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Technologiesof Servitude:
Governmentalityand Indonesian
Transnational Labor Migration
DaromirRudnyckyj
Universityof California,Berkeley
Abstract
Thispaperexaminesthe techniques andnetworks thatenablethetransnational
movementof migrantlaborers from Indonesia. thepaperargues
Theoretically,
thatgovernmentality is an effectiveconceptthroughwhichto understand politi-
caleconomicrelationsacrossnationalborders andoutsidestateinstitutions. The
conceptis usefulnotonlyin analysisof abstractpolicyprescriptions, butalsoin
theapparently mundanemethodsthatareintendedto rationalizethe training,
delivery securityof migrantlaborers.Theintervention
and hereinis in part
methodological,in so far as thepaperarguesthattheconceptis usefulin ana-
the
lyzing everyday practices thatarea frequent focusof ethnographic fieldwork.
Empiricallygrounded in interviews andobservational fieldwork in Indonesia,the
paper describesthe networks thatfacilitatetransnationallabor migration from
thecountryanddemonstrates theinterconnectionof the "global" economywith
localizedmoraleconomies.Thus,the paperarguesthat transnational flowsof
migrantlaborers areinfactdependent uponsupposedly traditionalpatron-client
networks.Furthermore, I suggestthatsomeNGOsadvocating for the rightsof
migrantworkers arenot inimicalto statepower,butinfact workto enhanceit.
to
Strategies protecttherightsof migrantlaborers maybringaboutgreaterstate
407
of Servitude:
Technologies and Indonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration
Introduction
Theentranceto PTSamudraCahayaRayalis througha smallirondoorin a
high concretewall topped with severalfeet of barbedwire. This human
resourcescompany(perusahaan jasa tenaga kerja-PJTK),located in the
KampungMelayu section of East
Jakarta,trainsand sendswomento work
abroadas domesticservants.The barriereffectivelyrestrictsthe physical
mobilityof some 320 traineeswho aspireto serveas domesticworkersin
othercountriesin SoutheastAsiaandthe ArabianGulfregion.Thesewomen
inhabitwhat SariWarsilah,a trainerfor the company,referredto as per-
gabungan(whichshe latertranslatedintoEnglishas "camp") andareallowed
to leaveonlyat specifiedtimes.Theausterethree-storybuildingis construct-
ed of concreteblocksand spartanlydecoratedwith peelingshadesof now
dingypastels.Thecomplexof buildingsin whichthis facilityis situatedwas
originallyconstructedas a dormitoryfor hajj pilgrims.In the years after
WorldWarII, devout Muslimswould assembleat this way station before
embarkingon a steamshipto makethe yearlypilgrimageto SaudiArabia.In
fact,the familythat owns PTSamudrawas historicallyinvolvedin the busi-
nessof sendingpilgrimsto Mecca.However,in recentyearsanotherlucrative
trafficin humanbeingsbetweenthe MiddleEastand Indonesiahasemerged.
Nowthe familyis engagedin the businessof sendingfemaledomesticwork-
ers overseas.Thisdormitoryno longerservesthe purposefor whichit was
originallyconstructedand now newtravelersmovethroughsimilartransna-
tionalcircuitsfor differentpurposes.
Thiscomplexhas been reconfigured to facilitatecircuitsthat havesimilar
formalcharacteristics as theirspatialandtemporalpredecessor, butare part
of a differenttransnational economicarrangement. Asin the heydayof the
maritimehajj, travelersfrom widely disparateparts of the archipelago
assembleinJakartapriorto departureforthe Arabianpeninsula.Butwhere-
408
DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ
as previoustravelersalongthesecircuitswerepredominately menseekingto
undertakea journeyof spiritualdevotion,perhapssupplementedby ped-
dlingtradealongthe way,the subjectsof this contemporary migrationpass
with
throughJakarta substantially differentaspirations.These mostlyyoung,
mostlypoorwomenfromruralpartsof Java,Lombok,and Sumatraseekto
improvetheir livingconditionsby obtainingtwo-yearassignmentsas maids
in middleand upper-classhouseholdsin SaudiArabia,Kuwait,Malaysia, or
Singapore. It is the radical of of
juxtaposition presentpatterns mobility(and
theirlimitations) superimposedoversimilarhistoricalcircuitsthat motivates
the presentinquiryintothe practicesand networksthat maketransnational
laborflowsfromIndonesiapossible.Thus,this paperfocusesnotso muchon
the effectsor experienceof such mobility,but on the conditionsthrough
whichit is enabledand the initiativesintendedto reformit.
