Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice and Training is a publication of the Prevention Section of

the Society for Counseling Psychology. The publication is dedicated to the dissemination of information on prevention theory,
research, practice and training in counseling psychology, stimulating prevention scholarship, promoting collaboration between
counseling psychologists engaged in prevention, and encourages student scholars. The publication focuses on prevention in specific
domains (e.g., college campuses) employing specific modalities (e.g., group work), and reports summaries of epidemiological and
preventive intervention research. All submissions to the publication undergo blind review by an editorial board jury, and those
selected for publication are distributed nationally through electronic and hard copies.

Editor
Julie M. Koch, Oklahoma State University

Editorial Board Chair

Sally M. Hage, Springfield College

Production Editor
Jonathan P. Schwartz, University of Houston

Members of the Editorial Board

Aimee Arikian, The Emily Program
Kimberly Burdine, Texas Tech University
Stephanie Chapman, Baylor College of Medicine
Robert Conyne, University of Cincinnati
Simon Chung, Toronto, Canada
Michael Gale, University at Albany
Arthur Horne, University of Georgia
LeRoy Reese, Morehouse School of Medicine
Chandra Story, Oklahoma State University
Ellen Vaughan, Indiana University

Editorial Assistants
Fae Frederick, Oklahoma State University
Brenda Martin-Tousignant, Springfield College

Submission Guidelines
The Prevention Section of the Society of Counseling Psychology publishes Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social
Action, Practice and Training. This is a blind peer-reviewed publication presenting scholarly work in the field of prevention that is
distributed nationally. Contributions can focus on prevention theory, research, practice or training, or a combination of these topics.
We welcome student submissions. As a publication of the Prevention Section of Division 17, presentations and awards sponsored by
the section will be highlighted in these issues. We will also publish condensed reviews of research or theoretical work pertaining to the
field of prevention. All submissions need to clearly articulate the prevention nature of the work. Submissions to this publication need
to conform to APA style. All submissions must be electronically submitted. Please send your documents prepared for blind review
with a cover letter including all identifying information for our records. Submissions should be emailed to Julie Koch, Managing
Editor, at julie.koch@okstate.edu.

Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1 2
 PREVENTION AND HEALTH PROMOTION
RESEARCH, SOCIAL ACTION, PRACTICE AND TRAINING
Identity, Academic Worry, and Life Satisfaction Among Retiring College Athletes
Lindsay Murrell 4

Self-Compassion and Male Survivors: Promoting Psychological Well-Being following Childhood

Maltreatment
Dominque N. Boone, Tracy J. Cohn, Sarah L. Hastings, Janessa C. Steele 14

Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1 3
 RESEARCH, SOCIAL ACTION, PRACTICE AND TRAINING

Identity, Academic Worry, and Life Satisfaction Among Retiring College

Athletes
Lindsay Murrell
Oklahoma State University

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Lindsay Murrell, School of Applied Health and
Educational Psychology, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK 74078. Email: lindsay.murrell@okstate.edu

Abstract
Very little research has been conducted with college
athletes at the point of retirement, which therefore presents a
need for further exploration. The purpose of this article is to
provide a review of literature on the interaction between the
following three constructs: athlete identity, academic worry,
and life satisfaction. A second goal is to highlight a need for
research among these variables and build awareness for future
preventative work from a holistic, developmental framework.
Collegiate student-athletes have been identified as a high-risk
group (Ferrante, Etzel and Lantz, 2002) and previous research
has indicated an identity imbalance in student-athletes due to
rigorous training schedules and lack of participation in non-
sport related activities (Warriner & Lavallee, 2008). During
the time of retirement from collegiate sport, academic worry
and anxiety related to future goals also surface, lowering the
individuals satisfaction with life. A need for holistic
preventative services exists to help student-athletes achieve a
balanced identity. Future prevention work should be viewed
through a developmental lens, particularly through the Life
Development Intervention approach, assisting student athletes
by helping them to overcome daily stressors, identifying
strengths, encouraging problem solving thinking, and
improving coping skills.
Keywords: student-athletes, college students, athlete identity,
academic worry, life satisfaction, retirement
Introduction
Elite athletes begin training for their sport at a very
early age and continue training throughout their childhood and
adolescence. These athletes develop specific patterns of
training and become dedicated to their sport through time and
effort (Armstrong & McManus, 2011). Sacrifices have to be
made for this dedication to training (Pummell, Harwood &
Lavallee, 2008). Some children are forced to limit their
extracurricular activities to one sport, while others are put into
the position of choosing between the sport they love and
typical childhood and adolescent activities (e.g. sleepovers,
birthday parties, school dances, plays, homecoming, prom).
Such sacrifices increase the connection the adolescent has to
the sport and can sometimes increase the pressure to continue
training. From having to make so many sacrifices, one may
feel the demand of success and the pressure to succeed coming
from external sources (e.g. family, friends, coaches) or from
within (Pummell et al., 2008).
Through an intrinsic love of the sport and/or extrinsic
pressures to succeed, some adolescent athletes choose to
continue on to become college athletes. College athletes
spend numerous hours dedicated to their sport, further
increasing the connection between their sport and who they
are (Horton & Mack, 2000). This concept speaks to the
individuals level of identity, or how closely what they do
connects to who they are (Burns, Jasinski, Dunn, & Fletcher,
2012). This identity continues to build through college, a time
when playing a sport can become an athletes main focus.
However, very few athletes continue on to play professionally.

Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1 4
According to the National Collegiate Athletic Association
(2012), fewer than 2% of all college athletes continue on to
play professionally. Therefore, a vast majority of student
athletes careers come to a close their senior year of college.
Many athletes are unprepared for the day when their career
and training come to an end. This transition can be rough for
many, and depends on an athletes level of attachment to the
sport and whether other interests, outside of athletics, were
pursued (Pearson & Petitpas, 1990). If an athlete develops an
over-commitment to sport, he or she could neglect other areas
of life that may be important (Horton & Mack, 2000),
specifically academics (Ryska, 2002). The final year of
college can also be a time when an athlete develops an
increased awareness about his or her academic success.
Brown, Glastetter, and Shelton (2000) found an inverse
relationship between athletes time spent participating in sport
and self-efficacy for career decision-making.
Student-athletes are a unique population, but they
share many of the same developmental challenges as non-
athlete students. Developmentally, this emerging adulthood
age is frequently called the in-between age, as they still feel
closely tied to their parents and family, but are also seeking
independence (Arnett & Tanner, 2006). Arnett and Tanner
describe this developmental age with these features: identity
exploration, instability, self-focus, feeling in-between, and
possibilities (2006). Similarly, Petitpas and Buntrock (1995)
found that college athletes are faced with many of the same
challenges as non-athlete students including: identity conflicts,
worry about academic and career issues, social isolation,
eating disordered behaviors, and alcohol and drug use. The
amount of time student-athletes must contribute to sport
during their college career makes it difficult to process and
work through these challenges. These factors are related to
lower levels of life satisfaction in non-athlete college students
(Zullig, Heubner, & Pun, 2007) and can be detrimental to the
athletes well-being and functioning (Goldberg, 1991).
Additionally, research has indicated a link between life
satisfaction and academic retention among college students
(Frisch, et al., 2005).
Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1
Very little research has been conducted with athletes.
Therefore, there is a need for further exploration. The aim of
this article is to provide a review of literature on the
interaction between the following three constructs: athlete
identity, academic worry, and life satisfaction. A second goal
is to highlight a need for research among these variables and
build awareness for future preventative work from a holistic,
developmental framework.
Athlete Identity
The idea of identity has been circulated for many
years and has been a topic of research in connection with
several variables including life satisfaction (Burns et al.,
2012), motivation (Ryska, 2002), and coping (Grove,
Lavallee, & Gordon, 1997). One of the original creators of the
term identity was Erik Erikson (Erikson, 1959). He referred
to identity as a sense of self in different domains (Marcia,
1980). A secure ego identity involves high self-esteem, low
levels of depression, an internal locus of control, and adaptive
psychological functioning. However, an insecure ego identity,
or a loss of identity, may result in increased levels of
depression, feelings of powerlessness, and low self-esteem
(Erikson, 1959; Louis & Liem, 2005).
According to Erikson, identity is formulated in
childhood. Erikson discussed the topic of identity in his
Stages of Psychosocial Development (1950). He paired the
concept of identity with confusion during adolescence, a
time when children begin to develop a sense of self (Erikson,
1959). During this phase, adolescents feel a sense of
confusion as to who they are. As adolescents are growing and
maturing at a rapid rate, they are desperately seeking for
something to identify with (Erikson, 1959), such as being
intelligent, funny, athletic, or musical. During this stage is
when adolescents who have been training at a sport since early
childhood may adapt their identity to be an athlete, or more
specifically, align with their chosen sport. For example, a boy
who has played baseball since the age of 5 may no longer
identify as his name or as a boy, but more as a baseball player.
Others who know him may also identify him as the baseball
player, which further reinforces this connection. Crain
5
(1985) stated humans develop a sense of identity through
accomplishments in life. Identity develops out of things we
can do, not necessarily an innate sense of who we are.
Therefore, during this formation of self, an athletic identity
would be easy to adhere to, especially if an adolescent had
been particularly successful at his/her chosen sport. An
adolescents identity of being an athlete may also gain
strength during this time if an emphasis and importance were
made on training and succeeding at a sport.
Warriner and Lavallee (2008) explored self-identity
in seven elite Olympic gymnasts at the point of retirement.
For this study, the mean age of retirement was 18 years old
and, on average, the athletes began gymnastics at the age of
six. The researchers found that retirement from gymnastics
produced adjustment difficulties for six of the seven
participants. Identity loss was also intensified because of the
gymnasts heavy athletic identity during their adolescence,
which is a period of identity searching. Additionally, these
gymnasts displayed a sense of identity confusion, feeling a
sense of uncertainty about who they were outside of
gymnastics. Many of these athletes had difficulty
distinguishing between being a gymnast and being a person
who participated in gymnastics. Athletes who consider
themselves as being gymnasts define their identity in a way
that limits the characterization of who they are. In other
words, these athletes have little awareness of other parts of
self that exist (e.g. student, daughter, son, friend, classmate).
The sport becomes their only source of self-definition, and
after retirement, many athletes feel lost and isolated (Warriner
& Lavalle, 2008). The results of Warriner and Lavalles work
showed a connection to Eriksons work on adolescent identity
development, and revealed the importance of developing a
secure, well-rounded identity (2008).
Erikson also discussed the process of developing
ones identity as a lifelong, unconscious process (Erikson,
1959). Even though the adolescent years appear to be a time
of identity crisis for many, the college years can be another
time of confusion. Making life decisions can be difficult, and
individuals often feel a pressure to make long-term decisions
Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1
while in college (Owens et al, 2012). Referring to Eriksons
research, Crain (1985, p. 169) stated, young people are often
painfully aware of their inability to make lasting
commitments. They feel that there is too much to decide too
soon, and that every decision reduces their future
alternatives. This information is very relevant to the college
population, where students are required to choose a major and
select a career path. This decision can feel overwhelming for
many, as it feels permanent and unchangeable. For many
athletes, choosing a major may not be a focal point of their
college career. In fact, a career choice may not even be on the
radar until the realization that an athletic career is not
permanent (Pearson & Petitpas, 1990). In many situations,
this may not begin to be a consideration until an athletes final
college season, during their senior year.
In addition to Eriksons research on identity, other
research has been conducted to connect the concept of identity
to the select population of athletes. Pearson and Petitpas
(1990) found that the process of disengagement from a sport
can be difficult for an athlete. Further, a strong connection to
an athletic identity is associated with low coping resources and
inhibited decision-making skills (Pearson & Petitpas, 1990).
Webb, Nasco, Riley and Headrick (1998) also
explored a larger dynamic associated with athletic identity:
fame or public status. There comes a point when an athlete
recognizes that his or her identity is tied to a larger community
(e.g. the team, the university, the country). Further, the
esteem of this larger community can rise and fall depending
on the performance of the athlete (Webb et al., 1998). The
public acclaim quickly becomes a larger part of the athletes
identity. The athlete then begins to carry a high degree of
social status, and being praised on a daily basis becomes a
new standard of living (Webb et al., 1998). Therefore, at the
time of retirement, this collective public acclaim is also lost,
further isolating the individual.
Grove, Lavalle, and Gordon (1997) investigated the
relationship between athletic identity and coping with
retirement from sport. With a sample of 48 elite athletes, the
average age for beginning competitive sports was nine years
6
old and the mean age of retirement was 25 years old. Grove
and colleagues found that at the time of retirement a
relationship between athletic identity and anxiety about career
decision-making existed. Additionally, they found that
individuals who had a strong athletic identity also reported
using coping strategies such as: mental disengagement,
behavioral disengagement, and venting of emotions (Grove et
al., 1997). Although these coping skills may be effective in
the beginning stages of coping, the authors stated that
prolonged use of these techniques may be less productive,
even hindering decision-making skills (Grove et al., 1997).
During the time of retirement, which for most college athletes
is during their senior year, if athletes are experiencing an
increase in anxiety about career decision-making and have an
