Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Okwui Enwezor
To cite this article: Okwui Enwezor (2004) Documentary/Vrit: Bio-Politics, Human Rights and
the Figure of Truth in Contemporary Art, Australian and New Zealand Journal of Art, 5:1, 11-42,
DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2004.11432730
The only relation to art that can be sanctioned in a reality that stands under
the constant threat of catastrophe is one that treats works of art with the
same deadly seriousness that characterises the world today.
Theodor Adorno 1
Prologue
This essay invites two analogous and complementary readings of ethics and
aesthetics in contemporary art. The first part seeks to understand the relationship
between the ideas of ethics and aesthetics that frame current debates in what is
otherwise called political art. The second part is concerned with types of artistic
practice that straddle the realm of art and documentary, and the problems they
pose to our comprehension of reality in the context of art works, media images
and exhibitions of contemporary art. In the first, I shall analyse reasons for the
remarkable transformation of the concept of the political in contemporary art,
especially as it concerns both the subject and content of such art, that make
secondary the formal means of the work. While in the second, the exhibition
Documenta 11, provides the exemplary notice as a specific case study for how to
read the disfigured tradition of the documentary as it converges with a surprisingly
conservative notion of the disinterestedness of art in its relations with social life.
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which is the crisis of the political in current artistic practice. Recent elaborations
on modernity hold that within the space of less than two decades we have passed
through two endings of modernity: first, with the collapse of communism and
the fall of the Berlin Wall, we bore witness to the demise of a Marxist vision of
modernity and se~ondly, after September 11, 2001, came the dissolution of its
liberal counterpoint. It is tempting indeed to embrace the tenets of these grand
conclusions, were it not for the inconclusiveness of history itself. No doubt, the
architectural metaphor that accompanied both collapses of two of the most
significant political traditions of the modern era helps frame them both in time
and image; modernity as a specter that hangs over the global collective
conscwusness.
What has emerged, however, is different from this, and for cultural politics is
not insignificant. The schism masks a deeper anxiety about the period we can call
global modernity. This anxiety is manifest in an emerging battle within the
critical comprehension, reception, and discussion of contemporary art, namely
the opposition between ethics and aesthetics, or the conjunction of both.
Recently, discussions of the relation between ethics and aesthetics, or politics and
poetics in contemporary art have proliferated. The current upsurge in linking the
ethical and the aesthetic-or the more familiar conjunction of art and politics-
perhaps, owe something to what Irit Rogoff has described as the nature of
"'unbounded' or 'undisciplined' work" common to both artistic practice and its
multiple locations today. 4 This unboundedness, which I have designated
elsewhere as the condition of unhomeliness, is partly the result of a wide scale
global modernity of peoples, goods, and ideas permanently on the move, in
constant circulation, reconfiguration, tessellation. 5 The condition of unhome-
liness could also be interpreted in another way: in the alienation of our subjective
development from the forces of domination and totalisation, namely the ideology
of unchecked capitalist triumphalism that seeks to sever alternative social models
and relations of exchange not already bound exclusively to consumption and
consumerism. This alienation, or simply the withdrawal from the homogenising
tyranny of global capitalism, discloses new subjectivities on the verge of
transforming what Felix Guattari calls the "mass-media subjectivity" proper to
the discourse of totalisation. 6 In contemporary art this is being felt in the
rejection of the singularity of the art object, image, or the cultural system that
seemingly holds art together in a unified and universalised conception of artistic
subjectivity. In Rogoff's idea of unbounded and undisciplined work there arises
something no longer notional: artists' withdrawal from the institutionalised
(musealised) model of art. Rather, for several decades now we have witnessed the
inexorable attempt by artists to break with this totalisation. Such attempts reveal a
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disfigured by Stalinism. In the first world of the West, the third and second world
positions pointed to above were linked up with struggles occurring in areas such
as civil rights, feminist movement, gay movement, and anti-racist, anti-war and
anti-nuclear movements. The combination of all three interpretations of freedom
(what could also be called a politics of rights) is at the heart of a new kind of
political order to which contemporary art responds. The organising instrument is
"Human Rights" both in the narrow sense articulated by the Universal
Declaration of Rights and in the broad sense of ethical filiation to the very
structure of existence. While philosophy has engaged this question for a long
time, its encapsulation in cultural and artistic terms is recent. In fact, it is worth
emphasising that the radical codification ofbio-politics as the stress in the ethical
relationship between a person and the state is specifically the issue taken up by
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the United Nations General
Assembly, on December 10, 1948. Though it does not spell out contemporary
artists' concern with the ethical in a specific sense, but in a more general sense
this text is particularly illuminating when one attends to contemporary artists'
concern with the ethical. Both the preamble and Article 3 of the declaration spell
it out. In the first two paragraphs of the preamble the rationale is established:
Article 3 reiterates the preamble unequivocally: Everyone has the right to life,
liberty and security of person.!!
