Antropología Del Performance

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La Antropologa del Desempeo Victor Turner
51
El
El
El
El
El
El En esta coleccin pstuma
El antroplogo Vctor
El Turner explora el rendimiento
El Como cultura en su visin nica
51 Logy ". Este libro es"
Vanguardia de nuevas ideas
51 Vinculando las humanidades
El Y las ciencias sociales.
El Prefacio de Richard Schechper.
El A PAJ Publicaciones Ttulo
El
Diseo de portada * Steven Hotfraan
yo
PAJ
ISBN 1-55554-001-5
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https://translate.googleusercontent.com/translate_f 1/23
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El trabajo de Victor Turner ha ayudado a allanar el camino para una nueva

El ritual, y el estudio de las culturas. En el momento de su muerte en 1983,
Fue el William R. Kenan, Jr. Profesor de Antropologa en la Universidad
De Virginia, Charlottesville. Entre sus muchos libros son El Bosque de Sym
bols, dramas, campos y metforas, y del ritual de Teatro: El Humano
Gravedad de Juego, tambin un ttulo PAJ Publicaciones.
Sobre la antropologa DE EJECUCIN
'' En esta coleccin pstuma, Turner contina su bsqueda de 'una

"Una causa ayudada en parte por la reciente conciencia posmoderna".
Teatro Americano
EN DE ritual para THEA TRE
"Turner mir ms all de su disciplina rutinaria a una antropologa de ex

Experiencia. . . . Debemos admirarlo por esto.
-La Suplemento Literario del Times (Londres)
"Uno de los libros recientes sobresalientes en estudios educativos."

Asociacin Americana de Estudios Educativos
"Un sello de este pequeo volumen es la contemporaneidad de su enfoque."

-Eleccin
"Este elfo intelectual irrefrenable es raro entre los cientficos sociales".

-Journal para el Estudio Cientfico de la Religin
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La antropologa de PERFORMANCE
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C 1987, 1988 Derechos de Autor de Publicaciones de PAJ

Todos los derechos reservados
98765
Publicado por PAJ Publications
Caja 260, estacin de la aldea
Nueva York, NY 10014
Todos los derechos reservados bajo las Convenciones Internacional y Panamericana sobre Derecho de Autor.
Datos de catalogacin en la publicacin de la Biblioteca del Congreso
Nmero
La Antropologa
de tarjetadel
de Desempeo
catlogo de la Biblioteca del Congreso: 86-62159
ISBN: 1-55554-000-7 (tela)
ISBN: 1-55554-001-5 (documento)
Impreso en el peridico United Scares of America en papel sin cido
La publicacin de este libro se ha hecho posible en parte por los gigantes recibieron rasgado la dotacin nacional para el
Arts, Washington, DC, una agencia federal, y el Consejo Estatal de las Artes de Nueva York.
La publicacin de esta edicin ha sido posible gracias a una donacin de la Fundacin Rockefeller,
El apoyo es reconocido con gratitud.
Un registro de catlogo para este libro est disponible en la Biblioteca Britnica.
Expresiones de gratitud:
"Los celos Rokujos: Liminality y los gneros performativos primera recurrieron en StueUet en sinttico y la Cultura
Comunicacin, Lawrence: Universidad de Kansas Publicaciones en Antropologa, 1982. "Gsnums / en Ro: dionisaco
Drama en una Sociedad de Industrializacin" apareci en la celebracin de la Sociedad, Ed. Frank Manning, Londres,
Universidad de Western Ontario, Congreso de Estudios Sociales y Humansticos, 1983. "Performing Ethnography
apareci en The Drama Review, 26, 2 (T94), 1982. "El cuerpo, el cerebro y Cultura" apareci en Zygon 18,3,1983.
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los
Antropologa
de
Actuacin
Victor Turner
Prefacio de Richard Schechner
Publicaciones PAJ
(Divisin de Performing Arts Journal, Inc.)
Nueva York
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Este es el cuarto volumen de la serie Performance Studies editada por Richard

Schechner. La Serie es publicada por PAJ Publications. Otros ttulos incluyen:
El fin del Humanismo por Richard Schechner; Del Ritual al Teatro: El
La seriedad humana de Juego por Victor Turner; American Popular Enter
tainments por Brooks McNamara.
INTRODUCCIN GENERAL A LA SERIE DE ESTUDIOS DE RENDIMIENTO

Qu es un rendimiento? Una obra? Bailarines bailando Un concierto? Lo que tu
Ver en la tele Circo y Carnaval? Una conferencia de prensa de quien sea Presidente?
El tiroteo del Papa tal como lo retratan los medios-o las repeticiones instantneas de Lee
Harvey Oswald recibi un disparo? Y estos eventos tienen algo que ver con
Ritual, una semana con Grotowski en el bosque fuera de Wroclaw, o un Topeng
Drama de danza enmascarada como se realiza en Peliatan, Bali? El rendimiento ya no es
Fcil de definir o localizar: el concepto y la estructura se ha extendido por todo el lugar.
Es tnico e intercultural, histrico y ahistrico, esttico y ritual,
Sociolgico y poltico. El rendimiento es un modo de comportamiento, un enfoque
experiencia; Es el juego, el deporte, la esttica, los entretenimientos populares,
Teatro y mucho ms. Pero para que esta amplia perspectiva se desarrolle,
Debe escribirse con precisin y con todo detalle. Esta serie es
Diseado como un foro para investigar qu es el rendimiento, cmo funciona y
Cul puede ser su lugar en la sociedad posmoderna. Estudios de rendimiento no es
Debidamente teatrales, cinematogrficas, antropolgicas, histricas o artsticas-
Aunque cualquiera de las monografas de la serie incorporan uno o ms de estos
Disciplinas. Debido a este nuevo enfoque para el estudio del rendimiento,
Serie se ha dejado abierto a fin de incorporar nuevos trabajos. La serie, I
Esperanza, medir la profundidad y amplitud del campo -y su fertilidad: de cir
Cus a las minas de Mabou, rodeo a los ritos de curacin, rendimiento negro en Sudfrica
A la Union City Passion Play. Los Estudios de Rendimiento sern valiosos para
Acadmicos en todas las reas del desempeo, as como para los trabajadores de
Ampliar y profundizar sus nociones de rendimiento.
Richard Schechner
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Contenido
LTIMA AVENTURA DEL VICTOR TURNER 7

Richard Schechner
IMGENES Y REFLEXIONES: RITUAL, DRAMA, 21
CARNAVAL, PELCULA Y ESPECTCULO EN
PERFORMANCE CULTURAL
DRAMAS SOCIALES EN UMB BRASILEO Y A 33