ineffective means for venting emotion, a spike in what is
known as academic worry may become evident.
Academic Worry
Worry is an emotion defined as feeling or
experiencing concern or anxiety (Merriam-Webster, 2002).
Another source defines worry as predominately involving
anxious affect during repetitive thought about future threats
(Borkovec, Robinson, Pruzinsky, & DePree, 1983).
According to the American College Health Association
(ACHA), over 50% of college students felt overwhelmingly
anxious within a 12-month period (2012). Researchers have
indicated that academic stress contributes to anxiety and
depression among college students (Aldwin & Greenberger,
1987).
A study by Yadusky-Holahan and Holahan (1983)
examined the effect of academic stress on gifted high school
students. The sample consisted of twelfth-grade students from
a public high school. The researchers found, when specific
stressors exist (e.g., a demanding academic workload and/or a
change in social status), anxiety and depression are
heightened. Although gifted high school students are a
different population than college athletes, there may be an
overlapping characteristic: pressure to succeed. As discussed
previously, part of the athletic identity relates to an idea of
community acclaim and receiving praise on a consistent basis
Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1
(Webb et al, 1998). Though the praise may be given for
different reasons, individuals enrolled in gifted programs may
feel a similar feeling of external praise, increasing their
pressure for success. During a period of athletic retirement
from sport, athletes can feel these same stressors. A
demanding academic workload is already a present stressor for
college students. Additionally, athletes will experience a
major change in social status as they transition from being
labeled as athletes by their respective community to being
labeled as non-athletes or former athletes (Grove et al., 1997).
In another study, researchers assessed the relationship
between anxiety and performance and found that anxiety
adversely affected performance (Owens et al., 2012). Though
this research evaluated test performance, it is likely that this
connection may be generalized to other areas where
performance is a consideration. For the athlete population,
this may be extremely relevant given that an athletes main
purpose revolves around performance. An inherent aspect of
competitive athletics is the need for athletes to meet the
demands of competition and to perform well under pressure
(Craft, Magyar, Becker, & Feltz, 2003, p. 44).
The strength of an athletes identity may also relate to
level of performance. Positive affect, including feelings of
accomplishment and success, increases when an athlete
performs well (Craft et al., 2003). However, Martens, Vealey
and Burton (1990) found that a failure for athletes to perform
at expected demands is heavily correlated with increased
levels of both cognitive and somatic state anxiety. The
authors defined cognitive anxiety as the mental component of
anxiety caused by negative expectations about success or
by negative self-evaluation (Martens et al., p. 6). This
research highlights areas for future research that is necessary
in understanding how to decrease levels of anxiety and
improve performance. It may also have implications for
understanding the relationship between academic worry and
academic performance.
Worry has been found to be a mediating variable
between negative affect and academic performance.
Individuals who experienced more worry about tests also
7
performed lower academically (Owens et al., 2012). Anxiety
and depression are both associated with higher levels of worry
and that in turn worry is related to lowered academic
performance (Owens et al., p. 438). It seems likely that the
two dynamics, (a) loss of ones athletic identity and (b) an
increase in academic worry, could intensify one another. In
other words, losing a part of ones identity increases feelings
of isolation, depression and confusion. Given the direct
relationship between depression, anxiety and worry (Owens et
al., 2012), it may be plausible that an athletes retirement from
sport could also further strengthen feelings of academic worry,
if already present. Similarly, high levels of academic worry
could also exaggerate feelings of depression and isolation
during a period of identity transition, which can be a
contributing factor to lowered life satisfaction (Pilcher, 1998).
Life Satisfaction
According to Diener (1984), life satisfaction is
defined as the cognitive evaluation of ones life. Kovacs
(2007) found that social activity, standard of living, leisure
participation and job satisfaction are all heavily linked to life
satisfaction. College athletes are involved in social activity
through being part of a team, and they are held to a higher
standard of living, having to constantly perform at peak levels
while maintaining an appropriate grade point average.
Therefore, it may be assumed that life satisfaction would be
higher for this population. However, college athletes are also
faced with many challenges that can interfere with life
satisfaction including: identity conflicts, worry about
academic and career issues, social isolation, eating disordered
behaviors, and alcohol and drug use (Petitpas & Buntrock,
1995). Although being part of an athletic team can provide a
certain level of social support, it may also hinder the athlete
from developing relationships outside of his or her athletic
environment. This can create an over-commitment to sport,
reinforcing the identity of being an athlete and further
isolating the athlete from other important areas of life (Horton
& Mack, 2000). Additionally, participation in leisure
activities may be limited due to the athletes busy schedule.
Therefore, these factors may contribute to how the athlete
Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1
cognitively evaluates his or her life, and may also have
contributing effects on his or her physical and emotional
health. These associations could suggest a link to life
satisfaction, but unfortunately, very little research has been
done with collegiate athletes relating to life satisfaction to
confirm this.
Life satisfaction has been investigated among non-
athlete college students in reference to career choice. Duffy
and Sedlacek (2010) identify a dimension of life satisfaction
known as career calling, or work that defines ones life
purpose. They found that students who believed in having a
specific calling also displayed higher levels of life satisfaction.
In other words, individuals who identify a purpose in life and
work toward that purpose seem to be more satisfied with their
lives as a whole. Some athletes may heavily identify with
being an athlete (Horton & Mack, 2000), and therefore, may
consider their chosen sport to be a career calling of their life
purpose. Yet, given the low percentages of athletes who
continue on to play professionally (NCAA, 2012), this calling
may end quickly, which could have a tremendous effect on life
satisfaction, as a loss of athletic identity and a surfacing of
academic worry would likely present itself (Grove, Lavalle, &
Gordon, 1997).
Valois, Zullig, Heubner, and Drane (2004) found that
a relationship exists between physical activity, sport
participation, and life satisfaction in high school students. In
other words, adolescents who are engaged in a sport tend to
view their life as enjoyable. One hypothesis is that
engagement in sport increases social activity, which is linked
to higher levels of life satisfaction (Kovacs, 2007). However,
many differences exist between high school and college
athletes including rate of competition, the prevalence of
training and workouts, and difficulty balancing academics and
athletics. Collegiate athletes have a higher demand of
responsibilities, and more pressure to perform optimally.
They also make more sacrifices for devotion to training
(Pummell et al., 2008) as compared to high school athletes.
Therefore, college athletes may show varying results if this
study were to be replicated.
8
 One of the few studies investigating life satisfaction
in college athletes is that conducted by Malinauskas (2010).
Malinauskas found that many factors are likely to impact an
athletes life satisfaction including life event stress, injury, and
social support. Additionally, greater perceived stress is
associated with diminished life satisfaction for athletes
experiencing a major injury (Malinauskas, 2010). Major
injuries can be career ending for college athletes, as a typical
college career only lasts four years. Therefore, this may not
just be the loss of a career, but also a loss of the athletes
identity. Other forms of forced retirement (e.g., an athlete not
chosen to play professionally, ineligibility) can also contribute
to the athletes satisfaction with life. Furthermore, there are
many things that can be perceived as stressful for a student-
athlete, such as managing time and busy schedules,
performance pressures, pressure to succeed academically, and
preparing career goals for the future. These stressors play a
major part in the life satisfaction of the athlete. Helpful
coping mechanisms such as social support outside of the
athlete environment, as well as a healthy balanced identity, are
necessary components of the athletes life, particularly during
a period of retirement from sport. Otherwise, critical mental
health consequences can surface including feelings of
depression and anxiety (Owens et al., 2012), feelings of
isolation (Warriner & Lavalle, 2008), eating disorders
(Pearson & Rivers, 2006), or using drugs and alcohol to cope
(Petitpas & Buntrock, 1995). Figure 1 (See Appendix A)
illustrates the proposed interrelationships between athletic
identity, academic worry, and life satisfaction.
Gaps in Literature
There has been substantial research on the topic of
identity, and more specifically, athlete identity. However,