Human rights craft thus began with the idea of the human as a limit case
under overwhelming coercive force. Therefore, if human rights were constructed
for human beings, it would logically follow that human rights as such are regimes
crafted to accede to and intercede on behalf of the human. Such rights then, can
only be accorded to life and therefore only to the living, hence the importance
of bio-politics. We know the immediate historical context that attended and
supported this juridical commandment, and it has an image: Auschwitz.
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taken by art that stakes a territory within the tension between ethics and
aesthetics, or politics and poetics.
The question of paying attention to the "pain of others" especially as it is
registered and indexed in representation (be it photographic, filmic, and archival)
arises purely as a consequence of the development of human rights. Yet others
have argued, precisely, against this identification of the documentary. To purists,
documentary's "noble" tradition abjures those kinds of images of the mass
anonymous others often caught unawares or dead in the sooty, grainy newsprint
of the global news industry. It also refuses the aestheticised horror pictures
stylised for quick uncritical consumption as redemptive "truth," as evidence or
tokens for which contemporary guilt industries (Amnesty International, Doctors
Without Borders, etc.) images that court unrestrained witness bearing. Thus the
claim of a double kind of violence being visited upon the figures of the violated
by the mere repetition of the tabular index of horror.
This begs the question: why have contemporary artists responded to human
rights or concern for the other as the ethical limit of any engagement with the
world? One suspects that modern traumatography abetted by the machinery of
media technologies has much to answer for here. The frequency with which a
large group of artists such as Faizal Sheik, Alfredo Jaar, Kendell Geers, William
Kentridge, amongst others, take-up such positions in their work may then lead one
to conclude, though not unqualifiedly, that images of the mass phenomenon of
displaced people, the carnage of war, genocidal massacres, crimes against humanity,
the devastation of famine, man-made ecological disasters and natural disasters in
the media have been contributing factors. Also radical art, like radical politics, has a
natural response to power that gives a certain frisson to the Faustian relationship
between ethics and aesthetics, politics and poetics. But if the ethical is a test for our
commitment to each other's being, qua existence, how do we square this test with
the aesthetic, which in Kantian fashion is concerned with the "lofty" ideal of the
sublime, the sensation of the beautiful?t7 When W B Yeats writes about a terrible
beauty being born, is this not the ground of the ethical and aesthetic (which now
is being cheaply merchandised as a special kind of political effect in contemporary
art) heaving before us? 18 Are singularised affects of denunciation effective artistic
arguments against complex political realities? Or might this concern be more in
line with Levinas's moral philosophy of an ethical relationship between two
people, grounded in the cognitive embodiment of the other's existence?
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issues I have been tracing. I should also make clear that I am using human rights
here in a strictly narrow sense: in its manifestation in politically oriented art, and
the putatively ethical weight it gives such art. One of the central principles of
contemporary art that unambiguously effects a political stance, is its engagement
with bio-politics. The second principle is that its actions seek to mediate the
relationship between national and transnational domain of rights. A typical
example is the German-based Kein Mensch ist Illegal, a collective of activists,
artists, and tactical media groups working around issues of immigration, and on
behalf of refugees, sans papiers, and in raising awareness around the often violent
deportation of illegal immigrants from European countries. Kein Mensch ist
Illegal, both in its work and its configuration, has moved beyond the traditional
framework of being purely an artistic or activist group. It is neither one nor the
other. Put another way, it is consciously hybridised, which means it is both an
activist and artistic group simultaneously. This allows a degree of flexibility in its
tactical formations, along with the tools of its work, which adopt and adapt the
instruments of art, propaganda, media, and social protest as make-shift swerving
speculums, probing and testing the resilience of the system's attempt to contain
disobedience. While its activities are grounded in the struggles for rights of those
spectral, shadowy communities comprising immigrants, refugees, and san papiers,
Kein Mensch ist Illegal disavows any interest in charity or humanitarian work.
