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annualt aeview of
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Note:For the past severalyears, the Octoberissue of AMERICANANTIQUITYhasfeatureda summaryreport
on some aspect of Old WorldArchaeology.In the present issue, there are two such summaries:Part I on
southeasternEuropeis the last of the series solicitedby Eugene Sterud,and was preparedby RobertEvans and
JudithRasson. Part II was organizedby Peter Wellsand comprisesan accountof importantrecentdiscoveries
in Europe(preparedby Wellshimself),the Near and MiddleEast (preparedby C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky), and
China (preparedby K. C. Chang). Wellshas kindlyconsentedto continuecoordinatingsuch yearlysummaries,
and will add Africato the list as well.PJW
This article reviews recent research on the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods of Southeastern
Europe (Figures 1 and 2), including topics of interest to both indigenous and foreign scholars.1
Americans and Western Europeans working in Southeast Europe bring research interests derived
from the historical and intellectual development of archaeology in their own regions, yet the ar-
chaeology of Southeast Europe has a well-developed literature dating back to the last century. This
literature reflects regional concerns with method, theory, and culture history. The foci of research
derive partly from the nature of the archaeological materials themselves and partly from the historical
development of the practice of archaeology.
The proposition that cultural innovations such as farming and metallurgy originated in Western
Asia (the Orient) and then diffused to Europe was popularized by V. Gordon Childe (1939) and
was designated by the Latin phrase ex oriente lux. This formulation was the accepted view for many
years (Piggott 1965 and Murray 1970, for example). Evidence for diffusion included domestic
plants and animals of the Neolithic that seemed to come from wild progenitors in Western Asia,
and other traits that also seemed to develop earlier to the east. A number of studies have attempted
to document the spread of the Neolithic lifeway into Europe from Asia (e.g., Ammerman and
Cavalli-Sforza 1972, 1973; Edmondson 1961).
However, as data from excavation and analysis in Southeast Europe have accumulated, prehis-
torians have gradually come to doubt Childe's assumptions and have begun to look for other answers
713
714 AMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol. 49, No. 4, 1984]
Tartaria ?
Vi nca
* Obre
Varn
<j,
CP
Knossos
---^l^^-
?*
~^ , c. 3000 B.C.
a steppe
g
*'~ Rachmani Baden-Kostolac Bubanj invasion Cernavoda I Bodrogkerestur
U; c. 6500 B.C.
Figure 2. Generalized schematic chronology of Southeast Europe (from Dimitrijevic 1971:151; Gimbutas
1982; Kalicz 1980:74; Todorova 1978:Table 33; Tringham 1971:Fig. 41).
to the problems of culture change. Some have even suggested that the native populations of Southeast
Europe were the innovators of significant cultural developments that were diffused to other areas,
perhaps even Western Asia. Todorova summarizes the "surprising discoveries" that have challenged
the "traditional" ideas and has suggested that the term "ex balcanae lux" is appropriate (1978:1).
In this brief account of recent research on the area, we summarize some of the developments that
led to this statement. For the purpose of this summary we have defined the Neolithic and Chalcolithic
or Copper Age (also called Eneolithic) period chronologically as ca. 6500 B.C. to 3000 B.C., and
we consider Southeast Europe (including the Balkans) as the area from the Hungarian Plain to Crete.
The focus is on research during approximately the last 20 years, although the coverage is not
exhaustive. A general background bibliography is included to place recent developments in context.
Recent summaries of culture history include Benac (1961); Bognar-Kutzian (1972); Christopoulos
(1970); Comsa (1974a); Dennell (1978); Dolukhanov (1978); Hood (1961); Kalicz and Makkay
(1977); Korkuti (197 la); Kosse (1979); Marinescu-Bilcu (1974); Miclea and Florescu (1980); Muller-
Karpe (1968); Papathanasopoulos (1981); Powell (1961); Praistorija Jugoslavenska Zemalja (1979);
Theocharis (1971, 1973); Warren (1975); and Venedikov (1965). Selected for discussion in this
paper are both topics of wide general interest, such as chronology and cultural comparisons, and
topics of special interest such as population change, settlement pattern, subsistence, trade, tech-
nology, religion, writing, metallurgy, and social structure.
HISTORY OF RESEARCH
Beginnings of interest and research in the prehistory of Southeast Europe can generally be dated
to the late nineteenth and early twentieth century (Berciu 1967; Condurachi 1964; Condurachi and
Diacoviciu 1971; Dumitrescu 1979; Gabrovec 1979; Hood 1967a; Leekley 1976; Leekley and
Efstratiou 1980; Leekley and Noyes 1975; Marinescu-Bilcu 1982; Sklenar 1983; Sterud 1973; To-
dorova 1978). This period saw the foundation of archaeological research, the preliminary identifi-
cation of prehistoric cultural groups, and the development of a terminology for ordering prehistoric
materials in time and space. This was reported for Hungary by Banner (1931, 1932, 1935, 1937);
Krecsmarik (1911, 1915); Szendrei (1883); Szeghalmy (1913); Visegradi (1912); Zalotay (1932); for
Yugoslavia by Fewkes et al. (1933); Fiala and Hoernes (1898); Radimsky and Hoernes (1895); and
Vasic (1932, 1936a, 1936b). Work was carried out in Romania by V. Dumitrescu (1924); Nestor
(1928), Langsdorf and Nestor (1929); Schroller (1933); and Stefan (1925); in Bulgaria by Jerome
(1901),Kacarov(1918, 1925, 1928a, 1928b),Mikov(1927, 1934, 1939);Popov(1912, 1913, 1914,
1917); and Schuchhardt (1924); Seure and Degrand (1906); and in Greece by Heurtley (1939), Kunze
(1931), Mylonas (1929, 1941); Soteriades (1908); Tsountas (1908); and Wace and Thompson (1912).
