AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 124:199 222 (2004)
Horse-Mounted Invaders From the Russo-Kazakh
Steppe or Agricultural Colonists From Western Central
Asia? A Craniometric Investigation of the Bronze Age
Settlement of Xinjiang
Brian E. Hemphill1* and J.P. Mallory2
1
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, California State University at Bakerseld,
Bakerseld, California 93311-1099
2
School of Archaeology and Palaeoecology, Queens University, Belfast, Northern Ireland BT7 1NN, UK
KEY WORDS craniometry; phenetic distance; Tarim Basin; Bactria; China
ABSTRACT Numerous Bronze Age cemeteries in the
oases surrounding the Taklamakan Desert of the Tarim
Basin in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, west-
ern China, have yielded both mummied and skeletal
human remains. A dearth of local antecedents, coupled
with woolen textiles and the apparent Western physical
appearance of the population, raised questions as to where
these people came from. Two hypotheses have been offered
by archaeologists to account for the origins of Bronze Age
populations of the Tarim Basin. These are the steppe
hypothesis and the Bactrian oasis hypothesis. Eight Bronze Age. After 1200 B.C., this population experienced
craniometric variables from 25 Aeneolithic and Bronze
Age samples, comprising 1,353 adults from the Tarim
Basin, the Russo-Kazakh steppe, southern China, Central
Asia, Iran, and the Indus Valley, are compared to test
which, if either, of these hypotheses are supported by the
pattern of phenetic afnities possessed by Bronze Age
inhabitants of the Tarim Basin. Craniometric differences
between samples are compared with Mahalanobis gener-
Schoolchildren in the United States are taught
that the peoples of western Asia and Europe re-
mained ignorant of the populations of East Asia for
many centuries, but that this changed with the in-
credible journey of Marco Polo. According to popular
account, Marco Polo, a Venetian merchant, left
Venice along with his father and uncle in A.D. 1269
and traveled east across Central Asia along the
route of what later came to be known as the Great
Silk Road, arriving at the court of Kublai Khan at
Beijing in A.D. 1275. There they were received by
the great Khan and remained for the next 16 years,
only to return to Venice with news of the wonders of
the East in A.D. 1295 (Komroff, 1930, p. viixx). Yet,
despite popular perception, the numerous inaccura-
cies, apparent plagiarisms, and profound gaps of
observation evident in The Travels of Marco Polo
raise serious doubts as to whether Polo ever went to
China at all (Mallory and Mair, 2000, p. 71).
Those with more than a passing familiarity often
identify the date 132 B.C. as the beginning of con-
2004 WILEY-LISS, INC.
alized distance (d2), and patterns of phenetic afnity are
assessed with two types of cluster analysis (the weighted
pair average linkage method and the neighbor-joining
method), multidimensional scaling, and principal coordi-
nates analysis. Results obtained by this analysis provide
little support for either the steppe hypothesis or the Bac-
trian oasis hypothesis. Rather, the pattern of phenetic
afnities manifested by Bronze Age inhabitants of the
Tarim Basin suggests the presence of a population of
unknown origin within the Tarim Basin during the early
signicant gene ow from highland populations of the
Pamirs and Ferghana Valley. These highland populations
may include those who later became known as the Saka
and who may have served as middlemen facilitating
contacts between East (Tarim Basin, China) and West
(Bactria, Uzbekistan) along what later became known as
the Great Silk Road. Am J Phys Anthropol 124:199 222,
2004. 2004 Wiley-Liss, Inc.
tacts between East and West along the Great Silk
Road (Barber, 1999, p. 19; Di Cosmo, 1996, p. 87;
Mair, 1995, p. 302; Mallory and Mair, 2000, p. 56). It
was at this time that the Chinese explorer Zhang
Qian embarked on a 13-year mission westward from
Gansu, through Xinjiang, and across the Ferghana
Valley into Central Asia. Soon the Emperor Wudi
gathered an army of some 60,000 soldiers to secure
the Great Silk Road, so that between 114 and 108
B.C. no less than 10 caravans a year were making
*Correspondence to: Brian E. Hemphill, Department of Sociology
and Anthropology, California State University at Bakerseld, Bakers-
eld, CA 93311-1099. E-mail: bhemphill@csub.edu
Received 25 October 2002; accepted 2 June 2003.
DOI 10.1002/ajpa.10354
Published online 19 September 2003 in Wiley InterScience (www.
interscience.wiley.com).
200 B.E. HEMPHILL AND J.P. MALLORY
the journey from China in the east to the Ferghana
Valley in the west.
Other scholars maintain that the beginning of
contacts between East and West occurred even ear-
lier, for silk appears in Europe by the sixth century
B.C., throughout the northern Mediterranean basin
by the fth century B.C, and perhaps as early as
1000 B.C. in North Africa (Mair, 1995, p. 285). In the
fth century B.C., Herodotus mentioned transit
trade occurring across great distances in Central
Asia along a route that stretched from the River Don
in the Urals in the west to the Altai and the Mi-
nusinsk Basin in the east (Chlenova, 1983).
Archaeological excavations at the site of Sapalli
tepe, located in the North Bactrian oasis of southern
Uzbekistan, during the 1960s and 1970s yielded the
earliest evidence of silk outside of China and raised
the possibility that contacts between East and West
along the Great Silk Road may be far older than
previously thought (Askarov, 1973, p. 133134,
1974, 1977, 1981, 1988). No longer were contacts
dated to 13th century A.D., nor to the second cen-
tury B.C., nor even to the 10th century B.C. Rather,
the presence of silk at Sapalli tepe raised the possi-
bility that contacts along the Great Silk Road may
have occurred near the end of the third and the
beginning of the second millennia B.C. (Hiebert,
1994; Kohl, 1984). Yet, as provocative as this discov-
ery was, few scholars outside the former Soviet
Union knew of these discoveries (Kohl, 1981, 1992).
One of the major archaeological events of the past
decade has been the proliferation of popular articles,
books, and television documentaries devoted to the
discovery of prehistoric Bronze Age Caucasoid or
Europoid populations in the western Chinese Xin-
jiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (Mair, 1995, p.
281). Here along the oases of the Tarim Basin have
been recovered some 300 mummies, many of which
have been found along with their clothes in an ex-
traordinary state of preservation, dating from ca.
1800 B.C. until the Chinese conquest of the region in
the rst centuries B.C. A far greater assemblage of
skeletal remains has been recovered from Bronze
and Iron Age cemeteries of the region (an assem-
blage that should be numbered in the many hun-
dreds, if not thousands), though only a few more
than 300 have been examined. Where it has been
possible to identify a phenotypic pattern, the major-
ity of these individuals are identied as possessing a
stronger resemblance to a Western pattern (e.g.,
fair hair, high-bridged noses, heavy beard) rather
than the phenotypic pattern common to the Han of
China (Barber, 1999, p. 19; Mallory and Mair, 2000,
p. 16; Wang, 2001). Not surprisingly, such identi-
cations led many to ask (Mair, 1995, p. 289), Who
were the[se] corpses from the Tarim Basin? Where
did they come from? And how did they get there?
Three lines of evidence have been offered to dem-
onstrate that the Bronze Age inhabitants of Xinjiang
were neither long-term indigenous inhabitants of
this region, nor ethnic Han Chinese immigrants
from the East. These lines of evidence include the
textiles worn by these individuals, the evidence of
Indo-European languages in Xinjiang, and previous
biological analyses of the human remains them-
selves. The purpose of this paper is to compare
craniometric variation among Bronze Age inhabit-
ants of Xinjiang, western China, with Aeneolithic
and Bronze Age samples from the Russo-Kazakh
steppe, south Central Asia, southern China, Iran,
and the Indus Valley, in order to test which of the
hypotheses best explain the origins and subsequent
interactions of the Bronze Age inhabitants of the
Tarim Basin.
Mair (1995, p. 295) considered the textiles worn
and associated with the Xinjiang remains to be
highly diagnostic, perhaps still more so than DNA
analysis, for identifying the origins and afliations
of the Tarim Basin Bronze Age people. These tex-
tiles encompass an array of items including string
skirts, fur-lined and fur-trimmed coats, long stock-
ings, and pants that Mair (1995, 1998), Mallory and
Mair (2000), and Barber (1999) claim are indicative
of a close relationship with Indo-European-speaking
pastoralist nomads from the Russian steppe. The
most ancient Bronze Age remains found in Xinjiang
derive from the site of Qawrighul (ca. 1800 B.C.),
located along the Konchi River at the southeastern
edge of the Tarim Basin (Fig. 1). These remains were
found clad in simple cloaks, mantles, and wraps in
shades of natural brown or beige that lack any evi-
dence of piping, sleeves, or trouser legs. Barber
(1999, p. 71) maintained that these individuals not
only appear to have introduced weaving into the
Tarim Basin, but the mere presence of woolen tex-
tiles reveals that domestic sheep from the West had
been introduced into the Tarim Basin by the begin-
ning of the second millennium B.C. (Mallory and
Mair, 2000, p. 219).
Some 500 years later, during the closing centuries
of the second millennium B.C., mummies recovered
from Zaghunluq (near Charchan), located along the
southern margin of the Taklamakan Desert in the
southern Tarim Basin, document the introduction of
an entire array of new techniques in clothing man-
ufacture (Barber, 1999). Textiles from the site of
Qizilchoqa (near Qumul/Hami), in the easternmost
part of the region, are marked by weaving of im-
proved quality that includes twill as well as plain
weave. A detailed examination of a textile fragment
by Good (1995) yielded evidence of the same decora-
tive technique as that found in Scottish tartans
which, in turn, exhibited similarities to tartans
found at Hallstatt in Austria dated to the late sec-
ond millennium B.C. (Mallory and Mair, 2000).
The second line of evidence is linguistic, and in-
volves the discovery of written documents in the
Tarim Basin that attest to the presence of a series of
Indo-European languages collectively known as To-
charian (Barber, 1999, p. 115; Jettmar, 1998, p. 216;
Mallory, 1998, p. 189; Renfrew, 1988, p. 63 66).
These languages exhibit no close similarities to
 INHABITANTS OF XINJIANG 201

Fig. 1. Geographic location of craniometric samples. Sample abbreviations from Table 1. Xinjiang samples (QAW, ALW, and KRO)
and Chinese sample from Hainan (HAI) are represented by asterisks; North Bactrian samples, by stars; Iranian samples, by
pentagons; Turkmenian, Caucasus, and Tajik samples, by triangles; Indus Valley samples, by circles; and Russo-Kazakh samples, by
squares.