LA DIALECTICA DEL SIGNIFICADO
LA ANTROPOLOGA DEL RENDIMIENTO 72
EL CELOSO DE ROKUJO: LIMINALIDAD Y 99

LOS GNEROS PERFORMATIVOS
CARNAVAL EN RIO: DIONYSIAN DRAMA 123

EN UNA SOCIEDAD INDUSTRIALIZADORA
EJEMPLO DE LA ETNOGRAFA 139

(Con Edie Turner)
CUERPO, CEREBRO Y CULTURA 156
NDICE
NDICE 179
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La ltima aventura de Victor Turner
Richard Schecfiner
Victor Turner en su ltimo trabajo plante algunas preguntas muy problemticas.
Es la marca de su genio generoso que nunca se alej de pensar
En un problema simplemente porque no tena una salida clara. Yo admiro su
"Noyetness", su "inacabado" que obliga a los que entran en su trabajo a
Luchar durante toda la noche, como lo hizo Jacob con su ngel. O,
Ms mundanely, las maneras Turner, su esposa y colaborador, Edith, y
Yo-y quienquiera que estuviera all, ya menudo haba otros-estaba sentado alrededor de su
Mesa de cocina en Charlottesville Talmudically argumentando las horas de distancia.
Turner, a lo largo de su carrera, investig el ritual. Lo encontr en el social pro
Especialmente en las formas en que las personas resolvieron las crisis. Pronto Turner se dio cuenta
Que el proceso social era performativo. As comenz su detallado y emocionante
Exploraciones en el mltiplex, relaciones multivocales entre el ritual y
teatro. Turner desarroll sus teoras del drama social (1974) y ms tarde recogi
gran parte de su pensamiento sobre el rendimiento en De ritual de teatro.
Turner busc integrar la nocin de liminalidad -el umbral, el ser
Twixt y entre-tan decisivo para su alcance y experiencia del ritual como anti-
Estructural, creativo, a menudo carnavalesco y juguetn-con su emergente
Comprensin de la relacin entre el drama social y el drama esttico.
El rendimiento es central en el pensamiento de Turner porque los gneros performativos son
Ejemplos vivientes del ritual en / como accin. Y no slo cuando el rendimiento es evidente
Ritual ", como en una misa, una ceremonia de sanacin, un viaje chamnico o
Grotowskian teatro pobre o evento paratheatrical: toda la actuacin tiene en su
Una accin ritual, una "restauracin del comportamiento" (vase Schechner, 1985).
El impulso apasionado de Turner, tanto personal como profesionalmente,
Tegrate, incluir, hacer y buscar los enlaces, las redes. En agosto de 1982,
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Como parte de una conferencia mundial sobre rituales y teatro que l y yo copresidimos,
Turner, una tarde epifana, fue a la pizarra y dibuj un mapa de
"La evolucin de los gneros culturales de la actuacin: de LiminaP a Liminoid"
(Figura 1). Quera mostrar a los planificadores de la conferencia cmo tradi
Los gneros performativos postmodernos, interrelacionados. Ms tarde esto
Modelo fue la piedra angular de uno de los ltimos escritos de Turner, "There There Universals
Del Desempeo en Mito, Ritual y Drama "(1985).
Los regalos de Turner eran muchos y los gast generosamente. Se entreg con
entusiasmo. Su importancia para las personas que trabajan en el teatro -como tericos,
Practicantes o crticos- no puede ser exagerado. l ense que haba
Un proceso continuo y dinmico que vincula el comportamiento performativo-arte, deportes,
Ritual, juego-con la estructura social y tica: la forma en que la gente piensa y
Organizar sus vidas y especificar valores individuales y de grupo. Turner, quien
Especializada en el liminal, el intermedio, viva en una casa que era todas las puertas:
Cada idea llevaba a nuevas ideas, cada proposicin era una red de posibilidades. yo
Creo que estaba tan interesado en el teatro, la danza, la msica, el ritual,
Y el drama social-porque el rendimiento es el arte que es abierto, inacabado,
Descentrado, liminal. El rendimiento es un paradigma de proceso.
Turner tambin insisti en que la vida se viva, que la experiencia se le d su derecho
Cognitivo y emocional. Aqu, tambin, su trabajo y la intensidad de su
El pensamiento -la pasin de su intelecto- era brillantemente performativo. Porque si perfor
Mance es un paradigma de proceso es tambin el arte donde la experiencia como tal es priz
Ed. En las tradiciones occidentales del arte post-renacentista el producto es valorado:
Las obras son colgadas, "museadas", grabadas, filmadas, "filmadas" - como si pudieran ser
Rescatados del tiempo. Pero en otras culturas, y en otros perodos de
cultura, un mejor equilibrio se ha logrado entre el estar en 1 del arte y su
Materiales. El "trabajo" es tan importante, tal vez ms que el
"Trabajo". Turner valor el trabajo, el hacer, la alegra experiencial de
"Estar en". Durante los aos de nuestra amistad Turner creci ms y ms
Profundamente interesado en las fases preparatorias de los talleres de rendimiento,
Ensayos, formacin-cmo se preparaba la gente para las actuaciones futuras. l era
Buscando especificar las formas en que la experiencia y la liminalidad, el proceso ritual
Y el xtasis artstico coincidi. En esta bsqueda activa se fue dondequiera que
Ideas y cuerpo lo llevaron, por ltimo, al funcionamiento del cerebro. Pero aunque
Esto puede parecer un lugar de parada - era uno de los lugares en que Turner estaba
Cuando muri-tal punto final es ilusorio y falso con el propio Turner
Proceso dinmico de bsqueda. Lo que ms echo de menos a Vctor es el amor
La forma en que me ayud a seguir adelante: me inst a travs de una puerta ms, a travs de una ms
lmite.
En esta "introduccin" actual no estar tan lejos. Quiero concentrarme
Aqu en lo que preocupaba a Turner en el momento de su muerte repentina,
De un ataque al corazn, en 1983. Se preguntaba sobre el ritual, sobre la conexin
Entre el cuerpo, el cerebro y la cultura -el ttulo del ensayo final de esta corriente
Pgina 13
Fig. 1: La evolucin de los gneros culturales de actuacin: de "Liminal" a "Liminoide".
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coleccin.
Incluso para decirlo en una palabra, ritual, es pedir problemas. El ritual ha sido tan
Concepcin, praxis, proceso, ideologa, anhelo, religin
Funcin, que significa muy poco porque puede significar demasiado.
Repasando parte de la literatura sobre el ritual, cuyos detalles
Muestra que el ritual puede verse de cinco maneras diferentes: 1) como parte de la
Desarrollo evolutivo de los organismos -incluyendo, pero no limitado a, el
Desarrollo del cerebro; 2) como una estructura, algo con cualidades formales y
Relaciones; 3) como un proceso de desempeo, un sistema dinmico o accin, con
Ritmos diacrnicos y sincrnicos y / o escenarios; 4) como experiencia, como
Lo que una persona individualmente o como parte de un colectivo siente; 5) como un conjunto de pera
Sociales y religiosas.
Estas categoras no proporcionan hiptesis comprobables, sino opiniones que
Principalmente en el mbito de la crtica social y / o artstica. Pero como Derrida y el
Segunda lnea de desconstruccionistas nos recuerda, las fronteras entre la ciencia
El pensamiento, la poesa, el teatro y la crtica literaria son confusos. En nuestro emergente neo-
Mundo medieval una especie de pensamiento religioso-artstico es, si no reemplaza, entonces
De pie junto a, lo que sola llamarse ciencia pura.
Los etlogos usan la palabra ritual sin comillas. Pero si hay
Similitudes entre los rituales de los animales y las artes humanas.
Ferences tambin. El patrn de "danza waggle" de las abejas puede parecer bailar a
Jerome Robbins, pero las abejas no estn bailando "emically" hablando. Dnde
Todo est determinado genticamente, no puede haber aprendizaje o improvisacin.
Y donde no hay contingencia no puede haber mentira, slo engao: la dif
Ser precisamente la conciencia del jugador respecto a su rango de
eleccin. Incluso un bailarn de ballet puede elegir una noche simplemente no subir al punto
Aunque la coreografa le dice que lo haga. Ella puede perder el papel, o incluso su
Trabajo, pero todava puede ir flatfooted. No es as con las abejas "bailando". Si se van
Mirada incorrecta en su ADN atornillado. El rendimiento humano es paradjico, un
Practicada fija fundada en la contingencia pura: la gente extraa del deleite tiene
En subir en el punto, o mirando a un trapezista entrenado hacer tres y medio
Saltos mortales, o incluso aplaudir la coreografa de los payasos.
El desarrollo del ritual entre las especies se puede diagramar como un rbol
(Figura 2). En esta figura se muestra cmo las funciones y propiedades especficas de
Los rituales humanos se construyen sobre, pero son diferentes de los de otros animales. Era
Este vnculo y esas diferencias -esta participacin del ritual en la evolucin
Proceso que atrajo la atencin enfocada de Turner durante los ltimos aos de su vida. Eso
Podra parecer a aquellos que siguieron el trabajo anterior de Turner sobre el "proceso ritual" para
Ser un giro extrao Por qu debera alguien que puso tanto stock en el ritual de un
Su fuerza creadora y generadora, parecen abrazar de repente
Sociobilogos
Turner present su enfoque evolutivo al ritual slo una vez, en "Cuerpo,
Cerebro y Cultura ", mientras que su trabajo sobre el proceso ritual, liminalidad, communitas,
Pgina 15
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Figura 2
y antiestructura pueblan la mayor parte de su escritura desde el bosque de smbolos

(1967). Sin embargo, si hubiera vivido, creo que Turner habra seguido con lo que l
Empez en "Cuerpo, etc." porque esa lnea de investigacin estaba llevando a la
Crisis (cruce, cruz, cruce, lugar de encuentro decisivo) del ritual, la religin y
Ciencia, un tema de gran importancia para los cientficos sociales y el
Tericos por igual.
Seguramente Turner era consciente de esta crisis. En "Cuerpo, Cerebro y Cultura" l
Reafirma su posicin de que "el ritual no es necesariamente un bastin del conservador social
Vatismo Sus smbolos no slo condensan valiosos valores socioculturales.
Ms bien, a travs de sus procesos liminales, mantiene la fuente generadora de la cultura
Y la estructura ". Pero estos" procesos liminares "son precisamente los procesos etolgicos
Ver socavaduras.
Turner ve que su posicin es aparentemente contradicha por el clsico
Etiolgica donde, de nuevo en las palabras de Turner, el ritual es tratado como "genticamente
Comportamiento programado ". Turner concilia estas opiniones contrastantes aplicando
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La nocin de liminalidad al cerebro mismo. Para l, el cerebro humano es un

rgano que funciona en alguna parte entre el fijado genticamente y el radicalmente libre.
El desarrollo del neocrtex en humanos -con su extrema bilateralidad
Y sus complicadas interacciones con el tronco cerebral y el sistema lmbico-parece
Para que los seres humanos, dice Turner, salgan de la corriente
Straints, casi.
Destaca el cerebro "trino" propuesto por el neuroanatomista Paul MacLean,
Quien afirma que existe un viejo movimiento de control del cerebro "reptiliano", un
El cerebro"cerebral
Reciente "lmbico" ms reciente
neocrtex" se refiere
cerebro bsicamentecognitivo.
del pensamiento a las emociones, y unserelativamente
Este ltimo divide
En los lbulos izquierdo y derecho, cada uno con funciones distintas. Estos tres cerebros estn en
Terdependiente. "La porcin ms alta y ms nueva de la corteza cerebral tiene por
No significa separarse de una antigua regin "primitiva", sino que funciona como
Hace precisamente "en virtud de su relacin con el viejo circuito emocional". "
Entonces Turner plantea la pregunta decisiva:
Cul es el papel del cerebro como rgano para la adecuada mezcla de

