Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Edited by
Therese Martin
Leidenboston
2012
Volume One
Part One
Part Two
Part Three
Volume Two
Part Four
17 The First Queens of Portugal and the Building of the Realm...... 671
Miriam Shadis
Part Five
Part Six
Bibliography.................................................................................................... 989
Index of People............................................................................................... 1069
Index of Places................................................................................................ 1091
Index of Subjects............................................................................................ 1100
Glaire D. Anderson
Introduction
In the art history of early Islamic Iberia, and in Islamic art history gener-
ally, the figure of the ruler as patron is paramount. Given this focus, it is
often diffficult to discern a role for those who, because of gender and/or
legal status, have been relegated to the historiographic margins, even when
they were members of the ruling class. My article attempts to address this
issue as it pertains to the art of early Islamic Iberia by foregrounding the
roles of women and eunuchs as patrons of art and architecture in the
court of the Umayyad dynasty of al-Andalus (r. 7561031 CE). The Andalusi
Umayyads (or Marwnids), who made their capital in the city of Crdoba,
were a branch of the Syrian Umayyad family, the first royal dynasty of
the early Islamic empire (ca. 660750).1 Scholars such as Manuela Marn,
D.F. Ruggles, and Sheila Blair have pointed the way toward a discussion of
*Acknowledgements.
I am grateful to a number of scholars for generous assistance. Therese Martin first asked
me about women in Umayyad Crdoba and provided a forum in which to present my early
ideas on the topic at the University of Arizona in 2009. Maribel Fierro, Matthew Gordon,
Manuela Marn, Therese Martin, Mohamed Meouak, Melanie Michailidis, Mariam Rosser-
Owen, D.F. Ruggles, and Mara Jess Viguera Molins provided valuable comments and
suggestions at various stages. Any errors that remain are my own.
1variste Lvi-Provenal, Histoire de lEspagne musulmane, 3 vols. (Leiden and Paris,
19501953); Hugh Kennedy, Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of al-Andalus
(London and New York, 1996). On Crdoba see Christine Mazzoli-Guintard, Vivre Cor-
doue au moyen ge: solidarit citadines en terre dIslam aux XeXIe sicles (Rennes, 2003);
Manuel Acin Almansa and Antonio Vallejo Triano, Cordoue, Grandes villes mditer-
ranennes du monde musulman mdival, ed. Jean-Claude Garcin (Rome, 2000); Manuel
Acin Almansa and Antonio Vallejo Triano, Urbanismo y estado islmico: de Corduba a
QurubaMadnat al-Zahr, in Gense de la ville islamique en al-Andalus et au Maghreb
occidental, eds. Patrice Cressier, Mercedes Garca Arenal, and Mohamed Meouak (Madrid,
1998), pp. 10736; Robert Hillenbrand, The Ornament of the World: Medieval Crdoba
as a Cultural Centre, in The Legacy of Muslim Spain, ed. Salma Khadra Jayyusi (Leiden,
1992), pp. 11236.
2To name just a few of the relevant publications: Manuela Marn, Mujeres en al-Andalus,
Estudios onomstico-biogrficos de al-Andalus, 11 (Madrid, 2000), pp. 33945; D. Fairchild
Ruggles, Vision and Power: An Introduction, in Women, Patronage, and Self-representa-
tion in Islamic Societies, ed. D. Fairchild Ruggles (Albany, 2000), pp. 116; Sheila S. Blair,
Islamic Art as a Source for the Study of Women in Premodern Societies, in Beyond the
Exotic: Womens Histories in Islamic Societies, ed. Amira el-Azhary Sonbol (Syracuse, 2005),
pp. 33646; Mohamed Meouak, aqliba: eunuques et esclaves conqute du pouvoir (Hel-
sinki, 2004); Mohamed Meouak, Prosopography of Political Elites and the Sociography of
the Umayyad State of Cordoba, in Medieval Prosopography, 23 (2003), pp. 16784; Virgilio
Martnez Enamorado, Un hombre para el califato (Mlaga, 2006). See also, in the present
volume, Mara Elena Dez Jorge, Women and the Architecture of al-Andalus (7111492):
A Historiographical Analysis.
3On the terminology of free and enslaved women see Marn, Mujeres en al-Andalus,
pp. 4142. Also see the works of Abdullah Cheikh Moussa, for example La ngation dros
ou le ishq daprs deux pitres dal-Jiz, Studia Islamica, 72 (1990), pp. 71119; David
Ayalon, Eunuchs, Caliphs and Sultans: A Study in Power Relationships (Jerusalem, 1999).
4Meouak, aqliba, pp. 815 and passim.
5For example, Sheila S. Blair, What the Inscriptions Tell Us: Text and Message on the
Ivories from al-Andalus, Journal of the David Collection 2/12: The Ivories of Muslim Spain.
Papers from a Symposium Held in Copenhagen from the 18th to the 20th of November 2003,
eds. Kjeld von Folsach and Joachim Meyer (2005), pp. 7499. Architectural epigraphy and
masons marks offfer important clues on the involvement of slaves in architectural work-
shops. See Mara Antonia Martnez Nez, Epgrafes a nombre de al-akam en Madnat
al-Zahr, Cuadernos de Madnat al-Zahr, 4 (1999), pp. 83104, and her La epigrafa del
Saln de Abd al-Ramn III, in Madnat al-Zahr: el saln de Abd al-Ramn III, ed.
Antonio Vallejo Triano (Cordoba, 1995), pp. 10752; Juan Souto, Krim o arf? (Notas
sobre un escultor esclavo de califas, a propsito de una pieza del Museo Arqueolgico
Nacional), Al-Qantara, 26/1 (2005), pp. 24962; Juan Souto, Stonemasons Identification
Marks as Prosopographical Source. The Case of Umayyad al-Andalus, Medieval Prosopog-
raphy, 23 (2003), pp. 22945.
6Baber Johansen, The Valorization of the Body in Muslim Sunni Law, in Law and
Society in Islam: Three Essays, Princeton Series on the Middle East (Princeton, 1996),
pp. 71112. I am grateful to Ahmed El Shamsy for the reference.