Rather its principal focus is on the question of rights. This stance is also the
source of its name: based on the juridical idea that "no one is illegal." For Kein
Mensch ist Illegal, to declare a class of people as illegal is to refute the very
foundation of human rights; a negation, which it suggests, questions the very
category of the human, specifically the non-European other as a foreigner, the
unwelcomed stranger.19
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for all things different. In cultural and artistic discourse this schism cannot be
emphasised enough. This negation which is both the source of xenophobia and
racism is apparent the recent rise of far right parties which run on anti-immigrant
political planks and are often unambiguously racist in their discourse.23 The late
Pim Fortuyn, who made the non-European immigrant the antithesis of a
sustainable ideal of multicultural Netherlands, designed his entire party manifesto
around what he called Livable Netherlands, a quality oflife program advocating the
expulsion of immigrants from the Netherlands. Racism, as such, is demonstrably
an example of the human as a limit case, for it conceives of the other on the basis
of a defect, as the pure manifestation of a negation. 24 Therefore to make the other
or the "victim" the subject of art, as the image of a critical recall that stands
between the artist and the spectator, before the institution and the law brings her
contingent status in representation to a level of visibility hitherto unrecognised by
the regimes of invisibility that otherwise surround and veil her in public
discourse. Such a human presence disturbs, agitates, and discomfits the visual field
in which her presence is both registered and so to speak extirpated. This
appearance-which is always anticipated with anxiety for it is the impossible
visibility of an apparition, the immanence of the stranger-has been described by
Julia Kristeva when speaking of the stranger amongst us as that which disturbs
identity, order, legality.2s, 26 The human as a ghostly presence, as more than a
metaphor for illegality, as a shadow before the law, marks the separation between
those identified as legal, and therefore properly human (Europeans, White Men)
and those (Africans, Arabs, Roma, Asians, women, gays and lesbians etc.) who
must seek the status of normalcy for their inclusion into the human family by
first exorcising their strangeness, foreignness, otherness.
Thus, while it has spotlighted violations by the German government of
European Union human rights laws concerning the repatriation and deportation
of refugees and asylum seekers, Kein Mensch ist Illegal works against the German
immigration law in the name of a larger universal ethical principle, one that
repudiates the illegalisation of desperate immigrants. The given doxa of classical
political art is that it intervenes within the means of production and in the cracks
between the tectonic plates of class formations. It was not until the rise of fascism
that it became clear that the subject of political art was about to be transformed.
It never recognised, however, the importance of otherness and its potent political
reality within the visual field. Careful appraisal of artistic formations today makes
it clear that they deviate from classical ideas of political art, at least in one respect.
The target of this art is not simply systemic, centered on the political entity of
the state, its ideology, apparatus, agents. Rather, it involves a perhaps surprising
principle of the universalisation of the concept of the human evoked by human
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frames the relationship between the producer and receiver. An artist such as Leon
Golub, has made resistance to the constant threat of disappearance of public
memory a test for the stress between the ethical and aesthetic. Golub's
unrealistically painted realist paintings are conceived specifically as counter-
paintings to the opacity of formalist abstraction in which the specificity of the
human form had been annulled. For four decades he has demonstrated his
commitment to indexing and reelaborating in his unsettled, agitated paintings
media images that represent in extremis the precariousness of the human body
under violent state repression. In such key series of works as Vietnam
(1972-1974), Mercenaries (1979-1987), Interrogations (1981-1986) and White
Squads (1982-1987) we are confronted by a panoply of fragmented and isolated
images projected against the backdrop of neutral surroundings all of them
specific to and concerned with the deracination of human life. It's as if both
naked power and naked life are simultaneously isolated in the ghostly outlines of
his sparsely painted, distressed, cleaved canvasses. Likewise, Stopforth's mortuary
drawings-a set of reductive drawings of fragments of Steve Biko's mutilated
body after his death from torture-performs a similarly mnemonic role as
Golub's and are no less powerful for their overt political claim to representing
violations of the body. Similar concerns are the frame around which Camintzer's
From the Uruguay Torture Series is defined. In each of these artistic positions what
stands out are individual responses to naked power and naked life in
representation. The ethical questions posed by much recent art are never about
the question of the aesthetic merit of the work alone. Nor is it just about linking
the content of the work to the moral claim of the art. Even if the empirical
grounding of such content is never literalised so as to assume unmitigated claims
of truth, the appearance of such content in visual representation always represents
a risk for both the art and artist, institution and spectator.
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artists, such as Group Material who take up in their work methods of advocacy
around political subjectivity, education and health, or activist groups such as ACT
UP who work on the basis of enlightened self-interest in matters concerning the
AIDS crisis that ravaged the gay community in the 1980s, or Claude Lanzman's
epic film on the holocaust Shoah. Even Hollywood films such as Schindler's List
which took on the role of bearing witness on behalf of victims of the Holocaust
was founded upon identity discourses and the shroud of human rights that
envelopes each of them. The destabilising and subversive rapture often associated
with the work of Felix Gonzalez Torres (one of the most thorough and complex
convergences of the tension surrounding ethics and aesthetics); the ghostly
monologues on race and identity in Glen Ligon's coal dust and stenciled
paintings; the ambiguous and lugubrious archives that make up Christian
Boltanski's work are caught in this tension. Generalised images that appeal to our
sense of"humanity" or categorically reinvests the condition of the human with
contingency, works that take up the excursus of trauma: a flash of the tumescent
flesh of the wounded body or the wordless scream of the witness before a
catastrophe are just as equally implicated in this account. Thus, the more practices
and discourses of contemporary art recognise these categories as legitimate
artistic strategies the more human rights will ever remain both the silent
narrative and specter that haunts the ethical and aesthetic in contemporary art.