Gentica y cultural en la produccin de informacin mental, verbal,
O comportamiento orgnico? [. . .] En qu medida est el cerebro superior, especialmente
El neocrtex, que es el rea responsable en mamferos para coordina
Y para las capacidades mentales superiores, en una correa ms larga en
Por el genotipo o el genoma, la constitucin fundamental de la
Organismo en trminos de sus factores hereditarios? Socioculturalmente
informacin transmitida hacerse con el control de la humanidad, y, si es as,
Cules son los lmites, si los hay, a su control? El genotipo toma un
Manent asiento trasero, y es el condicionamiento social ahora en general. La imagen
por lo tanto construido para m era de un tipo de control dual que conduce a [. . .] un
Serie de coadaptaciones simbiticas entre lo que podra llamarse
Tipos de cultivo y genotipos.
Aqu Turner parece pedirle la pregunta. l dice que los seres humanos han desarrollado una
Cerebro que se ha liberado de las restricciones genticas. Que los seres humanos son
Determinado genticamente como libre o por lo menos genticamente determinado
"Coadaptive." Que toda la gente vive en la condicin y la circunstancia de ser
Artistas. La idea pone en el lenguaje cientfico una idea fundamentalmente religiosa
clsicamente se indica por John Milton en El paraso perdido como: suficiente para soportar pero libre
Caer "-presente y cayendo refirindose a la gracia divina y el destino final
En trminos cristianos, de cada alma individual. En su forma contempornea esta
La idea afirma que el comportamiento humano est "en cierto grado" determinado genticamente. los
Los sociobilogos piensan que esto es un alto grado y los humanistas en un grado bajo.
Turner resuelve la contradiccin entre lo etolgico (sociobiolgico)
Punto de vista y su propio trabajo anterior con:
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[. . .] Si la ritualizacin, segn lo discutido por Huxley, Lorenz, y otros

Ethologistas, tiene una fundacin biogentica, mientras que el significado tiene un neocor-
Cin acadmica, significa esto que los procesos creativos, los que
Generar nuevos conocimientos culturales, podra resultar de una coadaptacin,
Tal vez en el propio proceso ritual, de informacin gentica y cultural?
Movimiento y sentimiento (los dos primeros de la triunidad de MacLean) son en su mayora

Genticamente, mientras que las funciones cognitivas son menos. El tipo especial de per
Formacion denominada "ritual" es la interfase entre stas -la arena cultural
Donde los cerebros reptilianos y de mamferos viejos se encuentran con el neocrtex. No slo es
La contradiccin sanada, pero el "proceso ritual" de Turner est firmemente
El asiento del conductor de la evolucin -una evolucin en la que los seres humanos co-determinarn
Qu les pasar no slo socialmente sino tambin biolgicamente. Adems, la
Principal del desarrollo evolutivo se desplaza desde el interior del individuo
Seres humanos -el genotipo- a la accin cultural colectiva humana -el ritual
proceso.
Como director de teatro me gustara este modelo, si quiero que mi arte sea central
Al futuro de la humanidad. Para aquellos que entienden el ritual / rendimiento
Proceso estn en el centro del desarrollo evolutivo coadaptivo.
Me parece que el destino o futuro del colectivo-de los humanos como especie,
Y probablemente de muchas de nuestras especies hermanas tambin - puede depender del tipo de
"Coadaptacin" de la que habla Turner. Los experimentos en las reas de
El ADN, la clonacin y la inteligencia artificial estn produciendo mtodos precisos de
Elaborando, e incluso controlando la evolucin. Todava es una pregunta abierta
Si esto representa un avance en la libertad o un tipo profundo de
La insensatez que se presenta como libre eleccin. Seguramente los seres humanos-tanto positivamente como
Negativamente, conscientemente y sin premeditacin-estn influyendo en el evolu
En todo el mundo. Norman Myers estima que
La intervencin humana resultar en la extincin de "por lo menos un cuarto de todos
Especies [. . .] Posiblemente un tercio, y concebiblemente an ms. Con tantas plantas
Y animales desaparecidos, habr un cambio fundamental en la evolucin misma, como evolu
Los procesos de trabajo se basan en un grupo de especies muy reducido y como pocos
Nuevas especies surgen para llenar las lagunas "(1985: 2).
Esto es "coadaptacin" con una venganza. Pero no es la clase de Turner se habla
Acerca de O al menos el resultado es radicalmente diferente al que Turner es
con la esperanza de. De hecho, la idea de Turner de cmo el cerebro trabaja en relacin con la evolucin
Dos escenarios diferentes. En uno, se centra en el colectivo,
Cerca de abrazar la nocin de un super-cerebro, un sobre-cerebro ", una poblacin global
Cin del cerebro [. . .] Cuyos miembros se comunican incesantemente con uno
Otro a travs de todo instrumental fsico y mental. "En el otro, l
Sigue una teora evolutiva ms convencional en la que la variacin de la
Genotipo, trabajando de manera estrictamente individual, acumula cambios en
Suficientes individuos para alterar la especie.
Pgina 18
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Tampoco est claro por qu Turner habla de un cerebro trino cuando hay
Realmente cuatro, o incluso cinco, cerebros en su modelo: los tres de MacLean, adems de un ex
Tra para el neocrtex lateralizado, ms el sobre-cerebro de la "poblacin global
De cerebros ". As, cada ser humano tiene, o participa en los siguientes cerebros: 1)
: Tilian 2) de edad de mamfero 3) frontal derecho lbulo 4) a la izquierda del lbulo frontal 5) colectiva
Sobre el cerebro. En cuanto a la atraccin de la metfora del cerebro trino, me pregunto
Cuntas partes habra en el cerebro de ciertos nativos americanos
Cuyo nmero sagrado no es tres sino cuatro. O debera el cristianismo seriamente
Considere una Trinidad ms dos: dicen que el Padre, el Hijo, el Espritu Santo tradicional, adems
Virgen, adems. . . ?
Sin embargo muchos cerebros all son, el proceso evolutivo de Turner es fundamen
La ortodoxa en la que la acumulacin de los cambios individuales conduce a una
Cambio en la especie. La pregunta es, por qu debera este cambio ser positivo, como
Turner supone que ser? La respuesta puede ser en la aceptacin de Turner de tradi
Cristianos. Sin decirlo en tantas palabras, Turner espera
Que cada individuo amar a su prjimo como a s mismo y, cuando el abuso
Ser capaz de girar la otra mejilla. . . . As para la emancipa evolutiva
Cin del cerebro para trabajar de manera constructiva y no destructiva el da-a-
Los valores diarios como vividos tendrn que aproximarse a los valores.
ellos. Pero la tendencia del modernismo -especialmente en sus siglos XIX y XX
En el siglo XIX, de nacionalismo extremo y materialismo, ha sido
Cualquier cosa menos amor. Por no mencionar la larga y frecuentemente sangrienta historia de
Cristianismo.
Y, finalmente, hay en mi mente por lo menos la oscura sombra de Hitler
"Eugenesia" -incluyendo los experimentos indescriptibles de Mengele-amenazante
Cualquier resultado positivo de la coadaptacin. Porque si queremos "mejorar" nuestra especie en
El nivel gentico que determinar lo que es bueno y lo malo, y cmo?
Una vez ms, las nicas respuestas parecen ser religiosas: es decir, en el mbito de la
tica articulada conscientemente fundada en algn esquema reconocido de
La autoridad humana (Dios, la ciencia, el colectivo, lo que t llamas). Es el anhelo
Para este tipo de autoridad por tanta gente en tantas culturas que ha dado
Surgir a una tal variedad de "fundamentalismos" en el cristianismo, el islam, el hinduismo,
Y -algunos aos atrs, no olvidemos- el maosmo y su rama ms enloquecida,
Los Khmer Rouge vaciando las ciudades de Camboya.
Turner no era fundamentalista, no era ni dogmtico ni tolerante de
Dogmticos Como lo conoca, siempre apreciaba el fluido, la dinmica,
Antiestructural; Vivi para generar y ayudar a otros a generar nuevas ideas
Y nuevas formas. As que estoy hablando aqu no de lo que Turner se senta o
Pensamiento, pero sobre un giro oscuro que podra ponerse en algunas de sus ideas. En
Trigued como soy por la coadaptacin, cuando vuelco sus implicaciones-como si discutir
Con Turner alrededor de la mesa de la cocina de Charlottesville, creo que tal vez
Coadaptacin es su deseo utpico-un deseo que yo, un zurdo a travs de
Y por, no puede dejar de ver el lado siniestro de.
Pgina 19
15
Turner explica la experiencia del ritual: el clebre sentimiento de

"Comunitas espontneas" -como la excitacin simultnea de los dos
Hemisferios de la corteza cerebral. Al ofrecer esta explicacin, est siguiendo
Fischer (1971) y d'Aquili, Laughlin, y Lex (1979). "En particular," Turner
Dice hablando de d'Aquili et ah,
Postulan que la actividad rtmica del ritual, ayudada por el sonido,

