Francesco Xanto Avelli and Petrarch

Author(s): Alison Holcroft

Source: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 51 (1988), pp. 225-234
Published by: The Warburg Institute
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/751279
Accessed: 25-05-2017 20:16 UTC

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms

The Warburg Institute is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of
the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes

This content downloaded from 80.181.57.28 on Thu, 25 May 2017 20:16:29 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 XANTO AND PETRARCH 225

In a letter written while

FRANCESCOimprisoned
XANTO AVELLI in
Naples by the Spanish, as hostage
AND for Pope
PETRARCH*
Clement VII, he writes:
I continually read Livy and the Politics of
Aristotle, and from the former I think one can
derive the practice, and from the latter the VER THE LAST FEW DECADES much attention
has been paid to the visual sources of
theory for man as a good and virile citizen.30
Finally, not only the patron but also the majolica painter Francesco Xanto
the artist may have been acquainted withAvelli.1 Relatively little interest has been
Machiavelli, as indicated by a neglected shown in the literature that may have
portrait attributed to Rosso (P1. 29b).31 inspired his paintings or the inscriptions he
The sources here discussed demonstrate used to describe them.2 This is somewhat
surprising: Xanto is known to have had
the continuity of thought which harnessed
athletic imagery to moral concepts. Foraspirations3 and many of his inscrip-
literary
tions
Philo this simply pertained to the life are lines of poetry. Four inscriptions
of the
on works of 1531 and 1532 refer to Ariosto;4
spirit, while for Savonarola the athletic
metaphor could be used to bind together
religious duty and political action. This
bond was fundamental to Savonarola's life, a
life which provided Machiavelli with con- * My thanks are due in particular to Timothy Wilson,
spicuous evidence to bolster his belief in the
who first brought this subject to my attention, and
need for a more drastic conflation of virility without whose continued support this Note would
and virtue, exemplified in the concept never have been completed.
of the armed prophet. Rosso's disturb- The following abbreviations are used throughout
ingly violent contribution transforms the Ballardini: G. Ballardini, Corpus della Maiolica
Italiana, 2 vols, Rome 1933-1938.
heroic image of Moses in the light of this Giacomotti: J. Giacomotti, Catalogue des majoliqu
Machiavellian ideal, the obscure incident at muskes nationaux, Paris 1974.
Midian now demonstrating political as well Petrarch: Petrarch, Canzoniere: Testo critico e intro-
duzione di Gianfranco Contini, Turin 1964.
as spiritual strength.
Rackham: B. Rackham, Catalogue of Italian Maiolica,
VIVIEN GASTON 2 vols, London, Victoria and Albert
Museum, 1940.
UNIVERSITY OF MELBOURNE
Wilson: T. H. Wilson, Ceramic Art of the Italian
Renaissance, cat. exh., London, British
Museum 1987.
1 Joan Prentice von Erdberg, 'Early works by Fra
Xanto Avelli da Rovigo in the Walters Art Gallery',
30 Letter to Battista della Palla and Zanobi Buon- Journal of the Walters Art Gallery, xIII, 1950, p. 31;
delmonti dated 30 January 1526, in MS cited in n.Giacomotti,
26 no. 68, p. 270; Marisi Bonomi, 'Fonti
above, fols 19r-21v. It is possible that Rosso's depiction
iconografiche delle maioliche di F.X.A.', Commentari, x,
1959, pp. 190-5; A. V. B. Norman, 'Sources of Design
of Moses, dated 1523, had a further political sig-
nificance: to celebrate Giulio de' Medici's election as
on a Maiolica Dish', Apollo, LxxxI, 1965, pp. 460-3; F.
Pope on 18 November 1523. Bandini was later to Liverani,
fight 'Una maiolica dell'Avelli e le sue fonti icono-
in the service of Clement and win great favourgrafiche',
at the Faenza, LxvI, 1980, pp. 297-9; J. Petruzellis-
Scherer,
papal court: Devonshire-Jones (as in n. 28), p. 160. He 'Fonti iconografiche librarie per alcune mai-
oliche del
is mentioned in letters written by Vettori for Clement in Castel Sforzesco', Castello Sforzesco, Rassegna di
negotiations for peace with the Imperialists in 1526:
Studi et di Notizie, x, 1982, pp. 373-85.
Nardi (as in n. 22), p. 273. Significantly, in his
2 Guy Kunstmuseets
oliques', de Tervarent,Arsskrift,
o'EnquatexxxvII,
sur le 1950,
sujet pp.
des1-48;
maj-
exhortatory last chapter of The Prince, Machiavelli calls
D. Ballardini Napolitani, 'Ispirazione e fonti letterarie
on the Medici family to make itself the leader of Italy's
'redenzione' and compares its task with that of Moses: nell'opera di Francesco Xanto Avelli pittore su maiolica
'E se, come io dissi, era necessario volendo vedere la in Urbino', La Rinascita, II, 1940, pp. 905-22.
virtii di Moist, che il populo d'Isdrael fussi stiavo in 3 Guido Vitaletti, 'Le rime di Francesco Xanto
Egitto ... cosi al presente, volendo conoscere la virtuAvelli', Faenza, vi, 1918, pp. 11-15, 41-4. See now F.
d'uno spirito italiano, era necessario che la Italia si Cioci, Xanto e il Duca di Urbino, Milan 1987, which
riducessi nel termine che ell'b di presente, e che la fussiappeared after this Note had been written.
piui stiava che li Ebrei ...'; II Principe (as in n. 15), xxvI, (i) Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum C10-1953: J. C.
p. 102. Robinson, Catalogue of the Special Exhibition ... at the
31 This painting, whose present whereabouts areSouth Kensington Museum, London 1863, no. 5247; (ii)
unknown to me, was in the 1950's with Agnew's, London, British Museum: Ballardini II, no. 53, figs 50,
252R; and Wilson, no. 222; (iii) London, Victoria and
London, where it was attributed to Rosso. I know it only
from a photograph in the Witt Library of the Courtauld Albert Museum: Rackham, no. 724; and Ballardini II,
Institute, filed under 'Rosso'. no. 65, figs 62, 257R. The fourth, dated 1531, is in the

Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Volume 51, 1988

This content downloaded from 80.181.57.28 on Thu, 25 May 2017 20:16:29 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 226 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS

another of 1532 refers to Xanto's own Both works draw on the same visual source,
poetry;5 and several pieces from the an engraving
years attributed to Caraglio of three
1532, 1534 and 1536 bear inscriptions taken
figures taken from Raphael's Incendio nel
from Petrarch's Canzoniere.6 A number of Borgo (P1. 36a).9 The figures in the engrav-
other inscriptions are taken from Petrarch's
ing are accompanied by a few lines of verse:
Trionfi. Some of these are followed by QVEST'E COLVI CHE A TROIA
attributions to classical authors. IL PADRE ANCHISE

This note aims to list the inscriptions TRASSE DEL FOCO, ET DOPPO
LONGO ERRORE
based on the Trionfi and to investigate what
SOTTO LA RIPA ANTAN
they tell us about Xanto as painter and
reader. DRA APOSAR MISE.

