CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION
1.0 Introduction
This chapter provides background of the study, statement of the problem, objectives of
the study, the research questions, significance of the study, and scope and limitation of the
study.

1.1 Background of the Study

The world over, cattle rustling is a conflict causing problem that cannot be solved. In
Philippines, cattle-rustling has been present for decades in the rural communities of
Mindanao. With Mindanaos political economy mired in more than half a centurys armed
conflict, cattle-rustling persists as part of Mindanaos shadow or informal economy.
Pastoralist communities, especially in Kenya, have always been presented as warlike. The
most celebrated and path breaking study by Fukui and Turton, Warfare Among East
African Herders (1979), offers the most initial and systematic account of conflict among
pastoralists in East Africa.

The question of conflict among pastoralists has remained high on the agenda and
perspectives to understand the motivations remained elusive. Conflict between the East
Pokot pastoralists and neighbouring pastoral and agro-pastoral communities keeps on
recurring. Conflicts ion Kenya can be classified into four main categories: conflicts
among pastoral communities, conflicts linked to presence of refugees, conflicts between
pastoralists and crop farming communities and ethnic clashes (Juma, 2000). A common
thread among these scholars is their agreement that the conflict has impacted on all the
communities at both micro and macro levels, and the East Pokot being in the central
region geographically, have been the most affected (Jitokeze, 2012; Nganga, 2012;
Shalom, 2013; Practical Action, 2003 and Schilling e.t al., 2012). Peace building, which
is defined as any activity undertaken with the purpose of preventing, alleviating, or
resolving conflict, is a regular practice amongst the warring communities.

1
Donor agency activities particularly in pastoral areas of eastern Ethiopia, northern Kenya,
southeastern Sudan and northern Uganda revolve around conflict reduction and peace
building activities. The conflict is bedeviled with territorial, livestock, murder, attempted
murder and kidnapping claims and counter claims. The conflict between East Pokot and
its neighbours is traced to Uasin Gishu when Samburu and East Pokot bulls fought
resulting into a Samburu bull breaking the front leg of the East Pokot bull. This incidence
infuriated the East Pokot bull owner who demanded compensation from the Samburu.
Consequently he was given a heifer. This incidence marked the historical origin of the
conflict. Amaiya area has been an East Pokot residence from about 1816 though it was
traced to a Ndorobo chief, Loratia Lesidala in 1943 who ceded it to a Mr. Ataule Kipterer,
an East Pokot chief who requested for water during drought but after the drought did not
go back to his territory. Although the two communities became allies against the Turkana,
it was until 2003 when open conflict broke out. The Samburu now openly claim Amaiya
area and threaten to evict the East Pokot (GOK Report, 2006).

Rapid widespread child protection and education problems, including early and or forced
marriage, female genital mutilation, and the role of boys in taking care of livestock and
engaging in cattle rustling from a young age cannot be overemphasized. Seasonal
flooding is a significant problem along with health, water and food insecurity. Health
issues, including human communicable diseases like Cholera, and malnutrition in
children are some of the most serious problems. Since the drought of 2008- 2009 there
have been 2 cholera outbreaks in East Pokot resulting in high case fatality rates. The first
outbreak in November 2009 led to 26 deaths and over 200 cases.

The modern firearms have complicated the way cattle rustling is contacted today. While
the philosophy of war among the Marakwets abstains from killing women and children,
the Pokots in their attacks kill everything including innocent children and women, who
otherwise would eventually give birth to future enemies. Children, preferably girls, from
the other side are captured as booty to decrease the enemys population.24 In the past,
cattle rustling was accepted by elders, but with the advent of small arms, it has become
unnecessarily brutal and lethal. The following narration illustrates the brutality. One

2
Sunday morning, the Pokots attacked Tot health centre during a polio vaccination. In this
attack about 12 children died not by bullet wounds only but most were crushed using
stones.

These conflicts have caused extensive local crises, drawn heavily on military resources,
and have had an adverse impact on economic development in the region. The impact of
violent conflict has manifested itself psychologically, physically, and economically, going
beyond the material and affecting the lives of thousands of women, children, and men.
Cross border conflict has been evolving taking many forms currently manifested through
regular cattle raids, highway banditry, and conflict over resources such as land, pasture
and water. For many decades peacemaking between Turkana and Pokot communities in
Northern Kenya has been very elusive. The current steady rise in the level of violence
and the rate of raiding would continue to claim more lives and livestock. There is likely
to be a vicious cycle of revenge and counter-revenge. The conflict would most likely
further escalate both in terms of its vertical (intensification of violence) and horizontal
and would threaten to acquire both a national and regional scope. There is an apparent
increase in inter-pastoralist violence and conflict in the Kenyan even the intervening
strategies cannot help. The government and international communities have tried to bring
to an end cattle rustling and conflicts in general.

Cattle rustling, theft, poor agricultural productivity, illiteracy, abysmal maternal and child
health, aid dependency, and the breakdown of traditional semi-nomadic livelihoods
combine to prevent the estimated 1.2 million pastoralist population from living secure
and productive lives. The overt ethnic antagonism at the core of the cattle rustles is
further cause for alarm as hate rhetoric is widely used to incite violence. However, the
government and all other stakeholders have been on the ground to implement both peace
building and economic development programs in the region to no success (Mercy Corps,
2008). The rapid eruption of conflicts and its explicitly ethnic basis were frightening
indicators that Kenya was, and may continue to be, on the brink of state collapse.

3
Cattle rustling and conflicts are still a growing menace changing its faces from traditional
practice to its current form of commercialized activity. Cattle rustles have escalated in
lethality with the proliferation of modern assault rifles. A commensurate rise in armed
criminality, in which acts of violence are increasingly orchestrated irrespective of
community norms on the use of force, has severely impaired the regions socio-economic
development. The severity of the outbreak of violence in this region suggests that deeper
grievances are driving the conflict. The post-colonial land distribution favored certain
tribes over others, thus fostering the rise of inequality between ethnic groups rather than
between individuals, as the main driver of conflict. Recurrent cattle rustling can thwart
economic growth in the region.

Cattle rustling, in turn, is predominantly driven by economic interests. For the young men
who carry them out, raids offer a way to meet basic needs and gain status under
conditions of widespread poverty and limited economic opportunity. Commercial cattle
raiding is on the rise, and a black market structure for selling and channeling rustled cows
out of the Community households is developing. As cattle rustling becomes more
commercialized, a powerful coterie of vested interests is increasingly invested in
facilitating rustles and maintaining instability in these regions for personal gain. The
pastoral region is ever experiencing incessant internal conflicts are faced with chronic
food shortages and high malnutrition rates. Cattle rustling conflicts in pastoralists
northern Kenya have displaced well over 200,000 people, disrupted irrigation agriculture,
frustrated livestock trade and increased pressure on the already dwindling food reserves.

Peace building and conflict prevention have been central in addressing a myriad of causes
of conflict in the country yet lasting solutions to peace are not forthcoming. The
continued cattle rustling, theft, poor agricultural productivity, low yield, illiteracy,
abysmal maternal and child health, aid dependency, and the breakdown of traditional
semi-nomadic livelihoods combine to prevent the estimated 1.2 million pastoralist
population from living secure and productive lives. The overt ethnic antagonism at the
core of the cattle rustles is further cause for alarm as hate rhetoric is widely used to incite

4
violence. However, peace building and economic development programs in the region
have been implemented without success (Mercy Corps, 2008).