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of which Levinas speaks, is the ground for the principle of the intersubjective that
governs the communicative principle of an exchange between two people.
Therefore, the concept of truth requires first that the other exists in every
intersubjective, reciprocal exchange. This is a recognition of the basis of power
relations. I do not use the other here in an ethnographical sense. Rather, in the
sense of the recognition of one's own limits in relation to another subjectivised
position, be it a text, an artwork, a spoken exchange. We initiate each of our
interactions in this regard with a fund of trust in the integrity of the subjectivised
position. The other, then, exists neither as an aberration nor as an opposition. She
exists, always, in dialectical relation to multiple modes of subjectivisation.
Let us return to Badiou. According to what he terms the ethic of a truth, the
relationship to the other,
If that be the case, the grounds of the ethical as such in Documenta 11 is not
in the relativisation of ethics and aesthetics, but in a middle course: the composition
if the subject induced by the process of this 'truth' what we chose to call the discursive
space between the spectator and the work of art. This means that Documenta 11
was, rather, an active, entangled field of procedures for which different
practitioners and publics shared responsibility, sometimes in mutual intelligibility
and sometimes not. Such a shared zone of responsibility is the zone of
subjectivised practices.
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who presented in the exhibition a study of the grief and mourning surrounding
the destruction of the World Trade Center, vigorously disputes any attempt to
associate his work with such an epithet. Even the more benign term
"documentary" does not satisfy him in terms of what he believes to be the
purpose of his photographic work: to make singular photographic work that
speaks to the authenticity of each given situation to the degree the photograph
can no longer be read as just mere information. Yet Chantal Akerman embraces
the contradiction with the documentary inherent in film firmly in her cinematic
practice in which the image serves both a heuristic purpose and an aesthetic one.
She, who is herself the child of Holocaust survivors, makes no secret of her
identification with victims, which oftentimes is perceived as part of the ideo-
logical baggage much documentary work carries. Her film D'est, which tracks
the endlessness of the vast emptiness that attended the dissolution of the Soviet
empire, is remarkable not only for its oneiric quality, but also for its gritty
realism. Watching the blue haze that coats the mood of the film, one literally has
the feeling of watching dusk settling on the after-life of the second world. The
film can therefore be read as a kind of summa of that after-life.
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consciousness of which its critics accuse it, has a very rich and distinguished
tradition. Almost all the important photographers of the modern era-Eugene
Atget, Walker Evans, August Sander, Dorothea Lange, Diane Arbus, David
Goldblatt, Bernd and Hilla Becher-have worked within the documentary mode,
if we understand the nature of the documentary mode as simultaneously analytic
and mimetic. As such, the documentary has the unique position ofbeing caught in
a tautological game, which is to both document and analyze, to show and define
and to do so with both aesthetic means and also to be oblivious of aesthetic. For
some, it is a matter of taste: the rawer the image the more authentic the structure
of feeling it supposedly evokes. For others, the more discreet and anti-spectacular
the image, the more correspondingly distanced it is from its subject, the greater its
putative objectivity. But even if the most refined aesthetic procedures were
employed in a work, because of the tendency to categorise the documentary as a
mode of practice consistently prepared to show and ask moral questions around
what it documents, it is the documentary as a massive body of evidence we end up
most seeing. To certain catholic tastes, the more the ethical confronts the
documentary, the more distance from aestheticisation it must assume. For such
spectators, to aestheticise human suffering is an obscenity. This accusation is often
directed against the work of a photographer like Sebastaio Salgado; less so for
Gilles Peres and becomes quite controversial in the case of Susan Meiselas.
Yet when we look at the softcore pictures of distress and poverty by the likes
ofWalker Evans, Dorothea Lange, and other photographers who documented
the American depression in the 1930s, there is little moral outrage in the
reduction of poverty to certain social types by urbane, middle class photo-
graphers roughing it amongst the dejected mass of tenant farmers in drought-
blighted tenant farms of the South or the tenements of the large cities. Even
Jacob Riis's late nineteenth century moral crusades in his study of the squalor
and appalling living conditions in overcrowded tenements of New York's Lower
East Side in How the Other Half Lives is a product of a different type of moral
imperative. Perhaps this is so because these images, which were mostly from
before 1940, precede the period of the discourse of victims. The opposition
between the ethical and aesthetic or the political and poetic, as I have been trying
to demonstrate, has a long running history. But the vehemence of this opposition
today in documentary forms of work is informed mostly by the rise of discourse
of victims scattered all over the global peripheries that saturate the media today.
And with this rise of victims a peculiar form of scopophobia, an anti-
ocularcentric vision has settled over the field of the documentary. 39 I do not,
however, wish to recuperate the documentary form with all its unresolved
anomalies within what many would believe to be a more superior aesthetic
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system. For me the documentary as such has its own integrity, even if its claims of
truth remain dubious.