On three other plates, either signed by o

attributed to Xanto, the inscription is take
I. THE CITATIONS FROM PETRARCH'S TRIONFI from the lines on Caraglio's print. The fir
(i) Aeneas, Anchises and Ascanius is an unsigned work in Brunswick whic
Lessmann attributes to Xanto and dates to
Two works by Xanto show Aeneas, Anchises
the years 1528-30.1l The second is an u
and Ascanius escaping from Troy, and are dated and unsigned work in the Kunst-
inscribed on the reverse with an adaptationgewerbemuseum, Cologne, convincing
of Trionfo d'amore I, 106-7:
attributed by Mallet to Xanto c. 1530.11
L'altro a colui che pianse sotto Antandro
bears a long quotation taken directly fro
La morte di Creusa...
Caraglio's engraving. The third, formerly
The earlier piece, a signed dish dated 1531,
the Schlossmuseum, Berlin, was signed 'X
which is in the British Museum, is inscribed:
and dated 1542 (P1. 36b, d).12
Quest'& colui che pia[n] On another signed plate dated 1532
se sotto Antandro. Xanto simply identified the figures and
. historia .7 referred directly to the Aeneid:
The other, an unsigned plaque in the Enea col padre Anchise el figlio Ascanio
Herzog Anton Ulrich Museum, Brunswick, .Nel .ii. Li. d[e] l'Eneida d[i] .V.M.13
has:
Questo colui

che pianse sotto Antandro (ii) The Abduction of Helen

la morte di Creusa.8 A series of works by Xanto bears inscriptions
based on Trionfo d'amore I, 136-8:
Seco e '1 pastor che male il suo bel volto
Los Angeles County Museum (sold at Sotheby's, 30Mir6
May si fiso ond 'uscir gran tempeste
1949, lot 10). Another subject from Ariosto, undated,
E funne il mondo sotto sopra volto.
was in the Pringsheim sale, Sotheby's, 7-8 June and
19-20 July 1939, lot 181. All show the abduction of Helen and are
5 Ballardini n, no. 64, figs 61, 262R. based on the engraving of the subject b
6 (i) A signed plate in the Louvre dated 1532,
Marcantonio
showing 'The Punishment of Rome': after no.
Giacomotti Raphael or the very sim
849; Ballardini n, no. 43, figs 49, 246R. Petrarch cxxxvi,
1-4. (ii) Two signed plates dated 1534 showing an
unidentified allegorical scene: T. Borenius, Catalogue of
9 A. Bartsch,
a Collection of Italian Maiolica belonging to Henry Le peintre-graveur,
Harris, Leipzig 1867, xV, p.
London 1930, no. 37, pl. 12D; Damiron 94, no. Sale,
60; J. V.Sotheby's,
G. Mallet, 'Maiolica at Polesden Lacey,
16 June 1938, lot 39. Petrarch xxxui, 1. (iii)
uI', Apollo, xcII, Unsigned
1971, p. 181, mistakenly suggests that
plate in the Princeton University theArt Museum
inscription on the dated
plate in the British Museum is
1536 showing Caesar receiving thederivedhead from
ofthese lines.
Pompey: J.
Prentice von Erdberg, 'Outstanding 10 Majolica
It bears the at the Art
inscription, 'trass'il padre d'il fuoco il
pio Enea / historia'.
Museum, Princeton University', Burlington Lessmann (as in n. 8), no. 141,
Magazine,
where it is dated c. 1535.
clu, 1961, p. 203, figs 6 and 8. Petrarch
"1 Mallet (ascll,
in n. 1-4. The
9), p. very
180, figs 19, 20.
attribution of this piece to Xanto is, however,
doubtful. 12 It bears the inscription, 'Quest'? colui ch' A Troia /
7 Ballardini n, no. 13, figs 13, 225R; Wilson, no. 73. il padre Anchise / Trasse del fuoco'. Formerly Inv.
K1768; photographs have kindly been supplied from
8 j. Lessmann, Italienische Majolika, Brunswick 1979,
no. 143, where it is dated c. 1535. Following the the Schlossmuseum archive, now in Schloss K6penick,
consensus of modern scholarship, I have assumed the Berlin.
unsigned works of the so-called y/<p group to be by 13 Caruso Sale, Sotheby's, 20 March 1973, lot 37;
Xanto. Ballardini n, no. 69, fig. 66.

This content downloaded from 80.181.57.28 on Thu, 25 May 2017 20:16:29 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 XANTO AND PETRARCH 227

lar version by Marco her husband.