Indo-Iranian (which is well-represented by a num-
ber of languages in the Tarim Basin) or any other
eastern (satem) Indo-European languages (other
than loan words). Within the phylogeny of the Indo-
European languages, Tocharian languages are ei-
ther placed with the western (centum) languages
of Europe (Adams, 1984; Hamp, 1998), or are re-
garded as languages that split from the rest of the
Indo-European languages at such an early date that
they lack many of the isoglosses found between
other Indo-European languages (Ringe et al., 1998).
Mallory and Mair (2000, p. 240 246) suggested that
the separation of Tocharian speakers from other
Indo-European-speaking communities may have oc-
curred as early as the fourth millennium B.C., and
they identied the Afanasievo culture (ca. 3500
2500 B.C.), a primarily pastoralist culture found in
the Altai and Minusinsk regions of the Eurasian
steppe, as a possible source for a Tocharian presence
in the Tarim Basin (Mallory, 1989, p. 62, 263, 1995,
p. 380 381, 1998, p. 189; see also Parpola, 1998).
Wall paintings of Tocharian speakers depict these
individuals as possessing red or blonde hair, long
noses, blue or green eyes, and wearing broadswords
inserted in scabbards hanging from their waists
(Mair, 1995, p. 299).
The third line of evidence comes from analyses of
the biological features of the human remains them-
selves. This evidence derives from the obviously
Western appearance of many of the mummied
remains, analyses of ancient DNA, and craniometry.
Francalacci (1995) obtained tissue samples from 11
mummies, but only two of these samples were per-
mitted out of China, and the DNA from one was too
damaged for analysis. Hence, at present, the genetic
evidence for the history of the Bronze Age inhabit-
ants of Xinjiang rests on results obtained from a
single individual (Mallory and Mair, 2000, p. 246
247). The mtDNA of this mummy was identied by
Francalacci (1995) as belonging to haplogroup H,
202 B.E. HEMPHILL AND J.P. MALLORY
one of nine subtypes of mitochondrial lineages
largely associated with Europeans. Yet, while hap-
logroup H is the most common marker of European
populations (40%), it is also found in 15% of individ-
uals from the Near East. Hence, despite claims to
the contrary (see Cavalli-Sforza, 2000), the ancient
DNA evidence currently available offers little reso-
lution concerning the precise origins of the Bronze
Age inhabitants of Xinjiang.
Over the course of the last two decades, Han
(1994a,b; see also Mair, 1998) conducted craniomet-
ric analyses of some 302 adult Bronze Age inhabit-
ants of Xinjiang. Han (1998, p. 568) concluded that
metric variation among these individuals revealed
that the majority (89%) may be attributed to at least
three branches of the Caucasoid type, while a mi-
nority (11%) may be ascribed to two branches of the
Mongoloid type. Han (1994a, 1998, p. 566 568)
contended that the temporal and geographic pat-
terns observed among these cranial types document
a three-stage settlement of Xinjiang during the
Bronze Age. According to Han (1998), the rst wave
of immigration involved colonization by a proto-
Europoid type with Nordic characteristics that he
attributed to Afanasievo and Andronovo populations
who migrated to Xinjiang and the Tarim Basin from
the steppelands located to the north and northwest.
Han (1998) maintained that a second wave of immi-
gration, this time involving an Eastern Mediterra-
nean type and possibly a Pamir-Fergana type,
entered Xinjiang and the Tarim Basin from the west
around 500 B.C. The third wave of immigration in-
volved a westward migration of an Eastern Mon-
goloid type into the eastern regions of Xinjiang and
the Tarim Basin, most likely from the adjacent prov-
ince of Gansu and points further east (see also An,
1992b; Shui, 1993).
MODELS FOR XINJIANG POPULATION ORIGINS
Contemporary researchers are divided over the
most likely explanation for the origins of the Bronze
Age inhabitants of Xinjiang, and this division is
reected by the wide array of explicative accounts
advanced by archaeologists, biological anthropolo-
gists, historical linguists, and others. Nevertheless,
these explanations can be grouped into two general
models. These models may be designated the steppe
hypothesis and the Bactrian oasis hypothesis.
Proponents of the steppe hypothesis maintain
that the Tarim region experienced at least two pop-
ulation inuxes from the Russo-Kazakh steppe re-
gion (Anthony, 1998; Han, 1998; Kuzmina, 1994,
1998; Mallory, 1995; Mallory and Mair, 2000; Par-
pola, 1998). They suggest that the initial wave of
immigration into Xinjiang may have originated
among members of the Afanasievo culture found in
the Altai and Minusinsk regions of the steppe north
of the Tarim Basin. This attribution is based on
numerous similarities in material culture, including
bronze metallurgy, burial practices, and textiles,
found between Afanasievo culture sites and the ear-
liest Bronze Age sites in Xinjiang, such as Qawri-
ghul (Kuzmina, 1994, p. 241, 1998, p. 69; Mallory,
1995; Mallory and Mair, 2000).
The Afanasievo culture itself is believed intrusive
to the eastern steppe and is held to share the closest
similarities to the Yamnaya culture (3500 3000
B.C.; Mallory and Mair, 2000) found in the Pontic-
Caspian region of the Russian steppe (Alexeev,
1961; Anthony, 1998, p. 104; Chernykh, 1992;
Gryaznov and Vadezkaya, 1968; Kuzmina, 1998;
Mallory, 1989, p. 62, 1995, 1998, p. 189; Mallory and
Mair, 2000; Parpola, 1998; Posrednikov, 1992; but
see Shishlina and Hiebert, 1998, p. 222223). As
noted by Mallory (1995) and Mallory and Mair
(2000, p. 381382), an eastward emigration and sub-
sequent isolation of Yamnaya-derived Afanasievo
populations in the eastern steppe provides a possible
explanation for the appearance of Tocharian in the
Tarim Basin of Xinjiang. Hence, the apparent simi-
larities between Tocharian and such western Indo-
European languages as Celtic and Italian are due to
a common retention of proto-Indo-European archai-
cisms (Mallory, 1989, p. 61), while the differences
between Tocharian and neighboring Indo-Iranian
might be explained by the peripheral position of
proto-Tocharian populations with respect to the
emergence of Indo-Iranian languages. This asser-
tion appeared to be supported by Hans (1998) con-
trast of cranial and facial indices which indicated
that the earliest individuals from Qawrighul (type I
tombs; see below) were most similar to individuals
from Afanasievo cultural contexts (see Mallory and
Mair, 2000, p. 240 243).
Many proponents of the steppe hypothesis con-
tend that the immigration of Afanasievo populations
to the Tarim Basin was followed by a later inux of
populations derived from the Late Bronze Age An-
dronovo culture complex (ca. 2100 900 B.C.; Mal-
lory and Mair, 2000) found to the west, northwest,
and north in the Pamirs, the Ferghana Valley, Ka-
zakhstan, and the Minusinsk/Altai region (Chen
and Hiebert, 1995; Kuzmina, 1998; Mei and Shell,
1998; Parpola, 1998). As with earlier Afanasievo
populations, those accompanied by artifacts as-
signed to the Andronovo culture are believed to have
originated in the western Russian steppe. In this
latter case, ultimate stylistic origins of the artifacts
are traced to the Sintashta culture (ca. 2300 1900
B.C.; Mallory and Mair, 2000) of the southeast Urals
(Anthony, 1998; Anthony and Vinogradov, 1995, p.
36; Kuzmina, 1994; Mallory, 1998). The eastward
expansion of these likely Indo-Iranian-speaking peo-
ples was facilitated by the development of the war
chariot (Anthony, 1998, p. 94; Di Cosmo, 1996, p.
90 91; Mallory, 1989; Parpola, 1998) and is re-
ected by the rapid appearance of such regional
variants of the Andronovo culture designated as
Alakul, Federovo, Tazabagyab, Beshkent, and Va-
khsh (Gupta, 1979; Hiebert, 1994; Kohl, 1984, p.
183184; Kuzmina, 1994; Masson, 1992b, p. 350
351; Sulimirski, 1970, p. 261, 263; Zdanovich, 1988).
 INHABITANTS OF XINJIANG
The initial appearance of Andronovo-derived popu-
lations in the Tarim Basin is held to be signaled by
the introduction of new clothing styles, ceramic
wares, and burial customs as well as objects of tin
bronze, and objects associated with horses around
1200 B.C. (Barber, 1999; Kuzmina, 1998, p. 73; Mei,
2000, p. 7275; Mei and Shell, 1998).
The second model for the origin of the Bronze Age
inhabitants of Xinjiang is the Bactrian oasis hypoth-
esis. Proponents of this model assert that settlement
of this region of western China came not from no-
madic pastoralists of the steppe, but from sedentary,
agriculturally based populations of the Oxus civili-
zation (the Bactrian-Margiana archaeological com-
plex (BMAC); Hiebert, 1994) found west of Xinjiang
in Uzbekistan (north Bactria), Afghanistan (south
Bactria), and Turkmenistan (Margiana) (Barber,
1999; Chen and Hiebert, 1995, p. 287). Proponents of
this model emphasize the environmental similari-
ties between the desert basins of eastern (Xinjiang)
and western Central Asia (Bactria, Margiana) and
maintain that the sophisticated irrigation tech-
niques developed in the oases of Margiana and Bac-
tria permitted the colonization of the river deltas
and oases surrounding the north, east, and southern
margins of the Taklamakan Desert (Barber, 1999;
Chen and Hiebert, 1995).
Barber (1999) suggested that the archaeological
record provides better evidence that the initial col-
onizers of the Tarim Basin were agriculturalists
from Bactria than nomadic pastoralists from the
Russian steppe. This evidence not only includes ir-
rigation systems, evidence of western cultigens such
as wheat, and bones of sheep and goats, but also
evidence of carefully bundled bags containing Ephe-
dra sp. found accompanying many Bronze Age Xin-
jiang burials. Use of ephedra is well-known in Oxus
civilization urban centers, where Hiebert (1994) and
Sarianidi (1987, 1990, 1993a,b, 1994; see also
Kussov, 1993; Meyer-Melikyan, 1998; Meyer-Me-
likyan and Avetov, 1998) found evidence of special-
ized areas known as white rooms where it is be-
lieved a ritual drink, known as haoma in Iranian
and soma in Indic, was consumed (but see Nyberg,
1995, p. 400; Parpola, 1995, p. 371). Ephedra does
not grow on the Russo-Kazakh steppe, nor is it as-
sociated with either Afanasievo or Andronovo cul-
tures (Barber, 1999, p. 165; but see Parpola, 1998, p.
126 127).
Barber (1999) suggested that the Bronze Age set-
tlement of the Tarim Basin was a two-step process
in which initial immigration came from the oases of
Bactria and Margiana, and is represented by re-
mains found at such southeastern sites as Qawri-
ghul. This was followed by a second wave of immi-
gration soon after 1200 B.C. This time, immigrants
came from Andronovo populations located to the
northwest, and participants in this wave of immi-
gration may be associated with the remains found at
northern Tarim Basin sites such as Alwighul, Hami,
Turfan, and Kucha. Barber (1999) claimed that ev-
203
idence of these two separate waves of immigration is
provided not only by dramatic differences in textile
manufacture, but also by textual evidence from the
rst centuries A.D. which documents that inhabit-
ants of the southern Tarim oases spoke Iranian lan-
guages (such as Saka and Sogdian), while those
inhabiting the northern oases spoke Tocharian.
Measurements of the neurocranium and facial
skeleton have been used for many years to provide
an assessment of the degree of biological relatedness
among samples of past and living populations. Al-
though it is clear that these measurements actually
provide assessment of an unknown combination of
environmental and hereditary factors (Cavalli-
Sforza and Bodmer, 1971), and may be affected by
masticatory mechanics (Carlson and Van Gerven,
1977; Van Gerven, 1982) and environmental varia-
tion (Beals, 1972; Guglielmino-Matessi et al., 1979),
twin studies (Clark, 1956; Lundstrom, 1954; Nakata
et al., 1974a; Orczykowska-Swiatkowska and Leb-
ioda, 1975; Saunders et al., 1980), familial studies
(Devor, 1987; Howells, 1966; Nakata et al., 1974b;
Susanne, 1975, 1977), and worldwide comparisons
of craniometric variation revealed a moderate de-
gree of genetic control (Susanne, 1975, 1977), and
demonstrated the utility of such variables for recon-
structing patterns of biological interactions among
populations (Howells, 1973, 1989). Since all of the
samples included in this study derive from either
sedentary, agricultural communities or pastoralist
populations who received regular supplies of agri-
cultural produce, and from sites that differ little in
latitude, a comparison of craniometric variation
should suffer no systemic biases due to differences in
masticatory stresses or natural selection for dramat-
ically different environments (Hemphill, 1998,
1999).
MATERIALS AND METHODS
Materials
Analyzed Bronze Age skeletal samples from Xin-
jiang are few and are underrepresented in the liter-
ature. Although many individuals included in the
current study were the subject of craniometric com-
parisons by Han (1990, 1994b, 1998, 2001) and Mal-
lory and Mair (2000, p. 236 244), these comparisons
are limited to contrasts of cranial and facial indices
that provide no assessment of covariation among
cranial indicators or of the signicance of phenetic
separation between samples. Further, results ob-
tained from these contrasts are interpreted within a
typologically grounded ethnogenetic paradigm that
identies human variation, even in individual cem-
eteries, as attributable to the presence of multiple
physical types and subsequent interbreeding
among them (Han, 1994b, 1998; Mair, 1995, p. 291
292; Mallory and Mair, 2000, p. 235). Hence, rei-
cation of such xed physical types encourages a
static perspective of human populations that fails to
accommodate the known evolutionary forces of nat-
204 B.E. HEMPHILL AND J.P. MALLORY
ural selection, mutation, gene ow, and genetic drift.
It is these processes that result in the inherent dy-
namism in the genetic foundation of all populations,
as emphasized in modern population genetics (Fal-
coner, 1981; Hartl and Clark, 1997; Hedrick, 2000).
Through the efforts of Mallory (1995), measure-
ments made in accordance with standards estab-
lished by Martin (1928) by Han (1998) on crania
recovered from three sites from the Tarim Basin of
Xinjiang were made available to B.E.H. for further
statistical analyses and interpretation. These sites
include Qawrighul, Alwighul, and Kroran (Fig. 1).
Discovered in 1979 and excavated by Wang (1987,
1996), Qawrighul represents the most ancient
Bronze Age cemetery in Xinjiang (Debaine-
Francfort, 1988, p. 1516; Han, 1994a; Jettmar,
1992; Kuchera, 1988; Wang, 1987, 1996). A series of
ve radiocarbon dates places this cemetery between
2300 1430 B.C. (An, 1998; Chen and Hiebert, 1995).
The cemetery is located on the bank of the Konchi
River, 70 km west of ancient Lake Lopnur along the
eastern edge of the Taklamakan Desert (Kuzmina,
1998; Mallory and Mair, 2000, p. 137). Excavation of
the cemetery resulted in the recovery of 42 burials,
each containing a single individual, from two differ-
ent types of tombs (Wang, 1982, 1983).
The rst, designated as Qawrighul type I tombs,
account for 36 of the burials. All are shaft pit graves,
and a minority of these graves feature wooden poles
placed at east and west ends. The actual burial
chamber was lined with small wooden boards, and
the top of the chamber was sealed with animal
skins, carpets, or a basket-shaped cover. The bodies
were placed in a supine, extended position, with
their heads to the east and their feet to the west.
Qawrighul type II tombs account for six burials, and
they appear stratigraphically later than type I
tombs. Type II tombs are identical to type I tombs
with respect to the use of small wooden boards to
line the burial pit and placement of the body, but
differ by featuring an elaborate arrangement of
wooden poles embedded in the ground surface. The
most elaborate of these type II tombs featured seven
concentric rings of wooden stakes that radiate out-
ward in what some (Wang, 1983, 1984) interpreted
as a solar pattern from the center of the burial
chamber, to encompass an area 50 60 m in diame-
ter.
Individuals interred in the Qawrighul cemetery
wore no clothing apart from leather shoes and cloaks
made of plain woven textiles fastened at the front
with bone pins. Felt hats were placed on the head,
and in several instances, small bags containing
twigs of Ephedra sp. were found on their chests
(Barber, 1999; Chen and Hiebert, 1995, p. 253). No
ceramics accompany any of the burials, but one bone
and ve wooden anthropomorphic gurines, some
still wearing fragments of textiles, were recovered. A
few jade beads and fragments of either copper or
bronze represent the extent of additional burial ac-
coutrements (Wang, 1982, 1983, 1984). All 18 adult
crania recovered from this site (11 male, 7 female)
were identied by Han (1986a, 1994a, 1998) as
proto-European and possessing closest afnities to
crania recovered from southern Siberia, Kazakh-
stan, and the Volga River region of southern Russia
(Han, 1998, p. 559 560; Mair, 1995, p. 290; Mallory
and Mair, 2000, p. 241). Han (2001, p. 234) sug-
gested that the earliest (type I) burials were most
closely related to the Afanasievo type, while later
burials bore greater similarity to Andronovo popu-
lations.
The cemetery of Alwighul is located near the Or-
dos grasslands along the southern slopes of the Tian
Shan mountains (Han, 1998; Ma and Wang, 1994, p.
213). Featuring a series of radiocarbon dates that
cluster between 800 200 B.C., the Alwighul ceme-
tery dates to the Late Bronze Age, a period that is
marked by an increase in the frequency of bronze
objects and, in some regions of Xinjiang, the initial
appearance of large bronze objects (An, 1998, p. 58;
Ma and Wang, 1994, p. 213).
Three major inhumation types were observed at
Alwighul. The rst two feature distinctive burial
chambers in which the perimeter walls are lined
with pebbles. The early pebble graves (type I) fea-
ture multiple interments of at least 10 20 individ-
uals piled atop one another in a supine position,
with the head to the west and the feet to the east.
Late pebble graves (type II) are similar in construc-
tion to those of type I, but feature an additional
wooden bench supported by four pillars and contain
the remains of only 12 individuals. Type III graves
appear as heaps of stones at ground level beneath
which there is a large vertical pit that leads to a
wooden cofn-chamber.
In total, 58 adult crania (33 males, 25 females)
were recovered from Alwighul. All of these remains
were recovered from a single type I mass interment
grave and were associated with a wide array of
burial goods, including hand-made gray-red ceramic
vessels decorated with triangular, net, whorl and
pine-needle motifs painted in light black; a consid-
erable number of bronze plates and knives; many
strings of beads made from bone, shell, agate, and
jade; and earrings of both bronze and gold (Ma and
Wang, 1994, p. 213215). The craniometric analysis
by Han (1994b, 1998, p. 560 561, 2001, p. 231232)
of these remains revealed the presence of at least
three different racial types, including two different
forms of Caucasoids (Pamir-Ferghana type and
Eastern Mediterranean type) and a single form of
Mongoloid. Han (1990, 1998) suggested that the
apparent lack of conformity of some of the crania to
these racial types indicated some degree of mix-
ture between the two Caucasoid types as well as
between Caucasoids and Mongoloids.
The cemetery of Kroran is located in one of the
southeastern group of oases on the southern bank of
the Konchi River near the outskirts of Loulan, the
capital of the Shan-Shan state during the rst cen-
tury B.C. (Ma and Wang, 1994, p. 211). There is
 INHABITANTS OF XINJIANG 205
TABLE 1. Samples considered in study
Maximum sample
size
Code Males Females Site/region Period Dates Reference
ADM 22 11 Andronovo/Minusinsk Late Bronze Age 2100900 B.C. Alexeev (1961)
AFA 17 7 Afanasievo/Altai Early Bronze Age 35002500 B.C. Alexeev (1961)
AFM 18 11 Afanasievo/Minusinsk Early Bronze Age 35002500 B.C. Alexeev (1961)
AND 25 31 Andronovo/Kazakhstan Late Bronze Age 2100900 B.C. Alekseev (1967)
ALT 40 42 Altyn depe/Turkmenistan Namazga V 25002200 B.C. Kiiatkina (1967);
Hemphill (1999)
ALW 33 25 Alwighul/Xinjiang, China Late Bronze Age 650200 B.C. Han (1998)
CEMH 10 18 Harappa/Indus Valley Late Harappan 19001600 B.C. Gupta et al. (1962)
DJR 17 33 Djarkutan/North Bactria Djarkutan phase 20001800 B.C. Hemphill (1998)
GKS 38 32 Geoksyur/Turkmenistan Namazga III 35003000 B.C. Kiiatkina (1987);
Hemphill (1999)
HAI 45 38 Hainan/South China Living Living Howells (1989)
HAR 23 41 Harappa/Indus Valley Mature Harappan 25002000 B.C. Gupta et al. (1962);
Hemphill et al. (1991)
KAM 133 118 Karasuk/Minusinsk Late Bronze Age Rykusina (1976)
KAR 14 13 Kara depe/Turkmenistan Namazga III 35003000 B.C. Ginzberg and Tromova
(1972)
KOK 14 10 Kokcha III/Turkmenistan Late Bronze Age 18001500 B.C. Tromova (1961)
KRO 4 2 Kroran/Xinjiang, China Bronze/Iron Age 202 B.C.A.D. 150 Han (1998)
KUZ 13 14 Djarkutan/North Bactria Kuzali Phase 18001650 B.C. Hemphill (1998)
KUZ 13 14 Djarkutan/North Bactria Kuzali phase 18001650 B.C. Hemphill (1998)
MOL 18 28 Djarkutan/North Bactria Molali phase 16501500 B.C. Hemphill (1998)
QAW 11 7 Qawrighul/Xinjiang, China Early Bronze Age 1800 B.C. Han (1998)
SAMB 14 13 Samtavro/Caucasus Late Bronze Age 1400800 B.C. Abduselisvili (1954)
SAP 13 28 Sapalli tepe/North Bactria Sapalli phase 22002000 B.C. Hemphill (1998)
SHS 45 43 Shahr-i Sokhta/Eastern Iran SHS I, II, III 30002200 B.C. Pardini and Sarvari-
Negahban (1976)
Pardini (1977, 1979
1980)
TH2 9 7 Tepe Hissar/Northern Iran Tepe Hissar II 33002500 B.C. Krogman (1940)
TH3 102 36 Tepe Hissar/Northern Iran Tepe Hissar III 25001700 B.C. Krogman (1940)
TMG 9 11 Timargarha/Indus Valley Late Bronze/Early 1400800 B.C. Bernhard (1967)
Iron Age
TMM 26 21 Tigrovaja-Makoni Mor/ Molali phase 16501500 B.C. Kiiatkina (1976)
Tajikistan