research relating to academic worry and life satisfaction in the
college population is scarce. There is much research on
Erikson's theory of identity (Erikson, 1959) in relation to other
constructs including: life satisfaction (Burns et al, 2012),
motivation (Ryska, 2002), and coping (Grove, Lavallee, &
Gordon, 1997). Literature on athlete identity is also prevalent,
including research on professional athlete identity post
Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1
retirement (Grove, Lavallee, & Gordon, 1997; Warriner &
Lavallee, 2008). However, very few researchers have
investigated the relationship between collegiate athlete
identity and retirement (Warriner & Lavalle, 2008; Grove,
Lavallee & Gordon, 1997), and no known research has
investigated this relationship in relation to academic worry
and life satisfaction.
The topic of academic worry is relatively new to the
field and has not fully been explored. Some research has
investigated academic worry in high school students
(Yadusky-Holahan & Holahan, 1983), however, there appears
to be a gap in the research relating to college students,
specifically in their senior year of study. Additionally, no
research has been done on academic worry in relation to
college athletes. Similarly, life satisfaction has not been
heavily researched with the college athlete population. Some
research has been done to show how specific life
circumstances can affect life satisfaction (Kovacs, 2007), how
life satisfaction relates to athletic injury (Malinauskas, 2010),
and the relationship between life satisfaction and sport
participation in high school students (Valois et al., 2004).
However, very little conclusive research has been done to
examine life satisfaction in college athletes, and none relating
to athlete retirement. Ferrante, Etzel, and Lantz (2002)
defined student athletes as a high-risk group, emphasizing a
need for services. Therefore, the gap that exists in this
literature provides an excellent opportunity to further
investigate the relationship between these three concepts and
develop an appropriate system of prevention.
Considerations for Prevention
There has been some improvement of preventative
services to help student-athletes achieve a balanced and
satisfying college career (Pearson & Petitpas, 1990). The
CHAMPS/LifeSkills Program was recently created to focus on
the development of athlete life skills; however, this program is
lacking in other areas such as performance enhancement and
counseling services (Broughton & Neyer, 2001).
Additionally, Sports United to Promote Education and
Recreation (SUPER) (Danish, 2002) was formed to focus on
9
teaching high school athletes about goal setting, problem
solving, overcoming roadblocks, and seeking social support
(Brown & Lent, 2008). The broad context of student athlete
concerns, particularly at the point of retirement, (e.g. academic
worry, social isolation, loss of athletic identity) highlights a
need to provide preventative services in a more holistic
manner. Watson and Kissinger (2007) discuss how services
that focus on holistic wellness are needed for this population.
SUPER has shown success in providing a well-rounded
learning experience for high school athletes including
positively impacting their pro-social values, community
service experience, as well as their empathic concern and
social responsibility (Brunelle, Danish, & Forneris, 2007).
Future prevention work for student athletes should be
viewed through a developmental lens. An example of this is
the Life Development Intervention (LDI) approach (Danish &
DAugelli, 1983), a positive developmental approach
attempting to promote the developmental life skills of
individuals and ultimately leading to preventative outcomes
(Brown & Lent, 2008). The goal of this approach is to
develop competence in life planning to successfully manage
both routine and unexpected life events (Danish, Petitpas, &
Hale, 1993). In this case, early forced retirement from sport
would be considered an unexpected life event whereas the
pressures and demands of being a student-athlete would be
considered routine life events. The Life Development
Intervention framework would be beneficial in developing a
model for prevention services to better prepare athletes for
retirement and forming a well-rounded identity throughout
their college career. In a broad sense, this framework would
prepare collegiate student athletes for retirement while
encouraging the athletes to define themselves in other ways,
instead of limiting their identification to just athlete. This
could include campus social activities, career focus, and other
volunteer opportunities in the community. The success of
SUPER, a derivative of the Life Development Intervention,
reveals an opportunity to adapt this program to provide
holistic services to collegiate student athletes as well as high
school athletes. Similar to SUPER, the following modules
Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1
could be designed for optimal services: (a) goal setting, (b)
problem solving and overcoming roadblocks, and (c) seeking
social support.
A need exists for university counseling centers and
other student services offices to develop connections with
university athletic departments. Student-athletes are in need
of education on the benefits of services offered in university
counseling centers (Watson, 2006) and other student services
offices. Student-athletes are an underserved population on
college campuses and are in need of services. Therefore, by
bridging the gap between counseling centers and athletic
departments, student-athletes would become more aware of
the services that are available to them. Psychologists in this
role would work to help student-athletes overcome daily
stressors, identify strengths, encourage problem solving
thinking, and improve coping skills. Previous research has
emphasized a connection between a strong athletic identity
and positive coping skills (Grove et al., 1997), and therefore,
implementing a strength-based approach when working with
student-athletes may be highly beneficial. Additionally, it is
important to have a strength-based approach while goal
setting. Goal setting should avoid using words such as not,
less than, and limit, and should specifically identify
positive actions that must be done to reach that goal (Brown &
Lent, 2008). The prevention goals for working with student
athletes should not be to remove them from their chosen sport,
but enhance the strengths that have developed through being a
student athlete. Therefore, these goals could be sport related
(e.g. scoring a certain amount of goals in a season), and/or life
related (e.g. choosing a major, identifying potential career
paths for the future).
In addition to overcoming daily stressors, identifying
strengths, and improving coping skills, the role of the
psychologist or helping professional also includes other more
traditional services. Some sport psychology may be provided,
focusing more on performance-related issues, as well as
general counseling issues commonly seen among student-
athletes (e.g. depression, anxiety, substance use, eating
disorders). The psychologist will also be a part of a multi-
10
disciplinary team including coaches, athletic trainers, and
academic counselors. These liaisons will assist in providing
holistic treatment. If a well-balanced identity can be enhanced
for college athletes through preventative services, where the
individuals sole identity is not consumed by sport, positive
coping skills and goals for the future may be used to diminish
the occurrence of academic worry, feelings of anxiety and
depression, and improve life satisfaction. These coping skills
may include a strong support system, a healthy view of self, an
internal locus of control, and an increased sense of resilience.
Increased anxiety and depression can develop from
being blindsided by the effects of college sport retirement.
Better preparing athletes for retirement by goal setting,
learning problem solving and coping skills, and improving
social support outside of the athletic environment through the
Life Development Intervention approach may eliminate some
of the negative effects that are associated with an athletes loss
of identity. Ultimately, it is important to be sensitive to the
needs of this population, as there are several strengths
associated with playing collegiate sports. The goal of
prevention work is not to discourage participation in collegiate
athletics, but to enhance the experience for all athletes.
Finally, feelings of isolation during a period of sport
retirement is an issue in todays society that is hindering the
life satisfaction of many athletes, highlighting a need for
increased social support. Therefore, preventative treatment
will require a multisystem perspective, as society (fans,
coaches, athletic departments, and family members) greatly
impacts an athletes life. Integrating counseling centers, other
student services offices, and athletic departments encourages
collaboration among coaches, trainers, psychologists,
nutritionists, and strength and conditioning coaches.
Additionally, the high prevalence of academic worry among
college seniors is another area for concern. Continuing to
spread educational awareness about this topic may open doors
for increased services for students and student-athletes.
The first step to solving any problem is being
cognizant that a problem exists. Further research on the
relationship between academic worry and athlete identity may
Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1
provide more clarity of these issues. Further research might
also create a need and desire to inform others about the
problem of academic worry. As pressures for athletes to
succeed continue to escalate, holistic preventative services
will assist student-athletes in achieving a balanced identity and
better prepare them for retirement from sport.
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Figure 1.

