Professional Documents
Culture Documents
2ND QUARTER
In this issue of Politika, we address a few key areas of interest that have emerged this quarter. First, we look
at the qualities of Dutertismo; what have we learned about the presidents leadership and what these may
mean for the issues ahead. In relation to the presidents approaches, we take a look at the publics opinion
on the Duterte administration and its performance in the last quarter. Second, we delve into the Marawi crisis,
assessing some successes and lessons learned. Third, we take a step back and return to the subject of regional
stability and security. Finally, we give an update on developments in the legislature.
Table 1
Net Satisfaction Ratings of Presidents, Philippines
(May 1986 to June 2017)
Source: SWS
In the second quarter, President Duterte has maintained his base of support. The Social Weather Stations
survey conducted from June 23-26, 2017 showed that the president enjoys a net satisfaction rating of +66,
reflecting 78% of Filipinos satisfied with his performance, 10% undecided, and 12% dissatisfied. This is a minor
increase from the 75% he attained in March 2017 and 77% in December 2016. In the Pulse Asia survey conducted
from June 24-29, 2017, President Duterte attained an 82% approval rating, an increase from the 78% approval
rating he received in March 2017.
According to both SWS and Pulse Asia, the presidents rating was greatest in Visayas and Mindanao. In the
SWS survey, 83% in both regions reported they were satisfied with his performance. He recorded increases
in Visayas (+8) and the Balance of Luzon (+5 or 73%). While there was no significant change in his rating in
NCR (+1) he lodged a decrease in Mindanao (-6), where he has had the greatest level of support in previous
quarters. In the Pulse Asia survey, the president lodged an approval rating of 95% in Mindanao, attaining a
7-point increase from March of this year. He received an 84% approval rating in Visayas, a 75% rating in the
Balance of Luzon, and 80% in NCR.
In terms of socioeconomic class, the president recorded a minor decrease in Class ABC, from 67% satisfied
to 65% satisfied with his performance (-2) in the SWS survey. There was no significant change in Class D (+1).
Table 2
Public Satisfaction with Rodrigo Duterte
(December 2016 to June 2017)
Source: SWS
Table 3
Public Satisfaction with Rodrigo Duterte
(December 2016 to June 2017)
Source: SWS
Figure 1
Net Satisfaction Ratings of Resident Rodrigo Duterte, by Area
(September 2016 to June 2017)
Source: SWS
Table 4
Awareness and Performance Ratings of Top National Officials
June 24-29, 2017/Philippines
(Row Percent)
Table 6
Awareness and Trust Ratings of Top National Officials
June 24-29, 2017/Philippines
(Row Percent)
Table 8
Comparative Trust Ratings of Top National Officials
March and June 2017/Philippines
(In Percent)
This is not to say that the presidents decisions have been universally popular. His foreign
policy statements are often at odds with public sentiment, whether on the West Philippine Sea
specifically or, more broadly, in choosing this countrys partners. The discord is obvious when
comparing the countries that Filipinos trust and the countries that this administration is working
with the most. Nevertheless, the presidents willingness to swim against the tides of public
opinion and to take unpopular action shows another facet of leadership.
Vision
Finally, this administration has no shortage of ambition for this country. Its flagship projects,
such as the Build, Build, Build program, show our leaders willingness to think with large scopes
and with long-term scales about our countrys needs and its future. Our countrys infrastructure
deficit is so dire that this cause should be one that the entirety of our country can and has been
able to rally around. Whether we are talking about infrastructure or tax reform, and especially the
possibility of federalism, it is obvious that Duterte and his team are willing to think big and set
major reforms in action.
This administration has had its share of hits and misses, there is no getting past that. Yet, with
Duterte at the helm, we are in a unique time in Philippine politics. No matter your political color,
Dutertismo is a force to be understood and to be reckoned with.