The documentary is also dominated by a view that it is a kind of testimony
which on the one hand produces a moral imperative in the telltale details of the
real, and on the other its assertion of truth in the manner in which it conveys and
conducts its judgment of events and depictions of people, things, objects. Even if
the documentary is never incontrovertibly called to present a moral judgment
but to document; to record; to archive or simply to present, the overwhelming
ethical ground it claims often subtend more nuanced positions.
The documentary admits into its methods diverse structures of reference: for
example, evidence, testimony, bearing witness. Above all it is mnemonic. The
documentary's relationship to its subject, in spite of its bold assertions of truth
claims, is an ambiguous one. One of the most shocking pictures I have ever
encountered in the media was reproduced almost a decade ago on the front page
of The New York Times. The picture, taken by Kevin Carter, a South African
photographer, shows a young, exhausted Sudanese refugee child bent over on his
hands and knees. The chilling image, which I can only now conjure from
memory, is a tightly composed picture, in which the circularity of the camera
cuts to a diagonal so as to align the looming frame of the child, with that of a
vulture standing behind him, observing, waiting. Two things come back to me
from that decade-old experience of the photograph and my feeling as a spectator
of the image: the remoteness and ambiguity of the photographer from the scene
and my own haunted curiosity of the ultimate fate of the child. The latter is what
the documentary never discloses: the aftermath. The reception of this picture
across the world was spectacular. It raised a range of ethical issues, the most
obvious of which was: what, if anything, did the photographer do to save the
vulnerable abandoned child. Moral outrage at the picture and at the
photographer was mingled with dumb admiration of the photographer's courage
in recording such a harrowing scene, for rescuing the child, if only as image, from
the anonymity of his fate. Of course, the photographer won all kinds of awards
for his effort. Carter was overwhelmed, by the attention and the debate
surrounding the picture. He committed suicide shortly thereafter. 4
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use material drawn directly from the social world at large. Herein lies my own
distinction, rather than accepting exclusively the term "documentary" as a way to
understand the manner in which the exhibition purportedly privileged the
documentation of the real world or the analysis of social reality I wish to address
the documentary versus art issue by inserting into the field of Documenta 11 's
vision the concept of verite.
Verite has been defined as: truth. But also it refers to lifelikeness, a trueness to
life. In the latter definition it is predisposed towards mimeticism. For example, in
French, verite also means to strive to be true to life in art: s'ifforcer a la verite en art.
Similarly verite refers to realism to real life, naturalism, authenticity, pragmatism,
verisimilitude. In the documentary mode we are presently reviewing verite
involves also the kind of documentary practice born in France in 1960s known
as cinema verite that blurs the line between reality and simulated reality.
The meaning of the term "documentary" that was of philosophical interest to
our main purpose-and I believe this was demonstrated throughout the entire
length and breadth of the project, in all the platforms, publications, symposia,
workshops, ecetera-refers to Agamben's idea of bare life or naked life. Bare life
or naked life as such is connected to that dimension of experience which he
defines as a form-of-life, "a life that can never be separated from its form, a life in
which it is never possible to isolate something such as naked life."so
Bio-politics, then, is both the conceptual envelope and the philosophical
determinant for how the loose term "documentary" came to inhabit such a
palpable space in the galleries of the exhibition. The hinge for the examination of
naked or bare life is the verite I documentary space. So, on the one hand, in the idea
of verite we confront the conditionalities of "truth" as a process of unraveling,
exploring, questioning, probing, analysing, diagnosing, a search for truth or shall
we say veracity. Whilst for the documentary mode on the other hand, there is a
purposive, forensic inclination concerned essentially with the recording of dry
facts to be submitted to the verite committee. It is here that the pure relationship
between documentary and verite become clearer, for they each define the
relationship between the spectator and the image - what in Camera Lucida,
Barthes defined as the studium. The interplay between fact and truth; compre-
hension and verification is the agitated field of the studium, for "to recognise the
studium is inevitably to encounter the photographer's intentions, to enter into
harmony with them, to approve or disapprove of them, but always to understand
them, to argue with them within myself, for culture (from which the studium
derives) is a contract arrived at between creators and consumers".sl This is what
governs the relationship between the documentary and verite, since there is
nothing inherently true or factual in the documented image if the purpose of
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such a documentation does not further ask the viewer to approach such
documentation as not only just a fact of something real in the world, but also
something true in the social condition of that world which is difficult to support
in a single film frame or photographic image.
If this holds true, perhaps then the response to the documentary mode in
Documenta 11 may lead us to assume that the recursive persistence of what many
came to see as documentary in the exhibition already points to an exhaustion of
the mode, an exhaustion that not only complicates the viewer's relationship to the
particular social world being examined, but in fact explodes that social world as
nothing but a body of excess. Thus to recoil from the documentary is to return to
doubts we each harbor about the nature of its representations of events or the
world as real and therefore true. This apprehension is even more acute in the
context of the general control and regulation of the media by powerful interests.