Proposed interrelationships between athletic identity, academic worry, and life satisfaction

Over-identification of sport

Loss of athletic identity at point of retirement

Increase in academic concerns and worry for future

(academic worry)

Increased feelings of anxiety, isolation, depression, and

confusion and other critical mental health consequences

Lowered life satisfaction

Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1 13
 RESEARCH, SOCIAL ACTION, PRACTICE AND TRAINING

Self-Compassion and Male Survivors: Promoting Psychological Well-

Being following Childhood Maltreatment
Dominique N. Boone
Tracy J. Cohn
Sarah L. Hastings
Jenessa C. Steele
Radford University

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Dominique Boone, Department of Psychology, Radford University,
Radford, VA 24141. Contact: dominiquenboone@gmail.com.

Abstract Keywords: self-compassion, male, survivor, childhood

Current psychological literature provides evidence
that the negative impacts of childhood maltreatment may
persist into adulthood. These negative impacts have been
found to be associated with many negative outcomes including
an overall decrease in psychological well-being. When
looking specifically at male survivors, gender socialization
can serve to exacerbate the impact of maltreatmentfurther
decreasing the survivors sense of well-being. Prevention in
psychology focuses on expanding treatment goals beyond
merely a reduction of negative symptoms. Prevention aims to
include holistic and comprehensive goals to promote overall
adaptive functioning as well as a reduction of distressing
symptoms. It is therefore particularly important to identify
factors that promote resilience and psychological well-being
among male survivors of childhood maltreatment. With an
understanding that male survivors may experience
compounded negative effects following maltreatment as a
result of gender socialization, it is important that previously
identified protective factors be explored within this unique
population. Self-compassion has been identified as a factor
that promotes psychological well-being and helps to reduce
negative psychological symptoms following the experience of
negative life events.
maltreatment, resilience, well-being
Introduction
Recent data from the National Child Abuse and
Neglect Data System (NCANDS, 2010) and the United States
Census Bureau Current Population Reports (2010) suggest that
in 2010, between 695,000 and 754,000 of the approximately
74 million children in the United States experienced abuse or
neglect. Although prevalence rates are likely to vary slightly,
these statistics suggest that approximately 10% of individuals
in the United States experience maltreatment in childhood.
Psychological literature explores the negative social,
behavioral, emotional, and cognitive impacts that traumatic
childhood experiences can have on the adult survivor
(Kendall-Tackett, 2002). Research also indicates that being
male may exacerbate negative symptoms following childhood
maltreatment and result in more compromised well-being
(Mejia, 2005).
Although current findings suggest that childhood
maltreatment may have negative impacts and that these
impacts can be amplified for men (Mejia, 2005), data also
suggest that protective or preventative factors can help to
minimize or ameliorate the impact of trauma among this

Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1 14
population. Research provides evidence that interventions
focusing on prevention may increase overall well-being,
promote more adaptive functioning by reducing the negative
impact of psychological distress, and decrease the overall
costs of mental health care (Catalano, Berglund, Ryan,
Lonczak, & Hawkins, 2002; Greenberg, Domitrovich, &
Bumbarger, 2001; OConnell, Boat, & Warner, 2009, Tolan &
Dodge, 2005). Self-compassion has been identified in the
literature as an area for future study when attempting to reduce
the impacts of negative life events, including trauma and
maltreatment (Neff, 2003). In this article, the authors review
the negative impacts of having experienced childhood
maltreatment as well as the additional negative impact that
being male may present. The authors will also review
literature on how self-compassion may serve as a preventive
factor, assisting in the promotion of more adaptive functioning
following childhood maltreatment. Possibilities for future
research will also be presented.
Male Childhood Maltreatment and Decreased
Psychological Well-Being
Childhood maltreatment refers to the occurrence of
one or multiple incidences of childhood physical abuse,
physical neglect, emotional abuse, emotional neglect, and/or
sexual abuse occurring prior to the age of 18 (Bernstein et al.,
1994; Cook, Chaplin, Sinha, Tebes, & Mayes, 2012). Abuse,
whether the abuse is physical, sexual, or emotional, is defined
as active harm that is perpetrated against a child while neglect
refers to a caregivers failure to provide developmentally
appropriate and supportive environments (Tanaka, Wekerle,
Schmuck, & Paglia-Boak, 2011). The term childhood
maltreatment allows for multiple incidences of either
childhood abuse or neglect to be explored and for there to be
an evaluation of the compounding impact of the childhood
mistreatment. In general, childhood maltreatment is a more
inclusive term and the chosen term in this article to address the
compounding impact of abuse and neglect.
Current literature on the effects of childhood
maltreatment suggests that the impact may vary, with more
severe symptoms including the development of
Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1
psychopathology or death by suicide (Vettese, Dryer, Li, &
Wekerle, 2011). Enduring childhood maltreatment has been
linked to many negative outcomes, which may serve to
decrease ones overall sense of psychological well-being.
Psychological well-being is a broad construct that is theorized
in a variety of ways in current research. Broadly defined,
psychological well-being focuses on existential concerns and
how individuals feel about the world around them (Wood &
Joseph, 2010). Ryff and Keyes (1995) provide a
comprehensive definition of psychological well-being in
which six domains of wellness are conceptualized. These
dimensions are: (a) autonomy, (b) environmental mastery, (c)
personal growth, (d) positive relations with others, (e) purpose
in life and (f) self-acceptance. Ryff and Keyes assert that when
examined together, these domains represent psychological
well-being. To better understand the negative impact of
childhood maltreatment on psychological well-being for male
survivors, these impacts will be briefly reviewed in four broad
categories: behavioral, social, emotional, and cognitive
(Kendall-Tackett, 2002).
Behavioral Effects
Many negative behavioral effects have been observed
among those who have experienced childhood maltreatment.
These negative behaviors include substance abuse and misuse,
risky sexual behavior, suicidal ideation, and self-injurious
behaviors (Bartholow et al., 1994; Felitti et al., 2001; Ford,
2005; Kendall-Tackett et al., 2000). The relationship between
childhood maltreatment and increased substance abuse has
been examined extensively in current literature (Asberg &
Renk, 2012; Brems, Johnson, & Freeman, 2004; Drapalaski,
Youngman, Stuewig, & Tangney, 2009; Enoch, 2011; Young-
Wolf, Kendler, & Prescott, 2012). When looking specifically
at gender differences, Shand, Degenhart, Slade, and Nelson
(2011) found that male survivors were more likely than female
survivors to have prevalent lifetime substance dependence
diagnoses.
When examining male survivors, childhood sexual
abuse has been linked to an increase in risky sexual behaviors
including high numbers of sexual partners and unprotected
15
sexual intercourse (Schraufnagel, Davis, George, & Norris,
2010). Male survivors of childhood sexual abuse have also
been found to engage in earlier consensual sexual initiation
than their female counterparts, and on average are younger
when first engaging in sexual intercourse than female
survivors (Chandy, Blum & Resnick, 1996; Wilsnack,
Vogeltanz, Klassen, & Harris, 1997).
In a study examining the relationship between suicide
attempts and adverse childhood experiences, it was found that
enduring adverse childhood experiences increased the risk of
attempted suicide two to five times the base rate (Dube, Anda,
Felitti, Chapman, Williamson, & Giles, 2001). Similar
findings from Dhaliwah, Gauzas, Antonowicz, and Ross
(1996) support the conclusions of Dube et al. (2001) when
looking specifically of male survivors of childhood abuse.
Dhaliwah, Gauzas, Antonowicz, and Ross (1996) conducted a
critical literature review of research relevant to male survivors
of childhood sexual abuse. The literature reviewed indicated
not only that male survivors of childhood abuse had higher
levels of depression than their non-victimized counterparts but
also that these survivors were more likely to attempt suicide
(Dhaliwah, Gauzas, Antonowicz & Ross, 1996).
Social Effects
Decreased social functioning has also been observed
for individuals who have experienced childhood maltreatment.
Current research findings suggest that social relationships are
essential to adaptive functioning and that without social
support; individuals are likely to have negative outcomes
including exploitive or victimizing relationships,
dissatisfaction with current relationships, and even
compromised health (Allgower, Wardle, & Steptoe, 2001;
Fleming et al., 1999; Vitaliano et al., 2001). Adult survivors of
childhood maltreatment are likely to have limited social
abilities, reduced interactions with others, fewer relationships,
more exploitive or victimizing relationships, and increased
interpersonal dysfunction (Beckner-Lausen & Mallon-Kraft,
1997; Fleming et al., 1999; Kendall-Tackett, 2002). Adult
survivors are at an increased likelihood of engaging in
relationships that are exploitive or victimizing (Fleming et al.,
Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1
1999), likely to have higher rates of divorce (Felitti, 1991),
and general satisfaction with present relationships is likely to
be lower than relationship satisfaction observed among men
who have not experienced childhood maltreatment (Fleming et
al., 1999). In addition to decreased social functioning, research
also suggests that individuals who have experienced childhood
maltreatment may have increased emotional difficulties.
Emotional Effects
Emotional dysregulation is a commonly identified
consequence of childhood maltreatment and can be understood
as a decreased awareness, understanding, and acceptance of
ones emotions (Vettese, Dryer, Li, & Wekerle, 2011).
Childhood maltreatment has been shown to be highly
associated with negative mood states such as depression and
with later development of symptoms that are associated with
mental health diagnoses such as posttraumatic stress disorder
(Brier & Elliot, 1994; Kendall-Tackett, 2002). When
examining male survivors of childhood maltreatment,
Dhaliwal, Gauzus, and Ross (1996) found that male survivors
had significantly lower levels of well-being and greater
emotional adjustment concerns than those who had not
endured maltreatment. Male survivors were also found on
average to have higher scores on Minnesota Multiphasic
Personality Inventory (MMPI) subscales measuring
hypochondriasis, hysteria, psychopathic deviate, paranoia,
psychasthenia, and schizophrenia (Dhaliwal, Gauzus, & Ross,
1996). In addition to emotional consequences, negative
cognitions have also been observed following the endurance
of childhood maltreatment.
Cognitive Effects
These negative cognitive consequences suggest an
increase in unhealthy beliefs and attitudes that influence ones
perceptions and interpretations of situations (Kendall-Tackett
et al., 2002). Essentially, an individuals mental framework for
interpreting interactions with others and ones own life events
can be compromised and may promote negative cognitions
about the individual and the world. Research indicates that
individuals who are mistreated as children may develop
interpretations of their environment as overly dangerous and
16
adversarial (Kendall-Tackett et al., 2002). One cognitive effect
of enduring childhood maltreatment seen specifically among
male survivors is sexual dysfunction (Kendall-Tackett et al.,
2002). Among male survivors of maltreatment, negative
cognitions about sexual functioning have been linked to lower
sexual self-esteem and fear of negative emotions after having
acceptable sexual experiences (Dhaliwal, Gauzas, Antonowicz
, & Ross, 1996). Survivors of childhood maltreatment may
also be more likely to see themselves as flawed and have a
sense of shame regarding the maltreatment that they have
endured (Dhaliwal et al., 1996; Zuroff, Koestner, & Powers,
1994). Current research indicates that decreased psychological
well-being as a result of negative consequences of having
endured childhood maltreatment may be further exacerbated
as a result of being male (Dhaliwal et al., 1996; Mejia, 2005).
Gender Socialization and Male Survivors
When examining the breadth of research detailing the
negative impacts of childhood maltreatment specific to the
male survivor, it is important to also identify a framework
within which to place this information. Current research
findings assert that gender socialization may be a key
component for the differences between male and female
survivors of childhood maltreatment (Mejia, 2005). Mejia
(2005) states that young boys experience ongoing socialization
in order to become what is considered acceptable male
within a given society. Boys are likely to mature into manhood
having accepted and adopted these social constructions in an
attempt to become and remain ideally masculine.
Research indicates that male babies from birth to
several months of age are actually more emotionally
expressive than female babies are and that by the time male
