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    Balkan Nationalism An Overview The Balkans in Turkish History-Libre

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    Nikola Bajo Veljović
    Balkan nacionalist

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    TURK TARIHINDE BALKANLAR BALKANS IN THE TURKISH HISTORY ciLT | TC. SAKARYA UNIVERSITESi BALKAN ARASTIRMALARI UYGULAMA VE ARASTIRMA MERKEZi YAYINLARI No: 2 A © 2013 Sakarya Universitesi, Balkan Arastirmalari Uygulama ve Arastirma Merke: Yayinlani Bu kitabin her tirlii basim, yayin ve telif haklari Sakarya Universitesi’ne aittir. Universitenin yazih izni olmadan elektronik, mekanik ya da diger yollaria basilamaz, cogattilamaz ve dagrtlamaz. © Copyright 2013 Sakarya University, Research and Application Center of the Balkans All rights reserved. No part of this book may be printed, reproduced or distribute: by any electronic, optical, mechanical or other means without the written permission of the Sakarya University. ! 1000 adet basilmistrr. Haziran 2013 ISBN: 978-605-4735-15-0 ° Kapak Tasarimr: Hazel CELIK Baski ve Cilt: Melisa Matbaacilik NATIONALISM IN THE BALKANS, AN OVERVIEW James N. TALLON' Abstract: At thé beginning of the 19 century, nationalism became a great problem for the Ottoman gue 2s various ethnic groups began to seek autonomy or outright independence from Istanbul. The J ugele for national independence resulted in numerous conflicts as the Ottoman State fought to keep e Balkan territories of its empire intact. This new emphasis on nationalism drew in many of the Great jowers as Russia and to a lesser extent Austria-Hungary and Great Britain became concemed about {te “plight” of aspiring Balkan groups. As the 19* century progressed, nationalism would in part be a {jai for the formation of the new states of Greece, Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria, and Romania on the [gadations of former Ottoman territory. Other groups like the Albanians and Turks began to embrace 'gionalism in the 20% century as Ottoman power eroded. The struggle the Ottoman State had with Fatonalism ebbed and fiowed but lasted until the exit of Ottoman power from the Balkans in 1913. represented an intellectual, political, and military challenge to Ottoman authority in the region and despite the efforts of the Ottoman State, nationalism, at Jeast in part, eroded the ability of Istanbul to zarol the region. Keywords: Nationalism, Balkan Nations, National Movements. BALKANLARDA MILLIYETCILIK UZERINE BiR BAKIS Ozet: 19. ydizyibn baslannda birgok milli unsurun istanbul ile balan koparmak tizere bagumsiziik eda Szerklik arayislanna girmesi nedeniyle milliyetrilik, Osmanh Devleti icin bityik mesele baline eimigti, Bir taraftan milli bagwnsizhk hareketleri diger taratan Balkanlan devlet sumrlan iginde tutmak j #even Osmanh'nm gayretleri nedeniyle bilge biyik ve uzun bir miicadeleye sahne oldu. Milliyeteigin ‘wu cada boylesine deger kazanmasi Gncelikli olarak Rusya ve omu takiben Avusturya-Macaristan ve hngitere'nin Balkan milletleri tizerine yénelik baz politikalar gelistirmelerini beraberinde getirdi. Uiliyeteiligin 19. Yizyil boyunca gelisimi eski Osmanhi topraklannda Yunanistan, Surbistan, Karadag, Julgaristan ve Rornanya gibi devietlerin olugmasma temel teskil ett. Amavutlar ve Tiirkler gibi jG milli yapuarda milliyeteigin uyanmasi ise bélgedeki Osmanli gticiintin azalmastyla kendisini ‘Scterdi, Osmanli’nun Balkanlarda milliyetsilik ile miicadelesi cesitli safhalaria 1913'e degin devam ‘Ti Entelektiiel, siyasi ve askeri anlamda bir meydan okumaya déntisen milliyeteilik Osmanlz’nun tim yretlerine ramen en basit tabiriyle bélgede bu geleneksel giictin kontrolii kaybetmesine neden oldu. Anahtar Kelimeler: Milliyetgilik, Balkan Milletleri, Milli Hareketler. aes One of the main features of the history of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans (Rumeli) ™s nationalism. As a concept it appeared on the scene at the beginning of the 19% century ‘td remained an issue until the end of Ottoman rule in the Balkans in 1913. The subject of j Msistun Professor, Lewis University, e-mail: TallonJa@lewisuedu 619 | James N. Tallon nationalism, particularly in the Balkans, has attracted a great deal of scholarly inter, has been used as an explanatory model for the undoing of Ottoman rale in this region 74 the issue of locally-derived nationalism presented problems for the Ottomans, it way the only issue that the Ottoman Empire faced. A nationalist framework for the say history of the Balkans bas been a preferred model