DenteXanto tookda his inscription
Ravenna.
The earliest is a plate signed
from Trionfo by Xanto and
d'amorei, 143-4:
dated 1532. The inscription on
Ed Argia Polynice assaithe
piu fida reverse
followed by a reference to moglier
Che l'avara Ovid: d'Amphiarao.
Quest'b il pastor che The
mal mir6
scenes ilarebel
on all five volto
very similar:
d'Helena greca, & quel famoso
in the centre Amphiarausrapto
is shown emerg-
pel qual fu '1 mondo sotto sopra volto.
ing from his subterranean hiding place,
Nel . ix . Libro de Ovidio Methamor:15
watched on the left by two men, while on
A similar large signed
the right weplate, dated
see either a back view of 1534
without the reference toas the
Eriphyle Metamorphoses
she departs with the coveted
now in theJ. Paul necklace
Getty Museum,
or, in one Malib
case, Argia giving the
(P1. 36c, f).&
necklace to Eriphyle. Of the five plates
The same text also appears,
three-one without
in the Hermitage, one in the
attribution, on two signed
Brussels plates
and one formerly dated
in the collection
1537.17 A similar of
inscription featured
Jakob Goldschmidt-are dated 1531, o
a plate formerly signed
in by the Schlossmuseum
Xanto and bear the inscription:
Berlin, signed and dated 1535:
L'avara & rea mo
Ecco'l Pastor che mal mir6
glier'1 bel volto
de Amphiarao.
D'Helena greca; ond'uscir gra[n]
historia.21 tempeste
E, funne il mo[n]do sotto sopra volto.18
The fourth plate, in the Corcoran Gallery of
Another signed plate in the
Art, Washington Louvre,
D.C., is dated 1532 and dat
1540, bears a shortened
inscribed: form of the origin
inscription:
Quel famoso rapto
Quell'avara moglie di Amphiarao.22
while the fifth, in the British Museum and
pel qual ful mo[n]do sotto sopra volto.19
dated 1533, has:
But on another signed plate dated 1535 and
drawing on the same visual source as those L'avara, e, rea mog
lier di Amphiarao.
already mentioned, the inscription describ- Nel ... libro d[i] Ovidio.23
ing the scene is taken not from Petrarch but
from Dante, Inferno v, 64-5:
Helena vedi per cui ta[n]to reo (iv) Pyramus and Thisbe
tempo si volse...2o Xanto painted a number of plates with
story of Pyramus and Thisbe and ident
the scene with Trionfo d'amore III, 20:
(iii) The Betrayal of Amphiaraus Vedi Piramo e Tisbe inseme a l'ombra...
Five plates by Xanto show the story of
Amphiaraus and his wife Eriphyle, whoThe wasearliest example known to me is a
bribed with the gift of a necklace to plate in the Victoria and Albert Museum,
betray
signed and dated 1531. The inscription on
the reverse reads:

Vidi piramo & Tisbe i [n]

14 Bartsch (as in n. 9), xiv, pp. 170-1, nos 209 and sieme i l'ombra.
210. historia.24
15 Ballardini ni, no. 41, col. pl. v, fig. 258R.

16 Sold Sotheby's, 21 November 1978. I thank Cyril

Another signed plate in Boston dates from
Humphris for this information. the following year and bears the inscription:
17 Robinson (as in n. 4), no. 5243; Paris, Louvre:
Giacomotti, no. 856.
18 Ballardini n, no. 191, figs 163, 349R.
19 Giacomotti, no. 866. There is also an unsigned,
undated plate in the Louvre showing the same subject: 21 Ballardini n, no. 19, fig. 23; Ballardini n, no. 18, figs
Giacomotti, no. 832. It is inscribed 'Ratto d'Ellena', and
22, 221R; Goldschmidt Sale, Sotheby's, 5 July 1957, lot
bears a similar quotation to the pieces signed by Xanto, 59; later Strauss Sale, Christie's, 21 June 1976, lot 45.
and the word 'Istoria'. However, the illustration does 22 W. Watson, Italian Renaissance Maiolica from the
not resemble the pieces signed by Xanto. Giacomotti William A. Clark Collection, London 1986, no. 51.
dates it 1530-1535 and attributes it to Nicola 'Pelli- 23 Ballardini n, no. 94, figs 88, 282R; Wilson, no. 77.
pario' (i.e. Nicola da Urbino) or early Xanto. 24 Ballardini n, no. 14, figs 14, 224R; Rackham, no.
20 Ballardini n, no. 192, figs 182, 346R. 631, reading 'ombra' as 'ambra'.

This content downloaded from 80.181.57.28 on Thu, 25 May 2017 20:16:29 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 228 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS

Vedi Piramo e, Tisbe

In this i[n]sie
case it would seem that Xanto re-
me a l'ombra. membered the quotation but forgot th
Nel .v. Libro d[i] Ovidio
reference. Meth.25
Petrarch's line appears At leastby itself
two further on by
works signed severa
Xanto
other signed plates by Xanto, one in the use this quotation: a plate in the Victoria
Museo Civico, Bologna, dated 1535; one in and Albert Museum dated 1535 and a plate
the Corcoran Gallery of Art, Washington, of 1537 in Modena.29 The quotation also
dated 1536; one in Sivres dated 1538; one appears on four works by Xanto or by artists
in the Kunstgewerbemuseum, Berlin, dated influenced by him: an unsigned plate dated
1539; and one undated plate in Pesaro.26 1546; an unsigned and undated dish at
Polesden Lacey which Mallet attributes to a
painter working in the circle of Xanto who
(v) Hero and Leander signs himself 'L'; a plate in Washington
A series of signed works by Xanto shows the which is dated 1538 and probably by Xanto
suicide of Hero and bears an inscription and a collaborator; and a plate formerly in
taken from the line following the Pyramus the Jakob Goldschmidt collection.30
and Thisbe story, Trionfo d'amore II, 21:
Leandro in mare ed Ero a la fenestra.
(vi) Narcissus
On the earliest, a plate in the Louvre dated
The remaining capitoli of the Trionfo d'amore
1532, the inscription is particularly long and
informative: yield only one quotation used by Xanto, a
line referring to the story of Narcissus,
Lea[n]dro lai[n] Mare, & Hero t
finestra
Trionfo d'amore iv, 145: 'Il vano amante di
Nel .ii. cap: d[i] amore di .I. tri sua propria imago'. This line appeared on a
u[m]pho d[i] .M.F.P. com m] entato.27
plate which was formerly in the Schloss-
museum, Berlin. It bore Xanto's signature,
There is another very similar inscription on 1533 and the following inscription:
the date
a signed plate, also dated 1532, in the Los II vano amante di
Angeles County Museum of Art: sua propria imago.
Lea[n]dro i[n] mare, & Nel .III. libro d[i] Ovidio Met:31
Hero alla finestra
Nel. <...> libro d[i]:- 28