children are five to six years of age they are far less likely to
express hurt or distress (Mejia, 2005). These findings suggest
that at some point between birth and five to six years of age
male children are exposed to various factors that influence and
define masculinity, a phenomenon known as gender
socialization. Gender socialization and an adherence to what is
perceived to be acceptable male behavior in a society is likely
to influence the ways in which males process and cope with
Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1
difficult life circumstance, trauma, and childhood
maltreatment (Mejia, 2005).
In the United States, the male socialization process
involves the use of shame to toughen-up the male child and
instill in the child the belief that expressing emotions such as
pain or hurt conveys weakness (Mejia, 2005). This process is
called the shame-hardening process whereby shame is used
as a punishment for not meeting the societal standards of
masculinity (Mejia, 2005). To be successful in ones
masculinity, the individual is to decrease emotional
expressivity, decrease dependence on others, and display no
vulnerability (Mejia, 2005). As a result of this gender
socialization, healthy coping strategies for dealing with
negative emotions and trauma are diminished (Mejia, 2005).
The result of such a process contributes greatly to restricted
emotional responses, relationship difficulties, and an inability
to express and communicate feelings. Psychologically, boys
are groomed to constrict the display of emotions, and the use
of shame is pervasive in ensuring adherence to this socially
constructed definition of masculinity. Thus, the experience
for boys who have endured childhood maltreatment who grow
into men may be unique. Levant (1996) and Lui (2005) argue
that it is important that men be examined independently from
women given the role of gender socialization and the impact
of being male.
The Importance of Prevention
APA (2002) promotes prevention within psychology
by offering guidelines for psychologists in practice and
research. The guidelines presented by APA (2014) encourage
psychologists to select, develop, and implement prevention
interventions that are theory based, evidence based, socially
and culturally relevant and promote strength by reducing risk
(APA, 2014). Identifying protective factors that promote
resilience in at risk populations is quiet important when
promoting prevention, which is increasing in importance in the
field of psychology (Eby, Chin, Rollock, Schwartz, & Worell,
2011). Romano and Hage (2000) assert that prevention
includes stopping or delaying, or reducing onset of a problem
and/or problem behavior. Additionally, prevention also serves
17
to enhance psychological well-being of the individual and the
larger community (Romano & Hage).
When looking specifically at male survivors of
childhood maltreatment, current research on protective factors
associated with recovery from childhood maltreatment
provides insight into the possibility that enduring childhood
maltreatment is not exclusively predictive of negative
outcomes. Negative outcomes of having endured childhood
abuse may actually be buffered by protective factors such as
resilience. In two studies conducted by Roy, Carli, and
Sarchiapone (2011), the effect of resilience on suicidal
behavior (an established outcome of having experienced
childhood maltreatment) was assessed in a sample of
individuals who experienced childhood abuse. Participants in
these studies were given the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire
(Bernstein et al., 1994) to measure childhood abuse and
neglect, and the Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale (Connor &
Davidson, 2003) to measure resilience. When scores on these
measures were compared, it was found that participants who
had never attempted suicide had significantly higher scores on
the Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale. Increasing protective
factors may serve to promote resilience, which may assist in
an individual being able to adjust to negative life events more
adaptively (Rutter, 1987). Some identified protective factors
that promote wellness after enduring childhood maltreatment
include: social support, positive coping strategies, and
religious beliefs (Dervic, Grunebaum, Burke, Man, &
Oquendo, 2006; Runtz & Schallow, 1997). One variable that
holds promise as a protective factor to promote resiliency
within this population is self-compassion. Self-compassion has
been identified in the literature to promote psychological well-
being following negative life events and as such should be
examined as a protective factor for those who have
experienced childhood maltreatment (Vettese, Dryer, Li, &
Wekerle, 2011).
Self-Compassion as a Protective Factor
Self-compassion involves a desire to improve ones
health and well-being and a greater personal initiative to make
needed or necessary life changes (Neff, 2009). Self-
Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1
compassion is ones ability to turn compassion inwardto
have compassion focused on oneself (Goertz, Keltner, &
Simon-Thomas, 2010). A central theme of self-compassion is
the acknowledgement that in life suffering occurs (Neff,
2003). The determination to experience ones suffering
without avoiding or disconnecting from it, combined with
intentionally acting in a kind and gentle way toward oneself,
exemplifies self-compassion. Rather than seeing oneself as
flawed and of poor character, one accepts that suffering and
seeing flaws in one are a part of the greater human experience
(Neff, 2003). Self-compassion can occur through individual
adherence to three specific components. These components
are: (a) self-kindness as opposed to self-judgment; (b) a sense
of common humanity in lieu of isolation; and (c) mindfulness
rather than over-identification (Neff, 2003).
Self-kindness refers to the tendency to be caring and
understanding with oneself rather than being harshly critical or
judgmental (Neff, 2009). Common humanity involves the
understanding and acceptance that all human beings are
imperfect and that suffering is shared human experience, not
one that is limited to ones own life (Neff, 2009). Mindfulness,
the final component of self-compassion, promotes the
awareness of an individual during a moment in time. The goal
is to become intentionally aware of the present moment as
opposed to operating in autopilot. By attending to the
present moment life circumstances can be more clearly
experienced and processed in a more balanced way (Neff,
2009). Self-compassion has been shown to be associated with
perceptions of well-being in the literature (Neff, 2004; Wei,
Liao, Ku, & Shaffer, 2011).
Given the definition and concepts of self-compassion,
a positive association between self-compassion and
psychological well-being is to be expected (Gilbert, 2005).
Current literature suggests not only that self-compassion
promotes well-being through helping an individual feel
connected to others, but that self-compassion may promote a
sense of emotional calmness, help individuals cultivate an
increased sense of psychological well-being, increased
happiness, increased positive affect, and increased social
18
connectedness (Neff, 2004; Wei et al., 2011). Self-
compassion has also been associated with less dogmatism, and
more cognitive flexibility (Martin, Staggers & Anderson,
2011). Essentially this means that self-compassionate
individuals have been observed to be more open-minded on
average than those with lower levels of self-compassion and
demonstrate a greater ability to adjust cognitive responses to
better fit a situation. Additionally, better adjustment following
stressors has also been found to occur among individuals who
have experienced stressors (Sbarra, Smith, & Mehl, 2012).
When conceptualizing male survivors, a key element
of the exacerbated negative impact of maltreatment is gender
socialization. The use of shame as a primary motivator to
suppress affective expression has been identified as a primary
contributor to psychological distress. Self-compassion
decreases many aspects of shame and self-criticism (Neff,
2003; Neff, Leary, & Hoyle, 2009; Neff, Rude, & Kirkpatrick,
2007), which may serve to greatly enhance the overall well-
being of male survivors. Additionally, the emotional,
behavioral, cognitive, and social impacts of having endured
childhood maltreatment may also be reduced as self-
compassion increases.
In a study conducted by Neff (2003), individuals with
higher levels of self-compassion were found to have lower
levels of depression and anxiety, better emotion coping skills,
and a higher level of intrinsic motivation to grow and change.
Research also indicates that individuals with higher levels of
self-compassion are more socially and interpersonally
connected with others and who have less pervasive patterns of
self-criticism, rumination, thought suppression, and neurotic
perfectionism (Neff, 2003; Neff, Leary, & Hoyle, 2009; Neff,
Rude, & Kirkpatrick, 2007). In the studies conducted by
Leary, Tate, Adams, Allen, and Hancock (2007) additional
connections between self-compassion and psychological well-
being were found. Leary et al. (2007) conducted five studies
investigating the processes by which self-compassion helps
individuals better manage unpleasant life events. The results
indicated that when individuals encounter daily stressors,
those who reported higher levels of self-compassion were able
Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1
to approach these stressors in a way that was more cognitively
and emotionally adaptive than those who were lower in
reported levels of self-compassion. Results also indicated that
self-compassion served to buffer against negative feelings
directed at the self when imagining distressing life events.
Neely et al. (2009) also conducted two studies to
explore the relationship between self-compassion and
psychological well-being. The results of these studies suggest
that ones level of self-compassion serves to predict how an
individual will respond when experiencing negative life
events. Based on the findings of Neely et al. (2009),
individuals higher in self-compassion were likely to respond
in a way that was more adaptive. The need and availability of
social support was examined as a predictor for how one might
respond to negative and stressful life events. Findings assert
that social support and self-compassion were found to account
for differing levels of psychological well-being suggesting that
self-compassion is a reliable correlate to psychological well-