and is often favored by histor analyze the region based on the concept of the nation-state. As a result of this, many hison of the region use the modem nation-states as their fundamental unit of analysis, ie. Bulg E Serbia, Greece, Albania, Romania, etc. While this method produces interesting and insights” results it often occludes other realities which were very much present in the Balkans Mg or interconnectedness of the region, the malleability of national identity, and the role of Otniy 2 society have been increasingly addressed and offers a corrective to the nation-state-centced narrative about the region. ° In addition to this, there has become a greater appreciation numerous internationalist movements which had an impact on the region as well as Speci regionalist movements that challenge default to 4 nationalist perspective.* ‘What becomes apparent in examining the nationalism in the Balkans during the Oitor period is the profound impact that local notables play in the articulation of nation In point of fact, what are later described as nationalist movements may also be autonomist movements or bids by local notables at establishing dynastic control of Additionally, there is a great deal of connectivity between these various Balkan mov: that counterbalances undue emphasis on specific nationalist movements. There are mi of cooperation between revolutionary elements and there are also moments of bitter o« The Coalescence of Factors: War, Ayans, Hayduks, Linguists and Foreigners old political order in the-region in the 18* century, The reversal of Ottoman military f in this century led to numerous foreign invasions and occupations. In the course of the century the Ottoman Balkans were invaded and occupied temporarily and permanent! ¥ Maria Todorova, Balkan Identities: Nation and Memory. (New York: New York University Press, 2004). Roudometof, Nationalism, Globalization, and Orthodoxy: The Social Origins of Ethnic Conflict in the Bal (Boulder, Colorado: Praeger, 2001) Nationalism and Territory: Constructing Group Identity in Southeastern Eur pe. (Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2000) Barbara Jelavich, History of the Be Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). > Isa Blum, Reinsating the Ottomans Alternative Balkan Moderniies, 1800-1912. (New York: Palgrave Mail, -an, 2011), Hannes Grandites ed_, Conflicting Loyalties inthe Balkans: The Great Powers the Ottoman Empi® ah Nation-Building. (London: I. B. Tauris, 2011). * Recent work bas been done of nearby regions of the Ottoman Empire that address these issues, See Ii ir-Makdisi, The Eastern Mediterranean and the Making of Global Radicalism, 1860-1914. (Berkeley, Cali University of California Press, 2010), 1-34. i * Numerous wars and occupations destabilized the whole region. War with the Venetians 1715-1718, which &° ded the Venetians occupation of the Morea/Peloponnesus 1700-1715, War the Habsburgs in 1716-1718, 1739, 1788-1791 which resulted in the occupation of Belgrade 1716-1739, the Banat 1775-onwarés 030 1853 1791-onward War with the Russians in 1711, 1736-1739, 1768-1774, 1787-1792, 1806-1812, 1828-1 bal 1856, 1877-1878, which resulted in the de facto occupation of Wellachie and Moldavie 1829-1848, ba ‘importantly the eventually independence of Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria, and Romania. These incessi le20 ‘Nationalism in The Balkans... jupted Ottoman authority in thé region and allowed local groups to fil the power vacuum st bad been left. Local notables and their retinues with new-found autonomy attempted to f their positions vis-d-vis Ottoman authorities, foreign powers, and other local actors ee ayans attempted, and in many cases succeeded, in creating autonomous spheres of fol. In fact, numerous powerful ayans had held sway in parts of the region throughout 118% century. These ayans did often, at least tacitly, support the Ottoman government. But, any of these notables also tried to assert their autonomy and even independence. ‘ong with the ayans, the Hayduks, Klephts, and Armatolos tried to benefit from the otic situation.’ These individuals banded together for protection and profit. They have been tancterized by some as “social bandits”, groups who defended local interest against unjust ctices.