Visual, ftica, y otros tipos de "conduccin", puede conducir en el tiempo a
Estimulacin simultnea simultnea de ambos sistemas, lo que
Ticipantes a experimentar lo que los autores llaman positivo, inefable
Afectan ". Tambin usan el trmino de Freud" experiencia ocenica ", as
xtasis yguica, tambin el trmino unio mystica cristiana, una experiencia de
La unin de los opuestos cognitivamente discriminados tpicamente
Generado por raciocinacin hemisfrica izquierda digital. supongo
tambin se podra utilizar el trmino satori Zen (el flash integracin), y uno
Podra aadir la "luz interior" de los cuqueros,
Tal conciencia , y el yoga samadhi-
Las especulaciones de Turner encajan muy bien con las de CJ Jung, paralelizando tambin las ms
Trabajo reciente de Jerzy Grotowski. Lo que Jung escribi sobre Grotowski est tratando de
hacer. Es decir, identificar y realizar "arquetipos" de la accin ritual humana.
Aunque no conozco
Actualmente en cursolosendetalles del proyecto
la Universidad "drama objetivo"
de California, Irvine, eldeesquema
Grotowski
es claro.
Trabajar con maestros de rituales de Hait, India y otros
Partes del mundo, Grotowski, artistas profesionales y estudiantes estn
Para encontrar, aprender y realizar ritmos, sonidos y gestos definidos que parezcan
"Trabajar" en una serie de rituales del mundo. En vez de partir de una base de
Lo que significa que Grotowski y sus compaeros investigadores comienzan con un enfoque estrictamente "objetivo"
Elementos: tempo, iconografa, patrones de movimiento, sonidos. La investigacin es
No histrico-no cmo "Om" y "Amen" pueden basarse ambos en el near-
Mantras orientales; Pero que el sonido abierto "uh" seguido de un "zumbido"
Podra ser no slo un "correlativo objetivo" de las relaciones indoeuropeas y
Semtico, sino que tambin se basa en la estructura del cerebro y la funcin. Si es as, este
Secuencias de sonidos se encontrarn en otras partes de la tierra que no surjan de la difusin
O la convergencia cultural, sino a partir de arquetipos en el cerebro. Por ltimo
Grotowski quiere hacer una nueva actuacin reuniendo la performance
Mativas de estos arquetipos. Si la teora del drama objetivo es cor
Rect, este nuevo trabajo debe ser extremadamente poderoso. Y si Turner hubiera vivido mucho tiempo
Suficiente para continuar con su ltima aventura, creo que habra sido
Muy interesado en saber si una actuacin de Grotowskian hecha de ritual
Acciones derivadas de una serie de culturas diferentes compartidas con la fuente
Ciertos atributos en el nivel de la actividad cerebral: nervios autnomos
Respuestas del sistema, ondas cerebrales, etc. Adems, Turner pudo haber visto
Pgina 20
diecisis
El experimento de Grotowski como paradigma de la coadaptacin: para Grotowski es trabajo

Cognitivamente -esto es, teatral- con el tronco cerebral y los materiales lmbicos.
Sera absurdo subestimar el trabajo de dos pioneros visionarios como
Turner y Grotowski. An ms cuando su trabajo independientemente
Bordes Pero observo que en el pasado al menos grandes obras de arte -y ritual efectivo
Actuaciones-siempre han estado muy definitivamente situados en tal o cual cultura,
Mientras que los esfuerzos para trascender o acumular culturas fallan precisamente en el punto
Quieren hacer: crear acciones tan poderosas o incluso ms poderosas que
las fuentes. Antologas de culturas-La rama dorada en lo que sea literaria o
La redaccin performativa-me parece un esfuerzo prematuro o poli-
Un mundo o, peor an, expresiones de la hegemona occidental: intentos de
Las mentes occidentales para sintetizar, es decir, para someter a la dominacin
De las culturas del mundo.
Turner no era un sintetizador. Siempre inst a la gente a buscar
El "minuto particular" y experimentar el sabor intrnsecamente nico de este
O esa cultura, subcultivo o individuo. Se deleitaba en lo nico. Pero
"Cuerpo, Cerebro y Cultura" seala su apasionada necesidad de localizar, o
Reubicar, una base universal o global para el proceso ritual. Creo que crea que el
El futuro del mundo dependa de l, as como lo hara. Cerca del final de su ensayo
l dijo:
Estoy hablando realmente de una poblacin global de cerebros que hab

Mundo de las entidades inanimadas y animadas, una poblacin
Miembros se comunican incesantemente entre s a travs de
Cada instrumentalidad fsica y mental. Pero si se considera la
Geologa, por as decirlo, del cerebro humano y del sistema nervioso, vemos
Representada en sus estratos -cada capa sigue viva- no muerta como
Piedra, los numerosos pasados y presentes de nuestro planeta. [. . .] Cada uno de nosotros
Es un microcosmos, relacionado de la manera ms profunda con toda la historia de vida de
El globo azul profundo encantador swirled encima con los whorls blancos primero
Fotografiado por Edwin Aldrin y Neil Armstrong desde su
Carro espacial primitivo, el trabajo de muchos colaboradores
Cerebros humanos
Por mucho que admiro el trabajo de Turner -y los riesgos del aventurero siempre fue
Estoy incmodo con su intento de reubicar y por lo tanto
Resolver los "problemas" de la accin ritual en el funcionamiento de la evolucin o, ms
Especficamente, el cerebro humano. Habiendo dicho esto, digo tambin que me siento atrado por estos
Muy ideas que expuse a mi manera en "Magnitudes de actuacin"
(1986). Idem con el trabajo de Grotowski. As pues, queda claro que los problemas que
Trabajar aqu constituye un paquete de problemas para m, as como para Turner.
"Esta escritura es un dicho a m mismo tanto como es una introduccin a Turner
libro. Soy el ms pobre porque Turner no puede responder, moviendo el dilogo
Pgina 21
17
adelante.
Si es demasiado fcil reubicar antiguos problemas de "libre albedro" versus "destino"
Como el marxismo clsico (todo el libre albedro colectivo) o la sociobiologa (todo destino gentico),
El compromiso coadaptivo de Turner parece demasiado generoso. Lo hace
Resolver cualquier cosa para dar a Edward O. Wilson lo que es Wilson y Marx lo que es
De Marx Sin embargo, uno parte de la responsabilidad, lo que, de ser
El futuro humano permanece oscuro en extremo. Las fuerzas dentro y fuera
Los individuos, las sociedades y los entornos humanos son ms de lo que entendemos.
Quizs Turner sinti esta misma inquietud, pues se desliz en "Cuerpo, Cerebro,
Y Cultura "unas cuantas pginas sobre el juego. "Como yo lo veo", dijo, "el juego no encaja en
en cualquier sitio; Es un transitorio y es recalcitrante a la localizacin, a la colocacin, a
Un joker en el acto neuroantropolgico ". Pero el juego no puede ser exiliado
Fcilmente: ciertamente es tanto "en" el cerebro como ritual y su evolucin etolgica-
Races tradicionales pueden ser tan seguramente trazadas. Sin embargo, lo que Turner dice sobre el juego no puede
Ser entendida neurolgicamente o en trminos de la teora evolucionista ortodoxa. Por
locating play as that which doesn't fit in, he reverts to his own classical
definitions, and these really have little to do with either ethology or
neurobiology.
The neuronic energies of play, as it were, lightly skim over the cerebral
cortices, sampling rather than partaking of the capacities and func
tions of the various areas of the brain. [. . .] Play is, for me, a liminal or
liminoid mode, essentially interstitial, betwixt-and-between all stan
dard taxonomic nodes. [. ..] As such play cannot be pinned down by
formulations of left-hemisphere thinkingsuch as we all must use in
keeping with the rhetorical conventions of academic discourse. Play is
neither ritual action nor meditation, nor is it merely vegetative, nor is
it just having fun; it also has a good deal of ergotropic and agonistic
aggressivity in its odd-jobbing, bricolage style. {. . .] Like many
Trickster figures in myths (or should these be "antimyths, if myths
are dominantly left-hemisphere speculations about causality?) play can
deceive, betray, beguile, delude, and gull.
Which brings Turner back to his own earlier workthe twenty years or more
he spent delving into the ritual process, liminality, antistructure, the
subjunctive mood, and the performative genres. The Trickster hands
Turner a ticket out of the brain as a locked-in system. This Trickster is forever
shuttling between hemispheres, among the three parts of the triune brain, in
between categories. As such play is an activity that has not yet been
definedor, in Turner's terms, play is categorically uncategorizable, the anti
by means of which all categories are destabilized. This Trickster is the artist, the
performer, the playful anthropologist, the adventurer.
Pgina 22
18
[Play] has the power of the weak, an infantile audacity in the face of
the strong. To ban play is, in fact, to massacre the innocents. If man is
a neotonic species, play is perhaps his most appropriate mode of per
Formacion
In finding a place for it in-and-out of the evolutionary-neurological program,