Remittances fromoverseaslaborare an increasingly importantsourceof
revenue in Indonesia,particularlyin the ruralareas from which most
migrantshail. Overthe last fifteenyearsIndonesiahas becomeone of the
largestmigrantlaborexportingcountriesin the world,withan estimated2.6
million Indonesianscurrentlyworkingabroad (Hugo 2001:114).Jacob
Nuwawea,the Ministerof Manpowerand Transmigration, has explicitly
advocatedmigrantlaborto alleviateIndonesia'shigh jobless rate, which
standsat about40 millionunemployed.Hestatedthatthe "government will
continuefocusingon two mainstrategies[to reduceunemployment]: send-
ing more maidsoverseasand maximizingdomesticsectorsto createmore
vacancies." Furthermore, Nuwaweaassertedthatthe Indonesiangovernment
intends to discontinuethe domestic transmigrationprogram12 "because
moreand morepeopleareableto migrateon theirown"(Uakarta Post2001).
However,labormigrationhasbeenthe subjectof intensepublicdebatein
Indonesiaand scintillatingcasesof exploitationand abusepursuedby NGOs
resonateloudlyin the Indonesianpress.Frequentstoriesin majornewspa-
persfocuson the abusessufferedby migrantlaborersfromIndonesia.These
articlesexpressindignationat such abuse and the unscrupuloushuman
resourcescompaniesthatattractwomenduplicitously andtrainthemin sub-
standardconditions.However, the NGOactiviststhat I interviewedare not in
favorof terminatingthese laborflowsthrougha wholesalecessationof labor
migrationfromthe archipelago. Giventhe inadequacyof developmentinitia-
tives in manypartsof ruralIndonesia,the incomegeneratedfrommigrant
laboris a panaceato povertyin areasotherwisebereftof employmentoppor-
tunities. Thus, a primary demand of NGOshas been to encourage greater
409
of Servitude:
Technologies and Indonesian
Governmentality LaborMigration
Transnational
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DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ
411
of Servitude:
Technologies and Indonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration
412
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RUDNYCKYJ
413
of Servitude:
Technologies Governmentality Transnational
andIndonesian LaborMigration
Patron-clientNetworks
EnablingTransnationalism:
and the Makingof MigrantLaborers
Whilethereis no centralizedorganization or governmentministrythateffec-
tively oversees the of
process transforming andtransportingmigrantlaborers
from Indonesia,there is a set of regularizedsteps that many prospective
domesticlaborersmust undertake.An examinationof these steps demon-
stratesthat localizedpatron-clientnetworksin some cases actuallyenable
transnationaleconomicrelationsin so far as they serveas a criticalmeans
throughwhichruralIndonesian womengainaccessto a transnational domes-
tic labormarket.
Previoussocialscienceresearchin SoutheastAsiaand elsewherestresses
the importanceof patron-client networksin the absenceof strongstateinsti-
tutions(Geertz1965,Scottand Kerkvliet 1977,Wolf1966).Thesenetworksare
integralparts of a "moral economy" whichclientswillinglyconsentto
in
exploitationby higher-status patrons,with the expectationthat the patron
will ensurethe livelihoodof the client in the eventof hardship(Scott1976,
Thompson1971).In theirclassicformulation,these relationships are epito-
mizedby peasantswho consentto laborexploitationbywealthylandholders
in the expectationthatthe patronwill provideforthe clientin the eventof a
calamity,suchas cropfailureor famine.Subsequent analyseshavenotedthe
historicalcontingencyof these relationships.Forexample,duringtimes of
enhancedstate powerlocalelites in SoutheastAsiahavecultivatedrelation-
shipswith state officialsreducingtheir relianceon clientsfor politicaland
economicsupport(Hart1986,Kerkvliet 1990).
in
Cruciallyimportant facilitating transnationallabor migrationfrom
Indonesiais a local"broker." Thisis a local patronagefigurewho is usually
in
respected community, as a villagehead,a successfullocalbusiness-
a such
man or even a religiousleader.In Cianjur(the WestJavaregencyin which
someof thisresearchtookplace),a significantobstacleto becominga migrant
laboreris findinginitialfundsto travelto Jakartato registerwitha human
resourcescompany,likeSamudraCahayaRaya.If a prospectivemigrantcan-
not borrowthe capitalnecessaryto financesuch a journeyfroma family
memberthey will turn to a broker.The brokerprovidessmall loans to
migrantsand contactwitha humanresourcescompanyin Jakarta.
In so far as brokersare well known,usuallyrespectedin theircommuni-
ties,and providesmallscaleloansto prospectivemigrants,theyresemblethe
benefactorsof patron-client theory.Severalreturnedmigrantstold me that
the individual who providedtheir initial capital and contact with a human
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DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ
415
of Servitude:
Technologies Governmentality Transnational
and Indonesian LaborMigration
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DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ
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of Servitude:
Technologies and Indonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration
Technologiesof Servitude:DiscipliningDomestics
Futuredomesticworkersare rigidlytrainedat SCRwhilethey awaitprocess-
ing of their medicaland immigrationpapersand an overseasassignment.