The rapid eruption of cattle rustling and its explicitly ethnic basis are frightening
indicators that Kenya is, and may continue to be, on the brink of state collapse hence
enhanced greater collaboration among the Government and partners in putting in place
policies, frameworks, strategies and action plans for peace building, and conflict
prevention are on going. These include greater youth involvement in peace building;
enhanced coordination mechanisms and partnerships such as the re-establishment of the
Kenya Partnership for Peace and Security (PfPS); and increased capacity such as the
National Steering Committee on Peace-Building and Conflict Management (NSCPBCM).
Recurrent cattle raids have thwarted economic growth in the region by destroying
productive assets, preventing trade, and deterring investment by private sector actors.
Ongoing instability has weakened the market system, undercutting the ability of
Pastoralists and agro-pastoralists to support themselves legitimately.

Cycles of violence and retaliatory raids have eroded the trust that business relationships
are built on, and the rule of law is too weak in the region to substitute for inter-personal
trust. The theft of productive assets and sources of capital including cattle, animals for
traction, farming equipment, household goods, and crops have undermined community
members ability to be economically self-sufficient. Finally, families have lost loved ones
who would otherwise be able to contribute to the household economy

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Despite the efforts, conflicts reoccur in pastoral regions across the globe and worst still
the frequency of conflicts seems to be increasing in frequency in the GHA. It is against
this background that the current study sought to examine the missing link between peace
building initiatives and continued conflicts among the pastoralists living West Pokot
County.

5
1.3 Objectives of the Study
The general objective was to establish the socioeconomic factors influencing cattle
rustling recurrent in Pokot East borders with Marakwet community.

The specific objectives of the study were as follows:

i) To establish the kind of factors influencing recurrent of cattle rustling in Pokot and
Marakwet borders
ii) To find out the season when cattle rustling occur most in Pokot and Marakwet
borders
iii) To establish the consequences of cattle rustling in Pokot and Marakwet
borders
iv) To determine challenges facing the implementation of peace building
initiatives in Pokot and Marakwet borders

1.4 Research Questions

The study sought to answer the following question in order to achieve the objectives.
i) What are the kinds of factors influencing recurrent of cattle rustling in Pokot and
Marakwet borders?
ii) Which is the season when cattle rustling occur most in Pokot and Marakwet
borders?
iii) What are the consequences of cattle rustling in Pokot and Marakwet borders?
iv) What are the challenges facing the implementation of peace building initiatives in
Pokot and Marakwet borders?

1.5 Significance of the Study

With the existing limited literature on factors causing cattle rustling recurrence in Pokot
Marakwet bordering areas, this study will be useful in adding knowledge value to the
existing literature. The findings of this study can be the first of its kind in Pokot and
Marakwet borders of East Pokot, hence provide a guide for similar studies in other
pastoral regions.

6
This study can also be a voice to the development stakeholders in East Pokot, who are
facing recurrent cattle raids but their efforts to seek solutions to end the menace have not
borne fruits. Any requests that they might have tried to get across in the past can now be
backed by an academic research findings, which will be accessible in the University
library if the research findings are not immediately published.

The policy makers and peace building stakeholders will find this study useful as it will
act as an evaluation of the state of the influencing socio-economic factors before this
study. This can be a pointer in examining if amendments to be made can bear positive
outcomes in East Pokot or not. It can also act as a pointer to development stakeholders in
what direction their policies should be directed towards in order to improve the peace
building efforts and eradicate cattle rustling and other form of conflicts in the region.

1.6 Scope and Limitations of the Study

1.6.1 Scope of the study
The survey was conducted in the East Pokot and Marakwet border regions of the wider
expanse of Rift Valley province. The scope was limited to influence of socio-economic
factors on cattle rustling among Pokot and Marakwet communities in East Pokot; hence
the findings are not generalized to other region. The study only covered rural households
in East Pokot borders between Pokot and Marakwet. It was within the cattle rustling
influencing factors of socio economic aspect. Other than that the theoretical framework
also provided operational scope of variables explored in this project. Hence any relevant
materials but outside the framework used in this project were forming part of conclusions
and recommendations from the findings of this study making them irrelevant for decision
making on the proposed study findings.

1.6.2 Limitations of the Survey

The survey had a number of limitations. The time for the study was pre-determined hence
work was undertaken within the stipulated time-plan with a focus on pre-selected
districts. The respondents were pre-selected and pre-defined i.e. non-state actors.

7
1.7 Theoretical Framework
The theory of human needs guided this project, which is used here to underpin the good
will policy (morality) advocated by international organizations for the alleviation of
human misery and the improvement of the development situation of deprived Third
World societies (Riddell 2007). The implementation of this idea has been through
humanitarian and development aid. This foreign aid could be defined as inter-societal
transfers of resources that are intended by all the relevant parties, especially the provider,
to serve first and foremost the recipientsneeds, interests and wants Aid is charity. If it is
not charity then it is not aid Burnell, 1997).

1.8 Conceptual Framework

Agricultural productivity is aimed at improving the wellbeing of societies. Its key focus is
improved sustainable production to achieve food security as well as provision of job
opportunities and sources of income that also boosts food security.

Figure 1.1: Conceptual Framework Linking the Variables

Agriculture

Socio-Economic Cattle Rustling

Factors Trade

Natural Resources

The figure 1.1 indicates provides a visual relationship between influencing factors and
cattle rustling. This influence is subject to various factors including agriculture, trade and
natural resources. This implies that the recurrent of cattle rustling is a dynamic situation
that is triggered by many factors. However, cattle rustling itself as an outcome of the
socio-economic factors may or may not contribute towards.

8
 CHAPTER TWO
2.0 Literature Review
2.1 Critical Review of Theories
The idea that there is a core set of basic needs which must be satisfied if we are to
consider development to have taken place stretches back to the colonial government
policy (Gough et al. 2007). Though the concept of human needs had been long
underpinned as a development strategy by many developing countries, it was not until
1976 that the concept gained prominence in the international development arena
following the adoption of a Declaration of Principles and Programme of Action for a
Basic Need Strategy of development by the International Labour Organization (Gough et
al. 2007). Also, in 1978 the Word Bank equally initiated work on basic needs whereby it
marked some of the first global institutional responses to the inadequacies of Gross
Domestic Products (GDP) and economic growth as measures of either development or
human welfare (Gough et al. 2007).

In recent days, a substantial body of work in development studies has moved from
narrowly conceived income poverty analysis to understanding how livelihoods are
constructed and then on to still wider notions of resource strategies which seek to take
better account of the social and cultural structures within which these are located(Gough
et al. 2007). Though the theory witnessed some periods of dormancy in the 1980s after
falling victim to the resurgence of the neo-liberal wave, the concept came back
powerfully into the international political and development arena in the 90s. The UN
Summit on Social Development in Copenhagen in 1995 gave a lift by agreeing to set up
targets for tackling world poverty over the next twenty years. Thus five years later, the
Millennium Declaration was adopted by General Assembly of the United Nations (UN) in
September 2000. The accompanied Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) went on to
set targets to identify indicators for many basic needs like survival (infant mortality),
health (HIV/AIDS, malaria), hunger, access to safe water and education (literacy and
primary school enrolment (Gough et al. 2007).