Turner feels that play plays a similar role in the social construction of reality as
mutation and variation in organic evolution. To do this play had to be
detached from the nervous system's localizations enabling it to perform
the liminal functions of ludic recombination of familiar elements in unfamiliar
and often quite arbitrary patterns. Some of these patterns might prove adap
tive, culturally speaking. Thus play is for Turner a dynamic model of the brain
itself: free to move, to find its own ways, to actively contribute to the evolu
tionary process. Turner's model is actually not structural at all but audaciously
processual.
From an orthodox viewpoint the difficulty with all this is that Turner is mov
ing too freely between strict, analogous, and metaphoric thinking. Pero estos
contradictions do not disturb me much. What is also happening, and what is
strikingly visible in all the essays collected in this book, what makes them so ex
citing to work from, is Turner's eager searching for appropriate ways to in
tegrate his life's work with new data.
Turner was very much a man of the theatre. He would try, take it again,
work out another way, fix a routine and then run it in a new context. l era
forever polishing his act, but he was never slick. He enjoyed most the
deconstructive-reconstructive processes of workshops and rehearsals. l era
not shy about showing work-in-progress. In fact, it was the processual method
of working that fascinated himand it was those areas of human experience
that are most processualpilgrimage, ritual, theatre, and dance: performative
genres allthat occupied his imagination.
Still this does not tell whatexcept for the sheer dazzling restlessness of his
spiritbrought Turner to attempt a synthesis between his own brand of
speculative humanistic anthropology and sociobiology. Again, I think the
answer is religion. Troubled by the state of the worldTurner, who like so
many contemplating
when of us, was an optimist in of
the future terms
the of his own
species, life,ofbut
even lifemuch more pessimistic
on earthmay have
been seeking a synthesis not mainly between two scientific viewpoints but be
tween science and faith.
If God (or whatever it is) is the very formulation of the world, then this for
mulation ought to be most strongly present in the brain, the world's most com
plicated and sophisticated organ. To put it in Hindu terms, if Atman (inner
most, impersonal Self) and Brahman (the absolute) are one, then by examining
the brainthe very seat of Atmanhumans might learn a great deal about
Brahman. They may even find where Brahman is. Not where in the sense of
Pgina 23
19
Broca's area or the hippocampus but in the system of relationships and neuro-
electronic-chemical exchanges among each individual's several brains. O
humans may discover that Brahman has no individual basis but exists only in
the coordinated work of many brains. That there is transcending all individuals
the same collectivitythe same triune existenceas there is within each
cerebro.
Such contemplation is two steps from the ultimate metatext. The first step is
within human grasp: an independent artificial intelligence. The second is con
tact with superior non-human beings: the extra-terrestrial connection. yo soy
saying what I think Turner might have been coming to. He realized that an
organ of contemplationeven the human brainis not capable of absolute
self-examination. The brain will go crazy (or mystically fuzzy) dealing with to'o
many layers of metatextural reflexivity. But the brain might either create an ex
terior organ of thought or actively seek to come into contact with non-human
others with whom it could communicate. Many experiments point in these
direcciones. And it's not only with apes and dolphins that we want to talk. Eso
would seem that if humans are to survive the next step is communication with
some genuinely thoughtful other.
Here, popular literature and filmscience fictionis far ahead of science. Pero
not ahead of religion. For has this not been religion's project from the very
beginning of human history? To locate, establish, and keep contact with non
human beings? And do not those who believe in gods think of these beings not
as symbols but as actual existing others? Part of the anthropological romance
has been to go to far away places and live with people who daily communicate
with and experience divine (or demonic) others. Especially for "positivists, this
has been a heady-hearty encounter. And now, as positivism fades, even scien
tists of the first order want to meet non-human others themselves, first-hand,
face-to-face, brain-to-brain. How, or if, this will be accomplished is not yet
dear.
From this perspective, Victor Turner's last adventure is a trope modeling his
desire to contact those others we humans need to negotiate fate with.
Science fiction? Fiction as science? Or coadaptation in a most definite, con
crete way?
New York, February 1985, August 1986.
Referencias
Fischer, Roland. 1971. A Cartography of the Escatic and Meditative States. Science, vol. 174, no.
4012, 26: 897-904.
Myers, Norman. 1985. The End of the Lines." Natural History, vol. 94, no. 2: 1985: 2-12.
Pgina 24
20
Schechner, Richard. 1985. Between Theatre and Anthropology. Philadelphia: University of Penn
sylvania Press.
-----------. 1986. "Magnitudes of Performance" in The Anthropology of Experience, ed. Edward Bru
Ner Champaign, 111.: University of Illinois Press.
Turner, Victor. 1967. The Forest of Symbols : Aspects ofNdembu Ritual. Ithaca: Cornell University
Prensa.
----------- . 1974- Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
----------- . 1982. From Ritual to Theatre. New York: PAJ Publications.
----------- 1985 On the Edge of the Bush. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Pgina 25
21
Images and Reflections:
,
Spectacle in Cultural Performance
Ritual Drama, Carnival, Film and ,
In anthropology there has been a noticeable shift in theoretical emphasis in

recent years from structure to process, from competence to performance, from
the logics of cultural and social systems to the dialectics of sodo-cultural pro
Cesses This has not meant a jettisoning of structuralist discoveries but rather a
reintegration of the insights gained from the study of symbol systems such as
myth, ritual, and kinship terminology treated as abstract sets of interdependent
binary oppositions and mediations into the mainline study of man and
woman alive, the ongoing developing and declining processes of interpersonal
and intergroup behavior in communities and networks, and the cultural pro
cesses and products involved with these. We are to think of changing sociosym-
bolic fields rather than static structures.
Anthropology is currently sensitive to the ethnography of speakinga field
which lies between what grammars and ethnographies have taken
separatelythe former treating language essentially as a structure of abstract
and self-contained codes, the latter (ethnographies) with the abstract and
hence static patterns and structures of sociocultural life. Attention now is on
the use of languageand other nonverbal types of communication, in the ac
tual conduct of social life.
I want to move directly to the frame of this essaywhich includes the
ethnography of speaking but extends it to the modes of symbolic actionand
that is the peculiar relationship between the mundane, everyday sociocultural
processes (domestic, economic, political, legal and the like) found in societies of
a given major type, tribal, feudal, capitalist, socialist, or whatever (and each of
these has numerous variants) and what may be called using Milton Singers
termtheir dominant genres of cultural performance; My thesis is that this
Pgina 26
The Anthropology of Performance 22
relationship is not unidirectional and positivein the sense that the perfor
mative genre merely reflects or "expresses the social system or the cultural
configuration, or at any rate their key relationshipsbut that it is reciprocal
and reflexivein the sense that the performance is often a critique, direct or
veiled, of the social life it grows out of, an evaluation (with lively possibilities of
rejection) of the way society handles history.
In other words, if the contrivers of cultural performances, whether these are
recognized as individual authors, or whether they as representatives of a col
lective tradition, genuises or elders, hold the mirror up to nature, they do this
with magic mirrors which make ugly or beautiful events or relationships
which cannot be recognized as such in the continuous flow of quotidian life in
which we are embedded. The mirrors themselves are not mechanical, but con
sist of reflecting consciousnesses and the products of such consciousnesses
formed into vocabularies and rules, into metalinguistic grammars, by means of
which new unprecedented performances may be generated. My Africanist col
league Philip Gulliver writes about the continuum of interaction amongst a
given collection of people (1971:354), as an object of study. I would add here
that the discontinuum of action among the same collection of people,
culturally made possible by setting aside times and places for cultural perfor
mances, is equally part of the ongoing social processthe part where those peo
ple become conscious, through witnessing and often participating in such per
formances, of the nature, texture, style, and given meanings of their own lives
as members of a sociocultural community.
Anthropologists, as you may have found, are always uneasy when too long
separated from what Clifford Geertz calls the whole vast business of the
world, that is, from what, in this time or that place, specific people say, what
they do, what is done to them. It might be useful, then, to break into our ma
jor topic by taking a look at what Milton Singer has written on cultural perfor
mances, as he came to understand them in the South Indian context, before
moving to redefinition of the term in cross-cultural and cross-temporal com
parative frames.
Singer, trained in philosophy but enamored later by anthropology, with
Robert Redfield as his guru, went to India to do fieldwork with a set of
hypotheses in mind derived from Redfield's theories about the differences be
tween Great and Little Traditions and the gradations of the urban-rural con
tinuum. He soon found that the units of cogitation are not the units of obser
vation (1972:70). All anthropologists discover this and it is the problem pro
duced by this disparity which when met with undeterred zeal distinguished the
vocational anthropologist from the mere manipulator of abstract an
thropological findings. Singer found himself confronted with a series of con
crete experiences, the observation and recording of which seemed to discourage
the mind from entertaining and applying the synthetic and interpretative con
cepts that I had brought with me. These experiences had an intrinsic fascina
Pgina 27
23 Victor Turner
tion, which also tended to discourage the broad reflective view to which I had
been accustomed" (p. 70).
Among the most salient concrete experiences were what Singer found to be
discriminable units of observation which he called cultural performances.
These were central and recurrent in the social lives of the Indians he studied in
the Madras area. They included what we in the West usually call by that
namefor example, plays, concerts, and lectures. But they include also prayers,
ritual readings and recitations, rites and ceremonies, festivals, and all those
things which we usually classify under religion and ritual rather than with the
cultural and artistic (p. 71). The performances became for Singer the elemen
tary constituents of the culture and the ultimate units of observation. Cada
one had a definitely limited time span, or at least a beginning and an end, an
organized program of activity, a set of performers, an audience, and a place and
occasion of performance. Whether it was a wedding, an upanayana (sacred
thread) ceremony, a floating temple festival, a village Pongal festival, a ritual
recitation of a sacred text, a bharatanatya dance, or a devotional movie, these
were the kinds of things that an outsider could observe and comprehend within
a single direct experience (p. 71). Singer found that cultural performances are
composed of what he calls cultural mediamodes of communication which
include not only spoken language, but such nonlinguistic media as song,
dance, acting out, and graphic and plastic artscombined in many ways to ex
press and communicate the content of Indian culture (p. 76). He argues that a
study of the different forms of cultural media in their social and cultural con
texts would . . . reveal them to be important links in that cultural continuum
which includes village and town, Brahman and non-Brahman, north and
south, the modern mass media culture and the traditional folk and classic
cultures, the Little and Great Traditions" (pp. 76-77).
This is an important pointrituals, dramas, and other performative genres
are often orchestrations of media, not expressions in a single medium. L6vi-
Strauss and others have used the term sensory codes for the enlistment of
each of the senses to develop a vocabulary and grammar founded on it to pro
duce messagesfor instance, different types of incense burned at different
times in a performance communicate different meanings, gestures and facial ex
pressions are assigned meanings with reference to emotions and ideas to be
communicated, soft and loud sounds have conventional meaning, etc. Thus
certain sensory codes are associated with each medium. The master-of-
ceremonies, priest, producer, or director creates art from the ensemble of media
and codes, just as a conductor in the single genre of classical music blends and
opposes the sounds of the different instruments to produce an often
unrepeatable effect. It is worth pointing out, too, that it is not, as some struc
turalists have argued, a matter of emitting the same message in different media
and codes, the better to underline it by redundancy. The same message in dif
ferent media is really a set of subtly variant messages, each medium con-
Pgina 28 1
tributing its own generic message to the message conveyed through it. los
result is something like a hall of mirrorsmagic mirrors, each interpreting as
well as reflecting the images beamed to it, and flashed from one to the others.
The many-leveled or tiered structure of a major ritual or drama, each level hav
ing many sectors, makes of these genres flexible and nuanced instruments
capable of carrying and communicating many messages at once, even of subver
ting on one level what it appears to be saying on another. Adems, la
genres are instruments whose full reality is in their playing, in their perfor
mance, in their use in social settingsthey should not be seen merely as scripts,
scenarios, scores, stage directions, or other modes of blueprinting, diagram
ming, or guiding. Their full meaning emerges from the union of script with ac
tors and audience at a given moment in a group's ongoing social process.
Milton Singer and many other cultural anthropologists see cultural perfor
mances and media as casting much light on the ways in which cultural themes
and values are communicated as well as on processes of social and cultural
change (Singer 1972:77). I would agree with this, but only if it is realized that
cultural performances are not simple reflectors or expressions of culture or even
of changing culture but may themselves be active agencies of change, represen
ting the eye by which culture sees itself and the drawing board on which
creative actors sketch out what they believe to be more apt or interesting
designs for living. As Barbara Babcock has written: many cultural forms are
not so much reflective as reflexive. Here the analogy is not with a mirror but
rather with a reflexive verb whose subject and direct object refer to the same
person and thing. Performative reflexivity is a condition in which a
sociocultural group, or its most perceptive members acting representatively,
turn, bend or reflect back upon themselves, upon the relations, actions, sym
bols, meanings, codes, roles, statuses, social structures, ethical and legal rules,
and other sociocultural components which make up their public selves. Per
formative reflexivity, too, is not mere reflex , a quick, automatic or habitual
response to some stimulus. It is highly contrived, artificial, of culture not
nature, a deliberate and voluntary work of art. A reflex would presuppose
realism, a picturing of people and things as it is thought in that culture they
really are, without idealization or fantasization. But, of course, in art and
literature even realism is a matter of artifice and what is real is ultimately a mat
ter of cultural definition. Nevertheless, cultural realism, however unreal, is
some way from what I consider to be the dominant genres of cultural perfor
Mance
Since the relationship between quotidian or workaday social process (in
cluding economic, political, jural, domestic, etc., interactions) and cultural per
formance is dialectical and reflexive, the pervasive quality of the latter rests on
the principle that mainstream society generates its opposite; that we are, in fact,
concerned in cultural performances with a topsy-turvy, inverted, to some ex
tent sacred (in the sense of set apart, hedged around with taboo and mystery)
Pgina 29
25 Victor Turner
domain of human action.

