Published in

The Sangai Expressed, May 17 21, 2007

The Imphal Free Press, May 21 26, 2007

CONFLICTS IN MANIPUR: A PERSPECTIVE FRAMEWORK

Ngamkhohao Haokip

If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any

clearly written constitutional rights, in any moral point of view, justify revolution -
Lincoln, First Inaugural Address, 1861

Conflict is not only any prolonged arm struggles against a sovereign Political State
but also the dichotomies of: interest; opinion; philosophy; economic status; social status;
political status; etc. produced on the minority by the majority. The circle of conflict will
roll on until the minority fights back against the majority to maintain either the pre-
conflict state or again trick the masses for superiority in the number game. In this way
conflict is being perpetuated the way it is inherited from the earlier experiences till both
lost the game and subsequently merged to form another type of majority called
Monority, a system where everyone has their voice in everything and shares both
economic and political power and material things as the need arises. This is nothing but
co-existence based on mutual understanding and mutual co-operation for socio-economic
and political development for all.
The followings are conceptual frameworks for further analysis by anyone
concerned. In the discussion below it will be shown, how situations in Manipur are in the
very stage of where minority fights against majority and another form of majority in the
nature of Monority is in the making.
1. Conflict over Imperialism
The recorded history of kingship in Manipur is alleged to have started from 33 AD. If
this is true, then after one millennium, eight centuries and more than fifty decades of
continuous self-governance based on, we may say, a set traditional pattern, the British
paramouncy came into the country where every community was living in freedom until
1891, the reckoning year. A sudden upsurge was observed in both the political set-up and
administration of the state. Unlike this socio-political surge, the magnitude of changes or
whatever had happened before the said political upheaval has borne little on the social and
political lives of the people. Even if there were transformations, it was rather time factor
barely involving evolutionary process in the absence of haste and hassle incurred in 1891
and thereafter. Had the unnecessary help of a third party i.e. the British not sought, things
would have remained quite different from the present ugly experiences. This is history in
itself wherefrom a lesson of such a grave mistake in the past should be learnt. The lives
and mentality of the then subjects were so much affected so that it left behind a legacy
indigestible and something hard to-gobble-up state of affairs. This situation had had its
manifestations in the form of political and social unrests, protests of varying degree, and
different forms of freedom struggles.
 In this regard, one can bring about different reasons that can be reckoned with the
great intensity of many-sided dissatisfaction and unwarranted socio-political upheavals
both among the tribes and in the plain country. Here are some such opinions. Firstly,
before the tagged reckoning year 1891, the hill tribes were largely left undisturbed in
matter of administration. The influence of the Maharajas governances was so scanty in
the hill country that the people there were considered as objects of uncivilized world so
that the need of administering them did not arise then. If any or certain magnitude of the
touch of the plains administration was felt by the people, it is much undoubted that they
would have reacted against it well before the advent of the British, as had happened in
1910s and 1930s. On the other hand, the tribal people were so much pacified by leaving
them alone that they could not even think of having the slightest hesitation in helping the
Maharajas in the hours of need. Glaring example of such service was shown by the
Thadous in protesting Maharaja Bodh Chandra Singh from leaving his palace for Shillong
to sign the merger accord. The contribution rendered by the Zalengrong in this regard
cannot be ruled off.
Secondly, along with imperialism came modernity. The implied meaning of modernity
is new and intended to be different from the traditional styles of classification of society
based on culture, language, economic, and political. The post-reckoning year witnessed
introduction of inequality of status; division of tribes in much serious consideration;
change of religion from traditional practices to new and more complex system. It also
introduced new but never before-experienced type of administration that urged the simple
tribal people to switch over to that system in quick succession without any preparedness.
Closer relation with the plain people was also unfolded which are thought to be, it really
appeared to be true, an invasion on their very purpose of being a being in human nature.
Thirdly, another form of modernity that was not taking place was the dispersal of
development in the hill areas. The few developments that took place among the tribes
were rather the ones that were not suitable with their taste and tradition. What could have
been initially introduced among them were things for their material development that
would be the first step of modernising them without firstly affecting their intrinsic values,
the invasion to which made them perplexed on the face of the desired development that
was and is concentrated in the bowl of the hills.
These situations were indeed the ethical ideas of the imperialist then. As we are now
in the era of supposed equality and justice, we have to redress our grievances in the light
of the propositions said above. We are aware that when Mr. Jinnah wanted to share
political power, economic development, and equal social status with the Hindus and his
attempt failed, the Muslim demanded an independent, sovereign state of their own. They
were indeed succeeded in their last resort that sprang up from complete frustration. The
legacy of imperialism and the lingered sense of imperialism among ourselves must be
done away with so that we all live in peace and satisfied.
Worse convolution was the merger of the state with the union of India in 1949. Some
important points relating to the merger remained unexplored. Manipur had merged with
the Union of India. So the question now is not about the merger itself, but it would rather
be good to ask what is the position of the two hill tribes the Nagas and the Kukis, over
the merger as of now? The Chikim people are demanding Homeland of their own base on
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the logic that they were free-people before the reckoning year and even after. This
explicates that they negate the merger agreement. However, to whom do they route their
demand for Homeland? To the Indian Government! Why? On the other side, the Nagas
demand Independent state from India thereby endorsed the merger agreement at their own