(vii) The Rape of Lucretia

A dish in the Dutuit Collection at the Petit
Palais, signed and dated 1538, shows the
25 Ballardini II, no. 54, figs 51, 253R. Rape of Lucretia. The scene is identified
26 Ballardini ii, no. 186, figs 175, 347R, and C.
Ravanelli Guidotti, Ceramiche occidentali del Museo Civico
di Bologna, Bologna 1985, no. 96; Watson (as in n. 22),
no. 54; Giacomotti, no. 857; T. Hausmann, Majolika
(Kataloge des Kunstgewerbemuseums, Berlin, vi), Berlin
1972, no. 197; R. Sciava, Catalogo illustrativo delle
29 Ballardini
maioliche del Museo di Pesaro, Pesaro 1926, no. 264. The If, no. 195, figs 187, 353R; Rackham, no.
inscription also appears on two unsigned works 728; F. Liverani, Le Maioliche della Galleria Estense,
formerly in the Henry Harris Collection. The first, Modena, Faenza 1979, no. 9. A plate formerly in the
an undated dish now at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Alexander Barker collection with the same quotation
Cambridge, bears the inscription taken from Petrarch and dated 1542 is recorded by C. D. E. Fortnum, A
and the word 'historia': Borenius (as in n. 6), p. 46,Descriptive
no. Catalogue of the Maiolica ... in the South
41. Borenius attributed it to Xanto; Rackham associated
Kensington Museum, London 1873, p. 366.
it with the painter 'FR.': B. Rackham, 'Xanto and3o Christie's, 25 May 1962, lot 110; Mallet (as in n. 9),
"FR.": an Insoluble Problem', Faenza, XLIII, 1957,
pp.p.
176-9, figs 9, 16; D. Shinn, Sixteenth-Century Italian
105. The second dish, dated 1534, is now at Polesden Majolica, cat. exh., National Gallery of Art, Washington
Lacey: Borenius (as above), p. 45, no. 38; Mallet (as in1982, no. 53, p. 35; Sotheby's, 5 July 1957, lot 58, stated
n. 9), p. 176, figs 10 and 17, attributes it to a painter
to be signed 'X' and dated 1549.
working in the same circle as Xanto.
31 Ballardini IX, no. 95, figs 59, 276R. Another plate
27 Ballardini II, no. 62, figs 59, 255R; Giacomotti, no.dated 1545, perhaps by an associate of Xanto, in the
862. Museo Civico, Pesaro, cites the line alone: M. Mancini
28 Sold from the E. H. Scott collection at Sotheby's, 25Della Chiara, Maioliche del Museo Civico di Pesaro, Pesaro
June 1931, lot 35. 1979, no. 37.

This content downloaded from 80.181.57.28 on Thu, 25 May 2017 20:16:29 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 XANTO AND PETRARCH 229

(x) Semiramis from the Trionf

by an inscription taken
della castitd I, 131 In
where Petrarch
the Trionfo della introdu
fama II, 103-5, Petrarch
Penelope flanked by other
describes chaste
the legendary heroine
queen of Assyria,
Semiramis: era la prima.32
Lucrezia da man destra
Poi vidi la magnanima Reina
Con una treccia avolta e l'altra sparsa
(viii) Judith Corse alla Babilonica ruina. 6
Another dish formerly in the Schloss- Xanto used a modified version of these
museum, Berlin, signed and dated 1535, waslines on two signed dishes decorated with
decorated with the arms of Jacopo Pesaro,scene derived from an engraving by Carag
Bishop of Paphos, and an illustration of after Raphael's drawing of The Marriage
Judith. For his inscription Xanto drew on Alexander and Roxana.37 The earlier dish is in
Petrarch's description of the Hebrew the Victoria and Albert Museum (P1. 37c).
heroine in the Trionfo della castitd I, 142: bears the arms of Federico II Gonzaga,
Tudit Hebrea la saggia, casta e forte. Duke of Mantua, and of his wife Margherita
Xanto quoted Petrarch almost exactly: Paleologo. On the reverse (P1. 36e) is
inscribed, below the date 1533:
Tudit Hebrea la saggia, e,
casta, e, forte. Hor vedi la magnanima Reina
chuna treccia rivolta, e, laltra sparsa,
Corse alla, Babilonica ruina.

(ix) Scaevola Nel .I. libro di Trogo Pompeio.38

The lines are repeated without the attri-
Two works signed by Xanto show Mucius bution to Trogus Pompeius and with a vari-
Scaevola burning his hand in front of Lars ation of one word on a plate of 1534 in the
Porsenna and the Etruscan army. Each is
Metropolitan Museum, New York (P1. 37a):
inscribed on the reverse with a line from the
Trionfo della fama. The inscription comes Hor vedi la magnanima Reina
from the capitolo which begins 'Nel cor pien ch' Corse
una trama rivolta, e,
alla Babylonica laltra sparsa
ruina."3
d'amarissima dolcezza' (I, 40):
The identification is made more explicit
Mutio che la sua destra errante coce....
by the inscriptions on two later works with
A signed dish dated 1533, however, follows scenes derived from the same visual source.
this with a reference to Livy: A signed plate in the Museo Correr, Veni
Mucio che la sua de
stra erra[n]ite cuoce
Nella. . Deca d[i] Tito Livio.34
A second dish formerly in the Pringsheim
plate in the Galleria Estense, Modena: Liverani (as in n.
Collection, dated 1534, carries the quo- 1), no. 19; a plate in the Victoria and Albert Museum,
tation without an attribution.35 Rackham, no. 832. A plate in Florence quotes the two
following lines as well: G. Conti, Museo Nazionale di
Firenze, Palazzo del Bargello: Catalogo delle Maioliche,
Florence 1971, no. 14. It is interesting that the same
32 C. Join-Dieterle, Musee du Petit Palais, Catalogue des to caption a drawing of the scene in a
line is used
Ciramiques, I, Paris 1984, no. 72. An unsigned and
sketchbook in Lille attributed to Jacopo Ripanda, one
sheet of
undated plate at Polesden Lacey shows a similar which is dated 1516 (earlier than any work by
scene
and bears the same inscription. Mallet (as Xanto). This
in n. 9), p. book contains at least one drawing that
seems
176, figs 8, 15, dates it 1535-40 and assigns ittotohave
a been used as a source by maiolica
painter working in the circle of Xanto. painters. See Bertrand Jestaz, 'Les modbles de la
majolique histori&e: bilan d'une enquate', Gazette des
3 Ballardini IX, no. 198, figs 192, 356R.
4 Ballardini II, no. 100, figs 94, 287R. Beaux-Arts, LxxIx, 1973, pp. 218-22. The link between
5 Ballardini ii, no. 136, fig. 131. Other painters also
this book and Xanto's use of the phrase may or may not
be coincidental.
used this quotation, e.g. a plate in the Victoria and
Albert Museum, London: Rackham no. 623. Rackham 36 His source was Valerius Maximus, Facta ac dicta, ix,
dates it 1530 and attributes it to Guido Durantino. He 3, ext. 4.
3 Bartsch (as in n. 9), xv, p. 95, no. 62.
had earlier attributed it to 'Pellipario': B. Rackham,
38 Rackham, no. 632, pp. 211-12; Ballardini II, no. 88,
'Some Unpublished Maiolica by Pellipario', Burlington
Magazine, LII, 1928, pp. 236-7, pl. ive. There is also a 278R; J. V. G. Mallet in Splendours of the Gonzaga,
figs 82,
group of pieces dating from the 1540s through to edsthe
D. Chambers and J. Martineau, cat. exh., Victoria
and Albert Museum, London 1981, no. 196, p. 199.
1560s, e.g. a plate sold from the Pringsheim Collection,
Sotheby's, 7-8 June and 19-20 July 1939, lot 293; a
9 Ballardini II, no. 135, figs 129, 307R.