For such a domain to be truly reflexive, where the same person(s) are both
subject and object, violence has to be done to commonsense ways of classifying
the world and society. The self is split up the middleit is something that one
both is
otro. It and that one
is, again, notsees and, of
a matter furthermore, acts
doting upon or upon
piningasover
though it were
the projected
self (as Narcissus did over the face in the pool) but of acting upon the self-made-
other in such a way as to transform it. I am speaking in the singular; in practice,
we are dealing with social and plural phenomena. Ritual and drama involves
selves, not self; yet the aggregate of selves in a given community or society is
often thought of, metaphorically, as a self. Nevertheless, in practice, the plural
reflexivity involved allows freeplay to a greater variability of action: actors can
be so subdivided as to allocate to some the roles of agents of transformation
and to others those of persons undergoing transformation.
This opposition between social life and dominant genre is also related to
what I have called in several publications liminality. A Itmen, as the great
French ethnologist and folklorist Arnold van Gennep has pointed out, is a
"threshold," and he uses the term to denote the central of three phases in what
he called rites of passage. He looked at a wide variety of ritual forms, taken
from most regions and many periods of history, and found in them a tripartite
processual form. Rituals separated specified members of a group from everyday
life, placed them in a limbo that was not any place they were in before and not
yet any place they would be in, then returned them, changed in some way, to
mundane life. The second phase, marginality or liminality, is what interests us
here, though, in a very cogent sense, the whole ritual process constitutes a
threshold between secular living and sacred living. The dominant genres of per
formance in societies at all levels of scale and complexity tend to be liminal
fenmenos. They are performed in privileged spaces and times, set off from the
periods and areas reserved for work, food and sleep. You can call these sacred
if you like, provided that you recognize that they are the scenes of play and ex
perimentation, as much as of solemnity and rules. Western views of ritual have
been greatly influenced by Puritanism. At any rate both the performances and
their settings may be likened to loops in a linear progression, when the social
flow bends back on itself, in a way does violence to its own development,
meanders, inverts, perhaps lies to itself, and puts everything so to speak into
the subjunctive mood as well as the reflexive voice. Just as the subjunctive
mood of a verb is used to express supposition, desire, hypothesis, or possibility,
rather than stating actual facts, so do liminality and the phenomena of liminali
ty dissolve all factual and commonsense systems into their components and
play with them in ways never found in nature or in custom, at least at the
level of direct perception.
One may perhaps distinguish between secret and public liminality, between
performative genres that are secluded from the gaze of the mass and those that
Pgina 30
involve their participation not only as audience but also as actorstaking