capacity. Along with their invented cognate tribes in neighbouring states and especially in
Manipur, the Nagas of Manipur wanted to be a separate entity from Manipurs. Whereas,
the Kukis remain with the larger Manipuri entity. They are neither a threat to the pre-1891
princely state nor to the post merger state within the Union of India. But their deprivation
on almost all fronts and how they are seen by both the two emerging entities, i.e. Nagas
and Meiteis and the present democratic government at the centre and the state government
annoyed them thereby making them to possess a greater threat. This is not of their fault!
We have to address the issue of conflict, real or imagined, and ask about the
implications of our loyalty to divergent priorities and differentiated affinities.
The hegemonic ascendancy of British crown in Manipur and the latters unprovoked
merger with the union of India has become two greatest epochs in the annals of Manipurs
history. No permanent solutions have been positioned thereof. It leaves nothing but
political chaos and social confusions. Ever since then, this has been creating the problems
of lingering propagation of discontentment, suppression and then oppression in the hands
of the British crown and secondly, the Indian democracy. This may be considered the first
conceptual framework for analysis in the context of conflict between once sovereign state,
Manipur, and democratic wielding India. The conflict so aroused affected the tribes in no
lesser degree.
2. Assertion of the Tribal People
The uprising of the tribal people against the exploiter groups is not a new
phenomenon. This is discontentment with the exploiter(s) exhibited in the form of Tribal
Movements, which are now gaining momentum more vigorously than ever. The
objectives of these movements, in the words of N. Joy Kumar Singh in Social Movements
in Manipur are - to preserve their political and social identity . for the revival of their
traditional religious system and some are for the safeguard of their economic interest
against the encroachers. (P.15) Truly, after the British had changed her policy toward the
hill people with the clear intention of controlling or manipulating, a serious type of
conflict aroused between the intruder and the protector. Notable are the Kuki Rebellion
of 1917-1919 and the Zalengrong Movement, 1930-1932. Since then a spontaneous
sentiment of discontentment and the experience of being meted out a hegemonic treatment
remains imbedded in the minds and ethos of the tribal people. It is worth to underscore
here that both the movements were clearly directed against their common enemy - the
British colonial interference into their land and culture. The Kuki Rebellion had
particularly left a great impact in the administrative set up of the state, more so in the hill
regions of Manipur. Unfortunately, the Kukis themselves got a very little benefit from that
war of independence. They fought against imperialism side by side or in contemporary
with the rest of the ruled peoples the moment it was pressed into their country mainly to
protect their ancestral land from the encroacher; to protect their cultural identity; and their
rights. It is politically a malignant especially for them because when all nations, nations on
the making, linguistic, and cultural groups have benefited from their fights against
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imperialism or for freedom by granting them a political status each under the UN and
under the union of India respectively, the Kukis fights with heavy loss of lives and in
greater magnitude are left unrecognised, unacknowledged, and un-written. However, no
rebellions ever matched that of the Kuki Rebellion of 1917-1919.
Thus, the war that was initially directed against the British hegemonic attitude and
subsequently against any such attitude is taken to be an unconcluded war. In other word, it
is a living war. The reason being that they have not noticed for themselves any fair
treaty being reached in between the British suzerainty during its hay day in power or
Indian Government, after the lapsed of British colonialism, on one hand and the Kukis on
the other that could have been considered a logical conclusion of the war, as
conventionally required. They had not received at least an iota of justice in the hands of
the past colonial system and now they are foreseeing the day to realising their dream from
the present democratic system under India. However, days of their genuine pleadings
through democratic means are numbering out and their disappointments led them to the
present state of affair.
Another interesting point is that before the British invasion the hill overflowed neither
plain nor vice versa. The hill people were more or less independent of the plain people and
vice versa. Even more interesting is the fact that the Kukis had better terms of relationship
with their neighbouring Nagas until the latters political awakening in the 1940s.
Nevertheless, since then they remained to withstand the blunt of the Nagas during their
political yearning for statehood of the present Nagaland; and again in the worst form, in
the process for formation of a political entity as southern Nagaland.
3. From Development to Conflict
Then we may also construe conflict in relation to developmental inefficiency.
Discussion on how the practical understanding of the term development is a misnomer
amongst the people of Manipur should go deeper into its social inference. One will
therefore, ascribe to development as widely defined by anthropologists and not merely in
terms of economic transformation, or in its technical aspect. In order to put the term
development in a proper perspective, one also needs to address conditions that allowed
the change of Manipur from it been once a peaceful and prosperous princely state to
situation of chaos and confusions. The need, hence, arise to address development as multi-
directional as well as multi-dimensional that refers to all aspect of human development.
The focus on north East Indian states began only when the Chinese invaded India in
1962. Since then, security, and security-means-solutions of problems in North Eastern
States, prominently in Manipur has been mainly considered while dealing with these
states. Development thus became a casualty when the overriding concern remained to be
security. Someway, Government at the centre and at the state level now are convinced to
the idea of mixing development with security as a means of doing away insurgencies and
conflicts of different nature. Some social scientists are also of the view that conflicts and
insurgency problems are primarily because of lack of development. Both the state and
centre government give the impression of being trying on this faade of development. But,
any success on this count will be of little certain unless the vast portion of the
developmental allocations that actually find their last destination to insurgency and anti