* While there is some degree of truth to the notion of social banditry amongst the sious populations of the Ottoman Balkans, most of the Hayduks, Klephts, or Armatlos, whether xially inclined or not, sought to profit from the chaos of the interruption of Ottoman authority y foreign incursions and the assertion of power by the ayans. Many of these individuals had Douglas Dakin, The Greek Struggle for Independence, 1821-1833. (London: Bratsford, 1973) 623 | James N. Tallon The Greek Kingdom was heavily reliant upon European support, but this support alloy the new Greek King and its nationalists to dream of unification withthe Greeks of he Otionas Empire. With a few small exceptions, the Peninsular Greek Kingdom did not grow unt end of the 19% century. Greece did not get involved in the Crimean War and Greece remaines outside the fray during the Russo-Turkish War 1877-78, but was compensated during the peer process in order not to leave it empty-handed and jealous of its Balkan rivals. In 1881, ‘Much of Thessaly was given to the Greek Kingdom eggrandizing the state and fulfilling Greek national ” aspirations with minimal cost. This emboldened the Greek cause and allowed Greek cetes to cross the border and intrigue in Macedonia. These cetes attempted to strike at the Ottoman Empire in Macedonia and Crete in coordinated effort. These incursions into Ottoman territory resulted in Greco-Turkish War of 1897. This conflict was a total disaster for Greece. Greek forces were forced back beyond the frontier and pursued by Ottoman forces that in essence recaptured most of Thessaly. I ‘was only the intervention of the European Powers that saved Greece from further losses. The Ottoman Empire agreed to the status quo antebellum with a few favorable territorial alterations in the Treaty of Istanbul of 1897.!? The Greek bid for Macedonia was stopped. Greek national aspirations were placed on the Balkan Alliance, which the Greek Kingdom entered in 1912 With the victory of this organization, Greece finally gained Epirus and Thrace. This satisfied many, although not all of the goals of Greek nationalism. Serbian Serbian nationalism, along with Greek nationalism, is one of the earliest nationalist movements in the Balkans. Rebellion by locals in the Pasalik of Belgrade against local abuses sparked a movement that eventually resulted in an autonomous movement. This is often known as the 1* Serbian Uprising/Revolution 1804-1813. It began with strong local reaction to obstreperous janissaries. Karadjordje Petrovié, Karadorde Petrovié (c, 1768-1817), a local notable gathered a force to deal with the janissary abuses. He rebelled not against Ottoman authority per se, but against a lack of Ottoman authority. His amy inflicted a series of defeats upon the rebellious janissaries. This left Karadjordje as the strongest power in the Pasalik of Belgrade. Ottoman authorities now had to deal a potentially more complicated issue." The Ottoman government in the midst of the Napoleonic Wars and a transition from Selim II (1789-1807) to Mahmud was unable to deal effectively with this rising power in Serbia. Russia soon capitalized on the situation and established military and diplomatic ties with Karadjordje. However, when Russia and the Ottoman Empire signed a peace treaty in 1812, the Serbian Revolution was threatened. Ottoman forces moved to occupy Belgrade, which was accomplished by 1813. Despite the predictable reprisals, an amnesty was given to many of the leaders of the revolution. One such leader was ‘Milo Obrenovié (1780-1860). Obrenovié took up arms against Ottoman authorities in what is often characterized as the Second Serbian ® For details on this confict, See Gnku. Bsk. lig Harb Tarihi Dairesi, Osmanlt-Yunan Harbi, Gala. sim, vi, Ankara: 1965, Elis Ashmead Bartlet, The Battlefields of Thessaly: With personel Experiences in Twhtr om) Greece. (John Murray, London: 1897), Nevinson, Henry W., Scenes in the Thirty Days War Berween Turkey Greece.J. (M. Dent & Co., London: 1898). ™ Jelavich, 193-200 1624 ‘Nationalism in The Balkans... ipcsing 1815.'° As.the Napoleonic wars were winding down, the Ottoman government chose jpnegotiate rather than press to crush the rebellion. Obrenovié was confirmed as kez , prince {ySebia, a joint Ottoman-Serbian bureaucracy was set up, and a degree of autonomy was pated. This new situation upset Karadjordje, who retumed to agitate for another rebellion. faring his strength, Obrenovié had Karadjordje killed and presented his head to Ottoman jsborities. This episode initiated the autonomous Serbian principality and the enmity between je Karadjordjeviés and the Obrenoviés, The great ideologue of Serbian nationalism was Vuk Stefanovié Karadzi¢ (1787-1846), be asa poet, writer, and linguist. He collected Serbian folk tales and songs and published these cs at the time of