Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Brendan Maguire
Download by: [Fac Latinoamericana de Cien Sociales] Date: 10 May 2017, At: 09:25
Sociological Spectrum, 25: 155176, 2005
Copyright # Taylor & Francis Inc.
ISSN: 0273-2173 print/1521-0707 online
DOI: 10.1080/02732170590883960
Brendan Maguire
Dating back to the middle 1980s, professional wrestling has been one
of the most popular cultural forces in the United States. Tens of mil-
lions of Americans are attracted to this form of entertainment.
Despite this popularity, sociologists have taken little notice. This
article seeks to help correct that oversight by describing the evolution
of pro wrestling; documenting the present content of this form of
entertainment; and offering a sociological explanation for the
unprecedented success of pro wrestling.
BACKGROUND
155
156 B. Maguire
was it that fans were seeing? In early 1989 Vince McMahon directed
his representatives to admit before a New Jersey legislative committee
that pro wrestling was rigged (Kerr 1989). Pro wrestling was simply
entertainment. Why would McMahon admit that wrestling was
fixed? The answer is to save money! If wrestling is considered a per-
formance rather than a competitive event, then there is no need for
state athletic boards to license the wrestlers, promoters, timekeepers,
and referees. Further, if wrestling is not a sport, then the telecasts of
its events would not be subject to state taxes on televised sporting
events. For over a decade now, McMahon has proudly proclaimed
that professional wrestling is sports entertainmentdefined as
an activity in which participants struggle hand-in-hand primarily
for the purpose of providing entertainment to spectators rather
than conducting a bona fide athletic contest (quoted in Reardon
1999, p. 1).
In the 1980s Hulk Hogan and Sergeant Slaughter filled the role of
larger-than-life comic book heroes. In his book, Professional Wres-
tling as Ritual Drama in American Popular Culture, author Michael
Ball (1990) emphasizes how pro wrestling is like a mini-play with rich
symbolism, including symbols for good and evil. Indeed, both Hogan
and Slaughter stood for God, country, and everything good. Hogan
regularly exhorted kids to obey parents, take vitamins, and say
prayers. Both Hogan and Slaughter took on dangerous and evil
villains. But todays pro wrestling can no longer be described as a
morality play. In her book on professional wrestling, Sharon Mazer
(1998) argues that wrestlings presentations of virtue and vice are
more ambiguous than might be apparent at first glanceit is no
longer a matter of simply reflecting and reinforcing moral cliches
(1998, p. 3). According to Newsweek writer John Leland (2000,
p. 48), beginning in the late 1990s, cardboard good guys and bad
guys were replaced with pimps, porn stars, and sociopaths. Report-
ing for TV Guide, Phil Mushnick (1998, p. 54) has observed that pro
wrestling isnt good guy versus bad guy theatre anymore. Its bad guy
versus worse guy, and both are instructed to sustain an audience
through shock appeal. McMahon agrees: Life is not about black
and white issuesits shades of grayso its important that our
characterizations and performances be somewhat gray (quoted in
Johnson 1998, p. C17).
The changes in pro wrestling over the past century have been dra-
matic and virtually always tied to the presumed interest of the audi-
ence. Instead of a morality play, pro wrestling has evolved into
sports entertainment, a type of soap opera that highlights excite-
ment (much of it revolving around violence and sex), intrigue, and
American Professional Wrestling 159
STUDY DESIGN
FINDINGS
Excitement
nearly every wrestler, even headliners, are hurt and forced to stop
wrestling until the injury is healed. Accidents and miscalculations
occur. Obviously, pro wrestling is staged, but the essence of the pres-
entation is the interpersonal violence. Fans are treated to the spectacle
of each combatant beating the daylights out of the other, or at least
trying to.
Interestingly, the victims of violence include wrestlers, managers,
referees, announcers, promoters, arena workers, security personnel,
fans, and administrative staff of the wrestling company. Even family
members of wrestling personalities are occasionally assaulted. Weap-
ons used in attacks include fists, legs, chairs, hammers, bats, canes,
whips, thumb tacks, chains, guitars, trash cans, Kendo sticks, brand-
ing irons, tasers, cars, trucks, fork lifts, fire, and barbed wire, among
other objects. The wrestlers take pride in using a wide assortment of
weapons. For example, in 1999 a wrestler named Hak informed the
audience that he was the one who introduced the barbed wire bat:
I was the first man to wrap barbed wire around a bat and crush
someones head with it (Nitro, February 1, 1999).