7Maribel Fierro, Mawl and muwalladn in al-Andalus (second/eighth-fourth/tenth
centuries), in Patronate and Patronage in Early and Classical Islam, eds. Monique Ber-
nards and John Nawas (Leiden, 2005), pp. 195245. On concubines in the Islamic lands
generally see the entries in the Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, Abd, Jriya; on
wives and marriage, see the entry on Nikh. On eunuchs, see the entry on Kh, and
Ayalon, Eunuchs, Caliphs and Sultans, and his On the Eunuchs in Islam, Jerusalem Studies
in Arabic and Islam, 1 (1979), pp. 67124. For al-Andalus see Cristina de la Puente, Mujeres
cautivas en la tierra del islam, Al-Andalus Magreb, 14 (2007), pp. 1937; Meouak, aqliba,
pp. 95107; Cristina de la Puente, Sin linaje, sin alcurnia, sin hogar: eunucos en al-Andalus
en poca omeya, in Identidades marginales (Madrid, 2003), pp. 14793; Sato Kentaro,
Slave Elites and the aqliba in al-Andalus in the Umayyad Period, in Slave Elites in the
Middle East and Africa: A Comparative Study, eds. Miura Toru and John Edward Philips
(London and New York, 2000), pp. 2540.
8Meouak, aqliba, and his Pouvoir souverain, administration centrale et lites politiques
dans lEspagne umayyade (IIeIVe/VIIIeXe sicles) (Helsinki, 1999). The unfree military elites
of the Abbsid courts offfer the key context, though comparison can also be made with
later dynasties such as the Mamlks. See Matthew Gordon, The Breaking of a Thousand
Swords: A History of the Turkish Military of Samarra, A.H. 200275/815889 C.E. (Albany, 2001),
pp. 10540; Nasser Rabbat, The Changing Concept of Mamlk in the Mamlk Sultanate
in Egypt and Syria, in Slave Elites in the Middle East and Africa, eds. Miura Toru and John
Edward Philips (London and New York, 2000), pp. 8198.
9Marn, Mujeres en al-Andalus, pp. 4142.
10On the complexities of the terms khdim/khdima with respect to concubines, see
Marn, Mujeres en al-Andalus, pp. 4244.
11Marn, Mujeres en al-Andalus, pp. 4144. The author also points out that the problem
may lie in our own concept of freedom and how we apply it to a medieval Muslim soci-
ety. Personal communication.
Given the Roman and late antique history of the central Islamic lands
and North Africa, the ethnic qualifiers Arab, Berber, and Iberian also
need a word of explanation. Such categories, seemingly straightforward,
would have encompassed a variety of diffferent peoples with hybrid gene-
alogies. For instance, rulers of the Syrian Umayyad and Abbsid dynas-
ties, both of which self-identified as Arab, nevertheless took as concubines
or wives Byzantine Greek, Berber, or Persian women. The tenth Syrian
Umayyad caliph Hishm (r. 724743), for example, is said to have writ-
ten to his governor in North Africa to request Berber concubines, specifi-
cally to serve as umm walad, or mothers of sons who could potentially be
heirs to the throne.12 In the letter Hishm cites good family background
and evidence of a moral character as attributes that were as important in
potential concubines as the expected desirable physical traits.13
Despite the emphasis on Arab lineage usually expressed in the Umayyad
texts, the Crdoban Umayyads were known in their own time as the prog-
eny of Arab fathers, on the one hand, and of Berber or Iberian concubine
mothers, on the other.14 Because Arabic lineage was exclusively patrilineal,
the mothers ethnicity was of no importance for its transmission. There-
fore, while having an Arab mother was a point of pride for medieval Arab
Muslims, the Umayyads, like their contemporaries the Abbsids, were on
the whole the sons of non-Arab mothers.15 Likewise, the deceptively mono-
lithic category Iberian would also have encompassed a diverse array of
peoples and traditions; Basque, Asturian, Galician, and Visigothic popula-
tions had distinct identities, historical trajectories, and languages.16 Young
boys termed Slavs (Arabic aqliba) in the Arabic texts were brought to
Crdoba by the thousands to serve as palace eunuchs, and they added an
additional component to the ethnic mixture in the ranks of the Umayyad
12Mohamed Talbi, Lmirat aghlabide: 184296, 800909, histoire politique (Paris, 1966),
pp. 3334.
13Talbi, Lmirat aghlabide, p. 34.
14D.F. Ruggles, Mothers of a Hybrid Dynasty: Race, Genealogy and Acculturation in
al-Andalus, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 34/1 (2004), pp. 6592.
15Manuela Marn, personal communication. On the non-Arab mothers of Abbsid
caliphs see Fuad Matthew Caswell, The Slave Girls of Baghdad: The Qiyn in the Early
Abbsid Era (London, 2011), p. 274.
16This process can also be discerned in al-Andalus with respect to intermarriage
between Arabs and Berbers and inhabitants of the Iberian Peninsula at the time of the
conquest. See Amira K. Bennison, The Peoples of the North in the Eyes of the Muslims of
Umayyad al-Andalus (7111031), Journal of Global History 2/2 (2007), pp. 15774.
elite.17 The Slavs were captured in the territories which today include
Poland, northern Germany, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, and
Romania.
Despite their unfree legal status, royal concubines and eunuchs became
wealthy and influential members of the Andalusi ruling class, a phenom-
enon which was widespread among medieval and early modern Islamic
societies.18 The group on which this article focuses were usually the moth-
ers of Umayyad princes, who attained wealth, power, status, and eventu-
ally freedom when they provided the ruler with a son and thus a possible
heir, which gave them the right to manumission following the rulers
death.19 A very few transcended their unfree status when their Umayyad
masters manumitted and then married them, giving them the status of
legitimate wife.20 Other enslaved women attained privileged positions not
through their role as mothers of royal sons, but as prominent poets or
musicians who had received their training from famous masters in major
cultural centers such as Baghdad and Medina before their arrival at the
Crdoban court.21 Eunuchs served the caliph as close personal attendants,
17See the entries in the Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition: P.B. Golden, C.E. Bos-
worth, and P. Guichard, al-aliba, and P.B. Golden, Rs; Meouak, aqliba, pp. 4046;
Kentaro, Slave Elites and the aqliba in al-Andalus in the Umayyad Period, pp. 2540;
T. Lewicki, Lapport des sources arabes mdivales (IXX scles)des voyageurs et
des crivains arabes, in Settimane di studio del centro italiano di studi sullalto medio-
evo, XII: LOccidente e lIslam nellalto medioevo (Spoleto, 1965), pp. 46185; T. Lewicki, Il
commercio arabo con la Russia e con i paesi slavi dOccidente nei secoli IXXI, Annali,
Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli new ser., 8 (1958), pp. 4761. Also see P.M. Bar-
ford, The Early Slavs: Culture and Society in Early Medieval Eastern Europe (Ithaca, 2001),
pp. 89113.