To disbelieve what is presented as the truth about the world, may in fact lend itself
to distrust of the messenger rather than the message. The less that documentary
exposes truth about the world in favor of an excess of reality over which we have
little control and even less of a choice of full comprehension, the more it seems
that spectators turn from it.
Epilogue
In conclusion, it might be important to restate the view that the role often
assigned documentary forms exists in the tension between their aesthetic
intention and ethical position vis-a-vis the subject of the documentary. The
second point about the documentary form concerns its mnemonic function in
relation to the archive that brings into visibility the relationship between images,
documents, and systems of meaning. But it also involves a struggle between two
irresolvable positions in our news-saturated, mediated world. W J T Mitchell in
his essay The Photographic Essay: Four Case Studies, began his searching assessment
of the photographic medium and language, by positing the idea that "The
relation of photography and language is a principal site of struggle for value and
power in contemporary representations of reality; it is the place where images
and words find and lose their conscience, their aesthetic and ethical identity."S2
The question could be asked: when do images lose their "conscience, their
aesthetic and ethical identity?" This is a question that does not have any answers
that are not unhelpfully speculative. In spite of attempts to discredit the place of
the documentary image in exhibitions of contemporary art (in my view a highly
dubious denial in an already prolix world of images and usage) the broad
category of images in Documenta 11 nevertheless surpass the documentary
reflex. The complex variety of approaches to be found in the genre in itself
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points to the importance of adjusting the reductive prejudices that strip images
down to only their functionalist format.
This was precisely what we found in the lengthy research and communi-
cations with artists, theorists, activists, architects, institutions-across cultures and
continents, disciplines and communities, institutions and networks (formal and
informal): there are no fixed messages that attach to the designation
documentary. We worked with artists and thinkers producing ideas and images on
an understanding of their practice within the broader parameters of the changing
relationship between artist and audience; discourse and language, addressing
questions that were far less predicated on predetermined meanings, but open to
interpellation to other activities, actions, events, and discourses. When an artist
group like Huit Facettes emerges in Senegal to question the efficacy of the
individual artist's relation to his context of production and public, what does
their alliance with the rural community of Hamdallaye in Senegal mean and how
does it show this complex relations of power? And by what means does Le
Groupe Amos in the Democratic Republic of Congo organise public
manifestations, produce documentary films on gender and sexual relationship,
economic production, on flows of labor and capital; conduct clinics on demo-
cracy and development; teach workshops on gender equality; lead workshops on
tolerance as the first condition of a democratic society, or participate as observers
in the peace negotiations between the different factions of rebel movements that
have made Democratic Republic of the Congo ungovernable communicate to
their audience the work it produces in the name of acting on behalf of
Congolese civil society? How do we apprehend the important proposals of Park
Fiction working in the suburbs of Hamburg in a long running project to
mobilise the marginalised community of St. Pauli against the gentrification of
their neighborhood by speculative real estate ventures, proposing instead a park
rather than another bland modernist architecture that weakens the link between
social relationships and community identity? In the same affiliative spirit of urban
and territorial analysis, we find the important project of Fareed Armaly: From /To
working in collaboration with the filmmaker Rashid Mashrawi on a reading of
the scattered trajectories of Palestinian dispersion and fragmentation into
multiple communities of exile and diaspora. Or the Italian group Multiplicity in
a provocative attempt to retrace and reconstruct the tragedy and lives of migrants
and refugees whose illegal smuggling ship sank and disappeared during one night
of tempest in the Clandestini basin of the Mediterranean sea in Solid Sea. From
Alejandra Riera and Doina Petrescu's Association des pas which concerns the
political and cultural subjectivity of the Kurdish community in Turkey, rendered
as a poetics of social and political analysis of representation to Raqs Media
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NOTES
I would like to extend a note of thanks to Terry Smith, Barbara Vanderlinden for their astute
comments and Tom Keenan for his careful reading of the essay.
1 Theodor W Adorno, "Valery Proust Museum," Prisms, trans. Samuel and Shierry Weber
(Cambridge: MIT P, 1983)185.
2 Emmanuel Levinas, "Dialogue on Thinking-of-the-Other" Entre Nous: Thinking-if-the-Other,
trans. Michael B. Smith and Barbara Harshav (New York: Columbia UP, 1998) 221.
3 See Clement Greenberg, "Towards a Newer Laocoon" Collected Essays and Criticism: Perceptions
and judgments, 1939-1944, vol. 1, ed.John O'Brian (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1988) 23-38.
4 Irit Rogoff, "Art/Theory/Elsewhere," "Dossier on Documenta 11," Texte zur Kunst (August,
2002).