9
The theory of human needs aims at providing a fully universalisable concept of
needs/capabilities - an explicit critique of cultural relativism and a moral grounding for
strong right-claims to their satisfaction (Gough, 2002). The theory identifies a conceptual
space of universal human need; recognizing cultural variety in meeting needs but aims at
avoiding the subordination of the identification of needs to such cultural contexts. The
above argument is presented in a hierarchical manner and moves in five stages (Gough et
al. 2007).

First, two types of goals are distinguished in the Theory of Human Needs (needs and
want). According to the theory, needs are believed to be universally applicable to all
people while wants are not necessarily so and usually tend to reflect particular cultural
environments. Thus the universality of needs rests on the fact that if needs are not
satisfied then serious harm (conflicts) will be inevitable in the society. In this light,
serious harm is therefore described as a fundamental disablement in the pursuit of ones
vision of the good, whatever the nature of that vision (Gough et al. 2007). Second, basic
needs are thus looked upon as those universal preconditions that enable such participation
in ones form of life. Human needs theorists identify these universal preconditions as
physical health and autonomy which are same for everyone (Doyal and Gough, 1991).

Furthermore, the human needs theorists hold that all humans have a right to optimum
need satisfaction and for this to take place, it should be shown that the following societal
pre-conditions are in place: political, economic and ecological (Doyal & Gough 1991). In
the Theory of Human Needs, physical health is essential to be able to act and participate.
Also, human beings exercise the autonomy of agency the capacity to make informed
choices about what should be done and how to go about doing it. This capacity can be
weakened by circumstances such as severe mental illness, poor cognitive skills, and by
blocked opportunities to engage in social participation (Gough et al. 2007). The common
human needs (physical health and autonomy), can be met in a multitude of ways by an
almost infinite variety of specific satisfiers. As stated by the theorists, these satisfiers
have characteristics which contribute to improve on physical health and autonomy. These
universal satisfiers, in other words known as intermediate needs, are grouped into eleven

10
categories, namely: adequate nutritional food and water; adequate protective housing;
non-hazardous work and physical environments; appropriate health care, security in
childhood; significant primary relationships; physical and economic security; safe birth
control and childbearing and appropriate basic and cross-cultural education (Doyal &
Gough 1991).Thus, basic needs can never be satisfied independently of the social
environment, though they must be conceptualised independently of any specific social
environment. Having looked at the conceptualization of the Theory of Human Needs
according to the various arguments above, there is a wide consensus that universal and
objective human needs do not exist or cannot be formulated coherently. But the issue at
hand is that various societies need priority needs depending on their cultural values and
objectives. In this light therefore, we are going to look at the Theory of Human Needs in
detail.

2.2 Gaps in the Theories

Irrespective of the fact that human needs theorists are of the view that basic human needs
are necessary for the smooth running of every society, there are some limitations to this
general conception. Des Gasper holds the view that needs theory remains an important
conceptual tool in the struggle for an improved conception of human wellbeing but he
argues that to fix the theory in contemporary discourses requires both a better explanatory
theory of need satisfactions and a more sophisticated measurement and communicative
device than the Human Development Index (Gough, et al. 2007).

According to Orthodox Economics school of thought, basic needs are preferences and
that the objectivity of need is a suspect. Taking this into consideration therefore, the
disagreement among consumers and producers about who needs what preferences and
demand are looked upon as sufficient for the purposes of much positive and negative
economic theory. By this, they hold that just because a majority might rank their
preferences for food more than, say, that for fashion does not mean that a clothes-
conscious majority might not legitimately make the opposite choice (Doyal & Gough
1991). The above-mentioned needs have the same ontological and moral choices of
which one could not be preferred over the other. Therefore, the idea of need warrants

11
something more than the demands of a specific group and this therefore requires an
attention from the government. Thus, social needs are demands which have been defined
by society as sufficiently important for social recognition as goods or services which
should be met by government intervention (Williams, 1974). The Theory of Human Need
were also subject to criticism from the New Right who held that needs are dangerous
because they hold the view that once it is accepted that some have a right to legislate for
others about what they need then the slippery slope to authoritarianism does seem more
likely (Doyal & Gough 1991). Writers of the New Rights like Gray all hold the view that
the market rather than the extensive state welfare is the way forward to which we should
turn to avoid these problems, maintaining that it is a morally superior as well as a more
efficient method of allocating resources and defining goals (Green, 1987).

In summarizing the argument of this school of thought, we can say that they consider
basic human needs as nothing but a dangerous and domestic metaphysical fantasy, thus
believing that what humans do and do not need is something that can only be determined
by themselves (Doyal & Gough 1991). Marxian scholars equally criticized the theory and
argued that needs are historical. Marx believed in the existence of objective human needs
and laid expressively to working people the costs of providing the labour power for the
development of capitalism via the industrial revolution: as a result, oppression,
degradation of personal dignity, accumulation of misery, physical and mental
degradation, shameless direct and indirect exploitation, moral slavery, brutality of
overwork, etc were consequences (Doyal & Gough 1991).

Those who laid the foundation of the criticism of Marxism explained the fact that
denunciation of capitalism cut little moral ice without the belief that there are some
requirements which all humans have in common and which lead to unacceptable levels of
individual impairment when they are not met. In summary, for Marx, the economic
aspects of the social environment were by far the most important in shaping human
identity. In concluding the critique of the Marxian view of the Theory of Human Needs,
they hold the view that human needs are socially relative and stipulates only what some
groups of human prefer over others. Thus an attempt by those in one culture to impose

12
their conception of basic needs onto others will therefore be looked upon as cultural
imperialism which can be defined as the pursuit of specific group interests (Doyal &
Gough 1991). Next we have critiques of cultural imperialism whereby the view that
needs are group specific and under capitalism no one really knows what they need (Doyal
& Gough 1991). This idea of cultural imperialism can be looked at in various forms: the
first is that there is the general consensus that those in power know what is in the best
interest of the powerless. Looking at it from this perspective, the preferences of the
dominated are thus downgraded as inferior to their real needs as defined by those in
authority. This argument has thus constituted the ideology by which capitalism has
frequently ravaged the traditional societies which it has economically and culturally
colonised (Doyal & Gough 1991). In a bid to promote this ideololgy, colonialists have
legalized their economic dominance through encouraging a sense of inferiority and
helplessness in the face of Western process.

The rejection of the idea of universal needs lays a background to increased struggles
against oppression. Here, liberation will come when society will reclaim their rights to
what they consider as their basic needs. Secondly, the argument shifts to the recognition
of the fact that objective needs do exist though they can only be determined by specific
oppressed groups. Thus it is a process of its total territory. The last is history and this
makes rebellions worst because once a conflict has occurred, it creates a legacy of hatred,
and this hatred fuels further conflict (Ibid). It is worthy to note that armed conflicts
directly have a negative connotation to human development. In this case, in 2005, most of
the countries with the lowest human development index were either those in conflicts or
those just emerging from it (UNDP, 2005). Even in the situation where these countries are
just emerging from conflicts, the aftermath of the economies are often characterized by
very degrading situations such as hunger and malnutrition; unsafe water; lack of basic
medical care; inadequate clothing and housing.