considerable controversy over the correct dates for
the human remains from this cemetery. According to
some researchers, the six adult crania recovered
from this cemetery derive from the Western Han
period (202 B.C.A.D. 220; Han, 1998; Mair, 1995),
but recent Chinese excavations suggest that these
remains are associated with artifacts that span the
period between the seventh to rst centuries B.C.
(Ma and Wang, 1994, p. 211). Nevertheless, a pair of
radiocarbon dates obtained from the cemetery sug-
gest that the Western Han period is most likely
correct (Mallory and Mair, 2000, p. 335).
Individuals recovered from the cemetery at Kro-
ran were interred in graves featuring a chamber of
wooden planks within a shallow pit. The body was
placed in an extended position, and wrapped in a
woolen cloth. One extremely well-preserved individ-
ual was buried wearing hide boots and a peaked
brown felt hat with bird feathers. In this case, the
woolen cloth was gathered into a pouch on the upper
chest and lled with fragments of Ephedra sp. (Ma
and Wang, 1994, p. 211212). The graves also con-
tained wooden and stone gurines with long, round
faces, but most funerary objects represent articles of
everyday use and decorative ornaments. In earlier
tombs, there is no pottery, and utensils are made of
woven grass, wood, bone, or horn. Ornaments in-
clude beads made of bone, amber, agate, or jade, and
were usually found encircling the neck or ankles.
Groups of bone tubes about 10 cm long were some-
times linked together and worn around the waist. In
addition to these locally produced items, many arti-
facts such as brocades, rough silk, silk oss, bronze
mirrors, lacquerware, and wuzhu coins typical of the
Han Dynasty of the middle-lower Yellow River were
also recovered.
Of the six adult crania recovered, only one, a fe-
male, was identied by Han (1986b, 1994a, 1998, p.
562563) as Mongoloid. The remaining ve indi-
viduals were identied by Han as possessing East-
ern Mediterranean characteristics most similar to
those found among sixth century B.C. Saka of the
southern Pamirs (Ma and Wang, 1994, p. 212; Mair,
1995, p. 292).
Cranial series used to provide a comparative foun-
dation for the Xinjiang remains encompass 22 sam-
ples, numbering 1271 individuals (665 males, 606
females) from the Russo-Kazakh steppe, southern
China, Central Asia, Iran, and Indus Valley. To-
gether, all 25 skeletal samples span a timeframe
from 3500 B.C. to the present. Abbreviations, sam-
ple sizes, sources, and sample locations for all cra-
nial samples are provided in Table 1 and Figure 1.
206 B.E. HEMPHILL AND J.P. MALLORY
TABLE 2. Craniometric variables used to generate mahalanobis
generalized distances between samples
Variable1
Neurocranium
Maximum cranial length (GOL)
Maximum cranial breadth (BEB)
Facial skeleton
Upper facial height (NPH)
Nasal height (NH)
Nasal breadth (NB)
Orbital height (OH)
Orbital breadth (OB)
Bizygomatric breadth (BZB)
1
Numbers of variables as dened by Martin (1928)
Eight cranial variables (two for the neurocranium,
and six for the facial skeleton) of those dened by
Martin (1928) provide the metrical basis for the
current study (Table 2). While this small battery of
measurements is far from representing the ideal
array of variables for capturing the morphological
complexity of the human cranium, increases in the
number of variables do not automatically result in
greater insight into the patterning of phenetic dis-
tances (Kowalski, 1972, p. 121; Oxnard, 1973, p. 39).
In addition, when employing remains recovered
from archaeological contexts, the often fragmentary
nature of these remains leads to a concomitant de-
crease in sample size for every increase in variables
considered. Quite simply, these eight variables rep-
resent the best combination of those measurements
for which data were available for all of the samples
compared and those adequately represented, due to
differential preservation relative to other measure-
ments, within each of these samples.
When utilizing data collected by other workers,
the degree of interobserver differences in assess-
ment of these variables represents an important
source of potential error that can compromise mean-
ingful results. In this study, the degree of interob-
server error between the authors and describers of
comparative cranial series could be assessed for
Tepe Hissar (Krogman, 1940), Harappa (Cemetery
R37), Cemetery H at Harappa (Gupta et al., 1962),
Altyn depe, and Geoksyur (Ginzberg and Tromova,
1972; Tromova, 1961; Kiiatkina, 1976, 1977, 1987).
Repeated-measures analysis of variance (Hemphill,
1998, 1999; Hemphill et al., 1991) indicated no sig-
nicant measurement differences between different
observers. Although the degree of interobserver er-
ror could not be directly assessed between the au-
thors and samples obtained from Alekseev and
Gochman (1983), these researchers incorporated
measurements taken by Tromova (1961) and Kiiat-
kina (1976, 1977, 1987) with those of Alexseev
(1961, 1967) and Abduselisvili (1954, 1960, 1966)
and found no signicant differences. Logically, then,
there should be no signicant differences between
measurements taken by the author and those ob-
tained by Alexseev (1961, 1967) and Abduselisvili
(1954, 1960, 1966) as well. Interobserver error could
not be assessed for published measurements for in-
dividuals recovered from Shahr-i Sokhta, Timar-
garha, or Hainan (southern China).
Methods
1
8 The covariance matrix for each sample was obtained
for males and females pooled together with listwise
48
55 deletion. Although pairwise deletion permits greater
54 effective sample sizes within each sample, listwise de-
52 letion was used to avoid systematic biases caused by
51
45 overrepresentation and underrepresentation of indi-
vidual variables (Wilkinson, 1990). A pooled covari-
ance matrix was obtained for all samples for which
individual data were available and bias-adjusted to
accommodate differences in sample size. Hence, those
samples represented by group-level data only (An-
dronovo-Minusinsk (ADM), Afanasievo-Altai (AFA),
Afanasievo-Minusinsk (AFM), Andonovo-Kazakhstan
(AND), Karasuk-Minusinsk (KAM), Kara depe (KAR),
Kokcha III (KOK), Samtavro (SAMB), and Tigrovaja
Balka-Makoni Mor (TMM)) were not used to construct
the pooled covariance matrix. Variable averages were
calculated for both males and females. Sex-standard-
ized group values for each variable were obtained by
taking the average of male and female mean values for
each sample (Table 3). The bias-adjusted pooled co-
variance matrix and sex-standardized group values
were used to obtain Mahalanobis generalized dis-
tances (d2) between each pair of samples. The diagonal
matrix of Mahalanobis d2 values is provided in Table
4. The signicance of pairwise d2 distance contrasts for
those samples in which individual data were available
were assessed by means of F-tests, conducted accord-
ing to the method of Konigsberg et al. (1993).
The diagonal matrix of Mahalanobis d2 values was
used as input for cluster analyses. Different associ-
ating algorithms were used to provide two perspec-
tives on the patterning of intersample phenetic af-
nities. These associating algorithms include the
weighted pair average linkage method (WPGMA)
(Sneath and Sokol, 1973) and the neighbor-joining
method (Felsenstein, 1989; Saitou and Nei, 1987).
The cophenetic correlation coefcient, rcs (Sneath
and Sokol, 1973), was computed with the NTSYS-pc
statistical package to measure the degree of corre-
spondence between the obtained phenogram from
WPGMA cluster analysis and the original resem-
blance matrix.
The diagonal matrix of Mahalanobis d2 values was
used as input for nonmetric multidimensional scal-
ing, to provide a third perspective on the patterning
of intersample afnities. The coefcient of alienation
of Guttman (1968) was used to calculate distances
between individual points. The goodness of t ob-
tained by multidimensional scaling was assessed
through calculation of the degree of stress through
100 iterations. Multidimensional scaling was accom-
plished with the SYSTAT statistical package
(Wilkinson, 1990). Results obtained were ordinated
in three-dimensional space, and a minimum span-
ning tree (Hartigan, 1975) was imposed on the array
 TABLE 3. Mean values of craniometric variables1
GOL BEB NPH NH NB OH OB BZB
Male sample
ADM 186.0 145.0 67.8 50.2 25.8 31.7 44.4 140.7
AFA 191.7 142.4 71.7 53.1 27.1 32.3 43.7 141.6
AFM 192.1 144.1 71.8 52.1 26.1 32.9 44.9 138.4
ALT 189.5 135.9 70.7 51.6 25.2 32.4 40.7 129.1
ALW 184.2 141.9 68.7 52.2 25.0 33.1 39.0 130.8
AND 186.4 140.4 69.2 51.5 25.4 32.9 42.1 131.8
CEMH 188.2 141.3 67.9 50.8 26.3 32.9 41.3 134.8
DJR 186.9 134.7 69.9 50.7 24.8 30.9 37.5 131.3
GKS 190.1 134.5 71.1 52.0 25.5 33.0 40.1 127.6
HAI 176.4 138.4 69.7 52.4 27.3 33.6 38.7 134.0
HAR 187.3 134.5 69.2 51.4 26.5 33.2 41.4 131.5
KAM 183.0 147.4 73.4 51.6 25.8 33.7 44.1 139.7
KAR 194.8 134.9 72.6 51.2 26.6 31.8 42.5 129.9
KOK 186.1 138.1 68.4 51.5 23.5 30.9 43.2 133.4
KRO 187.9 139.1 74.4 53.6 24.6 34.1 38.6 131.0
KUZ 190.9 138.9 68.7 49.6 26.4 30.9 39.9 134.0
MOL 185.6 138.1 69.4 51.5 25.1 31.8 38.3 126.6
QAW 183.0 137.9 66.5 50.9 26.2 31.6 40.5 136.2
SAMB 189.3 137.1 76.7 53.8 23.8 35.0 42.0 128.3
SAP 183.5 134.9 70.2 51.3 24.2 32.7 37.7 129.1
SHS 185.8 136.4 70.2 50.6 25.7 31.8 42.1 129.4
TH2 188.8 132.0 70.3 50.4 25.1 31.6 41.0 125.3
TH3 188.4 134.1 69.8 50.6 25.4 32.1 41.2 127.3
TMG 190.2 132.0 70.3 50.0 22.9 33.3 41.5 133.0
TMM 188.4 136.9 71.8 51.6 24.7 31.2 42.4 131.8
Female sample
ADM 175.9 140.6 67.5 48.9 23.9 33.0 42.5 127.4
AFA 182.6 138.2 64.8 47.8 25.4 31.1 46.5 129.8
AFM 180.4 135.8 67.4 49.5 25.6 33.1 44.3 131.8
ALT 181.4 135.1 67.3 49.6 24.2 32.7 38.9 121.4
ALW 173.9 135.3 64.9 49.4 24.2 32.0 37.5 124.4
AND 177.6 136.0 67.3 48.4 24.6 32.2 41.8 128.2
CEMH 179.2 132.4 62.7 46.0 24.4 33.3 39.9 119.5
DJR 184.7 134.0 69.5 50.2 25.6 33.0 38.5 123.9
GKS 185.8 132.9 69.8 50.9 25.2 32.9 39.0 123.4
HAI 170.6 135.0 65.4 49.3 26.0 32.8 37.6 125.6
HAR 180.9 132.1 66.2 48.3 24.2 34.1 40.6 123.9
KAM 173.2 143.4 68.0 48.4 24.6 32.9 42.1 131.8
KAR 183.0 132.1 67.5 47.9 24.7 32.0 41.6 123.8
KOK 177.6 136.4 66.2 49.4 23.8 31.8 41.2 128.5
KRO 181.0 133.5 69.0 50.6 24.1 33.2 36.8 129.5
KUZ 179.3 132.6 65.1 46.8 23.6 30.7 36.3 122.4
MOL 183.5 134.2 70.6 49.7 25.0 32.6 38.8 126.5
QAW 178.1 128.8 62.6 47.4 24.5 32.3 38.9 125.0
SAMB 180.1 136.5 69.5 48.4 23.4 32.1 39.3 122.5
SAP 181.5 134.1 67.5 49.2 24.8 33.0 37.2 124.4
SHS 179.1 133.3 67.6 50.0 24.5 31.9 40.7 122.7
TH2 178.3 132.1 67.6 48.3 23.7 33.6 38.7 118.7
TH3 179.4 131.8 66.1 48.3 23.9 31.7 39.6 120.2
TMG 180.2 130.9 66.6 48.1 22.9 33.1 40.0 122.3
TMM 179.8 133.2 69.2 49.2 23.7 31.9 40.9 124.5
Sex-standardized sample
ADM 181.0 142.8 67.7 49.6 24.9 32.4 43.5 134.1
AFA 187.3 140.3 68.3 50.5 26.3 31.7 45.1 135.7
AFM 186.3 140.0 69.6 50.8 25.9 33.0 44.6 135.1
ALT 185.5 135.5 69.0 50.6 24.7 32.6 39.8 125.3
AND 182.0 138.2 68.3 50.0 25.0 32.2 42.6 132.4
ALW 179.0 138.6 66.8 50.8 24.6 32.6 38.3 127.6
CEMH 183.7 136.8 65.3 48.4 25.3 33.1 40.6 127.1
DJR 185.8 134.3 69.7 50.5 25.2 32.0 38.0 127.6
GKS 190.1 134.5 71.1 52.0 25.5 33.0 40.1 127.6
HAI 173.5 136.7 67.5 50.8 26.7 33.2 38.1 129.8
HAR 184.1 133.3 67.7 49.9 25.4 33.6 41.0 127.7
KAM 178.1 145.4 70.7 50.0 25.2 33.3 43.1 135.8
KAR 188.9 133.5 70.1 49.6 25.7 31.9 42.1 126.9
KOK 181.9 137.3 67.3 50.5 23.7 31.4 42.2 131.0
KRO 184.4 136.3 71.7 52.1 24.4 33.7 37.7 130.2
KUZ 185.1 135.7 66.9 48.2 25.0 30.8 38.1 128.2
MOL 184.5 136.1 70.0 50.6 25.1 32.2 38.6 126.5
QAW 180.5 133.3 64.5 49.1 25.3 32.0 39.7 130.6
SAMB 184.7 136.8 73.1 51.1 23.6 33.6 40.7 125.4
SAP 182.5 134.5 68.8 50.2 24.5 32.9 37.5 126.7
SHS 182.5 134.8 68.9 50.3 25.1 31.8 41.4 126.0
TH2 183.5 132.1 69.0 49.4 24.4 32.6 39.9 122.0
TH3 183.9 133.0 69.9 49.4 24.7 31.9 40.4 123.8
TMG 185.2 131.5 68.4 49.1 22.9 33.2 40.8 127.7
TMM 184.1 135.1 70.5 50.4 24.2 31.6 41.7 128.2
1
Abbreviations for craniometric variables are from Table 2. Abbreviations for samples are from Table 1.
208 B.E. HEMPHILL AND J.P. MALLORY
TMG TMM of data points to ease interpretation of the pattern-