This content downloaded from 80.181.57.28 on Thu, 25 May 2017 20:16:29 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 230 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS

centuries. It bears
(P1. 37b), dated 1534, was the model the
on which later
followi
inscription: commentaries were based. Velutello's com-
mentary
Ecco la Babilonica was first published at Venice i
Reina.4?
1525 and gradually replaced that of Ilicini.4
and a plate in theBoth
Herzog Anton
commentaries are much alike in Ulri
Museum, Brunswick (P1. 37d), dated 1539
their method and in their subject matt
unsigned, but either wholly or partly
but they differ in their choice of tex
Xanto or painted under his direct influen
Velutello's used the Trionfi as edited
is inscribed:
Bembo for the Aldine printing of 1501
Semiramis Regina this
d[i] Babilonia.41
version of the text the capitolo 'Er
Here then we have ten
pieno il quotations
cor ...', by
which is the one contain
the Hero and Leander
Xanto from the Trionfi. His line,references
is the third
sometimes direct, citing
capitolo of the relevant
the Trionfo lines b
d'amore. Furthermore
themselves and without change:
the capitolo beginning 'Nel cor the stor
pien d'amar-
of Pyramus and Thisbe, issima dolcezza ...',
Herowhich contains
and the line
Leande
Lucretia, Mucius Scaevola, Narcissus and on Mucius Scaevola, is omitted altogether
Judith. Other lines needed only minor from the Trionfo della fama, although in
adaptations to change them into workable some later editions it is included in an
tags: 'Quest'e colui ...' to introduce Aeneas
appendix.
instead of Petrarch's 'L'altro e colui ...' On his 1532 plate Xanto referred th
Petrarch's poetry is often allusive, and Hero
less and Leander story to the second
erudite customers might have been puzzled
capitolo of the Trionfo d'amore. On works of
by a description like 'Quest'e colui che 1533 and 1534 he quoted the line about
pianse sotto Antandro'. On a later work Mucius Scaevola from the disputed capitolo
Xanto makes the identification easier by of the Trionfo della fama. If Xanto had been
adding the first half of the following line, using Velutello's commentary and text he
'La morte di Creusa'. would have had to be mistaken in the
attribution of the Hero and Leander sto
and go beyond the text at hand for the
II. THE HERO AND LEANDER STORY AND referring to Mucius Scaevola. The text
XANTO'S PETRARCH COMMENTARY by Ilicini on the other hand fits the eviden
In one case at least, the attribution thatprecisely. The capitolo containing the H
and Leander line is indeed the second in
follows the citation tells us something about
the Trionfo d'amore and the disputed capitol
Xanto's reading. This is that on the 1532
'Nel cor pien d'amarissima dolcezza...
Hero and Leander plate in the Louvre.42
features as the first capitolo in the Trionfo
After the usual lines from the Trionfo d'amore
della fama. It seems that, in 1532 and 1533
Xanto has written: Nel .Ii. cap di amore del
.1. triu[m]pho de .M.F.P. commentato. The least, Xanto was using the older text
at
reference is to an unspecified commentaryand commentary of Bernardo Ilicini rather
than the more recent one of Alessandro
on the Trionfi. By 1532 there were three Velutello.
Petrarchan commentaries in circulation.
The earliest, by Antonio da Tempo, Why
wasdid Xanto refer the story to a com-
extremely brief and was not reprinted mentary
afterrather than to an ancient author?
its first edition in 1471. It was not The taleto
likely of Hero and Leander appeared in
have been available to Xanto and in only
any two
case ancient writers. Musaeus wrote a
poem in Greek on the subject: Latin but not
his reference suggests, by its very bareness,
a well-known work. This could be the Italian paraphrases of this poem were
commentary either of Bernardo Ilicini or of
Alessandro Velutello. Ilicini's commentary
was first published in 1475 and43regularly
D. Carnicelli, 'Bernardo Ilicini and the Renaissance
reprinted in the fifteenth andCommentaries
sixteenth on Petrarch's Trionfi', Romance Philology,
xxIII, 1963, pp. 57-64. Editions used in this study were
Petrarch, Triumphi di Messer Francesco Petrarcha con li
Sonnetti, ed. N. Peranzone, Venice 1490 (commentary
40 Ballardini II, no. 139, figs 130, 308R. by Ilicini), and II Petrarcha con l'esposizione d'Alessandro
41 Lessmann (as in n. 8), no. 149.
42 See n. 27 above. Velutello
Venice e con
1528 molte altre utilissime
(commentary cose in diversi luoghi ....
by Velutello).