The Marawi Crisis erupted when Philippine government forces clashed with ISIS-inspired Maute
terrorists on May 23 in a bid to capture the so-called Emir of ISIS in Southeast Asia, Isnilon Hapilon,
and prevent the latter from establishing an Islamic State wilayat (province) in Mindanao. The crisis
has dragged on for over a month, with no clear end in sight. According to a statement released by
Presidential Spokesperson Ernesto Abella on July 1, the standoff has so far claimed the lives of 82
government forces, 317 terrorists, and 39 civilians. Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) spokesman
Brigadier General Restituto Padilla reported that as of June 29, government forces, local government
personnel, and civil society organizations have so far rescued a total of 1,713 civilians. He disclosed
that a total of 382 firearms have been recovered. Based on the latest available records of Joint Task
Force Marawi dated June 16, the remaining members of the terror group were holed up in four out of
96 barangays which are now the foci of military operations.
President Duterte, through Administrative Order No. 3, established Task Force Bangon Marawi on
July 3. Headed by Defense Secretary Lorenzana and Public Works Secretary Mark Villar, the interagency
task force will handle the expedient recovery, reconstruction and rehabilitation of Marawi and nearby
affected towns. The president has pledged up to PHP 20 Billion (USD 400 Million) in initial funding.
Misplaced Priorities
As early as the pre-election season last year, President Rodrigo Duterte expressed his concern that
some battle-hardened jihadists of the Islamic State (ISIS) have been moving out of their strongholds in
Syria and Iraq due to heightened military operations by US- and Russia-backed coalitions, and sailing
to Mindanao to radicalize segments of Filipinos and set up their first wilayat (province) in Southeast
Asia.
Up until the Marawi Crisis, however, President Duterte anchored his battle cry of restoring public
order and saving the Republic from total disintegration primarily on the determination of his
administration to discipline the so-called three societal ills: petty criminals, drug lords, and corrupt
government officials. These had been portrayed as the main culprits for the countrys inability for
sustained economic takeoff.
In focusing on the War on Drugs, the whole of the defense and security, law enforcement, and
intelligence establishment may have underestimated the potentially existential threat posed by foreign
radical Islamist extremist groups. In Marawi, these groups have shown that they have local manpower,
new material and cyber technologies, strategies of asymmetric warfare, financial resources, and an
ideological base from which to radicalize and unify disenfranchised people. Among them are local
groups that do not subscribe to the peace process between the Philippine government and the
mainstream Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) groups.
In the meantime, local militants, such as the Maute Group, together with the Abu Sayyaf Group
(ASG) and the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF), have been able to transcend their tribal
loyalties or ethnic affiliations, unify their forces under Hapilon, and, project themselves as having re-
Lessons Drawn
The Marawi Crisis is a wake-up call to the Philippine government, in general, and the Duterte
administration, in particular, in terms of addressing the issues of basic security, law enforcement,
local governance, and socio-economic development that have hounded Mindanao.
First, in terms of security/law enforcement, the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), working
hand in hand with the Philippine National Police (PNP), ought to expedite their clearing operations
in the remaining barangays of Marawi City in order to restore public order, proceed with post-
conflict rehabilitation for the displaced citizens, and prevent the arrival of more local and foreign
jihadists in the conflict zone. The AFP and PNP should critically reexamine their current Doctrine,
Organization, Training, Materiel, Personnel, Leadership and Education, Facilities, and Policy
(DOTMPLF-P) on counterterrorism so as to adapt to the evolving nature of asymmetric warfare,
particularly in urbanized areas.
In this regard, the AFP and PNP may seek inspiration from and the material and technical
support of countries such as Israel and Singapore, which have skills and expertise in conducting
modern urban warfare and rapid response in urban areas. For the long term, the AFP should also
consider institutionalizing the recently implemented Trilateral Maritime Patrol (TMP) to boost
intelligence-sharing, communications, and joint interoperability for counterterrorist operations
between the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia.