Summarily speaking, the various factors that account for conflicts in Africa can be largely
classified into remote sources, immediate causes and factors that exacerbate conflicts. In
relation to the remote sources, colonial heritage of authoritarian governance and artificial

13
boundaries; widespread extreme poverty, and scarcity of basic necessities of life are the
principal causes of conflicts (UNDP, 2005). From our study of the East African conflicts
we realize that some of the immediate causes that spark-up conflicts include: competition
for land, water, pasture or other natural resources; support for internal conflicts by outside
actors; government policy and resource misallocations. On the other hand, factors that
exacerbate conflicts include arms imports, pressures of refugees or/and IDPs and food
insecurity.

The conflicts in SSA have undermined progress in health, economic growth, and
governance and have created conditions that have resulted in breeding grounds for
terrorism; and required costly humanitarian assistance. The pervasive consequences of
long-term poverty and warfare complicate the prospects for stability. These consequences
include: deteriorating sanitation and health and, especially, the related AIDS pandemic;
widespread and recurring food insecurity; and large numbers of refugee, Internally
Displaced Persons (IDPs). Food insecurity, floods, droughts, and epidemics often
combine with conflict to create complex emergencies with devastating effects. According
to research results from OXFAM International, IANSA and Safer world, the cost of
conflict on African development was approximately $300bn between 1990 and 2005
(OXFAM 2007). The study titled Africas Missing Billions estimates the overall effects
of conflict on GDP across the continent. It shows that on average, civil war or insurgency
shrinks an African economy by 15 per cent. The continent loses an average of around $18
billion a year due to armed conflicts. As Irungu Houghton puts it, this money could solve
the HIV AIDS crisis, prevent TB and malaria, or provide clean water, sanitation and
education (Ibid).

Child Soldiering is a grievous consequence of armed conflicts in Africa. According to UN

statistics, about 600,000 child soldiers may be involved in conflicts around the world,
many of them in Africa (Malan 2000). In many cases, young girls and boys are taken
from their families and forced into armed service and otherwise - by rebel groups. In East
Africa, the case of Northern Uganda is a case in point. In other instances, joining armed
groups seems the only option for youth in societies where conflict and poverty have

14
become a way of life. In Africa, a new generation is growing up with direct experience
and traumatic aftereffects of armed conflict and brutal violence.

2.3 Critical Empirical Review

The provision of basic human needs forms an important part of the wellbeing of the
society and a strong pillar to development. It is obvious therefore that the absence of
these needs will lead to adverse effects like conflicts with poverty and misery as the end
results. In Africa unlike in many parts of the world, the inability to give due respect to
human needs has led to major conflicts. Since 1970, more than 30 wars have been fought
in Africa, the majority of which intra-state in origin and basically fought in Sub-Saharan
African countries. In 1996 alone, 14 of the 53 countries of Africa were afflicted by armed
conflicts, accounting-related deaths worldwide and resulting in more than 8 million
refugees, returnees and displaced persons (DFID 2004).

Statistics have shown that during the last two decades of the 20th century, 28 Sub-
Saharan African countries were engaged in violent conflicts. As a result, at the turn of the
21st century more people were being killed in wars in sub-Saharan Africa than in the rest
of the world combined (DFID2004). Most of the 24 major armed conflicts recorded
worldwide in 2001 were on the African continent, with 11 of those conflicts lasting eight
years or more. Also, all of the 15 most deadly conflicts in 2001 those that caused 100 or
more deaths were internal conflicts. Indeed, all but 3 of 57 major armed conflicts
registered for 19902001 were internal. In the Stockholm International Peace Research
Institutes (SIPRI) 2000 Yearbook, it was stated that Africa is the most conflict ridden
region of the World and the only region in which the number of armed conflicts is on the
increase (SIPRI, 2000). Once more, in its 2002 Yearbook, SIPRI stated that Africa
continued to be the region with the greatest number of conflicts (SIPRI, 2002).

Collier and Hoeffler in their model on civil wars come out with major causes of civil war
weather motivated by greed or grievance. Four major variables are espoused: finance,
grievance, military viability and history (Collier & Hoeffler, 2002). Firstly the issue of
finance comes into play. Finances are the backbone to rebellion because rebel groups can

15
operate effectively only when they can mobilize finances which can sustain their
activities. These finances principally will be able to purchase the ammunition they need
for their course and their payrolls (Ibid). Secondly, grievance is another major cause of
conflict in Africa. There is the general conception that objective indicators of grievance,
such as economic inequality and ethnic or religious divisions, would fuel grievance, but
the lack of democracy might channel these grievances into violence. Thirdly, rebellions
are generally determined by the capacity of the military.

The sustainability of these rebellions is determined by the capability of the rebel forces to
oppose government forces. Geography factors such as the terrain and population
distribution equally plays an important role. Thus rebellions are more likely to occur in
societies with a weak government force and one whose geographical forces does not
warrant the government force to protect its total territory. The last is history and this
makes rebellions worst because once a conflict has occurred, it creates a legacy of hatred,
and this hatred fuels further conflict (Ibid). It is worthy to note that armed conflicts
directly have a negative connotation to human development. In this case, in 2005, most of
the countries with the lowest human development index were either those in conflicts or
those just emerging from it (UNDP, 2005). Even in the situation where these countries are
just emerging from conflicts, the aftermath of the economies are often characterized by
very degrading situations such as hunger and malnutrition; unsafe water; lack of basic
medical care; inadequate clothing and housing.

Summarily speaking, the various factors that account for conflicts in Africa can be largely
classified into remote sources, immediate causes and factors that exacerbate conflicts. In
relation to the remote sources, colonial heritage of authoritarian governance and artificial
boundaries; widespread extreme poverty, and scarcity of basic necessities of life are the
principal causes of conflicts (UNDP, 2005). From our study of the East African conflicts
we realize that some of the immediate causes that spark-up conflicts include: competition
for land, water, pasture or other natural resources; support for internal conflicts by outside
actors; government policy and resource misallocations. On the other hand, factors that

16
exacerbate conflicts include arms imports, pressures of refugees or and IDPs and food
insecurity.

The conflicts in SSA have undermined progress in health, economic growth, and
governance and have created conditions that have resulted in breeding grounds for
terrorism; and required costly humanitarian assistance. The pervasive consequences of
long-term poverty and warfare complicate the prospects for stability. These consequences
include: deteriorating sanitation and health and, especially, the related AIDS pandemic;
widespread and recurring food insecurity; and large numbers of refugee, Internally
Displaced Persons (IDPs). Food insecurity, floods, droughts, and epidemics often
combine with conflict to create complex emergencies with devastating effects. According
to research results from OXFAM International, IANSA and Saferworld, the cost of
conflict on African development was approximately $300bn between 1990 and 2005
(OXFAM 2007).

The study titled Africas Missing Billions estimates the overall effects of conflict on GDP
across the continent. It shows that on average, civil war or insurgency shrinks an African
economy by 15 per cent. The continent loses an average of around $18 billion a year due
to armed conflicts. As Irungu Houghton puts it, this money could solve the HIV AIDS
crisis, prevent TB and malaria, or provide clean water, sanitation and education (Ibid).

Child Soldiering is a grievous consequence of armed conflicts in Africa. According to UN

statistics, about 600,000 child soldiers may be involved in conflicts around the world,
many of them in Africa (Malan 2000). In many cases, young girls and boys are taken
from their families and forced into armed service and otherwise - by rebel groups. In East
Africa, the case of Northern Uganda is a case in point. In other instances, joining armed
groups seems the only option for youth in societies where conflict and poverty have
become a way of life. In Africa, a new generation is growing up with direct experience
and traumatic aftereffects of armed conflict and brutal violence.