In addition to violence, another conspicuous feature of sports enter-
tainment is sex. In recent years a number of wrestling personalities have
identified themselves with an image that is sexually provocative. For
example, throughout the late 1990s the main sex symbol of the
WWF was a woman named Sable. Always dressed in a sexually pro-
vocative fashion, when Sable appeared for an interview or to wrestle,
she invariably drew attention to her body. At the height of her popu-
larity, she posed for Playboy magazine (Chyna, another WWF person-
ality, also posed for Playboy). Shortly following her Playboy
appearance, Sable bolted the WWF. She alleged that the WWF asked
her to bare her breasts in a pay-per-view event, and when she declined
to do so, her status in the company was diminished. In Sables words,
professional wrestling has become so vulgar and obscene that I do not
wish to participate in it (quoted in Weeks 1999, p. 18).
Other characters in the former WWF that promoted a sex image
include Val Venis, the Godfather, and Debra. Venis was described
as a former porn star and it was that role that shaped the music video
that accompanied his standard introduction to the audience. Seem-
ingly clad only in a bath towel, Venis danced his way to ringside like
a male stripper. Venis proclaimed that he was always on the look for
women and that he knew how to satisfy their sexual desires. For a few
years one of the most famous personalities of sports entertainment
was the Godfather character in the WWF. Playing the role of a pimp,
the Godfather came to the ring accompanied by his hos (whores).
Before each of his matches the Godfather typically did two things.
162 B. Maguire
and enchantment. We have seen that violence and sex are used liber-
ally to lure viewer interest. Amusement, defined here principally in
terms of comic relief, is also used to engage popular interest. Author
Robert Provine (2000) has argued that laughter is quintessentially
social and that it functions to draw people together. What do wres-
tling fans find amusing? It appears that sports entertainment comedy
content generally falls into one of three categories: slapstick, bizarre
humor, or just plain silliness. Slapstick is very common in pro wres-
tling programs. An example of this occurred in late November, 2000.
With Florida and the presidential election dominating the news of the
day, at 7:00 p.m. TNT network flashed the following across the
screen: BREAKING NEWSSPECIAL BULLETIN. A serious
looking man came on the air and stated: Ladies and Gentlemen
of the press, let me announce the next President of the United States
(Nitro November 26, 2000). That was all the man was able to say,
because Jeff Jarrett came out and smashed a guitar over his head
and down the man went. On a regular basis wrestlers hit one another
with trash cans, shovels, or other familiar objects. The violence
resembles the slapstick of The Three Stooges.
An illustration of bizarre humor revolves around elderly female
wrestler Mae Young. In early 2000 the WWF showcased a budding
romance between wrestler Mark Henry, also known as Sexual Choc-
olate, and Mae Young. A rival of Henrys, Kurt Angle, accused
Henry of living in sin and sneered that Henrys greatest
accomplishment is impregnating an 82-year-old woman (Raw=War
Zone February 7, 2000). Minutes later Angle caught up with Young
and body slammed her. The announcer cried out that Angle had
just body slammed an 80-year-old with child (Raw=War Zone
February 7, 2000). People dressed as medics rushed to the scene
and Mae, still supposedly delirious from the slam, took off her skirt
and volunteered that she prefers to be on top and asked the medics if
they wanted to see her puppies (breasts). Many Americans might
think the Mae Young story is unseemly or even discriminatory on
the basis of sex, age, and race (Henry is African-American and
Young is white). Still others might see this story as so farcical as to
be humorous, similar in comedy value to the farce of Pink Panther
films.
A third type of amusement is silly humor. For example, in the
WCW wrestler David Flair spent several weeks trying to identify
the father of the baby carried by Stacy, his bride-to-be. At one point,
Flair asked Stacy to take a blood test (Nitro October 9, 2000).