5 Okwui Enwezor, "At Home in the World: African Writers and Artists in 'Ex-Ile'," Kunst- !M?lten
in Dialog: Von Gauguin zur Globalen Gegenwart, ed. Marc Scheps,Yilmaz Dziewior and Barbara
M. Thiemann (Koln: Dumont, 1999) 330-6.
6 Felix Guattari, The Three Ecologies, trans. Ian Pindar and Paul Sutton (London: Athlone P, 2000) 33.
7 I borrow the notion of indiscipline from Barbara Vanderlinden and Jens Hoffinan's curatorial
project "Indiscipline" where they, along with a multifaceted group of practitioners, explored
the nature of creative agency in the face of the breakdown between disciplines and forms of
art in Brussels in 2000. See Barbara Vanderlinden and Jens Hoffman, Indiscipline (Brussels:
Roomade, 2000) unpaginated brochure.
8 Ibid.
9 See Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition, 2nd Ed, (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1998). Arendt's
discussion of Vita Activa, in which she identifies three forms of human activity-labor, work, and
action-as the fundamental condition oflife, as that which invests positive content in all human
life, is important in the context of the idea of bio-politics. See also Michel Foucault, "Right of
Death and Power over Life," The Foucault Reader, ed. Paul Rabinow (New York: Pantheon, 1984)
267. Foucault comments that in the discourse of bio-politics "what we have seen has been a
very real process of struggle; life as a political object was in a sense taken at face value and turned
back against the system that was bent on controlling it. It was life more than the law that
became the issue of political struggles, even if the latter were formulated through affirmations
concerning rights. The 'right' to life, to one's body, to health, to happiness, to the satisfaction of
needs and, beyond all the oppressions or 'alienations,' the 'right'-which the classical juridical
system was utterly incapable of comprehending-was the political response to all these new
procedures of power which did not derive, either, from the traditional right of sovereignty".
10 In his humanist-oriented essay The Three Ecologies, Guattari spells out an interesting program of
thought that reiterates the debate on the human in what he calls Ecosophy. In this philosophy,
in which he deals with the disastrous consequences for the present ecological system based on
man-made changes, there is a triangulation of what he calls an "ethico-political articulation ...
between the environment, social relations, and human subjectivity ... " Guattari, The Three
Ecologies 28. He brings these three intersecting questions to rest on the "ecosophic
problematic ... of the production of human existence itself in new historical contexts". Ibid 34.
11 For the full text of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights see www. un.org/
OverviewI rights
12 Michel Foucault, quoted in Giorgio Agamben, Means Without End: Notes on Politics, trans.
Vinceno Binetti and Cesare Casarino (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2000) 7.
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13 Susan Sontag, Regarding the Pain cif Others (New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 2003). Lucid and
mesmerizing, Sontag attacks the pervasive contemporary apperception of images of violence,
the blind stare which detaches itself from the "Pain of Others" through recourse to absurd
rationalisations.
14 See Susan Slyomovics, The Object of Memory: Arab and jew Narrate the Palestinian Village
(Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1998) for a scrupulous and moving account of the conver-
gence of two positions of the victim in the historic debate on the politics of dispossession.
15 Jean Baudrillard pushed this form of argument to a new level of absurdity in his book The
Gulf War did not Happen. Baudrillard's canard deploys his familiar theory of the simulacrum in
which all representation disappears into the image, with mass media serving as the screen
(both in the literal sense and in the sense of concealment) through which we perceive reality,
in order to insist that what the first GulfWar amounted to was nothing more than a media
spectacle, a virtualization of the image of war that distorts the actuality of that war. While one
can certainly agree that the American prosecution of the war gave the impression of the war as
an electronic video screen in the early days of the war, subsequent documentary footage of
bombed out Baghdad and the infamous "highway of death" refutes the excitation of over
theorization provided by his analysis. Sontag's point is that all too often, we shy away from the
terrible suffering because we search for an enlightened response that absolves us from seeing
what lies immediately before our field of perception.
16 Ariella Azoulay, Death's Showcase: The Power of Image in Contemporary Democracy, trans. Ruvik
Danieli (Cambridge, Mass: MIT P, 2001) 4.
17 For Kant's aesthetic theory from which much debate on the question of the aesthetic in art
draws see his 1764 essay "The Sense of the Beautiful and of the Sublime" in Philosophy of
Immannuel Kant: Immanuel Kant's Moral and Political Writings, ed. Carl]. Friedrich (New York:
The Modern Library, 1949).
18 WB.Yeats, "Easter 1916," The Collected Works cifWB. Yeats, vol. 1, ed. Richard Finneran (New
York: MacMillan, 1989).
19 For a full account of Kein Mensch ist Illegal's work see Florian Schneider/Kein Mensch ist
Illegal, "New Rules of the New Actonomy 3.0," Democracy Unrealized: Documenta11_Plaiform
1, ed. Okwui Enwezor, Carlos Basualdo, Sarat Maharaj, et al. (Stuttgart: Hatje Cantz,
2002) 179-93; see also http:/ /new.actonomy.org for further development of its work.