18On slaves see Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, s.v. Abd; Michael McCormick,
Origins of the European Economy: Communications and Commerce, A.D. 300900 (Cam-
bridge, 2001), pp. 244fff. Also see the essays in Shaun Marmon, ed., Slavery in the Islamic
Middle East (Princeton, 1999); Bernard Lewis, Race and Slavery in the Middle East: An His-
torical Enquiry (Oxford, 1990), pp. 3743; Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A
Comparative Study (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 30816.
19On the legal terminology for women in medieval Andalusi texts see Cristina de la
Puente, Juridical Sources for the Study of Women: Limitations of the Females Capacity to
Act according to Mliki Law, in Writing the Feminine: Women in Arab Sources, eds. Randi
Deguilhem and Manuela Marn, Islamic Mediterranean Series, 1 (London, 2002), p. 99.
20Marn, Mujeres en al-Andalus, pp. 44.
21For example, three prominent ninth-century court women known as Fal, Alam,
and Qalam, were collectively known as the Medinese because of their training in the
city of Medina. They were the slaves of the Andalusi Umayyad ruler Abd al-Ramn II.
Ibn ayyn, al-Muqtabis II-1: Crnica de los emires al-akam I y Abdarramn II entre
los aos 796847, ed. Mamd Al Makk, trans. Federico Corriente (Zaragoza, 2001),
pp. 18793, cit. Dwight Reynolds, Al-Maqqars Ziryb: The Making of a Myth, Middle
Eastern Literatures, 11/2 (2008), p. 157.
22On eunuchs in Islamic societies see the work of David Ayalon, such as On the
Eunuchs in Islam, pp. 67124, though there has also been a debate in the field on the
term khdim and its ambiguities. The roles of eunuchs in contemporary Abbsid, Byzan-
tine, and Chinese courts offfer important comparative material. See Nadia M. El Cheikh,
Servants at the Gate: Eunuchs at the Court of al-Muqtadir, Journal of the Economic and
Social History of the Orient, 48 (2005), pp. 23452; Kathryn M. Ringrose, The Perfect Servant:
Eunuchs and the Social Construction of Gender in Byzantium (Chicago, 2003), pp. 132 and
passim; Shaun Tougher, The Eunuch in Byzantine History and Society (London and New
York, 2008), pp. 5467 and passim; M.M. Anderson, Hidden Power: The Palace Eunuchs of
Imperial China (Bufffalo, 1990), pp. 17498.
23Al-Maqqar, The History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain, trans. Pascual de
Gayangos (Delhi, 1840; rprt. London and New York, 1984), vol. 2, pp. 12526.
24Al-Maqqar, The History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain, vol. 2, p. 155.
25According to Ibn Khaldn, a present given by Ibn Shuhayd to the caliph was leg-
endary as one of the richest presents ever given to an Islamic sovereign. Ibn Shuhayds
salary did not include the hundred thousand dinar gift allotted to him on the d feast
A Gendered Framework
days. Giving such bonuses to favored members of the court on the two d feasts seems to
have been a common practice. Al-Maqqar, History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain,
vol. 2, pp. 15054.
26Manuela Marn, Las mujeres de las clases sociales superiores. Al-Andalus, desde la
conquista hasta finales del Califato de Crdoba, in La mujer en al-Andalus: reflejos histri-
cos de su actividad y categoras sociales, ed. Mara J. Viguera (Madrid, 1989), pp. 10527;
Mara J. Viguera, Aluu lil-mal: On the Social Status of Andalusi Women, in The Leg-
acy of Muslim Spain, ed. Salma Khadra Jayyusi (Leiden, 1992), pp. 70924; Gloria Lpez de
la Plaza, Al-Andalus: Mujeres, sociedad y religion (Mlaga, 1992).
27For example, Marn, Mujeres en al-Andalus; Randi Deguilhem and Manuela Marn,
eds., Writing the Feminine: Women in Arab Sources, Islamic Mediterranean Series, 1 (Lon-
don, 2002); Manuela Marn, ed., Medieval Prosopography: Special Issue on Arab-Islamic
Medieval Culture, 23 (2002); Nada Mourtada-Sabbah and Adrian Gully, I am, by God, fit
for high position: On the Political Role of Women in al-Andalus, British Journal of Middle
Eastern Studies, 30/2 (2003), pp. 183209.
28See D. Fairchild Ruggles, Vision and Power and her Women and Patronage, His-
torians of Islamic Art Association 1st Biennial Symposium, University of Pennsylvania
(October 17, 2008); Asian Art, 6/2 (1993), a special issue devoted to female patronage and
edited by Esin Atil. Important contributions by art historians appear in Gavin Hambly, ed.,
Women in the Medieval Islamic World: Power, Patronage, and Piety (London and New York,
1998); and Amira el-Azhary Sonbol, ed., Beyond the Exotic: Womens Histories in Islamic
Societies (Syracuse, 2005). Monographs on Ottoman women patrons are a valuable addi-
tion to the literature: Leslie P. Peirce, The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the
Ottoman Empire (Oxford and New York, 1993); Lucienne Thys-enocak, Ottoman Women
Builders: The Architectural Patronage of Hadice Turhan Sultan (Aldershot, 2006).
29A picture now ameliorated by Delia Cortese and Simonetta Calderini, Women and
the Ftimids in the World of Islam (Edinburgh, 2006).
30See the entry Zubayda, in the Encyclopaedia of Islam. On the archaeology of the
Darb Zubayda see J. Knudstad, The Darb Zubayda Project: 1396/1976. Preliminary Report
on the First Phase, All, 11 (1977), pp. 4168; Donald Whitcomb, The Darb Zubayda as a
Settlement System in Arabia, Aram, 8/8 (1996), pp. 2532.
31Thomas Leisten, Excavation of Samarra: vol. 1, Architecture, Final Report of the First
Campaign, 19101912 (Mainz, 2003), pp. 7678.