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state groups are completely checked, meant it! Although it will amount to a very serious
suggestion to include the state itself and the government as anti-state, because of
academic exercise we are tempted to do so. It is now without much doubt that the working
of any government at any given period, political cohorts, and their administrative
machineries are largely depended on the whims and fancy of insurgent groups. The few
individuals who formed the so-called government are the very, very people who work
hand in glove with their own coteries known as anti-state elements.
Creating and re-constructions of even more identity base on any inventible
nomenclature or severer assertion of distinct and several identities for safeguard and
protection of ones interests that is un-doing the territorial integrity of a political state
(Manipur) is but a manifestation of developmental miss spelling. Those interests so
asserted range from economic, political, and social and subsequently sprouting out from
such interest - conflicts of various natures. There is also a need to frame our concept of
socio-economic transformation based on socio-political background. The future of
Manipur on her socio-politico-economic fronts should have its grounding upon the
background so addressed, as mentioned earlier, if one anticipates better days ahead.
The theory as we said, looks upon the ethnic insurgencies as a transient phenomenon
that is bound to decline with every dose of modernisation (development). However, it is
now beyond any doubt that the actual process of modernisation could hardly take on the
course that was expected of it.
4. Inter-Communities Relationship & Intra-Problems
Ethnicity should fairly be defined ordinarily, i.e. as an ethnic identity ordained and
given; and not in its normative construction where the process has no visible end in sight
and is unlikely to come to a grinding halt not only because there is an insurmountable gap
between what a community attempts to achieve and its ability to succeed in such attempts
but also because communities by virtue of their being imagining subjects are never tired of
re-constructing what they wish to become or erasing and replacing them with newer ones.
In its broad division, two communities live in Manipur. The plain people composed
one and the hill inhabitants on the other hand. The first composition is again divided into
two main cultural groups - the Meiteis and the Meitei-Pangal. Similarly, the second
community is also divided into two main ethnic groups the Kukis (Chikim) and the
Nagas.
The first broad division is due to topographical factor while the second distinction
is based on cultural identity. The former group, i.e. plain people, shares two common
identities. First, they live in the fertile plain and secondly they speak the same language.
The tribal people too share two things. One is their place of settlement and the other
their religion, Christianity. Hinduism and Sanamahi are the religions practice by the
Meiteis. However, they do not share these religions with their counterpart, the Meitei-
Pangal, whose religion is one that is quite apart and incongruent from that of the Meiteis.
A question as to why not a single individual from the tribes follow any of the religions
practice in the plain can be a point substantiating the gaps that were between the plain
brethrens and the hill people. It also radiates the little connection they have or on the other
hand, the freedom the tribal people enjoyed before the advent of outsiders.