Althoughdomesticlaboris oftentimesconsidered"unskilled,"the training
418
DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ
419
of Servitude:
Technologies and Indonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration
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DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ
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N Figure2: HasilObservasi,Interviewdan Evaluasi
N
TGL. NEGARA
NO. MASUK NAMA PENDIDIKAN TUJUAN 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
INDONESIAN
TERM ENGLISH TRANSLATION
Resultsof
HasilObservasi,
Interview,
danEvaluasi Observation,InterviewandEvaluation
1. DayaTangkap Alacrity
2. Konsentrasi Concentration
3. Kemampuan DalamPenerimaan
Instruksi Abilityto FollowInstructions
4. Ketelitian Attentionto Detail
5. BertindakCepat Responsiveness
6. Ketekunan Diligence
7. Diri
Penyesuaian Adaptability
8. Kemampuan Kerjasama Abilityto WorkCollaboratively
9. Motivasi
Kerja WorkMotivation
10. Membuat Keputusan DecisionMaking
11. Emosi Emotions
12. Kepercayaan Diri Self-Confidence
13. TingkahLaku Behavior
14. MateriBahasa LanguageLearning
15. Meteri(sic)Keterampilan Practical
Learning
16. SkorAkhir FinalScore
423
of Servitude:
Technologies andIndonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration
RationalizingLaborFlows:NGOsand the
Managementof MigrantLabor
Recenthighlypublicizedincidentsin which Indonesiandomesticworkers
wereseverelyabusedby theiroverseasemployershavesparkedan intense
publicdebateamonghumanresourcescompanies,migrantlaborersthem-
selves,nationaland regionalgovernments, and NGOs.10 Inthe politicalspace
enabledby the end of the Suhartoregime,NGOsare an emergingvoice in
Indonesia'snascent"civilsociety"(Heryantoand Mandal2003). Overseas
developmentaid has playeda strongrolein fosteringthe profusionof these
NGOs, whichnow numbermorethan 5000 in the country.TheUnitedStates
Agencyfor InternationalDevelopment,amongother overseasdonors,has
particularly targetedcivil societyas a criticaldomainfor interventionand
development(Masters 2004).
NGOs advocatinggenderandlaborissueshavestressednotso muchthe abo-
litionof transnational
migrantlabor,as its reform.Thus,NGOs areincreasingly
vocalin demandingthat Indonesian nationalgovernment takegreaterrespon-
sibilityin ensuringlegal safeguardsfor overseasmigrantlaborers.These
demandsarespurredbyseveralcasesinwhichIndonesians overseashavebeen
falselyaccusedof committing crimesor subjectedto physicalor sexualabuse.
Some have even died. NGOsseek to rationalizethe procedureof sending
migrantlaborersabroad.Inso doingtheyseekto replacethe moraleconomy,
constitutedby the patron-client networksuponwhichthe currentprocessis
based,witha morerationalized relationshipthatensuresthe physicalandlegal
securityof overseasmigrantlaborers.Thus,theyendeavorto implementlegal
protections andcloserscrutinyof the privatecompaniesandgovernment agen-
ciesinvolvedinthetrainingandtransport of migrants.
Inso doingtheyspurthe
developmentof technologiesfor rationalizing flowsof transnational migrant
laborfromIndonesia.
SeveralreturnedmigrantworkersI interviewedwereskepticalthat repre-
sentativesof the Indonesiangovernmentmightguaranteetheirsecurity.They
instead spoke proudlyof their abilityto protectthemselves. Nuria,a 32-year-
424
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RUDNYCKYJ
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of Servitude:
Technologies Governmentality Transnational
and Indonesian LaborMigration
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RUDNYCKYJ
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of Servitude:
Technologies andIndonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration
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DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ
429
of Servitude:
Technologies andIndonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration
the possibility
forinterventionbyNGOs. Ina nationwitha historyof suppressing
civilactivism,NGOs areseizingontheemergenceof a newpoliticalspaceto pres-
surethe government to enhancethe securityandwelfareof migrantworkers.
Thismaybe complicitwiththe broadergoalsof government officialsto increase
overseasremittances frommigrantlaborers,in so faras it enhancesthe ration-
alizationandefficiencyof the broadermigrantlaboreconomy.