being.
In a study conducted by Neff and McGehee (2010)
using a sample of adolescents, self-compassion was strongly
associated with participants sense of psychological well-
being. Findings from the study suggest that even in the
presence of difficult family situations, adolescents higher in
levels of self-compassion had an increased sense of
psychological well-being. Based on these findings, Neff and
McGehee (2012) suggest that therapeutic interventions aimed
at increasing self-compassion may be effective for promoting
resiliency among individuals suffering from negative self-
views as a result of difficult life circumstances.
Research also specifically indicates that self-
compassion may be helpful for those recovering from
childhood maltreatment. Gilbert and Procter (2006) conducted
a compassionate mind training that involved the integration of
self-compassion into therapy for individuals who had
psychological disorders that occur as a result of shame and
self-criticism. After having experienced the compassionate
mind training, participants reported a significant reduction in
anxiety, depression, and a reduction of self-criticism. Gilbert
19
and Procter asserted that self-compassion infused therapy
could be helpful in treating individuals with traumatic
histories.
Thompson and Waltz (2008) also explored the
relationship between self-compassion and post-traumatic
symptoms. Thompson and Waltz found that those who had
lower levels of self-compassion were more likely to engage in
avoidant behaviors in an attempt to avoid emotional triggers of
past traumas. As a result, it was suggested that that abuse
survivors and those who suffer from post-traumatic stress
disorder may benefit from therapy that includes aspects of
self-compassion. Recently more research has been conducted
to begin examining self-compassion using experimental
manipulations or interventions (e.g., Adams & Leary, 2007;
Kelly, Zuroff, Foa, & Gilbert, 2009; Shapira & Mongrain,
2010). While self-compassion has shown promise as a
possible protective factor for males who have experienced
childhood maltreatment, it is important to also identify ways
in which self-compassion may be promoted within this
population. To date there have been no studies identified
looking at the promotion of self-compassion within a male
population of childhood maltreatment survivors. However,
initial interventions will be reviewed here.
Promoting and Enhancing Self-Compassion
Mindfulness-Based Cognitive Therapy (MBCT) and
Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR) were studied
extensively by Baer (2010). Mindfulness-Based Cognitive
Therapy incorporates mindfulness techniques with core
components of cognitive behavioral therapy. Mindfulness-
Based Stress Reduction is a treatment program that uses
mindfulness techniques to help reduce or manage the stress
associated with psychological or physical conditions.
Although these interventions have yet to be studied among
male survivors of childhood maltreatment, studies have been
conducted that provide initial support for the success of such
interventions aimed at promoting mindfulness and stress
reduction while using core components of cognitive
behavioral therapy (Baer, 2010). When examining the
negative consequences of childhood maltreatment, decreased
Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1
emotional regulation was found to substantially reduce
psychological well-being (Kuyken et al., 2010). Kuyken and
colleagues (2010) examined the effect of Mindfulness-Based
Cognitive Therapy compared to the use of antidepressants to
manage depressive symptoms. The researchers found that
mindfulness and self-compassion increased following
completion of MBCT training and this increase served to
mediate the relationship between MBCT and depressive
symptoms at 15 month follow up. In another study conducted
by Shapiro, Austin, Bishop, and Cardova (2005), reduced
levels of stress were observed among health care professionals
who participated in a MBSR program. When looking
specifically at cognitive reactivity, it has been found that
Mindfulness-Based Cognitive Therapy reduced the link
between cognitive reactivity (i.e., the tendency to react to sad
emotions with depressive thinking styles) and depressive
relapse (Shapiro, Austin, Bishop, & Cardova, 2005).
Additionally, it was observed that increased self- compassion
(but not mindfulness) mediated this association. The findings
of this study suggest that self- compassion skills may be an
important key to changing habitual depressive thought patterns
(Shapiro, Austin, Bishop, & Cardova, 2005).
Another technique for increasing self-compassion is
compassion-focused therapy (CFT). Paul Gilbert (2010b)
developed this therapeutic approach designed to help clients
with the skills and attributes of a self-compassionate mind. In
particular, this approach focuses on helping clients move away
from habitual self-shaming and self-attack to a more
compassionate way of being. This is done by helping clients
become more sensitive to their own needs and by extending
compassion to them. Specific techniques include
compassionate cognitive responses, mindfulness training,
visualizations, and compassionate behaviors and actions
(Gilbert, 2010a; Gilbert & Procter, 2006; Kelly, Zuroff, Foa,
& Gilbert, 2010b).
Directions for Future Research
Although current literature asserts that there is likely
a relationship between self-compassion and psychological
well-being, this literature is limited (Gilbert, 2005; Neff, 2004,
20
Tate, Adams, Allen, & Hancock, 2007). Literature is more
limited when considering the relationship between self-
compassion and psychological well-being among individuals
who have experienced childhood maltreatment and even more
so when this sample is composed of a traditionally
understudied population (male survivors). It is important to
explore the available research to postulate as to how these
constructs may fit together in such a sample.
Current research has asserted that the negative
impacts of having endured childhood maltreatment can be
severe and persist into adulthood. Literature also indicates that
ones gender may serve to exacerbate negative symptoms
following childhood maltreatment. Although literature has
explored social support, positive coping strategies, and
religious beliefs as protective factors following difficult life
events, one variable that holds promise as a protective factor is
self-compassion (Dervic, Grunebaum, Burke, Man, &
Oquendo, 2006; Runtz & Schallow, 1997).
Based on previous findings, three suggestions are
posed for future research examining the relationship between
psychological well-being and self-compassion among male
survivors of childhood maltreatment. First, future
explorations into the relationship between self-compassion
and psychological well-being among male survivors and
childhood maltreatment would be beneficial. To date, studies
exploring the relationship between these variables within a
male sample are extremely limited. Based on previous
literature, it is highly likely that self-compassion would be
positively correlated with psychological well-being within this
population. Empirical support for this hypothesis would allow
for continued research into possible interventions to mediate
the negative effects of having experienced childhood
maltreatment. Should factors that promote resiliency within
this population be identified, interventions for this group of
survivors can be created and studied.
Next, the impact of gender socialization on male
survivors likely promotes increased levels of shame, self-
criticism, and restricted emotional expression. While self-
compassion may help to mediate these negative outcomes,
Prevention and Health Promotion: Research, Social Action, Practice And Training: Volume 7, Issue 1
future research exploring the direct impact of each of the three
elements of self-compassion may be beneficial. It is possible
that with increased levels of shame and self-criticism in this
population, the self-kindness or mindfulness elements of the
construct are more meaningful in this population. Increased
self-kindness would likely have a direct impact on high levels
of shame and self-criticism. Additionally, mindfulness may
help with the avoidance of negative emotion or restricted
affective expression. To develop the most meaningful
interventions for this population, it is important to identify
which aspects of self-compassion, if any, are more salient.
Lastly, it would add substantially to the pre-existing
body of literature to explore compassion-focused therapy
(CFT) within this population. Compassion-focused therapy
focuses primarily on helping clients to develop attributes of a
compassionate mind in order to reduce habitual self-shaming
and self-attacking (Gilbert & Proctor, 2006). As previously
noted in the literature, male survivors have typically
experienced gender socialization which is a process using
shame as a primary motivator for shaping boys into what is
perceived to be ideally masculine. This socialization process
may substantially increase the likelihood of self-shaming or
self-attackingtwo psychological processes that compassion-
focused therapy helps to decrease. Although compassion-
focused therapy appears quite appropriate, empirical support
for the effectiveness within this population would prove
valuable.
Overall, research provides strong evidence that
surviving childhood maltreatment may negatively impact the
survivor well into adulthood (Kendall-Tackett, 2002) and that
male survivors of childhood maltreatment may be at increased
risk of experiencing negative outcomes as a result of having
endured increased psychological stress resulting from gender
socialization (Mejia, 2005). However, current literature
provides evidence that self-compassion may serve to decrease
the negative consequences associated with having experienced
childhood maltreatment (Dervic, Grunebaum, Burke, Man, &
Oquendo, 2006; Gilbert, 2010a; Gilbert & Procter, 2006;
Kelly, Zuroff, Foa, & Gilbert, 2010b; Runtz & Schallow,
21
1997). Interventions promoting self-compassion including
Compassion-Focused Therapy (Gilbert & Proctor, 2006),
Mindfulness-Based Cognitive Therapy (Baer, 2010), and
Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (Baer, 2010) have also
been explored within current literature. Future research should
explore self-compassion as a factor promoting resilience
among male survivors as well as the utility of interventions
promoting self-compassion with in this population.
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