0.0
ing of intersample associations.

2.863
Principal coordinates analysis was used to provide

0.0
a fourth perspective on intersample craniometric

5.276
0.689
variation (Hair et al., 1971). The symmetric matrix
TH3

0.0
of Mahalanobis d2 values was double-centered prior
to entry into NTSYS-pc statistical software (Rohlf,

0.384
2.828
2.121
TH2

0.0
2000). The rst three principal coordinate axes were
retained, group scores were calculated along these

1.427
0.586
3.940
0.754
SHS

axes, and ordinated into three-dimensional space.

0.0
As with results from multidimensional scaling, a

5.733
4.016
4.387
4.593
6.126
SAP

minimum spanning tree was imposed on the array of

0.0
principal coordinate scores to ease interpretation of
QAW SAMB

4.895
2.854
1.873
5.995
3.790
2.403
0.0
intersample associations. The cophenetic correlation
coefcient was computed to assess the goodness of t
of the obtained eigenvectors with the matrix of Ma-
9.440
3.814
4.579
6.049
4.669
4.688
5.782
0.0

halanobis d2 values. This latter step is especially

important, because the cophenetic correlation coef-
4.544
2.676
0.962
2.952
2.019
2.122
4.459
3.367
MOL

cient provides more information on the patterning

0.0

of relative phenetic distances among samples than

1.342
3.558
5.838
1.812
4.700
4.035
3.426
4.666
4.565
KUZ

the absolute distance (as indicated by the percentage

TABLE 4. Matrix of mahalanobis d2 generalized distances1

0.0

of total variation explained by the rst three eigen-

6.472 3.445
6.280 1.954
4.269 5.783
2.158 9.440
8.194 0.597
2.439 7.851
5.886 6.162
2.811 10.382
4.318 5.786
6.790 7.567
KRO

vectors) (Rohlf, 1972, 2000), and it is the patterning

9.700 0.0

of these relative distances that is most useful for

understanding processes of past population interac-
KOK

0.0

tions.
As a nal step in assessment of the nature of
6.035
9.922
5.182
4.189
7.091
3.535
7.571
1.521
1.573
1.152
4.028
1.675
KAR

intersample craniometric variation, spatial distance

0.0

and temporal distance matrices were computed

12.367
6.724
13.567
12.471
11.105
10.941
9.208
13.146
8.204
12.896
14.296
12.344
8.076
KAM

among all sample pairs. Congruence between the

0.0

Mahalanobis d2 matrix and these latter two matri-

ces was assessed by means of the Mantel test (Man-
12.042
4.187
6.375
5.530
4.176
3.979
2.069
6.149
3.544
3.893
3.077
2.941
2.211
4.880
HAR

0.0

tel, 1967) and Mantel correlation coefcient (Smouse

et al., 1986). These procedures provide a test to
6.989
9.924
14.058
10.962
11.857
7.896
6.218
4.693
5.297
4.981
8.819
10.480
12.592
12.528
11.403

determine if differences between samples may sim-

HAI

0.0

ply be a product of geographical propinquity or dif-

ferences in antiquity. The signicance of these asso-
9.582
3.435
14.601
2.576
6.834
3.804
3.154
1.296
5.180
3.313
2.731
2.866
1.617
1.656
3.696
3.535
GKS

ciations was obtained through 1,000 permutations

0.0

at random by rows and columns.