32On women in Abbsid society see Caswell, The Slave Girls of Baghdad, pp. 1036 and
passim. See also Matthew Gordon, Arb al-Mamnya: A Third/Ninth-Century Abbsid
Courtesan, in Views from the Edge: Essays in Honor of Richard W. Bulliet, eds. Neguin Yevari
and et al. (New York, 2004), pp. 86100, and his The Place of Competition: The Careers of
Arb al-Mamnya and Ulayya bint al-Mahd, Sisters in Song, in Occasional Papers of the
School of Abbsid Studies, Cambridge, 2002 (Louvain, 2004), pp. 6181; Nadia M. El Cheikh,
Revisiting the Abbsid Harems, Journal of Middle Eastern Womens Studies, 1 (2005),
pp. 119, and her Gender and Politics in the Harem of al-Muqtadir, in Gender in the Early
Medieval World, eds. Leslie Brubaker and J.M.H. Smith (Cambridge, 2004), pp. 14764.
33Cortese and Calderini, Women and the Ftimids, pp. 16771.
34Blair, Islamic Art as a Source for the Study of Women in Premodern Societies,
pp. 33740.
Umayyad Crdoba
The first Andalusi Umayyad patron was the founder of the dynasty, Abd
al-Ramn I. In the last decades of the eighth century he began con-
struction on two monuments: the congregational mosque which would
become the greatest of the Umayyad dynastic monuments, as well as a
suburban estate (no longer extant) known as Rufa, said to have been
built just outside Crdobas walled center. There is no further reference to
building activities in Crdoba in the court chronicles until the reign of the
third Andalusi ruler, al-akam I (r. 796822). It is at this time that women
emerge as patrons. The Umayyad court chronicler Ibn ayyn devotes a
paragraph in his account of al-akams reign to two women in particular,
Muta and Ajab, both royal concubines:
Among [al-akam Is] most favored concubines, among those remembered
for their merit [when they were] with him, and after [his death], were Ajab,
mother of his son Ab Abd al-Malik Marwn, for whom the Mosque of
Ajab in the western suburb of Crdoba was named, as well as the Munya of
Ajab on the opposite bank of the river, given by her as a pious endowment
(ubs) for the sick. [The other was] Muta, mother of Ab Uthmn Sad...,
for whom another mosque was named, west of Crdoba as well, and the
cemetery next to it. She founded both [the mosque and the cemetery] along
with many others for pious and charitable purposes, because she was one of
the most generous of women.35
Both women cemented their favored positions by providing al-akam
with sons, which entitled them to the important offficial title of umm
walad (mother of a son) and the right to manumission after al-akams
death. Muta was a singer and/or musician, whose high status and ability
can be inferred from the reputation of her teacher, the famous Umayyad
courtier and Baghdadi emigr Ziryb.36
35Ibn ayyan, Muqtabis II, Anales de los Emires de Crdoba Alaquem I, (180206 H. /
796822 J.C.) y Abderramn II (206232 H. / 822847) (Madrid, 1999), p. 116; Ibn ayyn, al-
Muqtabis II-1: Cronica de los emires al-akam I y AbdarRamn II entre los aos 796847,
ed. Mamd Al Makk, trans. Federico Corriente (Zaragoza, 2001), p. 93; Marn, Mujeres
en al-Andalus, p. 340.
36On Ziryb see Carl Davila, Fixing a Misbegotten Biography: Ziryb in the Mediter-
ranean World, al-Masq: Islam and the Medieval Mediterranean, 21/2 (2009), pp. 12136;
Dwight Reynolds, Al-Maqqars Ziryb: The Making of a Myth, Middle Eastern Literatures,
11/2 (2008), pp. 15568; Ibn ayyn, al-Muqtabis: tome troisieme, chronique du regne du cal-
ife umaiyade Abd Allah Cordoue, eds. P. Melchor and M. Antua (Paris, 1937), pp. 3839;
Espaa musulmana hasta la cada del califato de Cordoba (7111031 de J.C.), vol. 5, Historia
de Espaa, ed. Ramn Menndez Pidal, trans. Emilio Garca Gmez, 6th ed. (Madrid, 1990),
p. 246.
37Ibn ayyn, al-Muqtabis II-1, p. 93. On munyas see Glaire D. Anderson, Villa (munya)
Architecture in Umayyad Crdoba: Preliminary Considerations, in Revisiting Al-Andalus:
Perspectives on the Material Culture of Islamic Iberia and Beyond, eds. Glaire D. Anderson
and Mariam Rosser-Owen (Leiden, 2007), pp. 5379; D. Fairchild Ruggles, Gardens, Land-
scape, and Vision in the Palaces of Islamic Spain (University Park, 2000), pp. 36, 11031;
Leopoldo Torres Balbs, Ciudades hispanomusulmanas (Madrid, 1985), pp. 13667.
38Marn, Mujeres en al-Andalus, p. 340; Alejandro Garca Sanjuan, Till God Inherits the
Earth: Islamic Pious Endowments in al-Andalus (915th Centuries) (Leiden, 2007), pp. 7172,
207209. On charity in Umayyad al-Andalus see Ana Mara Carballeira Debasa, Forms and
Functions of Charity in al-Andalus, in Charity and Giving in Monotheistic Religions, eds.
Miriam Frenkel and Yaacov Lev, Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Orients,
22 (Berlin and New York, 2009), pp. 20316, and her Legados pos y fundaciones familiares
en al-Andalus (Madrid, 2002).
have been an appropriate setting for such a function, in keeping with the
practice of Byzantine and Islamic rulers elsewhere at the time.39 Ajabs
act can be seen as part of an early medieval continuation of established
Late Antique trends, since Early Christian Roman aristocrats, many of
them women, often presented villas to the Church as pious or charitable
properties.40 One can only speculate whether circumstances from her
own life motivated Ajabs support of this particular charity.
42I have used Marns reading of the last sentence, preferring it over Makk and Cor-
rientes. Marn, Mujeres en al-Andalus, p. 342; Ibn ayyn, al-Muqtabis II-1, pp. 17778.
43Marn, Mujeres en al-Andalus, pp. 60030; Pedro Marfil Ruiz, Las puertas de la
mezquita de Crdoba durante el emirato Omeya, (Ph.D. dissertation, Universidad de
Crdoba, 2010), pp. 26, 30.
44Marn distinguishes between a Muta linked to al-akam I and a woman bearing the
same name but linked to Abd al-Ramn II, though one wonders if they are actually one
and the same, perhaps maintaining a place at court after the death of al-akam I.
45On Tarb see Marn, Mujeres en al-Andalus, pp. 57175.
46David James, Early Islamic Spain: The History of Ibn al-Quya (London and New York,
2009), p. 99.