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 The tribal people who were initially grouped based on their origin, their cultural
identity, and shared ethos into Kuki-Chin-Mizo (Chikim) and Naga, later on experienced
disintegration, especially so amongst the former group. Although the root of this
experience is not too far to seek, social scientists are mostly considering the same on the
normative aspect rather than discoursing for pragmatism. Tracing their terms of
relationship on matters of social, economic, and political setting from far past till today
will provides the conceptual framework upon which one can build the desire conclusion.
It is now pertinent to poise these queries: -
1) What terms of relationship bind the different communities who live in
Manipur since time immemorial?
2) How were their relations before the colonial period?
3) What types of urgently required relationships are available in their hands
that can bridge the gap between them?
4) Have social scientists, academicians, and the so called social leaders any
clear cut analysis of what gaps divide them that are posing as the impediment(s)
toward building a political society of peaceful co-existence?
Moreover, the new tendency of social problem enveloping every group of people in
Manipur is the worse form of problem culminating into no less than a conflict. These
problems within a community, or a tribe, or between tribes, or ethnic groups are clearly
pictured as conflict, especially so in arm conflict and insurgency problem. This set-up is
also discussed in the following sub-head.
5. Arm-conflict and the problem of insurgencies
Insurgencies are believed to occur in a vacuums created by inadequacy of
administrative and political institutions; and in the absence of equal share of economic
development among the various sections of the society. They, thereby, espouse the local
demands, take advantages of the prevalent dissatisfaction and injustice among the
exploited segments of the population, and seek to offer an alternative system of
governance that promises emancipation of these segments from the clutches of the
exploiter classes through the barrel of a gun.
Initially, these insurgent groups would share some common features like un-
conformity with the existing system of governance and economic distribution. They also
shared a common goal of offering an alternative system. As long as they are within the
purview of these common goals, they are fighting their common enemy, i.e. the existing
system of governance and distributive system of economic reforms. Later on, as they
voyage on the path of heighten struggle or under the situations of demoralisation, they
themselves slowly but surely became victims of monopolisation of the struggle itself in
the hands of the dominating class within that struggle. They also became victims of the
preferential attitudes and lost of integrity on the part of the higher ranks in the group.
From the point on discuss, we may attribute such consequences to two reasons:
1. Support of the general populace within the influence of the struggle may not have
been won over thereby weakening the method, wherein the habit of showing preferential