1.429
6.824
3.727
14.107
5.058
7.647
1.593
0.952
0.428
4.154
4.431
0.669
4.432
2.963
3.045
4.462
4.608
DJP

0.0

RESULTS
The bias-adjusted matrix of Mahalanobis d2 val-
AND CEMH

4.367
3.465
6.800
2.029
8.526
4.002
4.722
6.607
3.748
3.399
2.581
5.477
4.240
2.815
3.163
2.410
4.033
4.564
0.0

ues was calculated according to the procedures out-

lined above (Table 4). F-tests for those 16 samples in
2.864
6.790
6.037
7.931
4.355
3.695
4.242
1.076
8.714
5.703
5.304
3.435
5.297
7.188
1.865
5.137
4.106
4.411
2.000
0.0

which individual data are available (Table 5) reveal

Abbreviations for samples are from Table 1.

that the majority of d2 values between samples are

4.961
3.396
3.169
4.836
3.043
5.479
9.040
9.317
5.416
2.903
3.537
2.327
3.055
6.324
1.963
4.932
5.768
6.390
6.898
6.273
ALW

signicant (98/120; 81.7%). Of the 98 pairwise con-

0.0

trasts exhibiting a signicant difference, 7 (7.1%)

2.879
3.870
2.006
1.671
0.969
7.800
3.114
10.608
2.526
4.381
3.878
2.519
0.759
4.270
2.009
2.298
1.296
0.726
0.608
3.044
2.106

are signicant at the 0.05 level, while 91 (92.9%) are

ALT

0.0

signicant at the 0.01 level.

6.208
8.787
0.953
4.134
10.467
7.823
11.760
6.318
4.352
4.677
2.804
12.914
9.408
8.567
6.263
7.277
11.396
3.326
7.309
7.828
6.706
3.713
AFM

WPGMA cluster analysis

0.0

The dendrogram obtained by means of the

0.651
8.216
11.187
1.900
5.942
12.879
9.969
14.863
8.921
6.396
5.592
3.160
16.850
10.922
10.987
7.599
10.378
14.700
4.366
9.497
6.399
9.195
4.800
AFA

WPGMA associating algorithm (Fig. 2) indicates

0.0

that the Hainan sample (HAI) from south China

represents the most divergent of all samples consid-
2.146
1.423
7.482
7.237
1.094
5.033
11.681
10.844
10.554
8.735
1.752
8.138
2.481
13.039
9.531
9.209
6.914
8.160
11.583
4.751
9.455
8.245
8.486
4.901
ADM

0.0

ered. The major division among remaining samples

occurs between steppe samples (except SAMB and
CEMH

SAMB

TMM) and all other samples. Bactrian samples are

TMM
QAW
ADM

KAM

MOL

TMG
ALW
AFM

KOK
AND

HAR

KRO
KAR

KUZ
GKS
AFA

SHS
ALT

DJR

TH2
TH3
SAP
HAI

segregated from samples obtained from Iran, Turk-

1
 INHABITANTS OF XINJIANG 209
TABLE 5. F-tests and probability values of pairwise mahalanobis d2 generalized distances1
ALT ALW CEMH DJR GKS HAI HAR KRO KUZ MOL QAW SAP SHS TH2 TH3 TMG

ALT 0.000 0.003 0.000 0.001 0.000 0.000 0.067 0.000 0.081 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.425 0.004 0.000
ALW 9.423 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.197 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.001 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000
CEMH 3.254 5.378 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.007 0.086 0.004 0.001 0.061 0.001 0.000 0.026 0.000 0.008
DJR 4.512 8.280 6.102 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.660 0.228 0.554 0.000 0.358 0.000 0.002 0.000 0.000
GKS 3.443 16.507 5.769 4.002 0.000 0.000 0.066 0.000 0.003 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.027 0.000 0.000
HAI 31.612 11.799 12.222 21.312 40.812 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000
HAR 9.300 15.797 3.031 9.003 10.669 24.431 0.018 0.000 0.000 0.014 0.000 0.000 0.014 0.000 0.009
KRO 1.975 1.457 2.229 0.735 1.969 6.421 2.672 0.359 0.564 0.187 0.980 0.000 0.162 0.000 0.187
KUZ 4.251 5.825 3.701 1.380 5.468 14.805 6.481 1.198 0.102 0.012 0.061 0.000 0.006 0.000 0.003
MOL 1.839 5.467 4.406 0.861 3.247 17.226 8.291 0.854 1.802 0.000 0.183 0.000 0.038 0.000 0.000
QAW 6.043 4.228 2.208 5.113 7.511 7.301 2.712 1.739 3.139 5.209 0.000 0.000 0.002 0.000 0.008
SAP 4.585 3.812 4.768 1.130 5.613 11.172 6.447 0.233 2.107 1.497 3.816 0.000 0.002 0.000 0.001
SHS 4.919 17.950 4.874 13.115 11.404 40.557 12.834 4.160 8.480 7.782 6.883 12.318 0.041 0.001 0.000
TH2 1.027 7.983 2.706 3.647 2.345 16.304 4.033 1.853 3.560 2.314 4.638 4.019 2.145 0.733 0.070
TH3 2.948 29.446 4.768 10.984 8.508 77.572 12.042 5.928 7.091 6.702 7.929 11.006 3.294 0.652 0.000
TMG 4.308 9.547 3.450 5.492 5.359 19.491 2.898 1.740 4.117 5.111 3.594 4.596 5.922 2.168 8.960

1
F-values are below diagonal. Probability values (P-values) are above diagonal. Abbreviations for samples are from Table 1. Only those
samples with individual data are included. This resulted in elimination of Andronovo-Minusinsk (ADM), Afanasievo-Altai (AFA),
Afanasievo-Minusinsk (AFM), Andronovo-Kazakhstan (AND), Karasuk-Minusinsk (KAM), Kara depe (KAR), Kokcha III (KOK),
Samtavro (SAMB), and Tigrovija Balka-Makoni Mor (TMM).

samples form a loose cluster composed of sedentary

Fig. 2. WPGMA cluster analysis of Mahalanobis d2 values.
Branch points are Euclidean distances. Sample abbreviations
from Table 1.
menistan, and the Indus Valley. The two later sam-
ples from Xinjiang (ALW and KRO) are associated
with the Bactrian samples. Kroran (KRO) features a
very close afnity with the earliest of the Bactrian
samples (SAP), while Alwighul (ALW) joins the later
Bactrian samples (DJR, KUZ, and MOL) at a more
distant remove. Indus Valley samples are identied
as sharing slightly closer afnity to samples from
Iran and Turkmenistan than to Bactrian samples.
Afnities among Indus Valley samples are rather
diffuse. In fact, the early sample from western
China, Qawrighul (QAW), is identied as possessing
closer afnities to the two samples from Harappa
(HAR and CEMH) than exhibited by the third Indus
Valley sample, Timargarha (TMG). The remaining
agricultural groups from Iran (TH2, TH3, and SHS)
and Turkmenistan (GKS, ALT, and KAR), as well as
steppe samples from the Caucasus (SAMB) and Ta-
jikistan (TMM). Afnities are closest between the
two northern Iranian samples from Tepe Hissar
(TH2 and TH3), followed by the latest sample from
Turkmenistan (ALT). The eastern Iranian sample
(SHS) and the steppe Bronze Age sample from Ta-
jikistan (TMM) exhibit close afnities to one an-
other, and moderate afnities to the two samples
from Tepe Hissar (TH2 and TH3) and Altyn depe
(ALT). The two earlier samples from Turkmenistan
(KAR and GKS) join these samples at a more distant
remove. The steppe Bronze Age sample from the
Caucasus (SAMB) exhibits a peripheral association
with these Iranian, Turkmenian, and Tajik samples.
Neighbor-joining cluster analysis
Neighbor-joining cluster analysis (Fig. 3) provides
a different representation of the distance matrix
than that provided by WPGMA cluster analysis, be-
cause it is an unrooted tree whose branches have
different lengths. Long branch lengths may be inter-
preted as an indicator of a large degree of morpho-
logical separation, while short branch lengths are
indicative of a small degree of morphological sepa-
ration between samples.
The neighbor-joining tree provides an array of
intersample associations that are largely in agree-
ment with those depicted by WPGMA (Fig. 2). Once
again, the south China sample from Hainan (HAI) is
identied as the most divergent of all samples con-
sidered. All three western Chinese samples exhibit
closest afnities to samples from Bactria. The two
later western Chinese samples, Kroran (KRO) and
Alwighul (ALW), feature closest afnities with the
earliest of the Bactrian samples, Sapalli (SAP),
while the earliest western Chinese sample, Qawri-
ghul (QAW), is identied as possessing closer afn-
ities to later Bactrian samples (DJR, KUZ, and
MOL).
210 B.E. HEMPHILL AND J.P. MALLORY
Fig. 3. Neighbor-joining tree based on Mahalanobis d2 values. Sample abbreviations from Table 1.
Turkmenian samples from Geoksyur (GKS) and
Altyn depe (ALT) serve as a phenetic link between
Indus Valley samples (HAR, TMG, and CEMH) that
feature the closest afnities to one another. In a
departure from the results obtained by WPGMA
analysis, the sample from Kara depe (KAR) occupies
a unique position among Turkmenian samples by
exhibiting much closer afnities to Iranian samples
(especially TH3 and SHS) than to samples from
Bactria.
Andronovo and Afanasievo steppe samples occupy
the left side of the array. Steppe samples from
Tigrovaja Balka/Makoni Mor (TMM), Samtavro
(SAMB), and Kokcha III (KOK) occupy an interme-
diate phenetic position; these samples, especially
TMM, manifest some afnities to Iranian samples.
Afanasievo samples (AFA and AFM) are identied
as possessing the closest afnities to one another,
and exhibit afnities to the Andronovo samples
(AND and ADM) as well. The Karasuk sample from
the Minusinsk region (KAM) stands apart as the
most divergent of the steppe samples considered.
Cophenetic correlation coefficients
The cophenetic correlation coefcient for the de-
gree of correspondence between the phenogram ob-
tained by WPGMA cluster analysis and the bias-
adjusted matrix of Mahalanobis d2 values is low
(rcs 0.496). This suggests that a fair amount of
distortion is encountered when attempting to ar-
range intersample differences in craniometric vari-
ation in a hierarchical fashion through cluster anal-
ysis (Rohlf, 2000). Sneath and Sokol (1973)
recommended that alternative methods of data re-
duction be used in cases where cophenetic correla-
tions indicate that a fair amount of distortion of the
original data matrix is incurred by hierarchical clus-
ter analyses. Specically, Sneath and Sokol (1973)
recommended the use of multidimensional scaling
and principal coordinates analysis.
Multidimensional scaling
Multidimensional scaling of the bias-adjusted di-
agonal matrix of d2 values into three dimensions
with the coefcient of alienation of Guttman (1968)
is accomplished with a stress value of 0.097 after
100 iterations. This value falls within acceptable
limits, and indicates that multidimensional scaling
of these data into three dimensions provides an ar-
ray of intersample associations only mildly affected
by distortion. A plot of multidimensionally scaled
values, with a minimum spanning tree imposed
between individual data points, is provided in Fig-
ure 4.
An examination of this array conrms the pat-
terns of interregional afnities identied by neigh-
bor-joining cluster analysis (Fig. 3). Hainan (HAI)
reects the most divergent sample. The two later
western Chinese samples, Kroran (KRO) and Alwi-
ghul (ALW), feature the closest afnities to Sapalli
(SAP), the earliest of the Bactrian samples. Two of
the samples from Turkmenistan (Altyn depe (ALT)
and Geoksyur (GKS)) span the phenetic space be-
tween Iranian samples and Bactrian samples, with
Geoksyur exhibiting closer phenetic afnities to
Bactrians (especially the latest sample, Molali
(MOL)), while Altyn depe shares closer phenetic af-
nities to Iranians. The steppe Bronze Age sample
from the Caucasus (SAMB) represents a phenetic
outlier to all other samples, exhibiting only a very
distant afnity to the sample from Altyn depe. Indus
Valley samples share rather close afnities to one
another but are strongly segregated from all other
samples, except the early western Chinese sample
from Qawrighul (QAW).
All steppe Bronze Age samples, except Samtavro
(SAMB), are found on the left side of the array.
Intersample afnities among the Karasuk (KAM),
Afanasievo (AFA and AFM), and Andronovo (AND
and ADM) samples are relatively close. However,
 INHABITANTS OF XINJIANG 211