20 Sarat Maharaj's essay in Education, Information, Entertainment. Current Approaches on Higher Artistic
Education, ed. Ute Meta Bauer (Vienna: Edition Selene, 2001).
21 Ruth Wodak, "Inequality, Democracy and Parliamentary Discourses," Democracy Unrealized, ed.
Okwui Enwezor, Carlos Basualdo, Ute Meta Bauer, Susanne Ghez, Sarat Maharaj, Mark Nash,
Octavia Zaya (Stuttgart: Hatje Cantz, 2002) 151-68.
22 Hannah Arendt, The Origins cifTotalitarianism (San Diego and New York: Harcourt, 1968). For a
particularly thorough analysis of the development of the concept of race as justification for,
and incitement to, dispossession of civil and human rights see the chapter "Race and
Bureaucracy" 185-221.
23 In Europe in the last decade there has been a particularly intense upsurge of racist far right and
neo-Nazi political parties such as Jean-Marie Le Pen's Front National in France,Jorg Haider's
Freedom Party in Austria, Filip Dewinter's Vlaams Blok in Belgium, Pim Fortuyn's Lijst Pim
Fortuyn in Holland, the election of the nationalist right wing ruling party in Denmark,
amongst others entering into the political mainstream. The spectacular results achieved by Le
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Pen and Haider in recent elections makes clear that these developments are part of the
mainstreaming of racial discourse in the affirmative populist politics and culture, especially in
Europe. See for example Etienne Balibar, "Racism and Crisis;' Etienne Balibar and Immanuel
Wallerstein, Racism, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities (London: Verso, 1991) 217-27.
24 See W:E.B. Dubois, The Souls of Black Folk (New York: Bantam, 1989) first published in 1903.
Dubois was perhaps the first thinker to draw our attention to the question of race in
modernity. In "Of the Dawn of Freedom," the second section of his classic treatment of race
and the American experience, he writes: "The problem of the twentieth century is the
problem of the color-line-the relation of the darker to the lighter races of men [sic] in Asia
and Africa, in America and Islands of the sea." One hundred years after Dubois's treatise, Paul
Gilroy in a recent work Against Race: Imagining Political Culture Beyond the Color Line
(Cambridge, Mass: Belknap/Havard UP, 2000) has taken up and extended this theme in a
powerful anti-clerical critique of the persistence of racial discourse in contemporary culture.
25 More than any other group of thinkers it is revolutionary third-world, anti-colonial intellec-
tuals who foregrounded bio-politics more than class as the founding principle of all political
and cultural struggles. See for example Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Mask, trans. Charles
Lam Markham (New York: Grove Press, 1967) particularly the chapter "The Negro and
Recognition." The concluding passage of the chapter sketches the degree to which the
struggle for the conception of the human has been made the object of all ethical and political
considerations of otherness. Fanon writes in this passage: "I said in my introduction that man is
a yes. I will never stop reiterating that. Yes to Life. Yes to love. Yes to generosity. But man is also
a no. No to scorn of man. No to degradation of man. No to exploitation of man. No to the
butchery of what is most human in man: freedom".
26 For a full treatment of this subject see Julia Kristeva, Strangers to Ourselves, trans. Leon S.
Roudieez (NewYork,Columbia UP, 1991).
27 Recent anti-globalization battles in Seattle, Prague, Montreal Genoa, Guadalajara are instances
of the kind "unbounded" and "undisciplined" work being taken up by certain forms of
political art. There is now a recognition, even in such insular clubs as the Davos Economic
Summit in Switzerland, of the importance of culture as an instrument of economic policy
discussion. The organizers of Davos have since began inviting "cultural producers" to its
discussions on global governance.
28 For a fruitful reading of the task of the artist operating under the understanding of a political
commitment, see Walter Benjamin's essay "The Author as Producer," Reflections: Essays,
Aphorisms, Autobiographical Writings, ed. Peter Demetz (New York: Schoken, 1978) 22(}-38; see
also Jean-Paul Sartre, What is Literature and Other Essays (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UP, 1988)
for his elaboration of the notion of committed literature.
29 Alfredo Jaar, It is Difficult: Ten Years and Let There be Light: The Rwanda Project, 1994-1998
(Barcelona: Actar, 1998).
30 A particularly disconcerted view of the exhibition could be read in the alarmed review of
Blake Gopnik the art critic of The Washington Post whose article drew out of thin air the
bizarre notion that the exhibition was anti-American. See Blake Gopnik, "Fully Freighted Art:
At Documenta 11, A Bumpy Ride for Art World's Avant-Garde," Washington Post Oune 16,
2002). Another view of the evangelical, puritanical attitude of the exhibition was offered by
Michael Kimmelman, chief art critic of The New York Times, in his article, "Global Art Show
With an Agenda," The New York Times Oune 18, 2002).
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