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attitude towards even a smaller groups like on tribe, community and clan consideration
has crept into their working as they became very much unsure of success in the ultimate
goal of attaining an alternative system.
2. The point opined above conditioned both their socio-economic and political
position in the society to the extent of considering that they may ultimately be left out to
be the victims of such unfounded political ideologies and therefore wanted to switch over
to a surviving alternative. This idea contributed to the growth of their interest in the
present systems that they had earlier negated and fought against. In this connection, some
may argue that it is a means to their goal end, but to which it may be said that it is the very
situation where they express their frustrations. Yet, they are not ever ready wholly to give
up but on the contrary, start working for their personal gains using the materials they have
built up in the earlier stages. In this way, they make themselves involved in almost all the
exercises of the present political arrangement. Take instances from the recently held 9 th
state election where the involvement of almost every insurgent group was reported.
This takes them onto the chair of another form of political and economic power. This
development in the circle of struggle for political and economic power begat a more
alarming and dangerous conflicts of interests, firstly among the power hungry insurgencies
and secondly, conflicts between communities, tribes and lately between clans. Thus,
conflicts became the bi-product of insurgencies. The victims of this unsolicited
development are the larger chunks of the society who have nothing to do with both as the
means and as the ends. They are now the exploited segments that also would wish to get
their freedom by using the same circle of struggle discussed. This is not the end. The
conflicts of interests among various insurgent groups on the basis of preferential attitude
toward certain smaller groups would still compel, under this circumstance, yet another
exploited segment who remained optimistic and pacified to rise to assert or protect their
political and economic interest at any cost. This is how another form of conflict is up
brought and that conversely caused and affects us so much.
Hegemonic nature of the ruling/dominating classes in any given society and the
incorporating modernity of colonial era have introduced inequality in social distributive
system; and recognising social identities including ethnicity and cultures radiates disaster
and the cultures of insurgency and counter hegemonic in the fights for liberating from the
core of unending bondage. It also appears that such ideology of insurgence and counter
hegemonic become more or less a method of dehumanising and subjugating the weaker
cultures and identities thereby asserting and promoting the identity and culture of the
choicest.
In this connection, one is again reminded of the enigmatic claim Oscar Wilde had once
made that: Most people are other people. 1 True to this astounding remark, the multi-
cultured society of Manipur is much closer to the idea of forced identification base on
economic status, political status and on privileges pertaining to education and
employments which are implacably blotted out from economic-political division following
ignorance on the part of government and civil organisations. This sense of economic-
political identity would naturally pave the way for the formation of more formidable and
indomitable identity. This type of identity will even more alarmingly take the idea of
forging stronger group identities base on the dictum of Mao Tse Tung that if there is to be
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revolution (change), there must be revolutionary party. This exactly is what bothers us
today, a poignant situation to the social nerves and economic veins of our less little
paradise on earth. This emphasized concept may also be explored with what Amartya Sen
has perceptibly said in Identity and violence (p.2) thus: The sense of identity can make an
important contribution to the strength and the warmth of our relations with others, such as
neighbours, or members of the same community, or fellow citizens, or followers of the
same religion. Our focus on particular identities can enrich our bonds and make us do
many things for each other and can help to take us beyond our self-centred lives . Jinnah
of Pakistan wanted to share power with the Hindus. The idea was to secure a fifty per cent
share of power for the Muslims. When this attempt failed, the Muslims demanded an
independent sovereignty state of their own. They were subsequently succeeded in their last
resort sprang up from complete frustration.
It is now clear that our revolutionary organisation/ insurgencies and conflict of
interest subscribed and perpetuated by many interest groups would not and cannot give us
any alternative system that would abound with prosperity, peace, and stability. We would
force ourselves to work with the democracy we have despite how much demon-crazy it
looks and it is. We need to strengthen the voices of the exploited masses more reasonably.
One person should not make decisions on important matters alone. They should be
discussing with many. Mao Tse-Tung was moulded in a culture where the father ruled with
heavy hand. He did the same thing at the time of Chinese revolutionary periods.
Concluding Remarks
The social system we have cannot surely take us to somewhere a place about which
we are so passionate. With the fleeting of time, ranges of judgments followed by actions at
ones own urge are coming more rigid in our society than before. Several Individuals,
without exception to social groups, non-governmental organisations including
revolutionary organisations and political party are taking courses of actions at their own
whims and impulse, which are short sighted, self-seeking without being aware of neither
of the common interest or welfare of others. This is so much so that they become much
unworthy than people of the past are. Non-tribal and tribal organisations, student bodies,
women organisations and the so-called revolutionary organisations, etc. are all fighting for
better lives, socio-economic equality, and political justice or in short, alternative system.
These are battles to increasing humane values in society and nothing else. It is filling the
vacuum up of inadequacy of governance, bringing around of justice system, and to do
away with inequality. But the painful fact is that we are rather retrogressing very badly
towards a situation, situation even more degenerating than the past when things were even
better than today. So, instead of creating a novel order, both in the society and in the
governance, more harms, insecurity, hatred between - hills and valley tribe and tribe
clan and clan village and village and organisation and organisation is let loose amongst
all sections of the society. Under these prevailing conditions of presumably inching toward
better share or total share of power may be political power or economic power, or may
be combination of the duo, such assertions and claims become farer away from being
socially and politically viable. All endeavours appeared to be more fantasy for any
foreseeable well being of all than being truly someone/something we may or might have
claimed to be.