Fig. 4. Minimally spanned plot of sample values for rst three multidimensionally scaled dimensions. Sample abbreviations from
Table 1. Xinjiang samples (QAW, ALW, and KRO) and Chinese sample from Hainan (HAI) are represented by asterisks; North
Bactrian samples, by stars; Iranian samples, by pentagons; Turkmenian, Caucasus, and Tajik samples, by triangles; Indus Valley
samples, by circles; and Russo-Kazakh samples, by squares.

steppe Bronze Age samples from Turkmenistan
(KOK) and Tajikistan (TMM), while exhibiting dis-
tant afnities to other steppe Bronze Age samples,
appear more closely aligned to sedentary agricul-
tural samples from Turkmenistan (Kara depe
(KAR)) and, to a lesser degree, eastern Iran (Shahr-i
Sokhta (SHS)).
Principal coordinates analysis
A principal coordinates analysis of the double-
centered Mahalanobis d2 matrix yields three coordi-
nate axes that combine to explain 89.9% of the total
variance. Comparison of the eigenvector matrix with
the d2 matrix yields a cophenetic correlation coef-
cient whose value (rcs 0.948) indicates that the
rst three eigenvectors provide an excellent t of the
data (Rohlf, 2000). An ordination of group scores for
the rst three coordinate axes is provided in Figure
5, and a minimum spanning tree was imposed on
this array to clarify associations between samples.
The pattern of intersample variation provided by
this analysis conrms many of the major features
previously identied by neighbor-joining cluster
analysis (Fig. 3) and multidimensional scaling (Fig.
4). Once again, the two later western Chinese sam-
ples, Kroran (KRO) and Alwighul (ALW), exhibit the
closest afnities to the earliest Bactrian sample,
Sapalli (SAP). Bactrian samples (SAP, DJR, KUZ,
and MOL) exhibit the closest afnities to one an-
other. The two Turkmenian samples from Geoksyur
and Altyn depe occupy an intermediate phenetic
position between Bactrians and northern Iranians,
in which the former (GKS) shares the closest afn-
ities with the latest Bactrian sample (MOL), while
the latter (ALT) shares the closest afnities with the
earlier northern Iranian sample (TH2). Indus Valley
samples (HAR, CEMH, and TMG) are located in the
lower left of this array and, once again, the earliest
western Chinese sample, Qawrighul (QAW), is iden-
tied as possessing closer afnities to Indus Valley
212 B.E. HEMPHILL AND J.P. MALLORY

Fig. 5. Minimally spanned ordination of sample scores for rst three principal coordinate axes. Sample abbreviations from Table
1. Xinjiang samples (QAW, ALW, and KRO) and Chinese sample from Hainan (HAI) are represented by asterisks; North Bactrian
samples, by stars; Iranian samples, by pentagons; Turkmenian, Caucasus, and Tajik samples, by triangles; Indus Valley samples, by
circles; and Russo-Kazakh samples, by squares.