17
The aftermath of conflict in East Africa, like elsewhere in the whole of the continent and
the world at large, is grievous. In the East African situation, most countries involved in
conflicts or which have been affected by conflicts have common characteristics. Such as
inflation, debt, high unemployment, high mortality rates amongst children and women;
high levels of corruption and poor governance policies; poverty and slow economic
development (Malan 2000). Summarily, the situation in these affected countries is a
fragile economy which will either lead to more conflicts from the reasons mentioned
above or to abject poverty, less development and decline in standards of living. This can
be illustrated by the economic and social indicators of these various warring countries
before and immediately after these conflicts. For instance, the case of Sudan with
economic decline, poverty situation and poor standards of living can serve as an example.

In Kenya, approximately 2 million people are affected by conflict, either directly or

indirectly. Most conflicts in Kenya occur in the North Rift and North Eastern regions.
The majority of those affected by these conflicts are pastoralists. Those affected include
the Turkana people in the North; Samburu and Pokot in the centre and Marakwet (Keiyo
and Tugen) in the South. To the East are Rendille, Borana and Somalis. These conflicts
thus have adverse effects both on the communities surrounding these areas and the nation
as a whole. In these pastoralist districts, at least 10.000 households are displaced from
their original settlements. The districts in these regions are among the ten poorest districts
in Kenya in all the development indices and IDPs are a major stakeholder in this area
(Karimi 2003).

2.4 Knowledge Gap

The foregoing researches are inclined to say that cattle rustling conflicts has its roots in
the practicing communities that ending it is a menace itself. Available literature has
identified the existence of cattle rustling and its recurrent without providing universally
agreeing causes hence it leaves the environment open for sharp criticisms. As a result this
project focused on the East Pokot pastoralists and their cultural adjustment to conflict and
the choices they make for a livelihood given that the livestock enterprise has become
unreliable. The project argues that in response to conflict with neighbouring

18
communities, the East Pokot have taken up non pastoralist lifestyles and livelihood
activities that they previously looked down upon as a preserve of the poor (chepleng).

There is limited literature on the influence of cattle rustling on agricultural wellbeing of

pastoralist communities. It has also been clear that the available literature especially on
cattle rustling and agricultural development, the menace does not directly influence the
socio-economic wellbeing of a community. Instead, it negatively affects intrinsic and
extrinsic factors such as poverty, peace stability and psychological issues among
pastoralists to poor socioeconomic factors influencing cattle rustling recurrence.
However, different factors are identified in different localities. In East Pokot insecurity is
an extrinsic factor becoming a stumbling block towards socioeconomic activities.
However, there are limited studies and measurements of this. This is what this study
intended to achieve.

19
 CHAPTER THREE
3.0 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
3.1 Research Design
Research design is a logical and valuable way of looking at the world (Borg and Gall,
1996). A descriptive survey was adopted because it allows the researcher to gather useful
information, summarize the data, interpret and present the results. The study used a
survey design in accessing East Pokot Marakwet borders for data collection. The survey
methodology involved training of the enumerators to be able to effectively use the tool to
collect data. The focus area of the survey was purposively designed to target key
communities that were impacted by cattle rustling conflicts recurring, organizations
mapped from area government offices. The communities were pre-determined using the
occurrences and experience of conflicts while critical interest was made on those that
experienced post-election violence.

Most of the data collected were qualitative in nature highlighting the descriptive
influence of socio-cultural factors on cattle rustling. However, quantitative data will be
generated from responses about frequency of cases of cattle rustling in relation to the
socio-economic factors identified in the study, where validity and reliability of the
instruments was ensured. Gay (1987) suggested that descriptive survey design is used on
preliminary and exploratory studies to enable the researcher collect information,
summarize, present and interpret for clarification purposes. The design aims to study
existing relationships, prevailing practices, beliefs and attitudes held, processes and
effects of developing trends. This study aims at collecting information from the
pastoralists and farmers in East Pokoton the influence of cattle rustling on agricultural
wellbeing. Only primary sources of data will be used and information collected through
questionnaires.

3.2 Target Population

This study was conducted in East Pokot targeting Pokot and Marakwet communities.
Themes for discussion will revolve around the crop and livestock production and
sustainable agricultural wellbeing. There are 320,062 people in the entire East Pokot,

20
with 36,000 in East Pokot. That means the total target population will be the all the
households who are approximately 2,600 households. Hence the target population is
12,480 people.

3.3 Description of Research Instruments

The research instruments used in data collection in this study was questionnaires. Bryman
(2008) noted that questionnaires enable the researcher to gather data from many
respondents simultaneously thereby saving time and cost of data gathering.
Questionnaires also give respondents freedom to express their views or opinions as well
as making suggestions.

3.3.1 Instrument Validity

Instrument validity is the accuracy and meaningfulness of inferences which was based on
the research results (Orodho 2009). In other words, validity on the research results
obtained from the analysis of the data actually represents the phenomenon under study.
Due to time constraints, the research instruments was piloted on a small sample to find
out if everything works well and detect any potential misunderstanding or biasing effects
of different questions.

Some selected questions were posed across the cohorts and responses of more qualified
respondents were used to determine the validity of the responses of the lesser qualified
contenders. To improve the validity of the instruments, structured and semi-structured
questionnaires were used in order to obtain personal responses from the respondents.

3.3.2 Instrument Reliability

Instrument reliability is a measure of the degree to which a research instrument yields
consistent results or data after repeated trials (Orodho 2009). The stability of questions
was assessed in terms of test-retest reliability. The questionnaires were administered
repeatedly to the same group of respondents. These questions will be posed across the
cohorts and responses of more qualified respondents were used to determine the
reliability of the responses. Questions used in the questionnaires were both structured and

21
semi-structured to influence personalized responses from the contenders. These were
monitored for consistency across the responses and ascertain reliability of the questions.

3.4 Description of the Sample and Sampling Procedure

Sampling is the process of selecting individuals for a study to represent the whole
population. According to Gay (1987) and Hilton (1995), a sample of 10% of the
population is considered to be the minimum while 20% of the population is required for a
smaller population. The study sample consisted of 100 pastoralists, 100 Pokot and 100
Marakwet individuals randomly selected to participate in data collection through
questionnaires. This brought to a total of 200 sample size.

The sample size was obtained using multi-stage sampling method. Purposive sampling
will be used to select the rustling/raiding prone sub-locations in the location. The selected
sub-locations were used as study clusters (first-stage cluster sampling). Thereafter,
villages, within the sub-location were selected at random (second-stage cluster sampling).
Then, random samples within each village were selected (third-stage cluster sampling),
from which questionnaires were distributed by use of a structured questionnaire. A coin
was tossed to randomly select the direction to start sampling. The first and the nearest
house on the direction of the head of the coin were selected. A subsequent respondent was
obtained by skipping every two households. The 200 respondents were drawn from 40
households that consist of at least 5 people each who have been in the area for at least 5
years.

The participants were asked questions about their socio-economic characteristics,

agriculture, trade and natural resources and the level and influence of these factors on
recurring cattle rustling experienced in the area in the last one year. Secondary data
relevant to the study was also be obtained and used in the analysis.