716 AMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol. 49, No. 4, 1984]
Much of the early interest was oriented toward working out space-time relationships and toward
obtaining interesting materials for museum displays. Montelius (1899) summarized the existing
data and formalized many of the assumptions behind the typological method of chronological
synchronisms. The classic application of this method to Eastern Europe was Childe's publication
of The Danube in Prehistory (1929). Sterud (1973:10) credits Montelius with the first development
of explicit theory, terminology, and a systematic method of artifact classification, after which local
archaeological work, characterized by the acquisition of excavated data and refinements to the
relative dating system, was pursued in that framework. Others have produced their own versions
of the early development of Balkan archaeology.
In Bulgaria, for instance, Todorova (1978) offers a three-stage model. The first stage extends from
1898 to 1944 and culminates with the posthumous publication of Gaul's (1948) study. The second
period is from 1944 to 1959. This period was characterized by further data gathering devoted largely
to relative dating. Significant changes about 1959 marked the beginnings of a third stage, in part
due to the contributions of Southeast European prehistorians to the international conference held
in Prague that year (Bohm and DeLaet 1961). The impact of radiocarbon dating also began to be
felt at about that time (see below). This stage (lasting until the present) is marked by more com-
prehensive research, the application of radiocarbon dating, and the use of the exact sciences. During
this period more Western European and American archaeologists became interested in the Neolithic
and Chalcolithic of Southeast Europe. The excitement over the Neolithic in Yugoslavia, for instance,
has caused it to be referred to as the "glamour period" of prehistory (Bankoff and Winter 1982:
149).
American interest was significantly influenced by the availability of funding through the foreign
currency program (Public Law 480) of the United States government. Several Neolithic projects
were undertaken jointly in Yugoslavia using these funds: Divostin (McPherron and Srejovic 1971;
1984); Kakanj, Obre I, and Obre II (Benac 1973a, 1973b; Gimbutas 1970; Gimbutas, ed. 1974;
Sterud and Sterud 1974), and Anzabegovo [Anza or Barutnica] (Gimbutas, ed. 1976). The Minnesota
Messenia Project was a long-term survey and excavation project carried out at the same time in
Greece. Although it was not primarily concerned with the post-Neolithic and Copper Ages (it focused
on the Bronze Age), it did incorporate pre-Bronze Age materials in the research design (McDonald
and Rapp 1972). A comprehensive regional approach to early culture history in Greece is provided
by the work of the Argolid Exploration Project (Jameson 1976). These projects provided material
for a variety of theses and dissertations (e.g., Chang 1981; Diamant 1974; Elster 1977; R. K. Evans
1973a; Gardner 1978; Gavrielides 1976; Hansen 1980; Kaufman 1977; Koster 1977; Mock 1972;
Rasson 1983a; Sheehan 1979; Smoor 1978; Sterud 1976; Van Horn 1976). British interest, reflected
in the research of the prehistorians and related scientists of the British Academy's Major Research
Project-Early History of Agriculture, has also been important (e.g., Dennell 1978; Jarman, Bailey
and Jarman 1982). Russian researchers have conducted several projects, especially in Bulgaria (e.g.,
Chernyk 1978), and research by the German School at Athens has made an important contribution
to the prehistory of Thessaly (Hauptmann 1981; Hauptmann and Milojcic 1969; Milojcic 1959;
Milojcic, Boessneck and Hopf 1962; Milojcic et al. 1976; Milojcic-Von Zumbusch and Milojcic
1971). Thus, both Todorova (1978) and Sterud (1973) find the period of the 1960s through the
present to be one of increased interest in the archaeology of Southeast Europe by both domestic
and foreign scholars.
CHRONOLOGY DEBATE
Another significant change in the recent period is the increasing use of radiocarbon dating, which
affects chronological placement of sites. Chronological reckoning, or space-time systematics, is of
central concern for much prehistoric research. In Southeast Europe, debate over radiocarbon dating
is probably more heated than anywhere in the world. The reason for this debate is that a radiocarbon
chronology challenges directly the formulations made by Montelius and Childe about the origins
of cultural developments and their diffusion into Southeast Europe and beyond. The traditional
chronological framework and diffusionist interpretations held that the native populations of Europe
OLDWORLDARCHAEOLOGY 717
were passive recipients of such things as farming, metallurgy, and writing. Questions about the
traditional framework challenge the diffusionist interpretation.
Much of the diffusionist interpretation was based on artifactual comparisons with the chronology
established by Schliemann at Troy (Schliemann 1875, 1880, 1884) and the chronology developed
from the early excavations by Vasic at the important site of Vinca on the Danube (Vasic 1932,
1936a, 1936b, 1936c). Milojcic (1949) provides the classic summary of the traditional chronology.
The premises of the radiocarbon method, along with those of the bristlecone pine calibration
revisions, are primarily the domain of the physicists who conduct the analyses of organic material
(Suess 1970). Archaeologists have also explored the implications of the method (Neustupny 1968a,
1970; C. Renfrew 1971 c) and the results (e.g., Honea 1981; Kabaker 1977; Kohl and Quitta 1966),
which had a significant impact on the interpretation of the Neolithic and Copper Age cultures of
Southeast Europe. Carbon-14 dates showed that the Troy sequence from Anatolia could no longer
be used to date the Neolithic and Chalcolithic of Southeast Europe. The implication of the long
chronology is that the Neolithic and Eneolithic (Chalcolithic) periods began earlier than was pre-
viously believed. This re-evaluation of chronology caused a "revolution" in the appreciation of the
prehistoric cultures of the area.
Discussions of chronology, and publications that relate to chronology are numerous (e.g., M.
Garasanin 1961 a, 1961b; Mellaart 1960; Dumitrescu 1970a). The vigorous debate between the
supporters of the traditional ("short") chronology and the supporters of the revised ("long") chro-
nology is evident in a series of publications between the mid- 1950s and 1971. Two of the strongest
supporters of the long chronology from the early days have been Gimbutas (1973a, 1973b) and C.
Renfrew (1970b, 1971 a, 1971 b, 1973a). Background information is summarized in Ehrich (ed. 1954,
1965, 1984) and Weinberg (1970).
Prehistorians in Southeast Europe did not need to have the radiocarbon chronology validated in
order to accept the shift in relative chronology. The stratigraphic evidence from several mounds of
the area clearly demonstrated that the early assumption made about Vinca and Troy was in error,
that is, the materials that had been equated with Troy I-II were without doubt of Middle Neolithic
age rather than of the Early Bronze Age. It was also clear that there was ample material of the
Southeast European Early Bronze Age that lined up much better with Troy I-II both typologically
and stratigraphically.
The single most important stratified sequence was that of the mound of Karanovo in central
Bulgaria. Early excavations had indicated the presence of a well-stratified sequence there (Mikov
1939), but it was the large scale excavations during the 1950s that documented the sequence in
detail (Mikov 1959; Georgiev 1961). Georgiev's (1961) publication on Karanovo and related sites,
with the large color stratigraphic chart of Karanovo, was influential because it illustrated the utility
of the long chronology. In addition, the overall discussions between prehistorians at the 1959
International Congress in Prague (where Georgiev presented the data) were also very important
(B6hm and DeLaet 1961)2 because they provided wide circulation of the information in the scholarly
community.
In addition to the publication of the Karanovo sequence, the excavation and publication of other
mound sites added to the evidence. Other important sites include-in Bulgaria, Azmak (Georgiev
1963, 1965a), Ezero [Dipsis] (Georgiev and Merpert 1966), Gradechnitza (Nikolov 1974); Ruse
(Georgiev and Angelov 1952, 1957), Yassa-tepe (Detev 1948, 1959); in Romania, Cascioarele (V.
Dumitrescu 1965a, 1965b), Hirsova (Galbenu 1962, 1963), Gumelnita (V. Dumitrescu 1966a,
1966b), Rast (Dumitrescu 1980), and Salcula (Berciu 1961). In Yugoslavia, the reassessment of the
Vinca material (M. Garasanin 1951, 1958b) and excavations at the Ljubljansko barje [bog] complex
(Bergant 1965, 1975; J. Korosec (1954a); Gomja Tuzla (Covic 1961); Obre I [Raskrsce] (Benac
1973b); and Obre II [Gornja Polje] (Benac 1973a; Gimbutas 1970; Gimbutas, ed. 1974) were
published. In Hungary, the excavation of Herpaly (Kalicz 1969); Asz6d (Kalicz 1967); and D6va-
vanya (Ecsedy 1972) added more evidence. Excavations in Greece also provided large quantities
of important material in stratified sequences: at Lerna (Caskey 1957, 1958, 1959); Sesklo (Milojcic-
von Zumbusch and Miloj6ic 1971); Paradimi (Bakalakis and Sakellariou 1981); Dikili Tash (De-
shayes 1973; Deshayes and Theocharis 1962); and Sitagroi (C. Renfrew 1971b, 1973b; Renfrew,
Gimbutas and Elster, eds. 1984).
718 AMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol. 49, No. 4, 1984]
The year 1971 was as productive as 1959 had been. C. Renfrew's paper (1971 a) summarized the
impact of radiocarbon dating ("the first carbon-14 revolution") and the impact of the bristle cone
pine calibrations ("the second carbon-14 revolution") and introduced the concept of the "chron-
ological fault line." This graphically defined the differences of the long versus the short chronology
and convinced many scholars of the validity of the long chronology.
In that year, also, Tringham (1971) published a new treatment of Eastern European prehistory.
Although Tringham's work utilized a conservative chronological length, it represented the synthe-
sis-in English-of an enormous amount of material (published and unpublished).
A significant event in 1971 was the meeting of the Eighth International Congress of Prehistoric
and Protohistoric Sciences in Belgrade (Novak 197 la, 1971b, 1973). Papers, discussions, and debates
among the participants led to a conclusion in which a strong majority supported the long chronology
(e.g., Gimbutas 1973b; Neustupny 1973), while a minority stood with the short or traditional
chronology (e.g., Hood 1973; Milojcic 1973).
Since that time, there have been only a few calls for the continued use of the short chronology
(e.g., Leben 1979; Makkay 1976). However, for most Southeastern European prehistorians the long
chronology has been established as the one to use, and debate has now shifted to the overall
subdivisions. The only doubts that exist are those that should exist about any scientific conclusion
and the assumptions behind it.
One such test about "ethnogenesis" was made by Sterud (1976), who subjected the material from
the lower levels of Obre II (the Kakanj-Butmir cultural transition) to a number of statistical tests.
He attempted to define the continuity or lack of continuity through time within categories of
artifactual material. The majority of his statistical tests, particularly on manufactured items such
as ceramics, showed a break between the earlier and later periods. This raises the problem of
interpretation: Do these discontinuities represent a replacement of population by a new group, or
the adoption of cultural innovations by the resident group? Sterud's test results lend credence to
the replacement theory, indicating that migration indeed took place. Benac (1973b), however, sees
incremental change in material from the same site and argues for autochthonous development of
the Butmir culture.
Comparisons of artifact types and styles is sometimes part of attempts
attempts to trace possible migration
routes or avenues for the diffusion of ideas (e.g., M. Garasanin 1954, 1961, 1971; Batovi6 1973;
Benac 1973a, 1973b; Bregant 1974). Such attempts tend to be partly based on an interest in estab-
lishing relative chronologies, and partly on explicating ethnic group relations.
SETTLEMENT AND SETTLEMENT PATTERN DESCRIPTIONS
Sites of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic are found in different environmental settings, including
both cave and open sites. The size and complexity of sites (settlements or other) is highly variable
from the beginning of this period to the end,an, and from one region to another. Tringham (1971)
summarizes the information on settlement patterns for the various regions of Southeast Europe.
Besides sitessites
on the main land masses,
on are und
ther islands: in Aegean, on Saliagos (J. D.
Evans and Renfrew 1968), Knossos on Crete (J. D. Evans 1964, 1968, 1971), and Kephala on Keos
(Coleman 1977). In the Adriatic,
island1977).s n sited
dentire the along coast of Yugoslavia;
caves are particularalywell-known from Hvar (Novak 1955). Cascioarele lies on an island in the
Danube (V. Dumitrescu 1965a, 1965b). Pile dwelling sites occur in a number of places: at Kamnik
in Albania (Korkuti 1971a; Prendi and Aliu 1971); at Ig in Yugoslavia (Bregant 1965, 1975); and
at Varna in Bulgaria (Todorova and Toncheva 1975). A few special purpose sites have also been
identified, such as the copper mining locations of Rudna Glava (Jovanovic 1982) and Aibunar
(Chernykh 1978, 1980), and flint mining locations elsewhere (Georgiev 1958). Despite the number
and variety of sites recognized, the mound sites are those best known. Mounds are common in
Thessaly (Central Greece), Macedonia (parts of Greece, Yugoslavia, and Bulgaria), Thrace (parts of
Greece and Bulgaria), the lower Danube area of Bulgaria and Romania, the middle Danube of
Yugoslavia and Hungary, and in Transylvania. The frequency of mound sites decreases to the far
northwest and far south of the area.
Explication of settlement patterns is approached differently by scholars from different intellectual
traditions. Americans and Western Europeans tend to take a broad locational interest in factors
affecting settlement. An example is the catchment method of providing a geographical context for
a site (Jarman, Bailey, and Jarman 1982). Regional syntheses tend to be built on geographical
categories defined by landforms (e.g., Bintliff 1977; Blouet 1984; Cherry 1981, 1982; Dakaris et al.
1964; Higgs and Vita-Finzi 1966a, 1966b; Nandris 1970a, 1970b, 1976; Sherratt 1982, 1983).
A number of projects focus on specific geographic areas, covering any prehistoric periods identified.
Among them are the influential Minnesota Messenia Project (McDonald and Rapp 1972) and the
Melos Project (C. Renfrew and Wagstaff 1982). Such studies typically combine survey work (e.g.,
Dyson 1982; Keller and Rupp 1983), excavation, and a variety of specialist studies (e.g., Davidson
1971). The many types of sites and site locations have been interpreted to indicate the development
of strategies adapted to local conditions (e.g., Barker 1975; Jarman, Bailey, and Jarman 1982;
Chapman 1981; Kosse 1979), but not every site is known in equal detail.
Indigenous Southeast European scholars prefer the site as the unit of analysis rather than the
region. They are interested in the details of social life that can be determined from complex sites
like mounds. The work at Karanovo (Georgiev 1967) or Ovcarovo (Todorova et al. 1983) exemplifies
this approach. Regional syntheses are usually built by comparisons among excavated sites. A number
of such studies have been undertaken recently to synthesize regional data, for example, Batovic
(1966, 1979); Benac (1979); Brukner (1979); Garasanin (1979); Glisic (1968); Lazarovici (1979).
720 AMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol. 49, No. 4, 1984]
The mound sites have been the primary data source for analyses of community planning and
other features. The planned location of dwellings and (perhaps) other types of structures has been
suggested by some authors. Todorova (1978, 1979) discusses the planning of the site of Polyanitsa
giving the layout of houses, paths, fortifications, and gateways through different walls. Planning
apparently also took place at Karanovo and Ovcarovo. House construction and other details have
been studied by Bregant (1978); Jovanovic (1973); J. Korosec (1957b); Mateescu (1978); Sinos
(1971); and Stalio (1968) among others.
Features such as ditches, banks, or fences may be investigated for a variety of functions (Jacobsen
1981). The identification of a community by a wall or fence may be symbolic (to create a sense of
community) or functional (to keep animals in or out, for instance). Tringham (1971) suggests that
the evidence for fences, ditches, and banks is more likely a method of community "demarcation"
than evidence for fortification. The question of works constructed with defense in mind-"fortifi-
cations"-is another matter.
Morintz (1962) summarized site characteristics in the Gumelnila area that he feels represent
defensive ideas: walls, trenches, and sites located on summits, promontories on terraces, and on
islands. Evidence compiled by Todorova (1973) strengthens the argument for at least some com-
munities having fortifications (see also Todorova 1978, 1979; especially the settlement plans for
Polyanitsa [1979:Tables 18-21]). Similar indications are found in Thessaly; the artist's reconstruc-
tions for Sesklo (Christopoulos (1970:69) and for Dimini (Christopoulos 1970:79) clearly show the
sites as fortified.
in the area and the transition from the Mesolithic economy to the Neolithic economy: Lepenski
Vir and Franchthi Cave. The early date of Lepenski Vir, its unusual houses and the unique stone
sculptures (Srejovic 1968, 1969, 1972; National Geographic Society 1983:75) generated a great deal
of excitement. Interpretation of Lepenski Vir, however, proved to be somewhat controversial. Some
scholars suggest that this site was a specialized location for fishing, collecting, and hunting (Bokonyi
1970). Tringham (1971:56) suggests that Mesolithic hunter-gatherers at Lepenski Vir were contem-
poraneous with Neolithic lifestyles in adjacent areas.
Other sites in the Iron Gates area along the Danube, such as Vlasac and Padina together with
Lepenski Vir, have provided a good deal of detail about the transition from the Mesolithic to the
Neolithic. Dennell (1983) discusses the sites of Cuina Turcului (Bolomey 1973a, 1973b), Icoana,
Vlasac (Bokonyi 1975; Srejovic and Letica 1969), and Lepenski Vir among a group of sites excavated
by Romanian and Yugoslav archaeologists on both sides of the Danube. The results of these studies
show that for a period of some 4,000 years groups of people shared a basicsubsic subsistence economy
and cultural tradition. The main meat sources were deer, pig, and fish plus other animals and a
variety of plants. There are suggestions of a pre-Neolithic use of cereals (Dennell 1983). In the faunal
remains aanimals-elk, chamois, and ibex-decreased in frequency. According to Dennell,
important common features are that:
. . . sitesareadjacentto two resourcezones:the fishof the Danubeandthe mammalsandfowlin the surrounding
hills. Most are also nearsmall enclosedbasinsalong the Danubethat providegood grazingor potentialarable
land. Access inland is usuallyeasy along river valleys runninginto the main river [Dennell 1983:117].
Franchthi Cave in southern Greece has proven to be both an important site and one of the most
exciting excavations in all of Europe in recent years. The site report has yet to be published in great
detail, but the preliminary reports by the excavator and members of his multidisciplinary team
(Andel et al. 1980; Diamant 1979; Jacobsen 1969a, 1969b, 1973a 1973b3a,
1976,73b,
19781; Jacobsen
and Van Horn 1974) provide the basic data for a summary of the paleoenvironment and the
subsistence economy. The significance of the Franchthi Cave lies in its long history of occupation,
which is well-documented through careful excavation, collection of floral and faunal data, attention
to geomorphologic data, and a large number of radiocarbon dates (Dennell 1983:114).
In south Bulgaria, Dennell (1972, 1974, 1978) carried out one of the most detailed studies of
early farmingin Southeast Europe. He analyzed data from a number of excavated sites (mostly
mounds) that indicate a stable subsistence economy over a long period of time. Although the
domesticates have an accepted Western Asian origin, he points out that it is possible that the early
farming communities of Southeast Europe represent a continuation of the earlier local pattern rather
than ananadaptation that was introduced from the east via colonization or invasion. Clearly the
farming economy was based ". . . upon wheat, barley and legumes, as well as caprovines, cattle and
swine [prior to 5000 B.C.]" (Dennell 1978:155). Evidence for developments after that time indicates
a continued focus on these domestic food sources, although collecting and hunting as well as a wide
range of minor domesticates provided a significant supplement to the diet.
Beyond descriptions of overall site economies, a general interest in an ecological approach has
prompted a variety of studies (e.g., Marinescu-Bilcu, Carciumaru, Muraru 1981, Rasson 1983b,
Sterud 1978). Pollen studies also constitute contributions of the ecological approach (Carcimaru
1973, 1979; Greig and Turner 1974; Gruger 1976; Nandris 1977; Sercelj 1955; Turner 1978;
Wijmstra 1969). Halstead (1981) discussed animal management in Greece; Sterud (1976) examined
the case for transhumance in the Early-Middle Neolithic of Bosnia; Rasson (1983a:336-366) ex-
amined the different strategies appropriate to the management of plants and animals and the possible
influence of climatic variables on social interaction.
The time of introduction of the plow is hotly debated. Sherratt (1981), like Wailes (1972), does
not believe the plow was in use before the Bronze Age. He bases his view on the first representations
of the plow in art and on Northern European plow marks found in sites, as well as on the earliest
plows themselves. Others accept the use of the plow before the Bronze Age (for example, Todorova
1978:87). Dumitrescu and Banateanu (1965) base their views on the presence in pre-Bronze Age
sites of antler and bone implements identified as plowshares. Skeletal evidence for traction by
bovines is felt by some to support this hypothesis (Ghetie and Mateescu 1977); breeding has been
722 AMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol. 49, No. 4, 1984]
suggested, as well (Mateescu 1975). The production of oxen through castration is regarded by some
as probable (Schwartz 1979).
Discussions such as these represent the agricultural subsistence base of the Neolithic and Copper
Age cultures of Southeast Europe as a set of well-planned economic strategies based on domesticated
plants and animals. The picture is complicated by geographic and social variability in the region,
and by the probable Western Asian origin of at least some of the domesticates. Sherratt (1980) finds
a strong Anatolian influence in Thessaly. Jacobsen (1981:308) finds the ". . . situation is rather less
clear than it once appeared to us." At Franchthi Cave there is the possibility of local manipulation
prior to the Neolithic, while ". . . at least some of the biological innovations which make their
appearance in the Neolithic have non-local origins" (Jacobsen 1981:309). Debate continues over
the local versus non-local origins of the Neolithic subsistence pattern in Southeast Europe. The
most recent summaries (e.g., Dennell 1983; Jarman, Bailey and Jarman 1982; Sherratt, ed. 1980)
favor the view that Copper Age agriculture was a rather efficient system of food production and
that early farming probably was not a result of any major input from the east.
ANALYSES OF TECHNOLOGY
A wide variety of skills and crafts may be included under the heading of technology, many more
than we can treat here. Thus, in this section we discuss some aspects of the technology briefly and
others in more detail. Many technological features of these cultures are being studied actively at
the present time.
Stone Tools
Neolithic and Chalcolithic economies in Southeast Europe were dependent on many of the same
types of raw materials as earlier populations. Chipped stone tools are found in abundance from the
sites of this area, yet they have not been a strong area of research interest. Because of the traditional
focus on space-time systematics, artifact classes that vary more in "stylistic" dimensions have
received the greatest attention. Artifact classes perceived to be less valuable on this question have
received less study, although some informative material is available.
Chipped stone artifacts have received some attention recently; for example, Elster (1976, 1977);
Georgiev (1958); Hristova (1983); Paunescu (1970); Perles (1981); Spinei (1970); and Tringham
(1968). A more systemic technological approach has been suggested by Voytek (Kaiser and Voytek
1983), although to date such an approach has not been widely applied.
Interest in the sources of obsidian and the obsidian trade has stimulated research on the means
OLD WORLD ARCHAEOLOGY 723
of production of tools made from this natural glass. Analytical work on the assemblage from
Franchthi Cave has provided a detailed coverage of the tools represented there. Neolithic groups
at Franchthi favored obsidian over almost anything else. The Early Neolithic people utilized 40%
obsidian in their stone tool kit, and the Final Neolithic stone tool kit was 95% obsidian (Jacobsen
1976). Innovative studies of obsidian exploitation have been undertaken by Torrence (1979, 1981,
1982) in connection with the British School at Athens' Melos Project. Although the results of these
studies are mainly relevant to the Bronze Age, some interesting data for the Neolithic and Copper
Age were compiled. The obsidian sources on the island of Melos have been utilized for perhaps
11,000 years (Jacobsen 1981; Shelford et al. 1982; Torrence 1982), or even 13,000 years (Cherry
and Torrence 1982; Perles 1979), and the implications of this exploitation are momentous because
they document trade over open water at an early date.
Studies of pecked and polished stone tools are even rarer than those of chipped stone tools despite
the fact that polished stone tools were once one of the key features used to define the Neolithic.
These tools are not particularly useful for space-time systematics, as noted above, and hence have
been of less interest. "Typical" stone tools are described in most site reports (e.g., Benac 1973a,
1973b) and some descriptive typological work has been done, such as Jovanovic and Srejovic (1957)
and Smoor (1976b). Studies of milling stones have been undertaken by Runnels and Murray (1983),
Runnels (1981), and Kancev (1981).
Bone Tools
Bone tools have also been largely neglected although the range of tools manufactured from antler
and bone is remarkable, especially in the Copper Age. Even bone figurines are recovered occasionally
(e.g., Angelov 1961; Comsa 1979; Petkov 1950). General works (e.g., Backalov 1979) and sections
of the excavation reports on Goljamo Delcevo (Todorova et al. 1975:72) and on Ovcarovo (Todorova
et al. 1983:64) show the range of hoes, hammering tools, pounding tools, and so on from these
Copper Age mound settlements. Smoor (1976a) provides such a description for Anzabegovo, and
Sterud and Sterud (1974) for Obre I and Obre II.
Shell Ornaments
Ornaments of sea shell have received some attention (e.g., Comsa 1973). The use of shell is
illustrated in Tringham, Krstic, Kaiser and Voytek (1980). Spondylus gaderopus has received the
most attention (Marijanovic 1980; Rodden 1970; Vendcl1958), primarily because of the implications
for trade. Materials analysis techniques have been applied successfully to trace trade routes in this
material (Shackleton and Renfrew 1970).
Ceramics
Prehistoric ceramics have been studied intensively as time-space markers. Most work (such as
Bregant 1968) has been devoted to vessel form and decoration as part of space-time systematics,
and discussions of ceramics make up the bulk of most site reports.
Informative studies on the technology of pottery production are much less numerous. Kilns have
been recovered at a number of sites and have been described by several authors (Georgiev and
Angelov 1957; Hourmouziades 1978; Mikov 1966; Nica 1977; Nica and Nila 1979; Petkov 1964).
Firing temperatures have also been investigated (Ellis 1980; Frierman 1970; Gardner 1978, 1979;
Kaiser and Voytek 1983; and Vitelli 1974, 1984. Both Ellis (1980) and Frierman (1970) found
prehistoric pottery to be generally well-fired with temperatures of 850-1,000?C. or more being
indicated.
Figurines are an important subclass of ceramic data and a large number of such figurines is known
from Southeast Europe.
About 30,000 miniature sculptures of clay, marble, bone, copper or gold are presently known from a total of
some 3000 sites of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic era in southeastern Europe [Gimbutas 1982:1 1].
724 AMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol. 49, No. 4, 1984]
Although some researchers prefer to see these artifacts as multifunctional (perhaps as children's
toys [Talalay 1983; Ucko 1968]), or as art (Dumitrescu 1968a; J. Korosec 1954b, 1979; Radunceva
1976a), other researchers regard them as a source of information relating to the supernatural (Comsa
1974b; Dumitrescu 1934, 1964, 1968b; Galovic 1975; D. Garasanin 1952; J. Korosec 1951, 1952;
Rosetti 1938). Indeed, one of the primary sources of information about cult and religion is ceramic
figurines, both anthropomorphic and zoomorphic. Gimbutas's (1982) study and analysis of these
figurines and related materials (ritual vessels, inscribed objects, models of buildings, and so on) and
her shrines) has led
other features of sites (altars, to propose (among other things) a regular pantheon
of deities (as did Movsa [1969] earlier) that she believes developed during the Neolithic and Copper
Age. Some authors take issue with her interpretations (Dumitrescu 1979, Mateescu and Voinescu
1982), but she has synthesized a great dealre diverse data. The of identification of "temples" by others
has also contributed to the description of cult and religion (Dumitrescu 1970b; Gimbutas 1980;
Kalicz 1980:31).
Some researchers have examined particular classes of artifacts such as the four-footed, handled
vessels known as "rhytons" (Nandris 1973; Weinberg 1965). Other researchers have considered the
role of cult beliefs in the lives of Neolithic people, notably D. Garasanin (1968), M. Garasanin
(1956); and Benac (1973b). It is clear that a rich tradition of symbolic expression was present during
the Neolithic and Chalcolithic that has not yet been systematically explored.
The Tdrtdria Problem. The "Tartaria tablets" are three small objects of baked clay that have
signs or symbols incised on them. Since they were reported from Romania by Vlassa (1963), a
variety of questions have been raised about influence, trade, diffusion, colonization, independent
invention, potters' marks, and symbolism. Some researchers believe they are symbols that could
only have been produced in Mesopotamia (e.g., Hood 1967b). If this were so, the position of those
supporting the ex oriente lux interpretation of the archaeological record would be significantly
strengthened.
Using arguments developed for Mesopotamian data, Schmandt-Besserat (1984) argues that the
Southeast European signs/symbols are not writing, that they were not developed in the economic
system for record keeping. It is clear; however, that the signs/symbols on the "Tartaria tablets" are
quite at home in the context of the Southeast European Copper Age. Several studies (e.g., Gimbutas
1982; Makkay 1967, 1969; Todorovic 1969; Todorovic and Cermanovic 1961:41-43; Winn 1981
[reviewed by Schmandt-Besserat 1984]), clearly demonstrate that there are tens of thousands of
these markings on pots, figurines, spindle whorls, loom weights, lamps, and so on. In addition,
several more "tablets" have been found from a range of sites: Karanovo (Georgiev 1967), Gradesnitza
(Nikolov and V. Georgiev 1970), Vinca (Gimbutas 1982:207, no. 161), Sukoro-Toradulo (Gimbutas
1982:88, no. 44). Even if the "Tartaria tablets" have been attributed to the wrong time period (see
Neustupny 1968b; Zanotti 1983), there is no reason to interpret these objects as imports: the complex
of signs/symbols is demonstrably indigenous. The question of whether or not this corpus of material
is a form of early writing continues to be debated.
Metallurgy
Metallurgy probably developed out of pottery technology or in consort with it. Pottery is one of
a group of technologies classified as pyrotechnology by Wertime (1973b): the technology of fire.
Recently discussed as basically a technology of stone (Glumac 1983; Runnels 1983a), metallurgy is
the result of a long period of experimentation with stone, clay, fire, and other materials, and may
have developed in more than one location (C. Renfrew 1973b; Wertime 1973a). The number of
new data on the metallurgy of the Copper Age in the Balkans in recent years is truly staggering.
Copper and some gold have been known for many years (Angelov 1959; Comsa 1965, 1974b, 1981;
Milojcic 1953; Todorova et al. 1977); but the true significance of the technology of these items did
not become apparent until about 1970. Much of the interest began with C. Renfrew's (1970a) paper
on the autonomous development of copper metallurgy in Southeast Europe. Then, in 1971 at the
International Congress in Belgrade, Jovanovic (1971a, 1971b) reported the discovery of copper
OLD WORLD ARCHAEOLOGY 725
mines at Rudna Glava in eastern Serbia. Further work has shown that the mining of copper ores
was conducted in other locations as well, for example, at Aibunar in central Bulgaria (Chernykh
1978, 1980). The details of the probable quantities of copper ores mined at Rudna Glava have
recently been published by Jovanovic (1982; [reviewed by Gimbutas 1983]). The magnitude of
metallurgical production during this period is far greater than had been anticipated a few years ago.
The number of copper tools recovered is also surprising, and the sophistication of the technology
is beginning to be more fully appreciated.
Discovery of the "gold treasure" from the cemetery at Varna (Ivanov 1978) increased the de-
velopment of appreciation for the metallurgical skills of the Copper Age people (Gimbutas 1977a,
1977b; R6misch-Germanisches Museum 1979). The spectacular size of the "treasure" from Varna
and the range of artifacts, including beads, pendants, bracelets, ornaments, appliques, diadems,
masks, figurines, and sceptres rivals the famous gold treasure excavated at Troy in 1875 (Schliemann
1884). The Varna finds are said by C. Renfrew (1978:199) to be at least 1,500 years earlier than
the Trojan finds, making them the earliest known large quantity of gold artifacts in the world.
At the very least, the technological implications are that these Copper Age peoples were capable
of organizing their technology to collect a large quantity of gold and to produce a wide range of gold
objects from the raw material. The technology involved in actually making items of gold is not
complex (mostly cold-hammering), yet the Varna cemetery is a spectacular find for its technological
as well as for its social implications (e.g., C. Renfrew 1978; Todorova 1978, 1979).
CONCLUSIONS
The wealth of new data available in Southeast Europe since World War II, and new ideas about
how to interpret the past continue to generate interest in regional prehistory. Of all the available
models of social adaptation and change, ex oriente lux versus ex balcanis lux is not a contest that
should influence the future concerns of research on the Neolithic-Copper Age prehistoric society of
Southeast Europe. In reality there were probably influences moving in both directions for many
millennia, yet Southeast Europe may well stand as a location where the prehistoric "cultural efflo-
rescence was essentially the product of local development" (Gimbutas 1980:44).
The archaeological record of the Balkans can provide a fertile testing ground for a variety of
hypotheses about cultural dynamics and development. The Neolithic-Copper Age continuum may
be viewed as essentially parallel with the early farming and proto-urban periods of West Asia, but
a location where the effects of urban construction did not disturb the earlier materials. Thus, this
continuum in Southeast Europe provides a unique laboratory for testing questions about ranking,
trade, specialization, and other social phenomena.
ENDNOTES
'Most of the articlescited here have a summaryin a WesternEuropeanlanguage.Orthographyof non-Latin
alphabetsfollows the practiceof the journal or press that issued the work, usually.
2 The Karanovostratigraphic chartwas publishedwith the Bohm and DeLaet(1961) volume and is found in
a pocket inside the back cover. A simplifiedversion was presentedin C. Renfrew(1980:119);it is also given in
blackand white in Georgiev(1967).
Acknowledgments. We would like to thank the followingfor help and advice:Alice Choyke,Jean Driscoll,
ErnestineElster,Ivan Gatsov, GeorgiGeorgiev,StefankaIvanova,ThomasJacobsen,Rumin Katincarov,Gene
Sterud,BarbaraVoytek,AlexandruVulpe, and the WilkesCollegeDepartmentof Mathematicsand Computer
Science.
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