521-1532, 694,000 pesos were received by thc

' captain-general of the Spanis~. galleys, f or the pay of bis

. organization of the sedentary Indians which had existed

to foster marriages ang. !~~ge families. To drive ali unmar-

On one occasion the viceroy caUed Alonso de Baf;an, assistant to

A. G. I., 48-1-5/27, Interrogatorio del seor vissorey, pregunta 298.

. :-.. verted to the Catholic faith. There were thirty-nine points \ /

. lutely depenaenTon Tndan labor for subsistcnce, anda veri-

Beaumont, Crnica, IV. 502.

With this revocation of Spai~'s greatest program of humane

.. Mendoza, Rclacion, in Pacheco y Crdenas, XLI. 157, 158.

I~pressive beginnings in t~~-~~~vcl?_p~cnt of industry

_sJavc spi~ne-rs in the factories, and the sat_isfactory remedy

. " . A G. I., 48-1-6/28, Testigo de Franco Presciado, cura de Colima,

The reader will find a more elaborate discussion of this interesting

Quoted in G. P. Winship, "The Coronado Expedition," in Tht Four-

Thc choice of Mendoza for thc leadership of his cxplor-

steeds from the viceroy's ranches, accompanied by two hun-

_136 . ANTONIO DE MENDOZA

ful nativcs of the pueblos of Tlatenango amf' Suchipila to

" Quando los Yndios de la dicha provincia se comcn~aron a at~ar

150 ANTONIO DE MEND.OZA

.. "La dilacion que tuuo en et combate fue tanta que a mi me Jo tenian

.:. ~L~_xton nea~ ~Y-~ an almost i~p~~~~~P.~~~J2~!~!!~n.H The

. territory lying between Suchipila, where the viceroy's camp

.. Of OllC hundred thousand,IT tbe backbone of tbe revolt WaS

" .. Suplico a vuestra alteza aya conpasion de aquella tierra y de sus

A. G. l., 48-1-2/24, Probisyon e comision ori1inal del seor visitador.

of visitas and on the institutionat history of the sixteenth

the oidores, who felt that they were temporarily deprived

the administration had brought progress to a standstill.

A. G. l., 58-5-8, Carta del Oidor Lorenzo de Tejada al Rey, Mexico,

uncovered.11 Thc-chief cause he found in the systcm where-

made of the wide powers of bis office. He ca~e--to New -

I. Archivo Gcn~al de Indias. (A. G. I., abbreviation sed in

de camara de la Real Abdiencia de Mexico, por el Lic 1

Tello de Sandoval. 1546. l

... JJ,"',.1 iJ1tltN61hf(.-.ttk.. ~

I~pressive beginnings in t-~vcl?_p~cnt of industry

.:. ~L~_xton nea~ ~Y-~ an almost i~p~~~P.~J2~!~!!~n.H The