3.5 Description of the Data Collection Procedure

Primary data were collected after permission is sought from the County Commissioner
and District Security Officer, East Pokot. The primary sources used questionnaires and

22
interviews. The questionnaires include pastoralists questionnaire, farmers questionnaire
and other stakeholders questionnaires. The questionnaires were administered by drop and
pick later method from the respondents where collection of the questionnaires were done
a week after dropping.

3.6 Description of the Data Analysis Procedure

After the completion of data collection exercise, all the questionnaires were adequately
checked for completeness. This was to ensure that the output is free from outliers and the
effect of missing responses is at minimum. The information were coded and entered into
a spreadsheet and analyzed using statistical package for social sciences. Representative
statistics as used to analyze quantitative statistics include frequency tallies and their
corresponding percentage scores. The findings were presented by using frequency tables.
Various responses were coded and classified. Main responses were used to form various
themes the results of the data analysis were presented using frequency tables.

23
 CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 DATA PRESERNTATION, ANALYSIS, AND INTERPRETATIONS
4.1 Introduction
This chapter deals in detail with the procedures followed in data analysis, data
presentation, and results. Both quantities and qualitative data were collected by use of a
questionnaire. The number of respondents who participated in this survey and completely
filled the questionnaire totaled to 150 out of the targeted 200 which translates to 75%
response rate. All analyses were done using the Statistical Package for Social Scientists
(SPSS version 20). Data was then scrutinized in relation to the objective of the survey,
otherwise with a potential abundance data; vast numbers of irrelevance summaries would
be produced.

In this chapter, data from the survey were directly compared to obtain indicators of
competitive strategies and growth performance. The chapter presents descriptive statistics
obtained for each of these indicators. Chapter four discusses the analysis and presentation
of the research and the determination of the reliability of the research data. The
quantitative data and relationships which were not apparent in the raw data were
presented and analyzed using descriptive statistics. Reliability test of the variables was
subsequently done using Cronbachs Alpha which measures the internal consistency.
This helped to interpret and understand the results.

4.2 Response Rate

There were 200 participants surveyed in the sample and as indicated in table 4.1 below
150 participants successfully completed and returned the questionnaires, resulting in a
response rate of 75%. This response rate was way above the Mugenda and Mugenda
(2003) who suggested that for generalization a response rate of 50% is adequate for
analysis and reporting.

24
Table 4.1 Response Rate of Respondents
Frequency Percentage
Total expected 200 100.0
Non Response 50 25.00
Successful Response 150 75.00

4.2 Reliability Analysis

In this study reliability of the questionnaire was determined using a sample of
respondents. The items were measured by a 5-point Likert-scale, which ranges from
strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (5). Reliability analysis was subsequently done
using Cronbachs Alpha which measures the internal consistency to establish if certain
items within a scale measure the same construct.

Cronbach Alpha was established for every variable. The findings were as shown in table
4.2 show. It indicated that agriculture had the highest reliability (= 0.9195), followed by
trade (=0.8102), natural resources (=0.7969) and cattle rustling (=0.7839). This is an
illustration that all the four variables were reliable as their reliability values exceeded the
prescribed threshold of 0.7. This concurs with Gliem & Gliem (2003) who established the
Alpha value threshold at 0.7.

Table 4.2: Reliability Analysis

Scale Cronbachs Alpha Number of Items
Cattle Rustling 0.7839 4
Trade 0.8102 6
Natural Resources 0.7969 5
Agriculture 0.9195 5

25
4.3 Demographic Characteristics of Respondents
4.3.1 Age of Respondents
The study sought to find out the age distribution for respondents, this was important as it
could enhance the maturability in influence of socioeconomic factors on cattle rustling.
The results were as shown in table 4.3 below.

Table 4.3: Age Distribution of the Respondents

Age (years) Frequency Percentage
Below 20 01 00.70
21- 30 17 11.30
31- 40 34 22.70
41- 50 47 31.30
Above 50 51 34.00
Total 150 100.0

It is discernible from Table 4.3 that the largest majority of the sample respondents 34%
were above 50 years which was followed in by the age group of 41-50 years (31.3 %),
31-40 years (22.7 %), 21-30 years (11.3%) and below 20 years (0.7%).The above figures
indicated that majority of the sample employees were in middle age group who had
sufficient experience of understanding cattle rustling conflicts.

4.3.2 Education Level of Respondents

The study sought to find out the highest level of education of the respondents. The results
are shown in table 4.4 below.

26
Table 4.4: Age Distribution of the Respondents
Level of Education Frequency Percent
Valid Certificate 47 31.33
Diploma/Higher Diploma 51 34.00
Degree 24 20.50
Masters Degree 18 15.40
Others 10 08.50
Total 150 100.0
From the results in table 4.4, those with certificate qualification accounted for 31.3%
(47), diploma or higher diploma 34.0% (51), degree 20.5% (24), masters 15.4% (18)
while others accounted for 08.5% (10). This showed that many participants in this study
had diploma or higher diploma level of education, followed by the certificate and then
degree, at the same time masters also accounted for a significant proportion of the
respondents.

4.3.3 Gender of Respondents

The study sought to find out the gender distribution of respondents. The results were as
shown in table 4.5 below.

Table 4.5: Distribution of Gender of Respondents

Gender Frequency Percent
Valid Male 105 70.00
Female 45 30.00
Total 150 100.0
The result in table 4.5 indicates that male accounted for 70.0% (45) while female were
30.0% (105). This means that male were the majority participants in this study. These
phenomena in conflicts related problems, gender factor was in influencing exploratory
variables in this study.

27
4.3.4 Number of years of respondents in Border
The majority (54%) of students respondents were reported to have been in bordering
region for more than 3years while 41% had 1-2 years and the remainder 5% had stayed 0-
1 years.

Table 4.6: Number of years in the Border

Number of years Frequency Percentage
0 1 year 08 5
1 2 years 62 41
Above 3 years 81 54
Total 150 100

The results in figure 4.1 below shows emphasis the respondents put on the role of poverty
in driving cattle raids. They highlighted the pressures many raiders face to feed their
families and pay bride price in order to marry, as well as the lack of economic
opportunities that allow raiders to meet these needs legally and peacefully.

Figure 4.1: Community Perspectives on the Causes of Cattle Raiding

28
4.4 Causes of cattle rustling among Pokot and Marakwet communities
The respondents were asked to identify causes of conflicts between Pokot and Marakwet.
Table 4.7 shows causes of conflicts identified by respondents. The prevalence or massive
use of guns in cattle raiding is identified as the major cause of and persistent violence
between the Pokot and Marakwet. Availability of guns represents 38% whereas
traditional values accounts for only 8%.

Prior to the introduction of the gun, the Pokot and Marakwet used traditional weapons
such as bows and arrows to raid. Traditionally, both communities observed raiding rules
including; theft of livestock, capture women and children, but there was no murder or
destruction of property. Captured women and children are integrated into winning
community through socialization. Field reports indicated from 1960-1980s, only six
murder cases are reported that involved individual differences and not as a result of cattle
raiding.

Table 4.7: Causes of Cattle Rustling among Pokot and Marakwet

Type of Cause Frequency Percentage (%)
Availability of guns 69 46
Commercialization of
cattle raids 35 23
Political incitements 18 12
Poverty 14 09
Traditional values 09 06
Illiteracy 05 03
Women 02 01
Total 150 100

Access to illegal firearms is blamed on the porous Kenyan boundaries in the north. The
presents of conflicts in these countries encouraged the free movement of arms into the
hands of Pokot who sold to Marakwet. The market price of used AK 47 and G3 Riffle

29
was reported at Kshs 3060 respectively. Ammunition was also readily available at Kshs
500 (Cheserek, 2007).