Not only beautiful, she was also one of the most influential aristocrats at
court. The power which Tarb attained amongst the ruling class can be
inferred from the accounts of her ultimately unsuccessful efffort to have
her own son designated as Abd al-Ramn IIs heir.47 According to Ibn
Quiyya, Tarb was able to draw upon support from a wide range of men
and women of difffering legal categories: women of the palace, enslaved
elites, possibly eunuchs (fityn), servants (khadam), members of the
Quraysh, and royal freedmen (mawl), the most notable of these being
the powerful eunuch Nar Ab l-Fat.48
Ibn ayyn describes another concubine, al-Shif, in superlative terms,
and one wonders to what extent his description is accurate, or whether
it is better understood as a literary topos. She was, he tells us, eminently
intelligent and generous, as well as splendidly beautiful.49 Al-Shif was
the most perfect of women, Ibn ayyn claims, not only in beauty, but in
chastity, intelligence, religion, and virtue. Her conduct was unimpeach-
able, he notes, and she was the patron of numerous charitable donations
to mosques, to the sick, and to the poor. If al-Shif had outlived Abd
al-Ramn II she would likely have been the most powerful woman at
court, as the foster mother of Abd al-Ramn IIs firstborn son and heir
Muammad. Although Muammad was not Al-Shifs natural son, she
had nurtured and comforted Muammad from a young age, after the
death of his birth mother, privileging him, Ibn ayyn says, even over
her own son.50
and which lasted until the early tenth century.51 As has recently been
pointed out, following insuffficient harvests in 874, Muammads refusal
to aid the Andalusi population by allowing exemption from payment of
the tithe resulted in social instability and hardship for many, and stands
in contrast to the general charitable practices of the Andalusi Umayyad
sovereigns.52
Nevertheless, the lack of concrete evidence of specific patronage activi-
ties should not be taken as proof of a disruption in, or absence of, female
patronage during this period. Two pieces of epigraphy from this period
do mention royal women. The first inscription, housed in the Museo de
Bellas Artes in Crdoba, is made of marble, and names one Khaira, giv-
ing her the title of mawl, or royal client, indicating that she was a former
concubine of either al-akam I or Muammad II, who was manumitted
and thereafter maintained a client/patron relationship with the ruler as a
freedwoman (Fig. 1).53 The second inscription (of an unspecified stone),
dateable to the last quarter of the ninth century and housed in a private
collection in Mlaga, names one Bad as umm walad, and specifies that
her son Sad was brother to the ruler.54
In the opening years of the tenth century, with the accession of Abd
al-Ramn III, the thread of female patronage, perhaps disrupted during
the politically unstable second half of the ninth century, emerges strongly.55
During Abd al-Ramn IIIs long and illustrious reign, which lasted from
912 until his death in 961, unfree elites emerge again as active and visible
patrons of architecture, part of a revitalized royal building program. After
reconsolidating Umayyad control over al-Andalus during the period of his
emirate (912928), Abd al-Ramn III made the momentous decision to
reclaim the Umayyad right to the caliphate. In 928 he had the oath of
loyalty (khuba) pronounced in his name, rather than that of the Abbsid
State, in al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, ed. Jerrilynn Dodds (New York, 1992), pp. 2741;
Ruggles, Gardens, Landscape, and Vision, pp. 5385; Maribel Fierro, Madnat al-Zahr,
el paraso y los fimes, Al-Qantara: Revista de Estudios rabes 25/2 (2004), pp. 299327.
57My emphasis. Ibn ayyn, Muqtabis f tarkh al-Andalus. Crnica del califa
Abdarramn III An-Nir entre los aos 912 y 942 (al-Muqtabis V), eds. P. Chalmeta and
M. ub, trans. Jess Viguera and Federico Corriente (Zaragoza, 1981), pp. 6, 19.
58Ibn ayyn, Muqtabis V, p. 19.
means for court women to demonstrate virtue, generosity, and piety. These
women constructed monuments and endowed pious foundations which
were, according to the chronicler, well known, prestigious, and used by the
populace in the Umayyad capital, and that as civic patrons these women
were lauded by the population outside the sphere of the court.
Eunuch Patronage
While concubines are the most visible court patrons, aside from the ruler,
during the emirate and early caliphate, they were not the only unfree
elites who were building in Crdoba. In fact, eunuchs emerge early on as
patrons in their own right at the same moment as the concubines, that
is, during the reign of al-akam I (r. 796822).59 Ibn ayyn wrote that
al-akam I chose to make eunuchs of three freeborn males, presumably
adolescent boys, on the basis of their good looks. These three, whose
names are given as arafah ibn Laqi, Surayj, and Nar Ab l-Fat, along
with an unspecified number of others, we are told, were castrated and
brought to Crdoba to serve in the court. The text provides few details,
but enough to establish the backgrounds of the named men. All were free
residents of the town of Carmona, near Seville. While arafah and Surayj
are credited with founding mosques in Crdoba, no further details beyond
the fact of their patronage are provided. arafahs father and brother held
high administrative posts, and Ibn ayyn identifies him as a descen-
dent of the Luwar [sic] Berber tribe.60 Nar Ab l-Fat, who became the
most prominent of the three, was the son of a dhimm of Carmona, that
is, a member of either the Christian or Jewish community, who had con-
verted to Islam before his sons castration.61 Nar Ab l-Fats religious
status as a Muslim should, therefore, have precluded the possibility of his
enslavement and castration, and al-akam I was later strongly criticized
for what must have been seen as an unlawful act.62
59Ibn ayyn, al-Muqtabis II-1, p. 132; Ibn azm, Naq al-Ars, ed. Isn Abbs (Beirut,
1987), vol. 2, p. 75.
60Mohamed Meouak suggests Luwati or Hawwari as alternate readings. Personal com-
munication.
61On Nar Ab l-Fats career and relations with other prominent Andalusis see Joaqun
Vallv, Nar, el valido de Abd al Rahmn II, Al-Qantara, 6 (1985), pp. 17998.
62For doing so al-akam is denounced as a bloodthirsty public sinner, in fact, by Ibn
ayyn. Ibn ayyn, al-Muqtabis II-1, p. 132; Ibn azm, Naq al-Ars, vol. 2, p. 75.
63Ibn Quiyya places these words in the mouths of the palace eunuchs, whom he says
supported Tarbs son out of their loyalty to her. James, Early Islamic Spain, p. 113.
64Vallv, Nar Ab l-Fat, pp. 17998; James, Early Islamic Spain, p. 112; Ibn ayyn,
al-Muqtabis II-1, p. 132.