the Serbian uprisings/revolutions. These collections inspired the Princes {Serbia and made an impact on nationalists in Western Europe. Hiss greatest contribution was éestindardization of the Serbian language and Serbian orthography. Now with greater intellectual backing, Milo Obrenovié and his regime began to give tape to a Serbian state, Political astute, but also relying upon the diplomatic support of fussia, Obrenovié used the Treaty of Adrianople (Edime) of 1829 to squeeze out a few more ivileges and more territory under his control, By 1833, Mahmud II was just finishing e war itt Russia and was embroiled in a struggle with Mehmed ‘Ali and was in no position to pus ssrongly on negotiations with Obrenovié.'* As a result the autonomous Serbian Principality ined territory and further autonomy. Aside for gaining autonomy from Ottoman authorities, lbrenovié also negotiated autocephaly for the Serbian Church in 1832, He reversed the statute aplace since 1766 that the Serbian Church was under the authority of the Greek Patriarch in anbul. Now, Serbia had autonomy and an independent Metropolitan of the Serbian Church, ho was resident in Belgrade. Despite his position, Obrenovié was challenged by other notables within the principality. {hs challenges were dealt with and a degree of stability settled on the principality. Indeed, jPuder plans were dreamed of. Ija GaraSanin (1812-1874) advisor to the Obrenoviés hoped {tse the autonomous principality as a nucleus of a new Serbian state encompassing Bosnia- ikegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, northem Albania, and the Banat!” Milos Obrenovié imped down and put his son, Michael Obrenovié took the throne from 1839-1842. Then the jifthat had opened up between the Obrenoviés and Karadjordjeviés resulted in the overthrow if Michael and installation of Alexander Karadjordjevié as prince from 1842-1858. Michael {PS testored after his father sat on the throne again in 1860 and ruled until 1868 when he assassinated. With Michael’s assassination, Milan Obrenovié took the throne ruling from i'St-1889. It was during Milan’s reign that the Serbian Principality was to grow again. War fs the Ottoman Empire in 1876, over the Ottoman suppression of rebellions in Herzegovina, fitted in disaster and Russian intervention. The Russo-Turkish war embroiled Serbia fit did much of the Balkans. With the Russia victory, Serbia was given full sovereignty } independence and was rewarded with Nii and its surrounding territories. The addition levcitory eventually resulted in the Serbian Prince taking the title of King. " This status (ea 21-204 tae seat p tavich, 244, *Ravich'352-360, 625 | Te James N. Tallon remained in place until Serbia’s participation in the Balkan Alliance against the Otoman Empire in 1912. From this conflict Serbia gained Kosovo and much of Macedonia achieving many of Serbian nationalism’s goals. Romanian The development of Romanian nationalism began in part as a reaction to Phenatiot rule in the Danubian Provinces and the Greek revolutionary movement which developed in the region in the latter half of the 18 century. That being said, there was no Romania per se, but instead Wallachia and Moldavia, which had different governments and developments during the period in question. However, for the sake of brevity and clarity the two will be generally described together. Like elsewhere, a rediscovery of the past piqued an interest in the history and linguistics of the Romanians and here, as elsewhere, the clergy had an important role. The Latinist School of the Romanians in Transylvania, which in this period was in the Habsburg Empire, first began to trace the link between modern Romanian, which at the time was written in Cyrillic characters, and Latin,”? The activities of this institution were principally focused on the assertion of Romanian rights in Transylvania. Even though the earliest Romanian nati: onalists were resident in the Habsburg Empire, their ideas soon filtered across the border into the Danubian Provinces. Here, as stated earlier, the principal consumers of this new nationalist message were the Romanian Boyars, who felt beleaguered principally by the Greek Hosp. dars and secondarily by the Ottoman Sultan. This distaste with Greco-Turkish domination echoes sentiments seen elsewhere in this work, Despite distrust with Greek elements within the Danubian Provinces there was initial ( cooperation with Greek Revolutionary elements in the early days of rebellion/revolutiog ui- «| der Alexander Ypsilanti and the Filiki Eteria with