Conclusion
Thispaperdevelopsthe conceptof governmentality in sucha waythatit might
be moreproductively usedto analyzetransnational politicaleconomicprocess-
es occurring in Southeast Asiaandbeyond.Methodologically, thisapproach sug-
gests that governmentality is not an abstract concept visible only at the docu-
mentarylevelof policyprescriptions. Rather,bysupplementing a formulation
of governmentality withFoucault's writings politicaltechnologies,I suggest
on
that the conceptis usefulin analyzingthe everydaydiscoursesand practices
thatethnographers observeandengageinwhilecarrying outfieldwork. Inmak-
ingthisargumentthe paperbuildson previouseffortsto deploythe conceptof
governmentality in transnational contexts.I assertthatgovernmentality is not
the
simply promulgation of abstract policyprescriptions, but is visible in rela-
tively mundanetechnologiesthat are intendedto rationalizeperformance,
profitability,andsecurity. Thetechnologiesintendedto producedociledomes-
ticworkersincludeaudits,evaluations, timetables,formsof verbaladdress,and
I
bodilydiscipline.Further,argue that thereis no cleardistinctionbetweenthe
"globaleconomy" andlocalizedmoraleconomies.Thus,supposedly traditional
patron-client relations in fact enable transnational labor flows. I demonstrate
this byarguingthat patron-client networksprovideyoungvillagewomenwith
the meansto enlistwithhumanresourcescompaniesandthus begintraining
to becomedomesticlaborers.Finally,NGOs are not necessarily inimicalto the
state, but in in
fact somecaseseffectivelyaugmentitsauthority. NGO tacticsto
protectthe rightsof migrantlaborersin Indonesiacan effectgreatergovern-
mentalintervention in theirlives.TheseNGOs areadvocating forthe rationali-
zationof laborflowsby pressingfor greaterstateoversightand intervention.
Theseeffortsarepartially successfulin so faras theypromptnewinitiativesby
humanresources companiesto reformtheseflows.
In summary,this papersuggeststhat rationalcalculationsshape tech-
niquesbothto constituteservilemigrantworkersandto ensuretheirefficient
training and delivery to overseas sites. By advocatingfor greater rationaliza-
430
DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Earlier versionsof this paperwerepresentedat the 2003CornellUniversitySoutheastAsiasym-
posium"Transformative Momentsand Movements in SoutheastAsia"andthe 2004Association
of SocialAnthropologists conference"Locatingthe field:metaphorsof space,place,and con-
text in anthropology." I am gratefulforthe discerningcommentsI receivedfromthe partici-
pantsin boththese meetings.I am also especiallygratefulfor the constructive criticismand
insightfulfeedbackI receivedfrom ChristaAmouroux,JeffreyHadler,RobbinHenderson,
Francisca James-Hernandez, KevinKarpiak,AihwaOng,AnissaPaulsen,JodieYork,and three
anonymousreviewersfor Anthropological Quarterly. Mostcritically,
a numberof friendsand
colleaguesin Cianjurand Jakartagenerouslygave of their time and experienceto aid my
understandingof the complexitiesof contemporarytransnationallabor movementfrom
Indonesia.Tothem I offermy sincerestgratitude.Theresearchon whichthis articleis based
wasconductedin fall2001andsummer2002. Itwas madepossiblewiththe materialsupport
of a fellowshipfromthe International Pre-dissertation
FellowshipProgramof the SocialScience
Research Councilin partnership withthe American Councilof LearnedSocietiesandfundspro-
videdbythe FordFoundation.
ENDNOTES
'Withthe exception of recognizablepublic figures and institutions,all proper names
referredto in this articleare pseudonyms.WhileI conductedthe researchforthis articlea
guaranteeof anonymitywas often a conditionof the interviewsI was granted.
2The transmigration programis an internalstate relocationprojectthat historicallytrans-
ferredlandlessruralinhabitantsfrom densely populatedJavaand Balito less populated
"outerislands"of the archipelago.
3NicholasRose,workingwith a Foucaultianframework,definestechnologiesnot simplyas
mechanicaldevices,but as "theinculcationof a formof life, the reshapingof variousroles
for humans,the little bodytechniquesrequiredto use the devices."He furtherdefinesa
technologyas "anassemblageof formsof practicalknowledge...practicesof calculation,
vocabularies,types of authority,forms of judgment,architecturalforms, human capaci-
ties...traversedand transectedby aspirationsto achievecertainoutcomesin termsof the
conductof the governed(whichalso requirescertainformsof conducton the partof those
who wouldgovern)"(Rose1999:52).
4Foucaultidentifiespastoralpoweras a specificrelationbetweenleadersand theirfollowers.
Itis a positiveratherthannegativeformof power.Thus,it is directedtowardsmaximizing the
capacitiesof subjectsratherthan repressingthem. Pastoralpoweris anchoredin Christian
theologyand centrallyinvolvesthe shepherdas the symbolicepitomeof a leader.Pastoral
poweris characterized bya leaderwhosedomainis peopleratherthan land.Theleaderpro-
tects the flock,not throughguidingthem safelythrougha cataclysmicevent, but througha
kindof individualizedcarethat is appliedso consistentlyit appearsmundane.Finally,the
431
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Technologies andIndonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration
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Governmentality Transnational
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