Politicians also assisted communities to acquire guns and ammunition, and guaranteed
markets for stolen animals while provided food and transport for the raiders to targeted
areas and back. Poor leadership has also contributed to conflicts between Pokot and
Marakwet. Commercialization of raided livestock is another cause of conflict between
Pokot and Marakwet accounting for 23%.

Commercialization here refers to the ready market or cash for stolen/raided animals.
Unscrupulous business people with good links to politicians and senior government
officials were reported to have organized and supervised cattle rustling for individual
gain. They purchasing stolen livestock at low prices and fetching high profits by selling
them in major urban centres and international markets.

These activities implied raiding had become a source of livelihood to those who owned
guns and a means of making quick wealth for the politically connected. Traditional values
such as dowry/bride wealth and sapana are identified as factors that encouraged the
youths to participate in cattle rustling accounting for 6%. Among Pokot in particular, it is
reported that bride wealth is as high as 20 60 cows and 10 40 goats for one to get a
wife. This figure is not uniform because it is pegged on the beauty, character and
education level of the girl.

Among Marakwet on the other hand, bride wealth is standard at four to five cows, one
bull and five goats for a wife. In some cases the figure is down to three cows for men
from poor families. Again among Pokot, the dowry is paid at once while among
Marakwet, dowry is staggered over a life time. This factor alone is responsible for the
high turnout of raids conducted by Pokot men.

Sapana (a Pokot male traditional rite of passage to elder hood) was reported to encourage
cattle raiding. During sapana ceremony, the man spears his favourite bull and serves

30
meat to his friends and other elders, after which he is officially introduced to the elder
hood club and is allowed to participate in community matters as an elder. Those who
have not served sapana meal have no say in community matters.

Thus sampan encouraged the young adults to acquire bulls by whatever means so that
they too could respect in society. Women are identified to escalate cattle raiding because;
they celebrated successful rustlers with song while using mockery against those who did
not participate in raids. The women regarded highly men with huge herds of cattle, while
those without are seen as cowards. The women always had songs for each occasion when
raids are conducted.

Table 4.8: Seasons of Cattle rustling among Pokot and Marakwet

Seasons Frequency Percentage
January- March 15 10
April- August 26 17
September December 12 08
Rainy season 88 59
Dry season 08 05
Total 150 100
Table 4.8 shows the seasons when conflicts between Pokot and Marakwet occurred.
Rainy season represents 59%, April- August showed 17%, JanuaryMarch showed 10%,
September December showed 8% while dry season had only 5% cattle rustling. Table 5
shows seasons and ethnic cross tabulation responses whereby Pokot respondents reported
29% conflict during rainy season, 23% in January-March, 22% occurred between April-
August, 16% occurred September-December while 10% occurred in dry season. The
Marakwet respondents on the other hand reported 87% conflicts occurred during rainy
season and 13% in April August season. There are zero raids reported among Marakwet
during January-March, September-December and during dry seasons.

31
Table 4.9: Season of Cattle Raids and Ethnic Responses
Ethnic Groups
Seasons Other Pokot Marakwet
Number % Number % Number %
January-March 0 0 15 23 0 0
April-August 1 10 15 22 10 13
September-December 2 20 11 16 0 0
Rainy season 4 60 19 29 67 87
Dry season 1 10 07 10 0 0
Total 08 100 66 100 77 100

The respondents classified conflicts based on the following; ethnicity, resource

competition, political incitement, cultural belief and all the above. Ethnicity represented
29%; political incitement represented 16%; resource competition represented 7%;
cultural belief and practices represented 10%; whereas all-above represented 38% (refer
table 4.10 below). During dry seasons both communities, particularly Pokot reported
being faced with other social problems such as lack of food which they are unwilling to
combine with raiding.

Table 4.10: Classifications of Cattle Raids by Respondents

Categories Frequency Percentage
Ethnicity 43 29
Political incitement 24 16
Resource competition 11 07
Cultural beliefs 15 10
All the above 57 38
Total 150 100

The respondents reported that their priorities in dry season are to meet basic needs of
food for the whole family and fight epidemic of diseases. They also reported that wet
seasons are good times to replenish stock lost during dry season. These findings agree

32
with Adano, Witsenburg & Dietz (2004) that suggested herdsmen are more violent and
ethnic conflicts, especially armed raids took place during wet seasons.

Their explanation that raiders attacked during wet years because of high grass, strong
animals, dense bush to hide in and the availability of surface water, which makes it easier
to trek with animals, seems plausible. Furthermore parties profited from cooperation in a
situation of drought. These findings also support the scarcity causes violence paradigm,
since years of severe drought are times of higher scarcity giving rise to violence in the
next wet season to restock and replenish livestock.

Table 4.11: Classification of Cattle Raids by Different Ethnic Communities

Categories Ethnic Groups
Other Pokot Marakwet
Number % Number % Number %
Ethnicity 02 30 27 41 15 19
Political 03 40 18 27 03 04
Resources 01 10 07 10 03 04
Cultural 00 00 02 03 12 16
All the above 02 20 13 19 44 57
Total 07 100 66 100 77 100

Table 4.11 shows classification of conflicts on ethnic basis where 41% Pokot classified
conflicts as ethnic based, whereas 19% Marakwet think so. Twenty seven percent (27%)
Pokot classified conflicts as political based whereas only 4% Marakwet think so. More
than half Marakwet (57%) classified conflict as based on all above; that is ethnic,
resource competition, political and cultural. Other tribes and Pokot classified 10%
conflicts as based on resource, whereas Marakwet put the same at 4%. It is interesting to
note that respondents from other tribes did not see cattle raids as cultural based. This
implies that cultural practice alone may not lead to cattle raids among Pokot and
Marakwet.

33
53% of the respondents suggested that the government should improve the security in the
area, 23% suggested that the government should have civic education about peace and
reconciliation, 12% would like to see cattle rustlers prosecuted, 8% think that creating
jobs for the rustlers would reduce cattle rustling instances and 4% feel the government
should disarm the community.

Table 4.12: Lasting Solution to Cattle Rustling

Long lasting solution Frequency Percentage
Improve security 80 53
Peace and reconciliation sensitization 35 23
Prosecute offenders 18 12
Create Jobs 12 08
Disarm cattle rustlers 06 04
Total 150 100

34
 CHAPTER FIVE
5.0 DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Introduction
This chapter presents the discussions of findings, conclusions and recommendations as
well as some suggested areas of consideration for future studies.

5.2 Discussions of Findings

As Krtli (2000) and others proposed that peace in nomadic pastoralist areas should
promote the efficient adaptation of a society to its particular environment, quality of life
should address cultural and coexistent sustainability in the society. This requires both all
the communities bordering each other to exist without conflicts hence cattle rustling has
created animosity that is not healthy for this co-existence.

Lack of peace can be seen to be extent among Pokot and Marakwet borders as they
participate in some cultural practices such as cattle rustling, banditry, and other traditional
malpractices that are menace to the community peaceful borders. However, peace in the
region is still face with challenges which can be attributed to Kratlis (2000) argument as
a threat to integrity of pastoral society.