Romanian Boyats and the likes of Tudor ‘Viadimirescu (1780-1821) 2 Romanian revolutionary leader who claimed to speak for peasant rights and against the Boyars. Despite the initial cooperation between Tudor Viadimirescu and the Greek revolutionaries, relations broke down.” Particularly after Vladimirescu proclaimed his loyalty to the Ottoman Sultan and distrust of the “Greeks”, Viadimiresou was murdered by Filiké Eteria, and cooperation between the Greek and Romanian nationalist soured. Ottoman Forces reoccupied the Danubian Provinces and the political wing of Romanian nationalism waited for the aftermath. The era of Greek Hospodars was at an end. Romanian Hospodars* drawn from the native Boyars were installed by Ottoman forces, the province of Wallachia and Moldavia now both had Romanians on the throne and suddenly one of the early goals of ‘Romanian nationalism had been achieved. : ‘The pace of change quickened even further as the Ottoman Empire and Russia were at Wit again with the Russo-Turkish War of 1828-1829. This conflict resulted in Ottoman defeat and a new political order being imposed on the Danubian Provinces. The Organic Statute, Regula- mentul Organic was proclaimed by Russian authorities for Wallachia and Moldavia and.¥i- | confirmed in the Treaty of Adrianople (Edime) of 1829. This new political situation Sev" Review, Vol. XXL, © Keith Hitchins, “Samuel Clain and the Rumanian Enlightenment in Transylvania” Slavic ‘No. 4 (December, 1964), 660-675. * ® Keith Hitchins, The Romanians, 1774-1866. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 141-15 Nationalism and Identity in Romania: A History of Extreme Politics from the Birth of the State (London: 1. B. Tauris, 2010) 1626 ate . | Nationalism In The Balkans... i | sost of the ties that the Danubian Provinces had had with the Ottoman Empire and the new i egime in the region was in essence a Russian protectorate. Romanian nationalism developed ie quclly and was influenced by French models.” During the era of Organic Statute a few de- _ ‘opments moved Wallachia and Moldavia closer to the nationalist goal of unification, prin- ~ z | pally the customs union between the two territories in 1846. The era of the Organic Statutes “t came to 2 crashing conclusion with the Wallachian Rebellion/Revolution of 1848. ‘This move against Russian authority echoed previous calls of opposition to Greek and Ot- ‘oman influence and control. As Russia acted to suppress the rebellion, some of the Wallachian sbels sought the protection of the Ottoman Sultan. To deal with this chaotic situation, Russia . aj the Ottoman Empire signed the Convention of Balta Liman of 1849. This allowed for Ee te joint occupation of the Romanian Principalities which lasted until 1851. It offered a brief esoration of Ottoman influence in the region and stifled Romanian nationalist intentions for ! wification and independence. But fortunes for Romanian nationalism quickly changed yet again. The defeat of Russia in fic Crimean War, 1853-1856, resulted in international intervention in the Principalities. The ause of Romanian nationalism was particularly the project of the French. Unification was a the horizon with the election of Alexandru Ioan Cuza (1820-1873) to both the thrones of Wallachia and Moldavia. Recognition was slow to come from the surrounding powers, but ty 1861 the Ottoman Empire recognized the union of the thrones, but only for Cuza’s reign. Nonetheless, the union of Wallachia and Moldvaia was a fait accompli and Romania, in the jsionalist sense, had been born. The formal proclamation of this fact occurred with the Treaty sfBeciin of 1878, which reiterated the union of Wallachia and Moldavia under an independent kg, Ottoman rule and influence was at an end in this region. Bulgarian The idea of a Bulgarian nation and the articulation of Bulgarian nationalism began to take tape in the latter half of the 19* century. There had been some glimpses of an articulation Bulgarian identity in the latter half of the 18¢ century with the works of Father Paisi of iHlendzr, Istoriya Slavyanobolgarskaya (The Slavonic-Bulgarian History). Bulgarian _ {ttionalism particularly develops in the 1870s in response to a real or imagined threat from ieee ecclesiastical pressure and Greek nationalism. This threat led to the development of + lle Exarchate Movement, which sought to enshrine Bulgarian independence from Greek as tliurgical language and from the Greek clerical hierarchy. This movement challenged the { itional Ottoman system of confession-based administrative structure, which