65On the complexities of the term fat see Meouak, aqliba, pp. 95107.
66Ibn ayyn, al-Muqtabis II-1, pp. 17475. On Masrr see Meouak, aqliba, pp. 15960
and his Pouvoir souverain, n. 5, p. 205. On the inscription see Pedro Marfil Ruiz, Las puer-
tas de la mezquita de Crdoba durante el emirato Omeya, Ph.D. dissertation, Universidad
de Crdoba, 2010, pp. 15561.
67Ibn ayyn, al-Muqtabis II-1, p. 175. Contrast this with the poem meant to insult
Nar Ab l-Fat: Ibn ayyn, al-Muqtabis II-1, p. 134r; cited in de la Puente, Sin linaje, sin
alcurnia, sin hogar, p. 188.
68Vallv, Nar Ab l-Fat, p. 184.
As I have noted, in contrast to the early caliphate and the emirate, dur-
ing the reign of the second Andalusi caliph, al-akam II (961976), the
court chronicles are relatively reticent on the topic of court women, either
concubines or free, as patrons. Following al-akam IIs accession to the
caliphal throne in 961, the scales clearly tip in favor of the most powerful
of the Slav palace eunuchs, who from this point outpace the women in
their involvement in private and state-sponsored commissions. Perhaps
one explanation for the shift may lie in al-akam IIs alleged homosexu-
ality; if true, one might assume that royal concubines would be a smaller
and less powerful demographic within his court than in the courts of
his predecessors.70 The powerful eunuchs, Jafar and Durr al-aghr, two
of a handful whom Abd al-Ramn III had legally adopted as sons,
dominate art and architecture during the caliphal period and in particu-
lar al-akam IIs reign.
Jafar attained the powerful post of jib (prime minister), and directed
the royal irz (textiles) workshop and later, the architecture workshop
(ib al-irz and ib al-abniya).71 Indeed, along with textual evidence
for his patronage of a suburban villa as well as a residence at Madnat
al-Zahr, Jafar is linked with the major architectural projects of the
caliphal state.72 His greatest surviving project is al-akam IIs 965 addition
69Ibn ayyn, al-Muqtabis II-1, p. 132; Ruggles, Gardens, Landscape, and Vision, pp. 4547.
70Lvi-Provenal, Histoire de lEspagne musulmane, vol. 1, p. 395, n. 2, cited by Francisco
Prado-Vilar, Circular Visions of Fertility and Punishment: Caliphal Ivory Caskets from al-
Andalus, Muqarnas, 14 (1997), p. 19, n. 4.
71Martnez Enamorado, Un hombre para el califato, pp. 18082; Mohamed Meouak,
Lonomastique des personnages dorigine slave et afffranchie en al-Andalus a lpoque
umayyade (IV/X siecle): premieres approximations documentaires, Onoma, 31/13
(19921993), pp. 22425; Meouak, Pouvoir souverain, n. 1, pp. 21315; Peter Scales, The Fall
of the Caliphate of Cordoba: Berbers and Andalusis in Conflict (Leiden, 1994), p. 127; Manuel
Ocaa Jimnez, afar el eslavo, Cuadernos de la Alhambra, 12 (1976), p. 219; Carmen
Barcel and Magdalena Cantero, Capiteles cordobeses dedicados a afar al-iqlab, Al-
Qantara, 16/2 (1995), pp. 42428.
72The portal of an elite residence believed to be that of Jafar has been reconstructed
at Madnat al-Zahr. See Antonio Vallejo Triano, Architecture and Urbanism in Umayyad
Crdoba Madnat al-Zahr: Transformation of a Caliphal City, in Perspectives on the Mate-
rial Culture of Islamic Iberia and Beyond, eds. Glaire D. Anderson and Mariam Rosser-Owen
(Leiden, 2007), pp. 1419.
to the Great Mosque of Crdoba, where his name and titles appear no less
than five times along with that of al-akam II in the marble and mosaic
inscriptions decorating the mirb (Figs. 2, 3).73 The inscriptions follow
a standard formula, beginning with a Qurnic verse, and then naming
al-akam II, Commander of the Faithful (amr al-muminn) as the one
who ordered the construction of the work by Jafar Ibn Abd al-Ramn
[III], mawl (freedman) and jib.
Durr b. al-akam al-Mustanir, Ab Uthmn (d. 976, also known as
Durr al-Aghar or Durr al-aghr) stands out as the second most promi-
nent of the enslaved elites of the Marwnid caliphate. His career trajec-
tory in the court of Abd al-Ramn III and then al-akam II parallels that
of his contemporary, Jafar.74 Durr was first asked to participate in court
ceremonial as a young man near the end of Abd al-Ramn IIIs reign by
the provost of the tailors (arf al-Khayyn) and the q Muammad b.
Ysuf, who led the Raman oration and prayers as Imam in 971.75 We
can therefore speculate that, like his contemporary Jafar, Durr began
his career at court working in the royal textile workshop, perhaps as a
designer, where his talents were discovered and encouraged. Durr was
also a patron of architecture, both in his own right and on behalf of the
caliph. Around 965 he was the patron of a luxurious suburban villa (Fig. 4)
situated near the Wd Rummn (River of the Pomegranate) in the coun-
tryside west of Madnat al-Zahr (and hence known in the secondary lit-
erature as al-Rummniyya); an inscription datable between 962 and 976
also identifies Durr as the patron of a minaret in Baeza, a town located
in the province of Jaen south of Crdoba.76
Shortly after the accession of al-akam II in 961, Durr attained the
directorship of the caliphal ivory workshop at Madnat al-Zahr. Two
caskets, characterized by a combination of figural and vegetal ornament,
whose epigraphy states that they were made under his supervision (al
yaday) are preserved today in the Victoria and Albert Museum and the
Museo Arqueolgico Nacional in Madrid (Figs. 5, 6). Created in 964, they
were made as a pair for al-akam II and his favorite concubine ub who,
as the mother of al-akams firstborn son and heir Abd al-Ramn, would
have been the most powerful woman at court.77 The caskets may have
been commissioned to celebrate the long-awaited heir to the caliphal
throne, ubs son Abd al-Ramn, who had been born two years before.78
The epigraphy on the Madrid ivory (also known as the Zamora Casket)
made for ub reads:
77Marn has suggested the extent of her power at court may be gauged by the bias
discernible in both the medieval Arabic texts and in modern historiography: Marn, Una
vida de mujer: ub, pp. 42545. Also see Laura Bariani, Fue ub La plus chre des
femmes fcondes? Consideraciones sobre la dedicatoria de las arquillas califales del Insti-
tuto de Valencia de Don Juan y de la Iglesia de S. Mara de Fitero, Al-Qantara, 26/2 (2005),
pp. 299315.