Findings of this study reveal the desire for the bordering communities to children to have
end cattle rustling conflicts and have peace despite the inherent recurring conflicts.
Families sacrifice their youth to provide home security protections in the event of loss of
livestock to cattle rustling. The respondents also show determination to participate in
peace building committees established in the area. 34% want security improved, 27% feel
that addition of police would improve security and end conflicts is necessary, 18% feel
that involvement of all communities members in conflict resolutions in the borders for
development, 13% feel that avoiding interruption of socio-economic activities in borders
while 8% feel that the cattle rustling menace should stop. These statistics show the
conclusive desire to access peace end conflicts; which has been hampered by cattle
rustling activities.

35
The first objective of this study was to determine the socio-economic factors influencing
recurrent of cattle rustling between Pokot and Marakwet borders. Most of the conflicts
have their root causes to natural resources, namely pasture, water and land which has
hitherto been politically capitalized outside the district. The table below captures the most
pertinent of the conflicts. Other causes of conflicts include sheer clan rivalry or
egocentrism, politics, boundary or land clashes and proliferation of illicit arms.

Arms proliferation has made cattle rustling and other conflicts more deadly and heinous.
Arms played a leading role in all the major conflicts that have rocked the district in the
recent past. A number of lives and property have been lost and many people displaced as
a result of illicit arms backed conflicts. Among Marakwet on the other hand, bride wealth
is standard at four to five cows, one bull and five goats for a wife. In some cases the
figure is down to three cows for men from poor families. Again among Pokot, the dowry
is paid at once while among Marakwet; dowry is staggered over a life time. This factor
alone is responsible for the high turnout of raids conducted by Pokot men.

These findings imply that among Pokot, cattle rustling can take place any season of the
year, whereas the Marakwet consider most cattle raids to occur in rainy season. The
respondents classified conflicts based on the following; ethnicity, resource competition,
political incitement, cultural belief and all the above. Ethnicity represented 29%; political
incitement represented 16%; resource competition represented 7%; cultural belief and
practices represented 10%; whereas all-above represented 38%.

5.3 Conclusions
Cattle rustling and banditry have led to the loss of many human lives and the
displacement of various population groups. The raiding is accompanied by indiscriminate
killing of innocent people, majority of them women, children and the elderly. One
morning alone in Marakwet district, more than 50 people were killed in cold blood
courtesy of cattle rustling menace. The practice has undergone fundamental
transformation from a cultural practice of replenishing to a more militarised, predatory
and destructive practice. Cattle rustling has been commercialised.

36
Conflict has led to serious environmental degradation and real threat to water catchments
areas in North Rift and North Eastern Kenya. In the attempt to find alternative livelihood
after conflict-induced displacements, the displaced and other conflict victims have cut
down trees for charcoal burning and firewood for sale. This has seriously affected the
fragile ecology of the pastoralists areas in Kenya. On the other hand, informal
displacement camps established in various places have put high pressure on water
sources, leading to high water shortages.

The conflicts between Pokot and Marakwet are more than just cattle raiding. They qualify
as internal wars, and should be treated as such for it to receive clear attention of
government. For a decade these wars are down played to revolve around pastoral
traditions and cattle thefts when in real sense they involved confrontations between
political powers seeking to gain roots among communities living in north western Kenya.
The area where Pokot and Marakwet inhabit is remote and has been clearly under-
developed.

This marginalization has made the pastoral regions a jungle, with no positive influence
from outside. To resolve these conflicts the government should invest heavy in initiating
developments projects along the pastoral regions to bridge the gap between Pokot and
Marakwet. Pastoral regions area is remote compared to other parts of the country with
similar environmental conditions.

The government in liaison with development partners should develop markets for
livestock products and farm produce for the residents of pastoral regions. This area is rich
in honey and other horticultural crops that should be exploited to facilitate income
generation for both communities. Education services should be improved such as; access
to schools and training centres to improve literacy levels of the people. This region is
good for touristic purposes that should be cultivated to encourage local and international
tourism. Policy makers should focus on the integration of indigenous conflict resolution
mechanisms into resolving cattle raids among the Pokot and Marakwet. The conflicts

37
between Pokot and Marakwet are more than just cattle raiding. They qualify as internal
wars, and should be treated as such for it to receive clear attention of government.

The area where Pokot and Marakwet inhabit is remote and has been clearly under-
developed. This marginalization has made the Pastoral region a jungle, with no positive
influence from outside. To resolve these conflicts the government should invest heavy in
initiating developments projects along the Pastoral region to bridge the gap between
Pokot and Marakwet. Pastoral region area is remote compared to other parts of the
country with similar environmental conditions

The government in liaison with development partners should develop markets for
livestock products and farm produce for the residents of Pastoral region. This area is rich
in honey and other horticultural crops that should be exploited to facilitate income
generation for both communities. Education services should be improved such as; access
to schools and training centres to improve literacy levels of the people. This region is
good for touristic purposes that should be cultivated to encourage local and international
tourism. Policy makers should focus on the integration of indigenous conflict resolution
mechanisms into resolving cattle raids among the Pokot and Marakwet.

5.4 Recommendations
Poverty and conflict are intertwined in Pokot and Marakwet. Recurrent cattle raids have
thwarted economic growth in the region by destroying productive assets, preventing
trade, and deterring investment by private sector actors. Cattle raiding in turn is driven in
part by economic factors. For the young men who carry them out, raids offer a way to
meet basic needs and gain status under conditions of widespread poverty and limited
economic opportunity. As cattle raiding becomes more commercialized, a powerful
coterie of vested interests is increasingly invested in facilitating raids and maintaining
regional instability for personal gain.

From this study, it would be recommended to improve the security in order to improve
the peace building initiatives in Pokot East. The rule of law should also take root in

38
dealing with the perpetrators of cattle rustling from both Pokot East and neighbouring
regions. This would provide an environment for the students and teachers to concentrate
on the academic process. There is need to deploy more teachers in the area so as to enable
the students cover syllabus in time.

The government, through local leaders as well as senior education and security
stakeholders should hold reconciliatory meetings between the communities involved in
cattle rustling so as to promote peace in the area. This should mainly be targeted towards
Samburu, Pokot and Marakwet tribes which come from the environs around East
Districts. Efforts should be put in sensitizing these communities on maintaining peace in
their pastoral activities.

Alternative economic activities should also be introduced to supplement pastoralism and

reduce pressure on pastoralism. Improving the security around schools would also
safeguard learning infrastructure in the schools and reduce interruptions to learning
processes. The security would allow the deployment of more teachers in the school and
improve syllabus coverage. These would collectively improve the quality of education in
public secondary schools in Pokot East.

Apart from the need for security, there is also need for guidance and counseling to
psychologically assist the students and teachers who fall victims to cattle rustling. This
would help the students be able to concentrate in class and have better learning
experience. Findings related to being away from school due to lack of school fees
averaged 20%, the full implementation of the free secondary education by the
government would therefore improve access to secondary education by at least 20% in
Pokot East.

5.4 Suggestions for Further Studies

Out of this study, it could be recommended that in the absence of interventions, further
studies can be done on improved ways of sustainable peace building that can be adopted
in nomadic pastoralist areas that can improve the quality of education. It has also been

39
noted that the students did not seem to know the meaning of quality welfare. It could
therefore be important to inquire on the perception of communities on the role of poverty
on sustainable peace achievement in the area.

40
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