This content downloaded from 80.181.57.28 on Thu, 25 May 2017 20:16:29 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 XANTO AND PETRARCH 231

available.44 Ovid used the story in his The references to Ovid are all to the
Italian paraphrase of the Metamorphoses f
Heroides. there wasgiven
poem.45 However, an Italian version of
its epistolary this
published in 1497 which, with its wood
form,
Ovid could only anticipate, not relate, his was the most popular of all source book
heroine's death. The commentary on the maiolica painters from Urbino and the
Trionfi was therefore the only vernacular neighbouring regions in the 1520s and
source available to Xanto which contained 1530s.49 This includes a number of episodes
the story of Leander's death and Hero's that are not in the original. The story of
suicide. More importantly it was the onlyNarcissus is to be found in the third book of
vernacular version of the story to which he the Metamorphoses whether in Italian or in
could refer his customers. Latin.5o Likewise the story of Pyramus and
Thisbe appears in both versions in the
It would, however, be a mistake to see the
story told by Ilicini as the source of Xanto's fourth (rather than the fifth) book of the
painting.46 The painting on the 1532 plate Metamorphoses.5'
is The stories of Amphiaraus
not composed strictly to Ilicini's recipe. and Helen, on the other hand, appear only
Ilicini provides a very brief version ofinthe the Italian version, both of them in
story, omitting any reference to the tower the ninth book. The Abduction of Helen is
which plays such a major part in Musaeus's dealt with in a single sentence in a small
and Ovid's accounts. Yet the tower appears chapter, 'De Priamo et Helena', appended
in all of Xanto's illustrations of the theme. to the story of Hercules,52 and the story o
Giacomotti believes that the tower and the Amphiaraus is told at much greater length
principal figures on the plate in the Louvre little further on.53
could be derived from a woodcut in the Xanto's references to Ovid are all genu-
1515 edition of the Italian translation of the ine attributions: they are not there merel
Heroides.47 If Xanto did know this woodcut for decoration. His mistake with the attri-
he is likely to have been familiar with bution the of the Pyramus and Thisbe story
text as well, and we may suspect thatcould
he well have been a slip of the brush.
When he is in doubt, as with the Amphi-
blended his literary and visual sources with
equal freedom. araus story, he does not specify the precise
book. We can also note that neither the
Helen story nor the Amphiaraus story w
illustrated in the 1497 Ovid. Xanto was
III. THE ATTRIBUTIONS TO OVID AND LivY
When he dealt with other classical themes familiar with the text, not merely the
pictures.
Xanto occasionally followed a quotation
Xanto's interest in classical literature did
from the Trionfi with a reference to a
classical author. Classical attributions are not not extend to Livy. He refers the story of
in themselves uncommon in Xanto's work, Mucius Scaevola to an unspecified decade.
The attribution on another work of 1533, a
but it is surprising to find them attached to
lines from Petrarch. In all cases these signed cup in Arezzo, is equally vague. The
attributions appear on signed works cup is dated
decorated with a scene of the death of
to the years 1532 and 1533.48 Tarpeia and bears the inscription:
Tarpea raccoglie del
suo seme il frutto.
44 By Guglielmo de Mara, Paris 1514; and by Marcus Nella.. Deca de .T. Livio.54
Musurus, Basic 1518.
A three
u Heroides, Epist. xvi and xvii. There were very scanty acquaintance with Livy
would
translations that Xanto might have had access to: have
one provided Xanto with the knowl-
by Naso di Compagna (Rome 1496), one byedge that the stories of Mucius Scaevola and
Domenico
da Monticello (Venice 1508, Milan 1518), and one by
Tarpeia were in the first decade. Xanto's
Carlo Figiovanni (Venice 1532).
46 On the plate in Modena see Liverani (as in n. 1),
p . 297-9.
Giacomotti, no. 68. 4 Ovid, Methamorphoseos vulgare, Venice 1497. There
48 1532 (Pyramus and Thisbe) 'Nel libro v d'Ovidio were numerous later editions.
Met'; 1532 (Rape of Helen) 'Nel ix libro di Ovidio 5o ibid., fols 22v-24v, cap. xvi-xxvi.
Metham'; 1533 (Amphiaraus) 'Nel ... libro di Ovidio'; 51 ibid., fol. 27r-v, cap. iv-ix.
1533 (Narcissus) 'Nel III libro di Ovidio Met'; 1533 52 ibid., fol. 76r, cap. xl.
(Semiramis) 'Nel i libro de Trogo Pompeio'; 1533 5 ibid., fol. 81r, cap. lxvi.
(Mucius Scaevola) 'Nel ... deca di Tito Livio'. 54 Ballardini II, no. 101, col. pl viii, 288R.

This content downloaded from 80.181.57.28 on Thu, 25 May 2017 20:16:29 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 232 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS

vagueness here suggests that

figures from the print heofwas
in a variety scenes. n
familiar with Livy even in the Italian The picture on the London dish (P1. 37c)
translation.
and the one in New York (P1. 37a) need not
The attribution of the Semiramis story to
therefore be an illustration of that story.
the first book of Justin's epitome of Trogus All other quotations by Xanto from the
Pompeius's History appears on the surface to
Trionfi are directly relevant to his painted
be more precise. On investigation it turnsscenes. It is hard to believe that Xanto, who
out to be even less helpful. knew his Petrarch well, would have made a
mistake in the choice of lines to identify a
subject. If the inscription on the reverse is
IV. SEMIRAMIS, PETRARCH AND TROGUS
about Semiramis, then the scene on the
POMPEIUS obverse also concerns Semiramis. Further-
Hor vedi la magnanima Reina more, even if Xanto had made a mistake on
chuna treccia rivolta, e, laltra sparsa
Corse alla, Babilonica ruina. the 1533 dish (P1. 37c), he is unlikely to
Nel. I. libro di Trogo Pompeio. have repeated it the following year on the
plate now in New York (P1. 37a) or ident-
This inscription on the 1533 dish in ified a similar picture on the work in Venice
London (Pls 36e, 37c) is puzzling. In the (P1. 37b) with an even more explicit in-
first place the relationship between
scription. Presumably all three, like the
illustration and inscription is not obvious;
secondly the lines from the Trionfi appear to
plate in Brunswick with Semiramis's name
written on it, show an incident from the
have little connection with the attribution to
Trogus Pompeius. life of Semiramis. The question is: which
incident?
The problem raised by these discrep-
The illustrations themselves provide some
ancies has elicited little response from art
clues. The dish in London (P1. 37c) includes
historians. In 1894 F6rster pointed out that,
while the illustration was derived from all the figures from Caraglio's print and,
Caraglio's print after Raphael's Marriagein addition,
of several more: two running
Alexander and Roxana, the inscription soldiers,
camea seated cupid with a shield, a
from Petrarch's Trionfo d'amore and weeping
referredcupid, an elderly spectator, two
not to Roxana but to Semiramis. He also turbaned oriental attendants (one bearing
noted that Petrarch's source for the incident insignia) and a semi-nude boy. The dish in
he described was not Trogus Pompeius but New York (P1. 37a) is not so thickly popu-
Valerius Maximus.55 Nevertheless Ballardini lated. Xanto has omitted the circle of
identified the illustration from the visual playing cupids, replaced the cupid play
source as The Marriage of Alexander and with the armour with a reclining soldier
Roxana; and Rackham, while noting the added only four extra figures: two men
source of the inscription, still accepted the in conversation, the elderly spectator a
identification and insisted that there was 'a
one turbaned attendant. The two remain
confusion as to the subject'. More recently works have even fewer figures. The pla
J. V. G. Mallet has also described the scene Venice (P1. 37b) shows only the cent
as The Marriage of Alexander and Roxana.56
figures from Caraglio's print, the m
I do not think this standard identification
holding the crown and the seated wo
is correct. Xanto is known for ingenuity in
with her cupid attendant. (In the dista
adaptin his visual sources to fit a new
are two soldiers crossing a bridge but t
subject. The Marriage of Alexander and
do not form part of the main scene.)
Roxana was one of his favourites and he used
plate in Brunswick (P1. 37d) shows
Caraglio's principal characters but omits
circle of dancing cupids and the cup
55 R. F6rster, 'Die Hochzeit des Alexander und der
Roxana in der Renaissance', Jahrbuch der Koniglich
playing with the armour. There are no e
Preussischen Kunstsammlungen, xv, 1894, pp. 199-200. figures. In each case the composition
56 See n. 38 above. centres on the man holding out the crown
57 See for instance Liverani (as in n. 29), pp.and
297-9.
the seated woman. Clearly these two
For instances of Xanto's use of the print The Marriagefiguresof are basic to whatever story is being
Alexander and Roxana see Giacomotti, no. 855; Wilson,
no. 192. illustrated.

This content downloaded from 80.181.57.28 on Thu, 25 May 2017 20:16:29 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 XANTO AND PETRARCH 233

With this in mind we can consider the to be her son. After carrying out many great
lines from the Trionfi on the works in confessed her impersonation and
deeds she
London and New York. These lines refer ruled openly in her own right. After a
to the story told by Valerius Maximus. prosperous reign of forty-two years she was
Semiramis, queen of Assyria, learned of the
finally killed by her son.62
revolt of Babylon while she was in the The only incident here which might
midst
of dressing her hair; she immediately matchseized
Xanto's pictures is Semiramis's rev-
her weapons and only completed her elation of her true identity to her people.63
coiffure when the revolt had been quelled.58Thus the London dish might show how
This reading of the picture does not Semiramis has discarded her armour and,
explain the presence of the man who standsseated on a throne with royal insignia
in the centre calmly holding out a crown. behind her, reveals her real gender to her
Furthermore Xanto has made a small but astonished followers: one of them responds
significant change to Petrarch's lines. by offering her a crown. This interpretation
Petrarch wrote (see p. 229 above) the words could also apply to the other three works in
'Con una', which Xanto has replaced with the group, although it seems less appro-
'Ch'una', thus turning the last two lines into priate for the one in Venice where there are
an adjectival clause which reinforces the no spectators. The problem lies with the
identification in the first line instead of cupids who appear in all the scenes: even
describing the action. The inscription the plate in Venice boasts one cupid. Cupids
identifies the subject of the illustration, not are inappropriate in an illustration of The
its content. Revelation of Semiramis where the emphasis
But what of the attribution on the dish in should be on Semiramis's virile virtues
rather
London? This refers to Trogus Pompeius, than her feminine attributes. The
that is to Justin's epitome of the Historiaecupids, the dominant figure of the man with
philippicae. It is often assumed that Xantothe crown, and Semiramis's air of modest
lifted the reference from a commentaryconfusion,
on all suggest romance and court-
ship. It seems more likely that the scenes
the Trionfi.59 It is more likely however that
have something to do with Semiramis's
he was familiar with the Historiae philippicae.
original rise to royal rank by her marriage
There was an Italian translation60 and Xanto
referred to Justin/Trogus Pompeius on with sev-Ninus.
eral occasions.61 This story is not covered by Justin, but the
Justin's account is informative, if fast
Greek historian Diodorus Siculus gives two
moving. He tells us that when Ninus diedversions.
he According to the first version
Semiramis was the wife of Onnes, one of the
left his wife Semiramis with a young son.
king's councillors. She accompanied her
Semiramis, not daring to hand over the
husband on a campaign against Bactriana,
kingdom to the young heir or to rule openly
took an active part in the planning and
herself, dressed up as a man and pretended
carrying out of military strategy, and so
impressed Ninus with her beauty and mili-
58 Facta ac dicta (as in n. 36), ix, 3, Ext. 4.
tary prowess that he sought her in marriage.
5 Petrarch 1490 (as in n. 43), fol. 101r; see also fol. 17v
Onnes, who greatly loved his wife, killed
for Ilicini's comment on Semiramis in the Trionfo
d'amore ii, 76, '... come scrive Trogo... himself, leaving Semiramis free to marry
Ninus.64 The second version is less compli-
6o lustino vulgarizato, translated by C. Squarciafico,
Venice 1477. This translation was reprinted mentary.
several Semiramis was a beautiful court-
times e.g. Venice 1524, Venice 1526.
esan
61 A signed plate, formerly in the Pringsheim Col-
whose beauty so fired Ninus that he
lection, dated 1532 and showing the death of granted her request to wield royal power for
Cleopatra: Ballardini II, no. 40, fig. five
37; adays. Once
signed possessed
dish in of power she
the British Museum, London, dated 1533 and showing
the discovery of Romulus and Remus: Ballardini II, no.
98, figs 93, 285R, or Wilson, no. 76; a series of plaques
painted in 1536, showing incidents 62 from
Historiae philippicae,
the lifei, of 2.
Cyrus: Giacomotti, no. 855, Lessmann 63 ibid.,
(as i,in
2: 'Magnas
n. 8), deinde
no. res gessit: quarum
145. The attributions on the 1536amplitudine
plaques direct the superatam putat, quae sit
ubi invidiam
fatetur,
reader to the stories illustrated; those on thequemve simulasset.
pieces of Nec hoc illi dignitatem
1532 and 1533 do not--Justin does regni ademit, sedthe
not mention admirationem auxit; quod mulier
suicide of Cleopatra, and his accountnon
offeminas modo virtute,
the finding of sed etiam viros anteiret'.
Romulus and Remus differs from the illustration. 64 Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca historica, II, 5-6.