Second, in terms of local governance, it is time for Congress to review and then submit to the
Executive Branch, with the approval of the Judicial Branch, a more inclusive and more equitable
version of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL). A revised BBL is necessary to address the historical
grievances of the Moro Filipinos, provide them greater voice in their political affairs, as well as
greater responsibility and accountability to guard their ranks against ISIS-inspired radicalization
within their respective jurisdictions. The implementation of the Comprehensive Agreement on the
Bangsamoro is needed to reduce the appeal of violence and the sway of foreign groups.
In the transition process to greater autonomy, however, the Philippine government ought to
avoid repeating its mistakes since the 1996 Davao Consensus. Instead, it should be proactive in
strengthening the institutional capacities of the local government units (i.e. policing, taxation,
public education, administration of justice) within the Bangsamoro region to ensure public welfare
and facilitate political institutionalization.
Lastly, we welcome the decision of President Duterte to sign the Executive Order creating
Task Force Bangon Marawi, which allocates PHP 20 Billion for the rehabilitation of Marawi City.
For the long run, we urge the National Economic Development Authority (NEDA), Department
of Transportation (DOTr), Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH), and the Bases
Conversion and Development Authority (BCDA), in coordination with Mindanao Development
Authority, to expeditiously implement the Duterte Infrastructure Plan for Mindanao. This should
be followed by close coordination between the Philippine government, the private/business
sector, and the governments of neighboring countries within the Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia,
Philippines-East Asia Growth Area (BIMP-EAGA) framework to boost the Mindanaos productivity
and create legitimate employment opportunities for the Bangsamoro people.
Figure 2
Opinion on President Dutertes Declaration of Martial Law in Mindanao: Philippines
(June 2017)
Source: SWS
Source: SWS
As many of the senior leaders at the Dialogue represent US allies, their comments on American
engagement in the region provided a peek into their concerns. Most speechesfrom Australian
Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull to Japanese Defense Minister Tomomi Inadashared at least one
major theme: that the United States is important and should remain engaged. That this point
was reiterated across the allies showed just how the US has not managed to communicate Asias
importance. As in Prime Minister Turnbulls words, I am confident that this administration and
those that follow it will [i.e. has yet to] recognize as its predecessors have that the United States
own interests in the IndoPacific demand more US engagement, not less.
Nevertheless, US officials have made several visits to Asia and it may simply be a matter of time
for the administration to develop a clearer agenda. Taking from their approach to North Korea
(The end of strategic patience is over), their hasty dis-engagement from trade, and the slow
pace at which major diplomatic posts have been filled in the region and in Washington, however,
it appears that the US will for the meantime pursue a defense-led approach to Asia. In the short-
to-medium term, how this will manifest in areas closer to Southeast Asiasuch as in the South
China Seawill be anyones guess. Coming away from the Dialogue, the impression was that the
US may continue to be active, but that its engagement will not be as predictable as in the past.
Away from the grand strategic themes of major powers, there were important efforts to get
work done even at the smallest areas of cooperation. In the South China Sea, Singapores plan
to prioritize CUES and promote confidence-building between ASEAN navies and China, as one
example, is a pragmatic way of reducing the odds of miscalculation. At this level, you could sense
the greatest level of interest from delegates in thinking about new approaches to and options for
avoiding conflict. While there are still blind spots to overcome (e.g. the differing assessments
from the Indonesian and Philippine representatives over the number of foreign fighters), the path
to overcoming these is more straightforward, even as it may still be difficult. Given the top-level
uncertainties still ahead for the Asia-Pacific, the best course may be for countries to coalesce
around efforts to mitigate risk.
Submitted To Malacaang
Before adjourning session last week, Congress jointly submitted six more bills to Malacaang for
President Dutertes signature. Among these bills were the Free Internet Access in Public Places Act,
which would provide free internet access in public places and government offices; Philippine Passport
Act, which would extend the validity of Philippine passports to 10 years; and the bill that strengthens
the Anti-Hospital Deposit Law, which would impose higher penalties on hospitals that refuse to
administer treatment to emergency patients. Also submitted to Malacaang were the Free Higher
Education for All Act, which would provide for full tuition subsidies to students in state universities
and colleges; amendments to the Revised Penal Code, which sought to adjust the amounts under the
87-year old Revised Penal Code to prevent cruel and excessive punishment; and the amendments to
the Anti-Money Laundering Act, which would expand the coverage of the AMLA to include casinos.
A measure extending the validity of drivers licenses to five years will also soon be submitted to the
Office of the President after the bicameral conference committee report was approved just before the
break, while an additional measure is pending at the bicameral committee; House Bill 64 and Senate
Bill 1317 or An Act Strengthening Compliance with Occupational Safety and Health Standards and
Providing Penalties For Violations Thereof.
So far, only four measures have been enacted into law, these are: Republic Act 10923, postponing the
October 2016 Barangay and Sangguniang Kabataan Elections; RA 10924 or the General Appropriations
Philippine Senate
Since the 17th Congress began last July 25, 2016, senators had filed 1,499 bills which are now in various
stages of legislation. Of these, 33 have been approved on third and final reading. A number of these bills
focused on improving and expanding government services to various sectors, such as the Sagip Saka Bill, the
Tulong-Trabaho Bill, the Telecommuting Act of 2017, the Philippine Innovation Act.
They also included measures on improving the countrys health services such as the Mental Health Act of
2017 and the Expanded Maternity Leave Act of 2017. The following bills were included among the priorities at
the Committee on Health and Demography: the comprehensive HIV/AIDS policy bill, the anti-hospital deposit
act, the mental health bill and Philhealth coverage for people with disabilities (PWD) bill.
The Mental Health bill has been approved on third and final reading on May 2 as the session resumed.
Likewise, the Anti-Hospital Deposit Act was approved on third reading. As such, the bill is now ready to be
tackled at the bicameral conference between the House of Representatives and the Senate before it will be
transmitted to the President for approval. On the other hand, the comprehensive AIDS and HIV policy bill is up
for second reading. The Philhealth coverage for PWDs is also pending for second reading.
Meanwhile in the Committee on Public Services, a committee hearing was conducted on the management
and maintenance of the Metro Rail Transit (MRT) 3 and the purchase of new MRT coaches on May 23, 2017.
In the hearing, two issues were floated. First is the issue of payments where the government is paying big
fees for railroad and coach maintenance but that the companies are basically ineffective and inefficient. The
second issue relates to the awarding of maintenance contracts, where an accusation was hurled toward former
Secretary Abaya approving dubious and questionable contracts with companies, especially where there is
really no urgency to approve the contacts in the first place. Relatedly, the House Committee on Transportation
conducted a similar inquiry on the MRT maintenance issue last May 24, 2017. Another hearing in aid of
legislation is expected to be pursued after the break.
The Senate also adopted 51 resolutions out of 399 proposed resolutions that have been filed. The resolutions
included the accession of the Senate to treaties such as the Articles of Agreement of the Asian Infrastructure
Investment Bank, the RP-Japan Agreement on Social Security, and the landmark Paris Agreement.
As of sine die adjournment, forty-six bills remain pending on Second Reading, while 1,251 bills remain
pending in committees.
Among the measures approved on third reading in the House of Representatives and are awaiting the passage
of a counterpart bill in the Senate are the An Act Imposing the Death Penalty On Certain Heinous Crimes;
and the Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN) Bill. Both are legislative priorities of the Duterte
Administration.
The TRAIN serves as the first package of the Comprehensive Tax Reform Program (CTRP) of the Department
of Finance. It passed with 246 votes in the affirmative, 9 negative and one abstention, just before the sine die
adjournment. Aside from the decreasing personal income tax (PIT) and imposing more taxes on automobile
and oil products, the bill also features a tax on sugar sweetened beverage and tax exemption for cooperatives.