78Prado-Vilar has argued for a connection between ubs role as umm walad and the
visual language of the pyxis in Circular Visions of Fertility and Punishment, pp. 1941.
The blessing of Allh upon the Imm, the servant of God, al-akam
al-Mustanir bi-llh, Commander of the Faithful. This is what he ordered to
be made for the noble lady [Sayyida], the mother of Abd al-Ramn, under
the direction of [al yaday] Durr al-aghr in the year 353 [964].79
In contrast to Durr s and Jafars prominent offficial and private patronage
at this time, female patronage was limited during the reign of al-akam II,
and is attested only in epigraphy. A marble inscription plaque that can be
dated between 961 and 976 states that the aforementioned Jafar directed
a commission on behalf of a royal woman, Sayyida Mushtaq (Fig. 7). It
reads:
79Abd al-Ramn was ubs first son, born in 962. Lvi-Provenal, Inscriptions arabes
dEspagne, no. 196. On the phrase al yaday see Blair, What the Inscriptions Tell Us,
pp. 8687.
Figure 5Ivory pyxis, ordered by al-akam II, under the direction of Durr
al-aghr. Probably made at Madnat al-Zahr, near Crdoba, ca. 964 CE (Victoria
& Albert Museum, London).
Power and strength belong to Allh the Magnificent! The Noble Lady
(sayyida) Mushtaq, mother of the brother (of the prince, i.e., al-akam II)
Al-Mughra, ordered the minaret and the contiguous gallery (adatha al-
manr wa-l-saqfa) and nine of the lateral portals (turar) of the mosque.
And it was completed with the help of Allh, under the direction of the
fat Jafar Ibn Abd al-Ramn, in the month of Raman (this year...) and
three (hundred)...80
The inscription indicates that Sayyida Mushtaq had been a concubine
of the first caliph, Abd al-Ramn III, to whom she bore a son, al-Mughra.
The latters name is well known to historians of Islamic art, thanks to
the epigraphy naming him as the recipient of the ivory pyxis, known
as the Pyxis of al-Mughra and now in the Muse du Louvre, completed in
the same year as Sayyida Mushtaqs mosque addition (Fig. 8).81 As an adult
Figure 6Zamora ivory pyxis, ordered by al-akam II for the Lady (Sayyida)
ub, under the direction of Durr al-aghr. Probably made at Madnat al-Zahr,
near Crdoba, 964 CE (Photo: G.D. Anderson/Museo Arqueolgico Nacional,
Madrid).
Figure 8Ivory pyxis made for Prince al-Mughra, probably at Madnat al-Zahr,
near Crdoba, 968 CE (Photo: Erich Lessing, Art Resource, NY/Muse du
Louvre, Paris).
Spain. Papers from a Symposium Held in Copenhagen from the 18th to the 20th of November
2003, eds. Kjeld von Folsach and Joachim Meyer (2005), pp. 13964; Sophie Makariou, The
al-Mughra Pyxis and Spanish Umayyad Ivories: Aims and Tools of Power, in Umayyad
Legacies: Medieval Memories from Syria to Spain, eds. Antoine Borrut and Paul M. Cobb
(Leiden, 2010), pp. 31335.
82Mariam Rosser-Owen, Articulating the ijba: mirid Artistic and Cultural Patron-
age in Al-Andalus (c. 9701010 A.D.), Ph.D. dissertation, University of Oxford, 2002,
pp. 3539.
83Yasser Tabbaa, ayfa Khtn: Regent Queen and Architectural Patron, in Women,
Patronage, and Self-representation in Islamic Societies, ed. D. Fairchild Ruggles (Albany,
2000), pp. 1734.
84Marn, Una vida de mujer: ub, pp. 42545.
85...A ordonn la construction de cette fontaine, la damequAllah lillustre!
la valid, la mre de lmir des croyants (sayyida al-wlada umm amr al-muminn)
al-Muaiyad billah Hishm, fils dal-akamquAllah prolonge sa dure!dans lespoir
dune belle rcompense dAllah et dune magnifique rtribution. Et (cette fountain) fut
termine avec laide dAllah et son assistance, sous la direction de son protg, le prfet
de police et le qd de la population du district dEcija, Carmona et dpendences, Amad,
The plaque survives today embedded on a faade of the bell tower of the
church of Santa Cruz in cija. The date of the projectone year after
al-akam IIs deathprovides the context for the inscription, which
designates ub as queen-mother and regent of the young caliph. ub
was an Iberian-born woman, said to have been captured in the northern
Basque territories.86
The inscription is unprecedented in its assertion of power by an Umayyad
royal woman, but as a female regent, ub herself was unprecedented
in Umayyad Crdoba. As well as having significant pre-Islamic associa-
tions, the title sayyida is in keeping with that of other queen-mothers in
the tenth century and afterward.87 Expanding our perspective outside al-
Andalus, the 970s were an interesting moment in the larger history of
Islamic women. Around the time that ub became the regent in Crdoba,
Durzn, the aforementioned queen-mother of al-Azz, heir to the Ftimid
caliphal throne, was building major monuments in Cairo. Thus Durzns
patronage provides a foil for that of ub. In 976, one year before the
completion of ubs fountain in the province of Seville, Durzn founded
the second great Fimid mosque of Cairo, a congregational mosque (no
longer extant) located in the Qarafa.88 ubs work was intended for pub-
lic benefit, but it sufffers in comparison with the costly and celebrated
pious foundations established by her predecessors in Crdoba and her
contemporary in Cairo. Though the elevated title with which ub is iden-
tified conveys a message of authority, the small scale of the project and
its provincial location belie the intended statement. Unlike the Sayyida
Mushtaq project, whose director was none other than the eunuch Jafar
himself, one of the most prominent of the Slav eunuchs and the one most
visibly associated with the architectural commissions of the dynasty, the
director of ubs project was not a eunuch but (from his name) presum-
ably a free provincial administrator: Ahmad b. Abd Allh b. Ms, identi-
fied in the inscription as prefect of police (ib al-shura) and q of the
fils de Abd Allh, fils de Ms, et cela au mois de Rab II de lanne 367 (16 November
14 December 977). Lvi-Provenal, Inscriptions arabes dEspagne (texte) no. 30, pp. 3738.
86As Prado-Vilar, Circular Visions of Fertility and Punishment, p. 19, has observed,
her attraction for al-akam II might be implied by the curious point that al-akam II was
known to have called ub by the male name Jafar, and that she sometimes dressed in
male attire. Complicating the issue further, there was a second Jafar at court, a freeborn
aristocrat who had been close to the caliph since childhood, and who also held a high
position in al-akams court.