place, moreover, in the squares of the city, the heart of the village, not away in
the bush, hidden in a cave, or secreted in a catacomb or cellar. I have discussed
elsewhere various forms of secluded or isolated liminalitywhich again
withdraw a selected group or category of persons from the wider societymen,
women, adolescents, sometimes members of an elite of birth or wealthin
order to raise them to a higher rung of some structural ladder, inwardly
transformed to match their outward elevation (most initiations are of this sort)
and other rites which are concerned with reclassifying persons who are to pass
through the life-crisis of birth, betrothal, puberty, marriage, elderhood, and
deathas these are culturally defined. Here, though, the spotlight will be on
farms of liminality in theory accessible to all or most members of a given group,
where the subject matter of the performative genres involved will be their
shared lives as seen from various anglessome of them quite new to audience
and actors. The great genres, ritual, carnival, drama, spectacle, possess in com
mon a temporal structure which interdigitates constant with variable features,
and allows a place for spontaneous invention and improvisation in the course
of any given performance. The prejudice that ritual is always rigid,
stereotyped, obsessive is a peculiarly Western European one, the product of
specific conflicts between ritualists and antiritualists, iconophiles and
iconoclasts, in the process of Christian infighting. Anyone who has known
African ritual knows betteror Balinese or Singhalese or Amerindian.
Let us look at the relationship between social and ritual processes in
nonliterate cultures of some complexitysuch as the Swazi, Maya, or Pueblo
Indianswith particular focus on calendrical or solstitial public ceremonies,
such as first fruits, harvest, sowing, etc. I also intend to scan the dynamic rela
tionship between popular festivity, such as the Careme-Carnaval cycle in
France and the Mardi Gras masquerades in Brazil and Trinidad and what
Geertz has called the pattern of life which informs them with meaningin
many cases the superimposition of new on traditional patterns, leading to the
analysis of two world views in a single universe of symbolic actionexpressed
in the performance of popular festivity. We are now out of tribal and into
medieval-feudal and early modern society.
In complex societies with some degree of urbanization stage drama emerges in
its various subgenres, as a performative mode sui generis. Drama is derived from
the Greek dran, to do, which itself derives from the Indo-European base *dra-,
to work. Interestingly, as I have written in various publications, in many
societies ritual, too, is described as work, and the term liturgy," prescribed
forms for public ritual action, also derives from Greek terms meaning people,
leos, and work, ergon. Work is indeed performed by these reflexive genres, the
work of sustaining cherished social and cultural principles and forms, and also
of turning them upside down and examining them by various metalanguages,
not all of them verbal. One can work in the subjunctive mood as seriously as in
Pgina 31
27 Victor Turner
the indicativemaking worlds that never were on land or sea but that might
be, could be, may be, and bringing in all the tropes, metaphor, metonymy,
synecdoche, etc., to endow these alternative worlds with magical, festive, or
sacred power, suspending disbelief and remodeling the terms of belief.
Dramas, at their simplest, are literary compositions that tell a story, usually
of human conflict, by means of dialogue and action, and are performed by ac
tors'' and presented to an audience, the nature and degree of whose involve
ment and participation varies from culture to culture. Unlike rituals and car
nivals they tend to be assigned to individual authors though there are
numerous examples of folk dramas and puppet theatre where the playwrights
are anonymous. Yet, in performance a drama is a social performance involving
muchos. A drama is never really complete, as its etymology suggests, until it is
performed, that is, acted on some kind of a stage before an audience. UN
theatrical audience sees the material of real life presented in meaningful form.
Of course, it is not just a matter of simplifying and ordering emotional and
cognitive experiences which in real life are chaotic. It is more a matter of rais
ing problems about the ordering principles deemed acceptable in real life.
Various theories exist about the origin of drama. Some see it coming out of
religious ritual and myths which are ritual's charter. Others see it originating
in choral hymns of praise sung at the tomb of a dead hero. At some point, a
speaker was distinguished from the chorus singing the paean. The speaker
acted out in dramatic mimetic gestures the key deeds in the hero's life. los
acted part, it is held, became more elaborate and the chorus's role attenuated.
Ultimately, the stories were performed as plays, their origins forgotten.
More secular theories exist. Some see drama coming out of story-telling
round the old camp fire where hunting or raiding achievements were vividly
and dramatically retold with miming of the events and roles. Whatever its
origins, which probably vary from society to society, drama tends to become a
way of scrutinizing the quotidian worldseeing it as tragedy, comedy,
melodrama, etc., in the West, according to Aristotelian categories and their
subsequent development in different cultures of that tradition (plot, character,
thought, diction, music, and spectacle, and their subdivisions); and in other
traditions, such as the Japanese Noh and Kabuki, as concerned with the
aesthetics of salvation and honor as well.
I hope to scrutinize some isolable dramatic forms or movements; in England,
for example, medieval morality plays, Elizabethan drama (Marlowe, Lyly,
Shakespeare, Jonson), Stuart drama (Jonson, Webster, Beaumont and Fletcher,
the later Shakespeare, etc.), Restoration drama (from the reopening of the
theatres after the Puritan ban which lasted from 1642-1660) which included the
works of Etherege, Congreve, Otway and Drydennot to mention Wycherly,
Colley Cibber and Sir John Vanbrugh, eighteenth-century drama (especially
Steele, Gay, Goldsmith, and Sheridan), and the rise of Realism in the late nine
teenth century (Shaw and Wilde). In France, of course, there is the neoclassical
Pgina 32
drama of Corneille and Racine in the tragic, and Moliere in the comedic
modes, the Enlightenment tragedy of Voltaire and Diderot and the comedy
of Marivaux and Beaumarchais, to be followed by the Romanticist drama of
Victor Hugo and Alfred de Musset. In Italy in the 1500s there was the folk
drama of the Commedia dell'Arte which followed a scenario rather than a writ
ten dialogue and became one of the most potent influences in shaping comedy
throughout Europe in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuriesand still
reverberates in modern theatre. Masks, roles, and troupes remained
remarkably constant in this tradition. Molifere and Shakespeare were influ
enced by the genre. Spain had its Golden Age of theatre in the sixteenth cen
tury with Lope de Vega and in the seventeenth century with Calderdn,
though decline set in on Calder6n's death in 1681. One of my own favorites is
the Japanese Noh theatre which originated in the 1300s, achieved its present
farm in the 1600s, and still continues. The Japanese Bunraku Doll theatre and
Kabuki theatre developed in the 1600s, especially that of Chikamatsu Mon-
zaemon in the Genroku period between 1688-1703, equivalent to the
Elizabethan
New Comedy,theatre.
Roman And, of course,
Tragedy there is Greek
and Comedy, Tragedy,
the Indian Old whose
Theatre Comedy and
great
figure is Kalidasa (373-415) author of Shakuntala (and of Ujjain in Central In
dia), the great Russian Theatre of Gogol, Turgeniev and Chekhov, and the
Scandinavian Theatre of Ibsen and Strindberg. In the twentieth century
Western Europe and America lost many of its national, localized characteristics
and became identified with transnational literary, political, and philosophical
movements, so that we have Symbolist theatre, represented, for example, by
Maurice Maeterlinck of Belgium; Expressionism, by Georg Kaiser of Germany
(1878-1945) who rejected Stefan George's art for art's sake, was author of From
Mom to Midnight, and who defined the new man as of infinite potential and in
herent potentiality; Strindberg of Sweden and Eugene O'Neill and Elmer Rice
of the USA; Brecht and the German Epic Theatre; the Realistic Tradition of
Sean O'Casey in Ireland; Arthur Miller in the USA and John Osborne in
England; and the fascinating Theatre of the Absurd of Sartre and Genet in
France, Ionesco, a Rumanian settled in France, Pinter in England, and the Irish
exile in France, Samuel Beckett.
In all these casesand of course there are many moretake Chinese drama,
for examplethe aesthetic drama of the age can be only partially understood
and hence appreciated if the social, political, and economic factors are
overlooked. What we are looking for here is not so much the traditional preoc
cupation with text alone but text in context, and not in a static structuralist
context but in the living context of dialectic between aesthetic dramatic pro
cesses and sociocultural processes in a given place and time. In other words, it
would be necessary to do some homework on the history, social history, and
cultural history of the worlds which encompass the dramatic traditions we are
considering. And also on the history and sociology of the ideas which im-
Pgina 33
29 Victor Turner
pregnate these dramas. This does not mean any rejection of the pleasures of the
text, but rather a refinement of those pleasures through the increased in
telligibility gained by study of the cultures in which dramas arose, through
what Geertz would call an unpacking of the meaning of key terms, and
through an understanding of the social and political processes to which the
dramas bear direct or oblique witness.
For example, Edie and I are working on a paper* which discusses the Noh
play, Aoi No Uye, presented in the fifteenth century, but based on a celebrated
incident in the novel by Lady Murasaki, The Tale of Genji, from which
materials for many Noh dramas were drawn. This will involve a look at several
literary genres, (novel, poem, play), at two periods of Japanese history (the
Heian, in which Murasaki wrote, and the Muromachi, The Dual Dynasties"
period, in which the Noh drama first appears, and receives not only its
dramatic ally but also theoretically finest expression in the work of Zeami, who
was an actor, composer, playwright, and critiche created a theatre of sugges
tion in which meaning was implied rather than stated, and in which various
types and levels of framing and discipline brought to an intense emotional
focus basic human problems). Not only will this study involve the delineation
of sociocultural and political contexts but it will also necessitate some study of
the Shugendo cult of mountain ascetics, for one of these helps to save the soul
of the ghost of one of the protagonists. This shifting of genres from novel to
drama gives the playwright an additional opportunity to be reflexive" about
the values of Muromachi societyit was also the age of Zen and the
preponderance of Samurai values.
The general study of dramatic forms might include other performative tradi
tionsfor examples, as I mentioned earlier, the Commedia dell'Arte, the Italian
comedy, which already in the sixteenth century existed alongside the regular or
legitimate theatre, and which, migrating to France, influenced not only the
farces and high comedy of Molifcre (1622-1673) but also migrating across the
Atlantic penetrated folk celebrations like the Trinidadian and other Caribbean
carnivals, to which it gave such traditional masks as Pierrot Grenade. In Com
media dell'Arteat the opposite pole to that other masked tradition, the Noh
Dramaall is improvisation, spontaneity, the scripts are scanty. Enormous
scope is allowed for social and cultural satire and critique.
It would be important to examine that archtheatre of what I call the liminoid
(successor of the liminal in complex large-scale societies, where individuality
and optation in art have in theory supplanted collective and obligatory ritual
performances), Antonin Artaud's spiritual progeny, the Theatre of Cruelty
and the Theatre of the Absurd. Let me quote briefly from his The Theater and
Its Double (1958 (1938]:90-91).
The question, then, for the theater, is to create a metaphysics of
speech, gesture, and expression, in order to rescue it from its servitude
to psychology, and human interest. But all this can be of no use
'Included in this volume as Rokujo's Jealousy: Liminality and the Performative Genres (pp. 99-
iri'
Pgina 34 The Anthropology of Performance 30
unless behind this effort there is some kind of real metaphysical in