Opponents including the Makabayan Bloc argue that these taxes would hurt the middle class. However, the tax
is seen to complement President Dutertes public investment and expenditure drive particularly in infrastructure
and social services.
Meanwhile, among the resolutions adopted by the House of Representatives are the report of the Committee
of the Whole on House Resolution 1050 which is Resolution Expressing The Full Support Of The House Of
Representatives To President Rodrigo Duterte As It Finds No Reason To Revoke Proclamation No. 216, Entitled
Declaring A State Of Martial Law And Suspending The Privilege Of The Writ Of Habeas Corpus In The Whole
Of Mindanao ; and one report on impeachment, which is Committee Report 257 on House Resolution 157
Resolution Dismissing The Verified Complaint For Impeachment And The Supplemental Complaint-Affidavit
Filed By Rep. Gary C. Alejano Against President Rodrigo Roa Duterte.
On health policy, among those that were enumerated as priorities at the Committee on Health at the House
of Representatives, the mental health bill and the comprehensive HIV/AIDS policy bill were approved by the
committee and are now ready to be debated at the plenary on second reading upon the resumption of the
session. Not listed among the committee priorities but likewise approved by the committee is the health
promotion and disease prevention act which shall, among others, establish a health promotion and disease
prevention commission. This will likewise be up for plenary debates upon the resumption of the session in
July. Moreover, both the Universal Health Care bill and the bill to strengthen nutritional programs for women in
different levels of their reproductive life the first 1000 days had already been approved at the committee level
and will be ready for debates on second reading. Meanwhile, the Anti-Hospital Deposit Act or House Bill 5159
was approved on Third reading at the House of Representatives.
Relatedly, the Quality Affordable Medicines Oversight Committee (QAMOC), composed of both Senate and
House members, held a second meeting at the Senate chaired by Rep. Ferjenel Biron and Senator Juan Miguel
Zubiri and co-chaired by Rep. Angelina Tan. The second meeting took off from the discussions on the first meeting
on February 8 regarding the status of the Universally Accessible Cheaper and Quality Medicines Act of 2008 (RA
9502). In the meeting, the Department of Health proposed two key amendments to the Cheaper Medicines Act.
First is generics-only prescribing by health care professionals both in the public and private sectors. Second is
The Committee on Trade and Industry at the House of Representatives included the bills on Ease of Doing
Business and several bills amending the Consumer Act as their priority. The Ease of Doing business bill has
been approved at the committee level. This bill consolidates four other previous versions designed to create a
national policy to ease business processes and to create a commission that will serve as a one-stop-shop for
all business-related permits, licenses, clearances and other pertinent documents. The bill is expected to be
tackled at the plenary on second reading.
Of national significance because of what some call a transportation crisis, the House Committee on
Transportation in a hearing on May 29 approved House Bill 4334 or the Traffic Crisis Bill. The bill is expected to
be referred to the Committee on Rules for its appropriate action. Among others, the bill seeks to reorganize
administrative agencies to be responsive to the issue of traffic such as appointing the Department of
Transportation as the Traffic Chief and creating a Joint Congressional Oversight Committee. Moreover, it seeks
to create a comprehensive traffic rule handbook and the formulation of the Decongestion and Transportation
Network Reform Plan.
Finally, the issue of labor-only contractualization has been prominently discussed in public again after
the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) department order anticipated to put a stop to the practice
came short of the expected output. As such, while the Committee on Labor and Employment at the House of
Representatives had not initially identified legislative priorities to be tackled, a meeting was held on May 31
between some of the committee members and labor groups on the more than twenty bills filed on the issue
of putting an end to the practice of labor-only contracting. Previously, the committee leadership met with
employer groups in aid of legislation. The Committee shared that the meeting was not open to the public.
President Duterte has recently promised to issue his own executive order on the matter.
(10) bills were filed last year and are all pending with the Committee on Transportation. So far,
the Senate Committee on Public Services has approved at the committee level in December last
year Senate Bill 1284 granting emergency power to the president to solve the traffic crisis.