samples than to samples from any other region.
Standing somewhat in contrast to results obtained
by other analyses, principal coordinates analysis
identies an especially close afnity between the
Late Bronze-Early Iron Age sample from the Swat
Valley of Pakistan (TMG) and the early northern
Iranian sample (TH2). As with other analyses, this
array also indicates that the Turkmenian sample
from Kara depe (KAR) is strongly separated from
other sedentary Turkmenistan samples, but unlike
other analyses, principal coordinates analysis indi-
cates that this sample possesses no close afnities
with any of the other samples considered.
All steppe Bronze Age samples, regardless of geo-
graphic location, occupy the right side of this array.
In agreement with other analyses, the Afanasievo
samples (AFA and AFM) exhibit the closest afni-
ties to one another. However, unlike other analyses,
the patterning of afnities yielded by principal coor-
dinates analysis suggests a moderate degree of dis-
tinctiveness between Afanasievo samples and An-
dronovo samples (AND and ADM). The sample from
Tajikistan (TMM) is identied as the steppe sample
with closest afnities to nonsteppe samples in gen-
eral, and with the eastern Iranian sample from
Shahr-i Sokhta (SHS) in particular.
Mantel tests
The normalized Mantel statistic, which is equiva-
lent to a correlation coefcient (r), obtained between
the Mahalanobis d2 matrix and the matrix of chro-
nological differences between samples, is 0.294. The
permutational probability to observe a higher or
equal correlation based on 1,000 permutations is
P 0.827. This value suggests that differences in
antiquity, ranging from 3500 B.C. to the present, do
not contribute signicantly to the patterning of
craniometric differentiation among these samples.
Given ample opportunity for responses to changes in
selection pressures due to exposure to agricultural
diets and more sophisticated food preparation tech-
niques during passage of the more than ve millen-
 INHABITANTS OF XINJIANG
nia encompassed by these comparative samples, the
absence of any chronological effect on the patterning
of phenetic distances suggests that either these se-
lective pressures led to an alteration of cranio-
gnathic dimensions prior to 3500 B.C. or that this
battery of measurements is not affected in any ap-
preciable way by changes in masticatory pressures.
A comparison between the Mahalanobis d2 matrix
and the matrix of geographical distances between
samples yields a correlation coefcient of r 0.560.
The permutational probability to observe a higher or
equal correlation is also not signicant, with a value
of P 0.330. Contrary to standard expectations of
isolation by distance (Barbujani, 1987; Cavalli-
Sforza et al., 1994; Fix, 1999; Kimura and Weiss,
1964; Malecot, 1967; Morton et al., 1982; Piazza and
Menozzi, 1983; Sokol et al., 1986; Sokal and Warten-
burg, 1983; Wright, 1943, 1946, 1951), these results
indicate that the amount of geographic distance be-
tween individual samples does not provide an im-
portant contributing factor behind the patterning of
craniometric differentiation among these samples.
DISCUSSION
Numerous specic hypotheses have been ad-
vanced to account for the initial appearance of
Bronze Age populations found at a series of oases
skirting the margins of the Taklamakan Desert
within the Tarim Basin of Xinjiang, western China,
during the nal two millennia B.C. These individual
hypotheses can be grouped into two general models,
and the model currently favored by a small majority
of archaeologists working in Central Asia and west-
ern China is the steppe hypothesis (Han, 1998;
Kuzmina, 1998; Mair, 1995; Mallory and Mair, 2000;
Parpola, 1998). As a general model, this hypothesis
holds that for reasons as yet unknown, Afanasievo-
related steppe populations from the north and
northwest began to emigrate southward, either di-
rectly into the Tarim Basin (Kuzmina, 1998), or
subsequent to contact with more settled agricultural
populations in Central Asia (Mallory and Mair,
2000). These immigrants are thought to be repre-
sented by the human remains recovered from such
early Bronze Age sites as Qawrighul (Kuzmina,
1998; Mallory, 1995; Mallory and Mair, 2000). Later,
beginning around 1200 B.C., the archaeological
record of Xinjiang reveals a series of changes in
textile manufacture and clothing design. Although
there are always problems in equating changes in
material culture with population movements, propo-
nents of the steppe hypothesis suggest that these
changes signal the appearance of a second wave of
immigration to the Tarim Basin from the Russo-
Kazakh steppe. In this latter case, these immigrants
are held to be members of the widespread An-
dronovo culture complex that appears throughout
the south Russian steppe, Kazakhstan, and western
Central Asia during the middle of the second mil-
lennium B.C.
213
Given both the archaeological (Kuzmina, 1998)
and craniometric (Han, 1998) arguments, remains
recovered from the earliest sample, Qawrighul,
should exhibit broad phenetic similarities to Afa-
nasievo samples from the Altai and Minusinsk,
while later Tarim Basin samples from Xinjiang (Al-
wighul and Kroran) should exhibit closer phenetic
afnities to the later Andronovo samples from Ka-
zakhstan and Minusinsk. Since most proponents of
the steppe hypothesis envision the immigration of
Andronovo populations as limited to several centu-
ries spanning the end of the second and the begin-
ning of the rst millennia B.C., late Bronze Age
populations of the Tarim Basin are expected to be
sequentially more divergent from their Andronovo
source populations over time due to genetic drift.
Hence, the Alwighul sample (ca. 800 200 B.C.), if it
truly predates the sample from Kroran (ca. 202
B.C.A.D. 220), should exhibit closer afnities to
Andronovo samples, while the Kroran sample
should be more divergent. Bactrian, Iranian, and
Indus Valley populations are thought to have played
little to no role in the origins of Bronze Age inhab-
itants of the Tarim Basin of Xinjiang; therefore,
samples from these latter regions should be mark-
edly divergent phenetically.
Most advocates of the steppe hypothesis recognize
an East Asian contribution to the Xinjiang gene pool
subsequent to that provided by Afanasievo-related
steppe populations, but contemporaneous with that
provided by the later inux of Andronovo steppe
populations (Han, 1998; Mallory and Mair, 2000).
Han (1998, 2001, p. 237239) maintained that this
inuence is largely restricted to such eastern Tarim
Basin samples as Yanbulaq (Han, 1990), but identi-
ed seven of the crania from the earlier graves at
Alwighul (Han, 1998) and a single female from Kro-
ran (Han, 1986b) as Mongoloid. If Han (1998) is
correct that East Asian populations contributed to
eastern Tarim Basin populations in general and ac-
count for a minority of individuals encompassed by
Alwighul (12%) and Kroran (17%) samples, these
later Tarim Basin samples should be marked by a
reduction in phenetic distance from the Han Chi-
nese sample (HAI) relative to that found for the
earlier sample from Qawrighul.
The results of all analyses provide abundant evi-
dence in support of a migration of pastoralist popu-
lations across the Russo-Kazakh steppe. This is re-
ected by the degree of phenetic cohesion found
among steppe samples, regardless of the geographic
distances that separate them. Further, once steppe
samples are removed from consideration, a Mantel
test of the correlation between the Mahalanobis d2
matrix and the matrix of geographical distances be-
tween samples yields a highly signicant (P 0.001)
correlation coefcient (r 0.871). Thus, the appar-
ent departure of the patterning of phenetic distance
from expectations of an isolation-by-distance model
appears to be due to a spread of steppe pastoralist
populations across an enormous distance from the
214 B.E. HEMPHILL AND J.P. MALLORY
trans-Ural region in the west to the Minusinsk Ba-
sin in the east. In this case, the close similarities in
archaeological assemblages attributed to Andronovo
and Afanasievo archaeological horizons do appear to
document an eastward and southward population
expansion.
Nevertheless, there is no support for the hypoth-
esis that steppe populations contributed signi-
cantly to Bronze Age populations of the Tarim Ba-
sin. Despite numerous similarities between
Afanasievo and Andronovo artifacts and Bronze Age
artifacts from Xinjiang (Bunker, 1998; Chen and
Hiebert, 1995; Kuzmina, 1998; Mei and Shell, 1998;
Peng, 1998), all analyses of phenetic relationships
consistently reveal a profound phenetic separation
between steppe samples and the samples from the
Tarim Basin (Qawrighul, Alwighul, and Kroran).
Further, neither of the later Tarim Basin samples
from Alwighul or Kroran appears phenetically closer
to the Han Chinese sample from Hainan, thereby
indicating an absence of East Asian inuence in
these samples.
The second model offered to account for the origins
of the Bronze Age inhabitants of the Tarim Basin is
the Bactrian oasis hypothesis (Askarov, 1973, 1981,
1988; Barber, 1999). Proponents of this model em-
phasize the similarity in environmental conditions
between the oases skirting the Taklamakan Desert
and those found in Bactria and Margiana to the
west. Proponents of the Bactrian oasis model argue
that the very skills developed by the founders and
occupants of the urban centers of the Oxus civiliza-
tion (irrigation agriculture, development of exten-
sive trade networks between locally resource-impov-
erished oases, and domestication of sheep and goats)
are exactly those that accompany the initial appear-
ance of Bronze Age populations in the Tarim Basin
(Barber, 1999; Chen and Hiebert, 1995). To explain
the changes in textile manufacture, clothing styles,
and metallurgical technology found in the Tarim
Basin beginning around 1200 B.C., some proponents
of the oasis model concur with the steppe hypothesis
and envisage a second inux of colonists from the
steppelands (Barber, 1999)
If this model is true, the earliest Tarim Basin
populations, such as Qawrighul, should possess
close similarities to samples from Bactria. Given
that the nature of this interaction is thought to have
been unidirectional, from Bactria to the Tarim Ba-
sin, and limited in duration, phenetic afnities be-
tween populations of the two regions should initially
be close and then progressively decrease over time
as the two gene pools became increasingly distinct
due to genetic drift. Tarim Basin inhabitants that
postdate 1200 B.C. should represent the impact of
Andronovo immigrants from the Russo-Kazakh
steppe. Later Bronze Age inhabitants of the Tarim
Basin should be marked by a reduction in phenetic
distance to steppe populations in general, and to
Andronovo samples in particular. Phenetic afnities
possessed by the samples from Alwighul and Kroran
should be markedly closer to those of steppe samples
than those possessed by the earlier sample from
Qawrighul.
The results obtained offer little support for the
Bactrian oasis hypothesis. While Tarim Basin sam-
ples do exhibit closer afnities to samples from the
urban centers of the Oxus civilization than to steppe
samples, three aspects of the patterning of interre-
gional phenetic afnities run counter to the expec-
tations of this model. First, rather than identifying
that closest afnities occur between early Tarim
Basin (Qawrighul) and earlier or contemporaneous
Oxus civilization samples that antedate or are con-
temporaneous (Sapalli and Djarkutan), the closest
afnities actually occur between the earliest of the
Oxus civilization samples, Sapalli, and the latest of
the Tarim Basin samples, Kroran, followed by the
late sample from Alwighul. Second, none of the Ta-
rim Basin samples, not even those that postdate
1200 B.C., exhibit any phenetic afnities to any of
the steppe samples included in this analysis. Third,
while neighbor-joining cluster analysis (Fig. 3) sug-
gests a distant afnity between Qarwighul, the ear-
liest Tarim Basin sample, and the Oxus civilization
samples, this is not conrmed by any other analysis.
While a case could be made for greater involvement
of Bactrian oasis peoples in the population history of
the Tarim Basin during the Bronze Age than by
steppe populations, the nature of this involvement is
not predicted by the Bactrian oasis hypothesis.
The results fail to demonstrate close phenetic af-
nities between the early inhabitants of Qawrighul
and any of the proposed sources for immigrants to
the Tarim Basin. The absence of close afnities to
outside populations renders it unlikely that the hu-
man remains recovered from Qawrighul represent
the unadmixed remains of colonists from the Afa-
nasievo or Andronovo cultures of the steppelands, or
inhabitants of the urban centers of the Oxus civili-
zation of Bactria.
Three alternative possibilities remain once simple
large-scale emigration from a known source popula-
tion is ruled out. First, the human remains from
Qawrighul may be those of a local, indigenous pop-
ulation from the Tarim Basin itself or the surround-
ing highlands. Second, the human remains from
Qawrighul may be the product of emigration from a
source area other than the Russo-Kazakh steppel-
ands or Oxus civilization urban centers. Third, the
human remains from Qawrighul may derive from
one of the suggested source areas, but the separation
of this emigrant population from the host population
involved fewer founding individuals or occurred ear-
lier than currently thought by proponents of either
the steppe or Bactrian oasis hypotheses. Under such
conditions, a founder effect, coupled with subse-
quent genetic drift, may have resulted in ameliora-
tion of phenetic similarities detectable through
craniometric analyses.
The rst alternative is certainly possible, for ad-
vocates of both the steppe and Bactrian oasis hy-
 INHABITANTS OF XINJIANG
potheses admit the presence, albeit scarce, of a se-
ries of Neolithic sites in the basin that antedate the
initial Bronze Age (An, 1992a; Bergman, 1939;
Chang, 1977; Chen and Hiebert, 1995; Chen, 1990;
IAX, 1989; Mallory, 1995; Olsen et al., 1988; Teil-
hard de Chardin and Young, 1932; Wang, 1985; Xu,
1995). The recovery of microliths on the surface in
association with painted ceramics at Yierkabake
and with plain red wares at Xingeer led Wang
(1985) to suggest that the transition from the Neo-
lithic to the Bronze Age, in at least the eastern
portion of the Tarim Basin, was one of cultural con-
tinuity rather than an unprecedented introduction
of a foreign Bronze Age cultural complex.
If a resident population, regardless of ultimate
derivation, was present in the Tarim Basin at the
emergence of the Bronze Age, initiation of the
Bronze Age in this region may have been the product
of a more subtle interaction between this local pop-
ulation and groups from adjacent regions. From a
biological perspective, such interactions may have
involved limited levels of unidirectional or bidirec-
tional gene ow. Under such conditions, the biolog-
ical impact of emigrants from outside would likely
be muted relative to the impact of outright whole-
sale colonization of an essentially unpopulated, or
minimally populated, region (Ayala, 1982; Bodmer
and Cavalli-Sforza, 1975; Cavalli-Sforza et al., 1994;
Cummings, 1997; Fix, 1999; Weiss, 1988; Wijsman
and Cavalli-Sforza, 1984). Unless by some fortuitous
circumstance the remains recovered from Qawri-
ghul are those of some foreign entrepot, these re-
mains should reect the impact of such gene ow by
moderate to low afnities to those adjacent, non-
Tarim Basin populations with whom they were in
contact.
The results, however, fail to demonstrate even a
low-level phenetic afnity between Qawrighul and
either steppe samples or samples from Oxus civili-
zation urban centers. Not only is there no evidence
for substantial immigration into the Tarim Basin by
populations of these two adjacent regions; it also
appears unlikely that either steppe populations or
Oxus civilization populations served as a source of
any signicant gene ow commensurate with the
appearance of the Bronze Age occupation of Qawri-
ghul. Given the paucity of contemporaneous skeletal
remains from other parts of the Tarim Basin, the
presence of immigrants from either the steppelands
or the urban centers of the Oxus civilization cannot
be denitively ruled out.
The second alternative explanation to account for
the human remains from Qawrighul is that they are
the product of emigration from a source area other
than the Russo-Kazakh steppelands or Oxus civili-
zation urban centers. While the results obtained
indicate that there is no evidence that gene ow
from either steppe or Oxus civilization populations
led to the establishment of the Qawrighul popula-
tion, all analyses, except neighbor-joining cluster
analysis (Fig. 3), disclose a low-level afnity be-
215
tween the Qawrighul and Indus Valley samples.
Such afnities could be indicative of some early in-
teraction between the populations of these two re-
gions. The implications of such early interaction are
potentially profound.
In a reversal of mainstream thought on a western
Asian homeland (Urheimat) and eastward dispersal
of Indo-European languages into Central Asia and
India (Burrow, 1973; Gamkrelidze and Ivanov, 1990;
Mallory, 1989; Renfrew, 1988), there is a body of
scholars who have vigorously argued for an Indo-
European homeland in the Indus Valley of India and
Pakistan (surveyed at length in Bryant, 2001), or
that Indo-European languages disseminated from a
locus somewhere in the vicinity of ancient Bactria-
Sogdiana (Nichols, 1997, p. 137; see also Sargent,
1997). If true, the dispersal of these Indo-European
languages may have been accompanied by immigra-
tion and some gene ow from the Indus Valley
homeland to the various historical seats of the Indo-
European languages. In this way, Tocharian lan-
guages found in the Tarim Basin would be attrib-
uted to the inux of populations from Bactria whose
ultimate derivation may be traced to the Indus Val-
ley of India and Pakistan.
The results of this study offer little support for
such a scenario. The problems are threefold. First,
WPGMA cluster analysis (Fig. 2) identies Qawri-
ghul as possessing closer afnities to the two sam-
ples from Harappa than are possessed by the Late
Bronze-Early Iron Age sample from Timargarha. It
is difcult to see any archaeological support for such
a connection, as there are no material artifacts of