87I am grateful to Mohamed Meouak for pointing out the pre-Islamic associations of
the title.
88Cortese and Calderini, Women and the Ftimids in the World of Islam, p. 167.
this one of the most significant political events of the time, and the point
at which the infamous parting of ways between these two powerful figures
began.93 The material evidence for female patronage during this time,
or rather its dearth, coupled with a similar absence of textual evidence
for such patronage, suggests that in the last decades of the tenth cen-
tury royal women may not have been as active as under previous rulers,
though we must be cautious about drawing this conclusion based solely
on the lack of evidence. Following the transfer of the caliphal treasury to
his own control, it may be that al-Manr hampered court womens access
to the financial resources necessary to fund patronage. However, this is
not in keeping with the marked continuities with Umayyad practice that
characterize his period of rule, nor with the impression of a regent genu-
inely concerned with good government and the welfare of the broader
population.94 Certainly, high-ranking eunuchs continue to appear in the
context of patronage and production during al-Manrs reign: mirid
luxury objects bear epigraphy with the names of two elite eunuchs, Khalaf
al-mir (on al-Manrs marble basin), and Zuhayr al-mir (on the Braga
and Pamplona ivories).95 More likely, al-Manrs action against ub was
a single politically-motivated event, rather than a trend throughout his
regency.
Conclusions
98Blair, Islamic Art as a Source for the Study of Women in Premodern Societies,
pp. 33334. See Renata Holods discussion in al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, cat. no. 1,
and her essay in the same catalogue, Luxury Arts of the Caliphal Period, pp. 4147; Prado-
Vilar, Circular Visions, p. 21.
99Scales, The Fall of the Caliphate of Cordoba, p. 134.
100Ayalon, Eunuchs, Caliphs and Sultans, pp. 19599.
101The attitudes of the broader populace are diffficult to determine. On the method-
ological problems, see Manuela Marn and Randi Deguilhem, Introduction: Visibility,
Agency and the Consciousness of Womens Actions: To What Extent? in Writing the Femi-
nine: Women in Arab Sources, Islamic Mediterranean Series, no. I, eds. Randi Deguilhem
and Manuela Marn (London, 2002), pp. xvxxv.
102Cristina de la Puente, Juridical Sources for the Study of Women: Limitations of the
Females Capacity to Act according to Mlik law, in Writing the Feminine: Women in Arab
Sources, p. 99; Ruggles, ed., Women, Patronage, and Self-representation in Islamic Societies,
pp. 36.
103Georges Marais, LArchitecture musulmane dOccident (Paris, 1955), pp. 197200;
Muammad ibn Jafar ibn Idrs al-Kattn, Salwat al-anfs wa-muadthat al-akys mi-man
uqbira min al-ulam wa-al-ulah bi-Fs (Fez, 1898), vol. 1, p. 91. I am grateful to Sumayya
Ahmed for the latter reference.
104Jmil M. Abn-Nar Ab l-Fat, History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period (Cam-
bridge and New York, 1987; rprt. 1993), pp. 5556; Talbi, Lmirat aghlabide, pp. 23140.
105Personal communication, April 2010.
likely that they did not need the support of the ulam, given the author-
ity and influence they wielded in court society.
But if patronage was in part a means by which outsiders integrated into
Umayyad society, female and eunuch patronage speaks to the processes of
acculturation and transculturation at work in medieval and early modern
Islamic courts.106 Iberias long history of settlement and acculturation pro-
vides a logical case study for examining such issues and may illuminate
similar processes elsewhere, given that conquest, settlement, and accul-
turation are characteristic of the history of most any region of the pre-
modern Islamic lands. After all, there were few places in the Dr al-Islm
which were not contact zones. Qalam, one of the Medinese women
mentioned at the beginning of this study, for example, is an intriguing
embodiment of these processes in al-Andalus. She was said to have been
a noblewoman from northern Iberia, whose capture and enslavement
resulted in her transfer to Medina, where she trained in music before
returning to Iberia as a slave of the Umayyad sovereign.107 Certainly those
who were brought to the Umayyad court from outside the Dr al-Islm
overcame formidable obstacles when they were taken from their native
lands and cultures and brought to the Umayyad capital.108 Nevertheless
they became prominent and powerful actors in Umayyad Crdoba, and
their patronage bears witness to the high status and active participation
of concubines and eunuchs in this medieval court society. Yet there is a
contrast between the prominence and visibility these women and men
attained as patrons, and their near invisibility in the narrative of Andalusi
Umayyad art. This is mainly a problem of the survival of evidence, but it
may also stem in part from our assumptions about the place of women
106I refer to Mary Louise Pratts definition of contact zone in Imperial Eyes: Travel
Writing and Transculturation (London and New York, 1992), pp. 67; and the late stage
of transculturation defined by Fernando Ortz in On the Phases of Transculturation,
Club Atenas, Havana, December 12, 1942. I am grateful to Lyneise Williams for suggesting
these as useful models. Also see Thomas F. Glick and Oriol Pi-Sunyer, Acculturation as
an Explanatory Concept in Spanish History, Comparative Studies in Society and History,
11 (1969), pp. 13654. The afavid court offfers a useful early modern parallel for elite slave
patronage. See Sussan Babaie, Kathryn Babayan, Ina Baghdiantz-McCabe, and Massumeh
Farhad, Military Slaves in the Provinces: Collecting and Shaping the Arts, in Slaves of the
Shah: New Elites of Safavid Iran (London, 2004), pp. 11438.
107Ibn ayyn, al-Muqtabis II-1, pp. 18793, cit. Reynolds, Al-Maqqars Ziryb: The
Making of a Myth, p. 157; Marn, Mujeres en al-Andalus, pp. 12930.
108On the grim logistics of the international eunuch trade, including the ordeals
endured by the young boys, see Jan S. Hogendorn The Location of the Manufacture of
Eunuchs, in Slave Elites in the Middle East and Africa: A Comparative Study, eds. Miura
Toru and John Edward Philips (London and New York), 2000, pp. 4168.