Obviously, paternity claims have nothing to do with the blood of
the mother. There are countless examples of silly things said and done
164 B. Maguire
Intrigue
speculation about who the defector would be. By shows end, Kurt
Angle identified himself as the defector.
Political Incorrectness
Racism
Racial and ethnic stereotypes were especially blatant and prominent
in pro wrestling during the 1980s (Maguire and Wozniak, 1987).
According to The Rock, it used to be the case that the leading black
wrestlers were jive-talking caricatures . . . Theyd eat watermelon on
camera and do all sorts of degrading things, because thats what was
expected of them (The Rock 2000, p. 9). Although racism is under-
stated compared to past eras, sports entertainment still makes use of
racist themes. For example, WCW made use of the real life murder of
James Byrd. Byrd, an African American, was dragged to death by
three white men in Texas. In the middle of 1999 WCW showcased
an intense conflict between long-time wrestling star, Macho Man
Randy Savage and former professional basketball player Dennis
Rodman. The dispute between the two men escalated to the point
that they argued over Savages girlfriend, a lovely young woman
170 B. Maguire
named George. The story line suggested that Rodman had stolen
George from Savage (a white man) who then threatened to drag Rod-
man all the way to Mexico. This threat came only months after the
Bryd killing and it seems likely that the dragging reference was to
the Bryd case. By the following week it had become apparent to Sav-
age that his girlfriend George had willingly taken up with Rodman.
Macho Man denounced them both, but Rodmans reply, consistent
with another racial stereotype, was as follows: You know what they
say, once you go black, you never go back (Nitro August 2, 1999).
For several months in the middle of 2000, Booker T, an African
American wrestler, was WCW heavyweight champion. Making an
African American the champion is not an example of racism, but
the way in which other wrestlers referred to him is such an example.
As an illustration of this, consider what Scott Steiner said in reference
to Booker T: Im sitting in the back listening to you talk your jive
and quite honestly, I dont understand a word youre saying . . . So
what Im saying is I need an Ebonics handbook to understand your
ass (Nitro October 23, 2000). This is a common ploy. Rather than
have an ethnic minority say or do anything that resonates with tra-
ditional negative stereotypes, wrestling alliances often have a white
opponent introduce racist elements.
Sexism
The use of sex is an integral part of sports entertainment and so
is sexism. There are numerous examples of sexism to highlight. To
begin with, in WCW there was a character named Oklahoma who
displayed all of the attributes of a stereotypical male chauvinist.
Oklahomas view of women is revealed in the following statement:
I am sick and tired of all these [expletive deleted] that dont realize
that their place is in the kitchen barefoot and pregnant (Nitro
January 10, 2000).
Popular wrestlers Val Venis and Scott Steiner appear to be no
more enlightened than Oklahoma. Nearing the 19992000 holiday
season, Val Venis told an audience in Houston, Texas, that women
are a lot like Christmas trees, they smell good, are pretty to look at,
and dont feel special until I plug it in (Raw=War Zone December
20, 1999). Steiner has also repeatedly spoken of women as sex objects.
Here is what he said in June of 2000 (Nitro June 5, 2000):
Me and my freaks come into town a little early cuz we heard that
Hotlanta loves to party. So we went down to this club and this freak
comes up to me and says that shes been looking for love in all the
American Professional Wrestling 171
wrong places. Thats a hell of an odd thing to say to me, so I look into
her eyes and say I might not know how to love you, but I damn sure
know how to touch you. So why dont you quit lusting it and let me bust
it? So I took her back to my place and I gave her this feeling and I knew
she hit the ceiling and she called me the big bad booty daddy.
knives; scantily clad women; simulated sex; and actions and words
that are conspicuously politically incorrect. Vince Russo, a writer for-
merly associated with the WWF and WCW, offered this commentary
regarding the issue of base content:
The reality is in TV today theres a sick society out there and if you
dont give it to them, guess what, theyre not going to watch your pro-
gram. Theyre not going to watch Bill Goldberg, and WCW is going to
be out of business (CNN=Time, 2000)
CONCLUSION
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