mature Harappan or even late Harappan attribu-
tion found at Qawrighul (Chen and Hiebert, 1995;
Wang, 1982, 1983). Likewise, there are no artifacts
reective of Tarim Basin derivation at either mature
Harappan (HAR) or late Harappan (CEMH) levels
at Harappa (Allchin and Allchin, 1982; Kenoyer,
1998). Second, if Indo-European-speaking popula-
tions entered the Tarim Basin from Bactria, Bac-
trian populations should also show evidence of gene
ow from the Indus Valley. None of the analyses
presented here or in previous assessments (Hemp-
hill, 1998, 1999; Hemphill et al., 1998) provide any
evidence of signicant interaction between Bactrian
and Indus Valley populations prior to the latter half
of the rst millennium B.C. Finally, greater insight
into the relationship between Indus Valley and Ta-
rim Basin populations is provided by multidimen-
sional scaling (Fig. 4) and principal coordinate anal-
ysis (Fig. 5). Both merely identify Qawrighul as
occupying a peripheral and opposite phenetic posi-
tion to whatever Indus Valley sample is least sepa-
rated from other regional samples. Such positioning
is best interpreted as evidence of outlier status to all
samples considered in this multidimensional array,
rather than of any peripheral association to Indus
Valley samples per se.
With neither biological nor archaeological sup-
port, there is no compelling evidence to uphold the
216 B.E. HEMPHILL AND J.P. MALLORY
idea that Indo-European languages were introduced
into the Tarim Basin from populations emigrating
from the Indus Valley commensurate with the initi-
ation of the Xinjiang Bronze Age. Given the infor-
mation currently available, it is most likely that the
early Tarim Basin sample from Qawrighul occupies
an isolated phenetic position, because this sample
represents a population of western China to which
none of the potential regional contributors repre-
sented in this analysis (Russo-Kazakh steppe, Bac-
tria, Indus Valley, and south China) contributed
substantially.
Yet while the cranial series from Qawrighul ex-
hibits no distinct afnities to any of the other sam-
ples included in this analysis, this is not the case for
the later Tarim Basin samples from Alwighul and
Kroran. Although results differ as to whether Kro-
ran has closer afnities to the inhabitants of the
earliest of the north Bactrian urban centers (Sapalli)
than does Alwighul (Figs. 2, 3), or whether afnities
to the inhabitants of Sapalli are equally close (Figs.
4, 5), all results indicate that these later inhabitants
of the Tarim Basin manifest a unique afnity to
Bactrians. None of the results revealed afnities
between Tarim Basin samples and samples from the
Russo-Kazakh steppelands, the Indus Valley, or the
Han Chinese sample from Hainan.
It appears that neither Han Chinese nor steppe
populations played any detectable role in the initial
establishment or subsequent interregional biologi-
cal interactions of Bronze Age Tarim Basin popula-
tions. This conclusion, however, must be tempered
with a pair of caveats. First, East Asian populations
may have played a late role in the eastern oases of
the Tarim Basin (Han, 1994b, 1998). Until adequate
samples from such eastern Tarim Basin sites as
Yanbulaq (Han, 1990, 1998) and from temporally
and geographically more appropriate Han Chinese
contexts become available, this possibility must re-
main open. Second, while Russo-Kazakh steppe pop-
ulations appear to have played no role in the estab-
lishment of southern (KRO and QAW) and northern
Tarim Basin oasis populations (ALW) for which data
are available, this does not rule out a role for steppe
populations in Xinjiang during the Bronze Age all
together. It is possible that Afanasievo populations,
Andronovo populations, or both may have played an
important role in the development of Bronze Age
cultures of the Zhungeer Basin and the Yili Valley,
located north of the Tian Shan Mountains in north-
ern Xinjiang.
This research conrms that populations from the
urban centers of the Oxus civilization of Bactria
played a role in the population history of the Bronze
Age inhabitants of the Tarim Basin. Yet these Bac-
trian populations were not the direct, early coloniz-
ers envisioned by advocates of the Bactrian oasis
hypothesis (Barber, 1999). None of the analyses doc-
ument the immediate and profoundly close afnities
between colonizers and the colonized expected if the
Tarim Basin experienced substantial direct settle-
ment by Bactrian agriculturalists.
Likewise, the pattern of afnities between the
Tarim Basin and Bactrian samples also fails to sup-
port a model in which a sizable extant resident pop-
ulation within the Tarim Basin prarticipated in
long-standing, bidirectional gene ow with urban
populations of the BMAC. If such were the case,
phenetic distances between Bactrian populations
and Tarim Basin populations should initially show
no afnities to one another, while later samples
should demonstrate a progressive reduction in the
phenetic distance that separates them over time.
None of the analyses document this relationship.
Rather, the closest afnities occur between Sapalli,
the earliest of the Bactrian samples, and the two
later Tarim Basin samples from Alwighul and Kro-
ran. Diametrically opposed to these expectations, all
analyses, apart from WPGMA cluster analysis, re-
veal that remaining the Bactrian samples are
marked by decreasing, rather than increasing, phe-
netic afnities to Tarim Basin samples with the
passage of time.
If the relationship between Tarim Basin popula-
tions and Oxus civilization populations was neither
one of colonization, nor of long-standing bidirec-
tional interaction, what was the nature of the rela-
tionship between these two regional populations?
Many authorities assert that the dramatic changes
in textiles, clothing styles, and metallurgical tech-
nology found in the Tarim Basin soon after 1200
B.C. may be associated with a wave of immigration
of Iranian-speaking peoples (Barber, 1999;
Kuzmina, 1998; Mair and Mallory, 2000). Many
identify these immigrants as Andronovo steppe no-
mads from the north and northwest (Barber, 1999;
Kuzmina, 1998; Vinogradova and Kuzmina, 1996).
Others, however, suggest that they may represent
the Saka (Debaine-Francfort, 1990; Parpola, 1998,
p. 135), a historically known Iranian-speaking pop-
ulation found in the Pamirs dividing western and
eastern Central Asia by the sixth century B.C.
Most researchers view the Saka as either direct
lineal descendants of a steppe Andronovo population
(Kuzmina, 1998) or a steppe Andronovo population
that experienced admixture with local highland pop-
ulations in western Tajikistan, the Ferghana Valley,
and perhaps the upper reaches of the Tian Shan
mountains of Xinjiang (e.g., Chen and Hiebert, 1995,
p. 285; Hiebert and Shishlina, 1996). Previous anal-
yses by Han (1994, 1998), however, provide no sup-
port for the assertion that Saka populations are
ultimately of Russo-Kazakh steppe derivation.
Rather, Han (1998, p. 556 558) concluded that a
Saka presence may be detected across the southern
Tarim oases in a temporal sequence indicative of an
initial entrance from the west prior to 1000 B.C.,
with a subsequent spread eastward to Kroran (see
also Mair, 1995, p. 292; Mallory and Mair, 2000, p.
243). Further, the analyses by Han (1994, 1998)
suggest that the Saka found in and along the south-
 INHABITANTS OF XINJIANG
ern margin of the Taklamakan Desert are of the
Eastern Mediterranean type, while those found at
the northern Tarim Basis oasis of Alwighul are
placed in the Pamir-Ferghana type (Mallory and
Mair, 2000, p. 238). Han (1998) explained that the
Eastern Mediterranean type may be traced to
western Central Asia, while the Pamir-Ferghana
type may represent admixture between Eastern
Mediterraneans and the local, resident population
of the Tarim Basin. He concluded that all of the
anthropological materials mentioned above seem to
indicate that the opening of the ancient Silk Road
from Xinjiang to Central Asia supported an east-
ward migration of the early Mediterranean popula-
tion of Central Asia across the Pamir region (Han,
1998, p. 568).
This study conrms the assertion of Han (1998)
that the occupants of Alwighul and Kroran are not
derived from proto-European steppe populations,
but share closest afnities with Eastern Mediterra-
nean populations. Further, the results demonstrate
that such Eastern Mediterraneans may also be
found at the urban centers of the Oxus civilization
located in the north Bactrian oasis to the west. Af-
nities are especially close between Kroran, the lat-
est of the Xinjiang samples, and Sapalli, the earliest
of the Bactrian samples, while Alwighul and later
samples from Bactria exhibit more distant phenetic
afnities. This pattern may reect a possible major
shift in interregional contacts in Central Asia in the
early centuries of the second millennium B.C.
Hemphill (1999) argued that the populations that
lived in the Oxus civilization urban centers of the
north Bactrian oasis were the product of largely
unidirectional gene ow between the descendents of
refugees eeing the desiccated Tedjen River delta of
Turkmenistan and a local Neolithic population
whose artifactual remains are designated as the
Hissar Culture (Mandelshtam, 1968; Masson and
Sarianidi, 1972; Pyankova, 1986, 1994; Ranov,
1982; Tosi, 1988). Patterns of phenetic afnities pos-
sessed by north Bactrian Oxus civilization samples
suggest a profound change in interregional contacts
near the beginning of the second millennium B.C.
After 2000 B.C., the population history of these
Bronze Age north Bactrian urban centers is one of
ever-increasing rapprochement in phenetic dis-
tances with populations to the west (Turkmenistan
and Iran) over time. However, the earliest sample in
this sequence, Sapalli, stood apart from all others,
and the suggestion was made that, in light of dis-
coveries of silk and millet seeds (cf. Askarov, 1973,
1977, 1981) at this site, as well as compartmented
bronze seals similar to those found in the Ordos
region of western China (Hambis, 1956; Kohl, 1981;
Pelliot, 19311932), earlier contacts may have been
oriented to the east: to the Ferghana Valley, and
perhaps western China.
This study supports a connection between the
early Oxus civilization inhabitants of the north Bac-
trian oasis and populations of the Tarim Basin, but
217
the relationship was neither temporally immediate
nor direct. If such contacts were of such a nature, the
sample from Sapalli should be phenetically most
similar to the early Tarim Basin sample from Qaw-
righul. Since these interactions were believed to end
with the shift in interregional contacts heralded by
myriad cultural changes at the beginning of the
Djarkutan phase (Abdullaev, 1979; Askarov and Ab-
dullaev, 1983; Askarov and Shirinov, 1991), afni-
ties between Sapalli and later Tarim Basin samples
should become increasingly diffuse with the passage
of time, due to genetic drift. Neither of these expec-
tations is borne out. Rather, the relationship be-
tween north Bactrian populations and populations
of the Tarim Basin appears more subtle and com-
plex.
Given the patterns of phenetic afnities found in
this and previous studies (Hemphill, 1998, 1999;
Hemphill et al., 1998), it is possible that the sample
from Sapalli derives from an indigenous north Bac-
trian population, largely unaffected by extraregional
gene ow, which represents the direct lineal descen-
dants of the manufacturers of the Neolithic Hissar
culture. Yet the Hissar culture did not disappear
from areas adjoining the north Bactrian oasis with
the appearance of the Oxus civilization. Rather, the
Hissar culture continued in the mountains of south-
ern Tajikistan (Pyankova, 1994, 1996), and the
many microliths found in Hissar culture assem-
blages share similarities with Neolithic assemblages
found in the Ferghana Valley (Kairak-Kum culture:
Pyankova, 1994). Later, near the middle of the sec-
ond millennium B.C., the archaeological assem-
blages of these regions attest to contacts with Mo-
lali-phase inhabitants of the Oxus civilization urban
centers and steppe Andronovo populations in south-
ern Tajikistan (Vakhsh/Beshkent cultures: Litvin-
ski, 1964, 1973, 1981; Litvinski and Pyankova,
1992; Pyankova, 1981, 1994, 1996; Vinogradova,
1994) and steppe Andronovo populations in the
Ferghana Valley (Chust culture: Askarov, 1992;
Barber, 1999, p. 166; Shui, 1998, p. 166; Zad-
neprovsky, 1978). It may be these local, resident
populations of the north Bactrian oases (prior to
2000 B.C.), southern Tajikistan, and the Ferghana
Valley (prior to ca. 1500 B.C.) who later came to be
known as the Saka (Shui, 1998, p. 168). If so, the
afnities found between Sapalli, Alwighul, and Kro-
ran are reective of genetic exchange between East
and West through an intermediaryan intermedi-
ary that may have had control over one of the most
important commodities of the Bronze Age in this
region of the world, the tin deposits of the Ferghana
Valley (Gupta, 1979; Kohl, 1984; Masson, 1992a;
Pyankova, 1994, p. 368; Tosi, 1973194) and the
western Tian Shan Mountains (Hiebert and Shish-
lina, 1996, p. 11).
CONCLUSIONS
The Great Silk Road served for many years as a
vital artery linking the worlds of East and West.
218 B.E. HEMPHILL AND J.P. MALLORY
Recent genetic studies conrmed that this avenue
served not only as a conduit for commerce and cul-
tural diffusion, but also for the exchange of genes
(Comas et al., 1998; Yao et al., 2000). Yet while such
studies are valuable for documenting the passage of
genes, their reliance upon living populations pro-
vides little insight as to when and under what cir-
cumstances this gene ow occurred. Such knowledge
is of primary importance, given recent archaeologi-
cal evidence for eastern artifacts (silk) in the West
and western artifacts (wool, bronze) in the East
some 2,000 years earlier than the traditional date
(132 B.C.) for the opening of the Great Silk Road.
Many scholars have compared the material cul-
tural remains recovered from Bronze Age sites in
Xinjiang to those associated with Afanasievo and
Andronovo pastoralist populations of the Eurasian
steppe. Others, such as Mair (1995, p. 281), noted
that the mummied human remains appear Cau-
casoid or Europoid. From these artifacts and ob-
servations, proponents of the steppe hypothesis
have argued that some of the earliest known Bronze
Age populations of Xinjiang owe their origins to
migrations from the Russo-Kazakh steppe.
The results of this study provide little support for
the steppe hypothesis, for none of the statistical
procedures yields the close phenetic distances ex-
pected between colonizers (steppe samples) and the
colonized (Tarim Basin samples). Similarly, none of
the analyses revealed any afnity between the
Bronze Age inhabitants of the Tarim Basin and Han
Chinese. Thus, it appears that neither steppe popu-
lations nor Han Chinese populations played any sig-
nicant role in the establishment of those Bronze
Age populations of the Tarim Basin for which sam-
ples were available. Nevertheless, given the paucity
of available evidence and appropriate comparative
samples, contributions by these two regional popu-
lations in the establishment and subsequent inter-
actions of Bronze Age Tarim Basin populations can-
not be ruled out entirely.
Other researchers emphasize the similarities in
environment and economy between western (Bac-
tria and Margiana) and eastern Central Asia (Xin-
jiang), and suggest that the very skills in irrigation
technology, networks of long-distance exchange, and
ovicaprid domestication characteristic of the Bronze
Age Oxus civilization of west Central Asia provided
the ideal preparation for initial settlement of the
Tarim Basin. Proponents of the Bactrian oasis hy-
pothesis maintain that the Bronze Age populations
of Xinjiang owe their origins to colonization from the
Oxus civilization from the north Bactrian oasis. This
study provides no support for this contention. While
the earliest Oxus civilization sample, Sapalli, repre-
sents the non-Xinjiang sample with closest afnities
to Tarim Basin samples, these afnities are with
later inhabitants of the basin, not the earliest and
temporally most proximate sample, Qawrighul.
Thus, Oxus civilization populations of the north Bac-
trian oasis may have had some form of contact with
Bronze Age populations of the Tarim Basin, but this
contact does not appear to have been one of coloni-
zation.
The earliest Bronze Age sample from the Tarim
Basin (Qawrighul) exhibits no close afnities to any
non-Xinjiang sample, and hence the origins of this
population remain, as yet, unknown. The Qawrighul
remains may be those of a local, indigenous popula-
tion from the Tarim Basin itself or the surrounding
highlands, they may represent emigrants from a
source area not included in this analysis, or they
may actually derive from one of the suggested source
areas, but whose separation from the host popula-
tion may have occurred earlier in time or involved
fewer founding individuals than currently envi-
sioned by proponents of either the steppe or Bac-
trian oasis hypotheses. Later Tarim Basin samples
from Alwighul and Kroran are more closely afli-
ated with the early Oxus civilization sample from
Sapalli than with the earlier Tarim Basin sample
from Qawrighul. A possible explanation for this as-
sociation, despite temporal differences of 1,800 and
1,200 years, respectively, is that these afnities are
a consequence of a long-standing local population,
interposed between the Tarim Basin and the north
Bactrian oasis, that facilitated interactions between
the populations of East and West through their con-
trol of a vital economic resource (tin) and territory
(the Pamirs and the Ferghana Valley).
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors thank Timor Shirinov, Director of the
Institute of Archaeology, Uzbek Academy of Sci-
ences, for granting access to the Djarkutan and Sa-
palli tepe skeletal series. Thanks also go to Viktor
Sarianidi and Denis Pezhemsky of the Russian
Academy of Sciences in Moscow for granting access
to Geoksyur and Altyn depe skeletal series. Thanks
go to Victor Mair, Chris Thornton, and two anony-
mous reviewers for many helpful comments on an
earlier draft of this paper. Special thanks are due to
Jaymie L. Brauer for numerous helpful editorial
comments and insights throughout all stages of this
research, and to M. Cassandra Hill and John Rodri-
guez for preparation of Figure 1.
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