clination, an appeal to certain unhabitual ideas, which by their very
nature cannot be limited or even formally depicted. These ideas,
which touch on Creation, Becoming, and Chaos, are all of a cosmic
order and furnish a primary notion of a domain from which the
theater is now entirely alien. They are able to create a kind of pas
sionate equation between Man, Society, Nature, and Objects.
It is not, moreover, a question of bringing metaphysical ideas direct
ly on to the stage, but of creating what you might call temptations, in
draughts of air around these ideas. And humor with its anarchy,
poetry with its symbolism and its images, furnish a basic notion of
ways to channel the temptation of these ideas ... by positive means
(means of spellbinding music, dance, pantomime, mimicry, turning
words into incantations, etc.), the sensitivity is put in a state of
deepened and keener perception, and this is the very object of the
magic and the rites of which the theater is only a reflection.
The group of European and American dramatists, mainly of the 1950s and
60s, who held in common a sense of metaphysical anguish at what they regard
ed as the absurdity of the human condition, and who esteemed Artaud as their
voice, were represented by Eugene Ionesco, Samuel Beckett, Jean Genet, Fer
nando Arrabal, NF Simpson, and Harold Pinter. Although the theatre of the
absurd seems to have died a quiet death, it appears, rather like one of the
witchfinding movements which periodically swept Central African village
society, as a liberating force on conventional drama.
Some of the problems that beset the study of the Commedia dell'Arte reap
pear when we take a look at the screenplay, the written version of a motion pic
turefor the Renaissance Italian and modem panindustrial genres exist truly
not as literature but in performance. A screenplay, formally, is a generic term
for any transcription of a complete film, short or long, story, document, or car
toon. No fixed form is considered mandatory. But a screenplay must be detail
ed enough to encompass whatever dialogue is used, with a description of ac
tion, movement, settings, backgrounds, transitions, and sounds. If one looks at
published screenplaysfor example, by Bergman, Antonioni, Fellini, Kubrick,
etc., one sees at once the difficulty of translating sights and sounds into
languagethis difficulty, by the way, also haunts the anthropologist of ritual.
In fact, the only element in a motion picture directly translatable or reproduci
ble is the dialogue: the other elements require interpretation. The screenwriter
may stress what he calls the color or texture, the vivid quality or structural
quality, of the cinematic events, or he may emphasize technical factors, such as
camera angles, lighting and lenses, contrasting images and transitions, and the
use of sounds and music. Behind all of this, of course, is the screenwriters
estimate of the relationship of cinema to other art formsthe novel, stage
Pgina 35
31 Victor Turner
drama, epic, painting, etc. The very term screenplay suggests that an analogy
is being drawn between stage play and film performance. But this is a com
parison, 1 think, that is hard to sustain. Cinema comes back again to ritual
almost, in the great length of time and elaborate organization needed. Escenario
plays are relatively simple by comparison. The starting point of a movie may be
a written text of some kind, but this is rarely what we eventually buy as a
screenplay. The beginning text may be just somebody's good idea, or it may be
based on a novel, a play, a biography, or a historical incidenteven a contem
porary incident like the Entebbe Raid. But when a screenwriter is assigned the
task of developing this material, he is by no means free to indulge his personal
Muse. He has been hired to do a job. The job entails discussing what he writes
at every stage with the producer, the director, and other persons involved in
the business or technical side of the film. His first task is to get out a brief
synopsis, followed by a longer outline called a treatment. Indeed, several
drafts may be called for, requiring the services not of one but several writers.
Economic and technical considerationscharacteristic of this technological,
postindustrial epochimpose constraints on this draftwriting process, such as
cost of production, availability of performers, shooting schedules, suitable loca
tions, etc. When the director gets into the act, he must remain within the limits
of his budget and try to meet each day's projected quota of scenes. Despite these
constraints the director, as against the screenplay writer, has a great deal of
control over what happens and he can improvise and modify in living response
to the conditions of production, camera setups, actors' temperaments, unex
pected lighting effects, and other contingencies and vicissitudes. Then there is
the editing process, exercised literally on the strips of celluloid which distill the
activities mentioned. A musical score is introduced; there must be a creative
matching of images and sounds. What has happened after all this to the
original screenplay? It seems to have faded like an insubstantial pageant. But,
indeed, it has been absorbed into a multigenred and multicoded and collective
ly orchestrated finished product, the concentrated essence of all the processes
that have acted upon the original unidimensional script. Perhaps we can now
speak of it as having a creative life of its own. Certainly the Three Screenplays of
Fellini (1970: 1 Vitelloni, II Biclone, and The Temptations of Doctor Antonio) have
this qualitysomething more than a stenographic record of the producers
manipulation of the camerasomething, rather, available for interpretation,
just as a play's scenario is to be interpreted.
It must be remembered that in terms of storage systems film outlasts drama.
Stage rehearsals lead to a creative event that is ephemeral in the sense that it
can be repeated N times, each time being unique and different from the others,
while a film is a permanent record on a perforated ribbon of celluloid. los
director imposes his stamp much more finally on film than play, where writers
and actors may counterpoise a producer's efforts. Nevertheless, for the purpose
of this discussion we have to admit that both drama and film are collaborative,
Pgina 36
social performative systems. Dudley Nicols, in his part of the Introduction

(with John Gassner) of Twenty Best Film Plays ( 1943), wrote that the making of a
film is a series of creations ... a vast collaboration in which, if you have ever
achieved a satisfactory film, you must accept a humble part." Even although
the collaboration must always have a dominant will and personality, ie, the
director, there has to be a sympathy and shared attitude among all concerned
in this work of public liminality and social creativeness.
I have often tried to analyze the effect which the script of Fellini's II
Bidone of which he was both writer and directorhad and has on
meespecially the last two scenes (the final act of conmanship of the old
disreputable swindler Augusto dressed as a Monsignor extracting a peasants
savings for his own daughter and suddenly moved by his conversation with the
peasant's own paralytic daughter to renounce not the 350,000 lire but his
general life of hypocrisy; followed by the savage beating up of Augusto left for
dead by his accomplices when they find the money he claims to have given
back to the old man in the sole of his shoe; and completed by what Fellini calls
the attainment of Augusto's salvation when having dragged himself up a
rocky slope in a sort of parody of the paradigm of the via crucis he sees a little
group of children pass by him without seeing him. His last words are: Wait for
me . . . I'm coming ... I'm coming with you.") It struck me that whereas the
stage dramatist often has his creative flash or satori before the production pro
cess, a filmmaker like Fellini has his in the actual plural reflexivity of the film-
making process itself-and it is the trace of this flash which is inscribed in the
guin. The one precedes, the other follows the rehearsals. And, of course, the
movie reaches thousands of viewers, and they interpret it in thousands of ways.
I mention these cases merely to give an impression of the range of topics
available when we scrutinize the ongoing reciprocal relationships between the
sociocultural process and major genres of ritual and dramatic performance from
the standpoint of public liminality and the development of reflexive
metalanguages.
Referencias
Artaud, Antonin. 1958 [1938]. The Theater and Its Double. New York: Grove Press.
Fellini, Federico. 1970. Three Screenplays. New York: Orion.
Gulliver, Philip. 1971. Neighbors and Networks. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Nicols, Dudley, and Gassner, John. 1943. Introduction, Twenty Best Film Plays.
Singer, Milton. 1972. When a Great Tradition Modernizes. New York: Praeger.
Pgina 37
33
Social Dramas in Brazilian Umbanda:
The Dialectics of Meaning
Anthropologists' notebooks are charged with accounts of discriminable se

quences of events for which their spontaneous temporal ordering is crucial for
anlisis. It is only in relatively stable societies, occupying a single region for
many generations, that such sequences may for some purposes be regarded as
variant expressions of an invariant cultural grammar and lexicon of customary
elementos. In periods of major sociocultural change the grammar and lexicon
themselves may be irreversibly altered by potent processes of social action. yo
mention this generative capacity of certain spontaneous series of vivid in
teractional events because fieldwork experience has shown me that "meaning
is not mere cognitive hindsight but something existentially emergent from the
entanglement of persons wholly engaged in issues of basic concern to the cen
tral or representative actors, the formulators of positions or life-stances. Cierto,
narratives abound after the event, they explain that event, extol it, ethicize it,
excuse it, deprecate it, repudiate it, name it as a significant marker of collective
life-experience, as a model for future behavior. Indeed, such narratives become
scripts or arguments to be used by the instigators of new sequences, and equally
by those who aim to rebut them. One social drama, as I have called an objec
tively isolable sequence of social interactions of a conflictive, competitive or
agonistic type, may provide materials for many stories, depending upon the
social-structural, political, psychological, philosophical, and, sometimes,
theological perspectives of the narrators. It must also be remembered that
stories are told at least as much to entertain as to instruct or interpret, and that
some sequences of events are intrinsically more diverting or interesting than
otros. The problem, of course, remains of how to account for the fact that the
social drama is processually structured before any story about it has been told.

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Antropología Del Performance

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31/8/2017 El el el el el el el el el el el el

La Antropologa del Desempeo Victor Turner

El trabajo de Victor Turner ha ayudado a allanar el camino para una nueva

Sobre la antropologa DE EJECUCIN

'' En esta coleccin pstuma, Turner contina su bsqueda de 'una

EN DE ritual para THEA TRE

"Turner mir ms all de su disciplina rutinaria a una antropologa de ex

"Uno de los libros recientes sobresalientes en estudios educativos."

"Un sello de este pequeo volumen es la contemporaneidad de su enfoque."

"Este elfo intelectual irrefrenable es raro entre los cientficos sociales".

C 1987, 1988 Derechos de Autor de Publicaciones de PAJ

Prefacio de Richard Schechner

Este es el cuarto volumen de la serie Performance Studies editada por Richard

INTRODUCCIN GENERAL A LA SERIE DE ESTUDIOS DE RENDIMIENTO

LTIMA AVENTURA DEL VICTOR TURNER 7

DRAMAS SOCIALES EN UMB BRASILEO Y A 33

LA ANTROPOLOGA DEL RENDIMIENTO 72

EL CELOSO DE ROKUJO: LIMINALIDAD Y 99

CARNAVAL EN RIO: DIONYSIAN DRAMA 123

EJEMPLO DE LA ETNOGRAFA 139

CUERPO, CEREBRO Y CULTURA 156

La ltima aventura de Victor Turner

Fig. 1: La evolucin de los gneros culturales de actuacin: de "Liminal" a "Liminoide".

y antiestructura pueblan la mayor parte de su escritura desde el bosque de smbolos

La nocin de liminalidad al cerebro mismo. Para l, el cerebro humano es un

Cul es el papel del cerebro como rgano para la adecuada mezcla de

[. . .] Si la ritualizacin, segn lo discutido por Huxley, Lorenz, y otros

Movimiento y sentimiento (los dos primeros de la triunidad de MacLean) son en su mayora

Turner explica la experiencia del ritual: el clebre sentimiento de

Postulan que la actividad rtmica del ritual, ayudada por el sonido,

El experimento de Grotowski como paradigma de la coadaptacin: para Grotowski es trabajo

Estoy hablando realmente de una poblacin global de cerebros que hab

In finding a place for it in-and-out of the evolutionary-neurological program,

New York, February 1985, August 1986.

Images and Reflections:

In anthropology there has been a noticeable shift in theoretical emphasis in

The Anthropology of Performance 24

domain of human action.

involve their participation not only as audience but also as actorstaking

unless behind this effort there is some kind of real metaphysical in

social performative systems. Dudley Nicols, in his part of the Introduction

Social Dramas in Brazilian Umbanda:

Anthropologists' notebooks are charged with accounts of discriminable se

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