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 The small but the loving and caring attitude we have toward each of the members of
societies and to our respective identities is the moral of the past that is handed down to us
as a gift. We are rather more disproving of the undisputed fact of social theory that man is
a social being. What social being ness is with us today. We need to purify the egocentric
inherent nature that will put us into a day of doom but also condense them suitable to be
used to the present fast changing world. When we do so, it can certainly build a kind of
invaluable social pattern good to be used in the course of our social inter-relationship.
Moreover, it would be better than fighting alone.
While cherishing a part of our great traditional ways, we chilled away from re-
christening the whole or at least certain valued practises that may reasonably have much to
do with our onward journey to social perfection. We love to show-off what is called
cultural identity and love to show-cast dresses of what went before generations. The
generations and the identities that we are now glorifying or trying to protect at any cause
were the times of exclusive hunt for mere survival from hunger and starvation on a day-to-
day basis. It had little scope to accommodate the required social standard that we are
called to act with at the present socio-political situations. The survival of men of the food-
gathering stage largely depends on the sacrifices each individual member made to the
general welfare. Nevertheless, with the world becoming smaller in terms of its market
economy, in its socio-political aspect, and thus the continued existence of nations and
nationals and even ethnic groups largely depends on how much sacrifices we can make of
our petty individualistic ambitions at the anticipated welfare of all. We actually failed to
negotiate with the doctrines and struggles we hold fast, for these will bring no better time
as expected unless we do not break down ourselves to surrender for a common cause.
To grow up in a properly laid social foundation is what we required most as a long-
term step towards building mutual social harmony that would also lead us to social
stability. Social foundation thus, should thrust its forces upon the future when things
would go right but not merely on individuality or on a particular groups gains that are
immediate and short-lived. It should also inculcate a standing personality that is expected
by parents of their children. The society itself requires it too. Every society is in need of
social relationship between individuals of various groups and between different
communities in spite of our varied personalities, culture and customs, which could bring
about a harmonious relationships. This nature of relationship will do away many social ills
that prevent us to shade away from our claimed identities base on place of living,
ethnicity, and or community. In Manipur context, it may be said that we have one of the
easiest ways of cementing a bond of oneness by exploring our sociological and cultural
cognateness. The present self-centredness in respecting our respective past cultures,
history and ways of life in an exclusive manner shall even be proved disastrous in future
particularly to that very group who owned it up. It shall also impose a big obstacle on the
way to forming and forging a one common culture. A social system that can encompass
the general welfare of all shall also be banned.