placed the : lexians in the Rum millet. Sultan Abdiilaziz signed a firman, which put the Exarchate ! fs place in February, 1870. Bulgarien nationalism was also shaped in part by American ‘Wssionary influences.” Numerous schools were established and many students were taught | fin: Cambell, “The Infiuence of Wester Political Thought in the Rumanian Principalities, 1821-1848" Jour- if Central European Affairs, Vol. TV (October, 1944), 262-273, . Daskalov, The Making of a Nation in the Balkans: Historiography of the Bulgarian Revival. (Budapest - jt! European University Press, 2004), JF. Clarke, H. “Father Paisi and Bulgarian History” in Stuart ed., Teac- fewscon essays in honor of Laurence Bradford Packard (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1954). L .Grabill, Protestant diplomacy and the Near East: missionary influence on American policy, 1810-1927. apolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1971), 53-54. | ' . 627 | Tahir Seving Bulgarian by American missionaries ‘The Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878 was point of reckoning for Bulgarian nationalism The April Rising, Aprilsko vastanie, and its suppression by Ottoman forces prompted condemnation from Russia, which eventually led to war.* Many Bulgarians rallied to the Russian cause as the Tsar's armies entered Bulgaria. These volunteers along with the combined ammies of Russig and Romania fought Ottoman forces in the region. As these forced approached Istanbul, the Ottoman government sought peace. With alterations made to the Treaty of San Stefano by the Treaty of Berlin, the Principality of Bulgaria was established along with Eastem Rumelia, This gave the Bulgarian an autonomous Principality, similar to what had been granted to the Serbs decades earlier and left Eastem Rumelia within the Ottoman fold.” This state of affairs was accepted by Bulgaria until 1885 when the Principality annexed Eestern Rumelia. This sparked a war with Serbia, a war that Bulgaria eventually won. The Tophane Agreement was signed with the Ottoman Empire, which ceded a few border territories to the Ottomans in retum for recognition of the union. Despite having achieved union with Easter Rumelia, Bulgarian nationalists still coveted Macedonia In this desire they not only had to face Ottoman authorities, but also Serbian and Greek national designs as well. The contest for Macedonia was one of the most protracted and convoluted of the era of Balkan nationalism. In their bid to control Macedonia, numerous ¢ete were formed in Macedonia under the auspices of the Bulgarian government or Bulgarian nationalist organizations. Principal of these organizations was the Internal Macédonian Revolutionary Organization (MRO) Vatreshna Makedonska Revolyutsionna Organizatsiya Formed in the early 1890’s this organization attempted to bring Macedonia into Bulgaria through guerilla tactics. The activities of this organization in effect created a low-grade civil war in Macedonia. The organization became most aggressive with the Dinden-Preobrazhenie Uprising of 1903. This action, defeated by Ottoman forces, resulted in intervention by the Great Powers in order to maintain the peace. Like other revolutionary groups, several Bulgarian nationalist organizations participated in the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, but most of the Bulgarian nationalists were not converted to Ottomanism and fell efoul with the Committee of Union and Progress. The final expression ofnational aspiration of the Bulgarians was to work to form the Balkan Alliance which’ eventual ejected the Ottomans from the Balkans. Albanian Albanian Nationalism was a late-comer to the Balkan nationalist trend.™ Atthe beginning of | the 19th century there were culturaV/iterary revival movements in Albanian lands, but nothing that could be constituted as nationalism. The Rilindja Kombatare, the National Revival, beg like many nationalisms of the region as a literary movement that was principally focused on the revival and establishment of an Albanian literary language. One of the early intellectuals who supported this cultural/literary resurgence was Naum Vegilharxhi (1797-1854) His 3 Thomas A. Meininger, The Response of the Bulgarian People to the April Uprising,” Southeastern EuroPt 4 #2 (1977): 250-261, Jelavich, 347-348. % Jelavich, 366-369. : % ‘Stavro Skendi The Albanian National Awakening 1878-1912.( Princeton: Princeton University \628 Press, 1967) ce ifo joft 18. Yizytlda Tuna Nehri'nde Ulagum...

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