This content downloaded from 80.181.57.28 on Thu, 25 May 2017 20:16:29 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 234 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS

established herselfwalls of Bactra, the city which Ninus

permanently as has
queen
This second version recurs in two other just captured with Semiramis's help. This
ancient writers. The Greek military writer
interpretation is also in keeping with the
Aelian tells the story with the added detail
heroic queen described by Petrarch and
that Semiramis ordered her servants to kill
Justin. Furthermore the reading of the
Ninus, and Pliny has a brief and tantalizing
scene as The Marriage of Ninus and Semiramis
reference to a painting by Aetion which
is equally applicable to the three other
showed Semiramis elevated from servant girlin the group, even the sparsely popu-
works
to queen.66 (This is all the more intriguing
lated plate in Venice.
because Lucian mentions another work by The first six books of Diodorus's Biblio-
Aetion, The Marriage of Alexander and
theca historica had been translated into Latin
Roxana,67 and Caraglio's print of Raphael's
by Poggio Bracciolini. His Latin translation,
re-creation of this lost painting was, as we
first published at Bologna in 1472, formed
have seen, the main visual source for all four
of Xanto's scenes.) the basis for an Italian translation first
Do either of these stories fit Xanto's published at Florence in 1526. The Italian
pictures? The second version with version made Diodorus's story of Semiramis,
its Plinian
connections is suggestive. Xantowith
didits emphasis on her beauty and military
have
prowess,
access to Pliny in Landino's Italian trans-available to a much wider
lation and, on at least one occasion, named audience; but unless Xanto had the Italian
translation to hand in the 1530s he would
him in an attribution.68 Nevertheless,
Xanto's paintings with their military el- have been hard pressed to find anothe
source.
ements-some copied from Caraglio's print,
some added by Xanto himself-do not lend Consequently there is only
themselves to this interpretation. Further- lationship between picture and
more this unedifying tale is out of keeping The quotation from the Trionfi se
with the quotation from the Trionfi and the to identify the protagonist, not
attribution to the Historiae philippicae. Both of the picture: the attributio
Petrarch and Justin present Semiramis as an Pompeius points the reader t
heroic warrior queen. historical context, not to the source of the
The first version of the story is more story.
promising. It fits the illustration on the dish We conclude that Xanto knew Petrarch's
in London. Here we see Semiramis in a state
Trionfi well and that he was familiar with
of undress with her discarded armour in
Ilicini's commentary. He also read the 1497
front of her on the floor. Behind her
Italian paraphrase of Ovid (as well as
turbaned attendants bear regal insignia looking at theand pictures) and possibly also the
in front of her Ninus, still clad the in Italian
military
translation of the Heroides. Other
cloak and helmet, holds out a crown. In the
inscriptions demonstrate that he had some
foreground a weeping cupid indicates the knowledge of Ariosto and Dante. He prob-
tragic aspect of the story and the soldiers ably knew an Italian translation of Virgil's
running in from the left bear the news of Aeneid. Historians did not arouse his interest
Onnes's suicide. In the background are the in the same way as poets. References to
historical works tend to betray a lack of
65 ibid., II, 20. familiarity. There is no evidence that he
ever turned to texts unavailable in the
66 Aelian, Historia varia, viI, 1; Pliny, Historia naturalis,
xxxv, 26, 78. vernacular.
67 Lucian, Herodotus, 5-6.
ALISON HOLCROFT
6 Susan Woodford, 'The Woman of Sestos: a Plinian
Theme in the Renaissance', this Journal, xxviII, 1965,
pp. 343-8. UNIVERSITY OF CANTERBURY,
CHRISTCHURCH, N.Z.

This content downloaded from 80.181.57.28 on Thu, 25 May 2017 20:16:29 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 36 VASARI, BELLORI, FREART AND RAPHAEL / XANTO AND PETRARCH

IL PADtE ANCHIQSt
TE&ssE iwz Toto*emo

b-Aeneas, Anchises and Ascanius.

Plate. Formerly Berlin,
Schlossmuseum (p. 226) ,

a-J. Caraglio after Raphael, Aen

and Ascanius. Engraving (pp. 217, 226)

b-f: Francesco Xanto Avelli

d-Reverse of P1. 36b

(p. 226)

c ,p 0d40 o.Xii

Photo courtesy Trustees, V & A

[pl;,e-Reverse of P1. 37c

. o xxx.(pp. 229, 232)

c-Abduction of Helen. Plate. Malibu,

Photo courtesy Cyril Humphris
J. Paul Getty Museum (p. 227) ' lt'!j f-Reverse of P1. 36c c"(p. 227)
This content downloaded from 80.181.57.28 on Thu, 25 May 2017 20:16:29 UTC Photo courtesy Cyril Humphris

All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

 XANTO AND PETRARCH 37

, ,

b-Semiramis
a-Semiramis. Plate. Ne
of Art, gift ofJ. Pierpo

0~

pp

V
C A
~ 1J~

Photo courtesy Trustees, V & A

c-Semiramis. Dish. London, Victoria d-Xanto (or follower?), Semiramis. Plate. Brunswi
and Albert Museum (pp. 229, 232) Herzog-Anton-Ulrich Museum (p. 232)

a-c: Francesco Xanto AvelliThis content downloaded from 80.181.57.28 on Thu, 25 May 2017 20:16:29 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms