BETWEEN BYZANTIUM AND VENICE Western Mus PDF

MUSICAL
CROSSROADS
Church Chants and Brass Bands at the Gates of the Orient
Nicolae gheorghi
Bucharest,
2015
Cover: Stavropoleos Convent (Bucharest)
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Copyright 2015 by Nicolae Gheorghi

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GHEORGHI, NICOLAE
Musical Crossroads: Church Chants and Brass Bands at the Gates of
the Orient / Nicolae Gheorghi - Bucureti: Editura Muzical, 2015
Bibliogr.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISMN 979-0-707656-25-9
ISBN 978-973-42-0891-3
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ISBN 978-973-42-0891-3

Archdeacon Sebastian BARBU BUCUR
BETWEEN BYZANTIUM
AND VENICE
Western Music in Crete*
Abstract: From the year 1211, Crete build up one of the most fascinating
and significant forms of cultural identity to be found in the Mediterranean
at any time in its entire history.
The present study examines the cultural, religious and political background
that led to the development and rise of the western music tradition in Crete
and its forms during the period of the Venetocracy (12111669).
Keywords: Music in Crete, Venice, Venetocracy, Instruments, Church Music,

Secular music, Polyphony1
Introduction
From the year 1211, Crete became not only the most
important Byzantine territory under the administration of
the Republic of Venice, but also an ideal place of refuge for
Hellinophones, subsequent to the disappearance of the last
bastions of the Eastern Empire. After the rather uncertain and
turbulent thirteenth century, the new century brought Crete
* This is a chapter of the postdoctoral research project entitled BETWEEN
THE BYZANTINE EAST AND THE LATIN WEST. Prolegomenon to the Study
of Byzantine Polyphony, conducted between 1 April 2011 and 1 April 2012
as part of MIDAS (Music Institute for Doctoral Advanced Studies) at the
National University of Music, Bucharest.
1
Between Byzantium and Venice
economic prosperity and political stability, which favoured

unprecedented development of the arts and literature, and
the visual arts in particular: painting and architecture. For
more than four and a half centuries, as long as the Venetocracy
lasted (12111669), the interaction between Byzantine and
Latin cultures, despite the differences in doctrine, gave birth
to an extremely original cultural and artistic identity. In this
regard, a number of remarkable personalities emerged,
including poet Vincenzo Cornaro (1553ca. 1613/14),
author of the most important Cretan literary work, the
Erotokritos, and painters Nikolaos Philanthropinos (ca.
13751435), magister artis musaice in ecclesia Sancti
Marci, and Domenikos Theotokopoulos, alias El Greco
(15411614).1
Francesco Basilicata, Spiaggia dela citt di Candia

(161819), Museo Correr, Venice.
While various specialists have studied the other arts

quite closely, the liturgical music of Venetian Crete,2 especially
when influenced by the western culture, still remains one of
the most neglected areas and the most poorly researched.
Therefore, the questions arising with regard to our subject
are multiple and problematic: were there choirs in the Latin
churches and monasteries on the island? Moreover, if there
2
Western Music in Crete
were, what types of repertoires were promoted in the religious

services: polyphony or only Gregorian monodic chant? Were
there orchestras, and if so what was their place in the life of the
Catholic or Byzantine churches? On the other hand, to what
extent were organs used in the liturgical space and by whom?
It is difficult to provide a satisfying and conclusive
answer to all these questions, since the sources, especially for
the first part of Venetocracy, are rather indirect. The archives
in the Italian libraries reveal that western musical art
became a rather widespread phenomenon in Crete from the
second half of the fifteenth century. At that time, subsequent
to numerous unsuccessful attempts to impose their rule
on Cretes inhabitants, the Venetians were finally able to
establish moderate control over the island, thus favouring
the penetration of the Latin culture within its urban centres.
Organs in church
Strictly musically speaking, without any shadow of

doubt polyphony was the Wests most significant impact on
Cretan ecclesiastic music. The development on the island
of Westernorigin churches and institutions (Franciscan
and Dominican in particular) encouraged the promotion of
a repertoire adopted from the great liturgical centres of the
Italian peninsula, most probably Venice, Genoa and Rome. At
the same time, it seems that the two choirs of the Eternal City
the choir of the Sistine Chapel or Sacellum Sixtinum (the
chapel or the Apostolic Palace, the Popes official residence in
the Vatican) and the papal choir of San Pietro basilicas Giulia
Chapel (whose members included Giovanni Pierluigi da
Palestrina [ca. 1525/261594], the most important maestro
di cappella of the Cinquecento and Domenico Scarlatti [1685
3
1757]) played an extremely important part in disseminating

western musical culture in Crete.
The organ was surely the most important instrument
to be transplanted into the musical-liturgical life of Cretan
Latinity. There are data confirming that from the first half
of the fifteenth century, besides the Catholic cathedral of
Saint Titus, in the islands capital, Chandakas or Candia
(present-day Heraklion), there were at least another three
Latin churches whose services included organ music: the
Great Monastery of Saint Francis (Franciscan),3 Saint Peters
Monastery (Dominican)4 and the convent of Saint Catherine.
We might also add the San Marco basilica, a church belonging
to the duke, which did not answer to the local Catholic
archbishop, but directly to the Venetian duke of Crete.
The Cretan Ioannis Papadopoulos (Zuanne Papadopoli),
a high clerk in the Venetian administration in Heraklion,5 who
took refuge in Padua after the Turks conquered the islands
capital in 1659, recounts in his memories, written between
1625 and 1645, that in Saint Titus there was an organ
throughout the Venetocracy,6 which was also confirmed by
several ecclesiastic authorities of the time.7
Other sources indicate that not only did the capital have
such an instrument, but also other cities on the island as
well. Another similar example would be Latin bishop Giorgio
Perpignano (161921), who, describing the cathedral of the
Blessed Virgin of Chania, reminds us of the elegance and beauty
of the instrument with which the holy church was endowed.8
The same bishop speaks of a portable organ in the citys
Dominican convent of Madonna dei Miracoli.9 Very surprising
for our topic is the fact that there was an ecclesiastical organ
(probably a small, portable one) not only in Catholic places of
worship, but also in some of Heraklions Byzantine churches
and, most probably, in other towns and cities too.10
4
Allegorical figure representing the Venetian Republics
protection of the San Marco Basilica in Chandakas
(built 1239, no longer extant).
The Church of Saint Titus today (Heraklion).
As one may observe, the history of the organ in Crete

was of astonishing duration and of great significance to the
liturgical life of the Latin Church there. Given the high esteem
in which the instrument was held and the intensive use to
which it was put in the ecclesiastical setting, a number of
important Italian organ builders were invited to provide the
islands churches with such instruments. One such organ
builder was Vincencius de Monferat, none other than the
famous Vincenzo Colombi de Casale Monferrato, who worked
in Venice between ca. 1528 and 1571. In March 1526, for the
sum of 72 ducats, he was commissioned to build an organ in
the church of the Saint Francis monastery in Chandakas.11 As
for the organists, they came either from Italy, such as Paulo
Colla (1563), Raphael (1563), Annibal Antegnano (1571)
and Camillo (1584), or they were native Cretans, like priest
6
Gabriel Faletro (1465) and lawyer Oliverio Stella (156162).

The latter was the organist at Saint Francis. All of the above
worked in the capital Chandakas.
Secular music
After the Fourth Crusade (12021204), Cretans

receptivity to and interest in western musical art were rather
high, as they penetrated every cultural layer, regardless of class
or religious orientation. Italian musicians,12 professionals
known as piffari (piffaro, sg.), who were supposed to be able
to play at least two instruments and to have cultivated voices,
were leaving continental Europe in order to occupy probably
better-paid positions at the courts of Latin nobles and
dignitaries in the newly conquered territories. As the doge
of Venice kept such an orchestra, it is evident that the Cretan
administration and upper class would wish to do likewise. As
a result, an orchestra made up of piffari was established and
performed at all the islands lay and religious feasts.13
7
Matteo Pagan: Palm Sunday Procession (155659).
Gentile Bellini: Procession in Piazza San Marco (1496).

Georgios Klontzas:
Corpus Domini Procession in Chandakas
(sixteenth-century micrography).
Contemporary documents indicate that the repertoire

promoted by the piffari at the palace of the Cretan and the
courts of the rich nobles and dignitaries was a traditional,
mainly Venetian, and preponderantly secular (cantilenas
inhonestas). This was the case at least at the beginning of the
sixteenth century, when the funerals of Venetian aristocrats
Zorzi Fradello and Giannantonio Muazzo, famous for their
unorthodox behaviour, were accompanied with madrigals
and lay chants sung in Italian and Greek, which young
people were in the custom of singing during their nocturnal
wanderings through the districts of the capital.
One of the most important feasts imported from the
Serenissima Respublica was the yearly Carnival held in the
islands capital, Chandakas, after the feast of the Theophany.
During the carnival, in an atmosphere of great festivity, one
could hear serenades and madrigals and almost every type of
musical instrument.
But what were the instruments in question? Seventeenth-
century memoirist Ioannis Papadopoulos also tells us how at
the impromptu parties during the hot nights of the Cretan
summer Latin and local nobles of various ranks,14 both
young and not so young, always accompanied by musicians,
revelled in the city streets until late at night and sometimes
until down.15 The instruments accompanying them were the
manichordia (mandola?), lute, violin, bass, flute and guitar,
and the performers were either hired or, most often than not,
rich local inhabitants, most of them barbers, who joined such
groups for their own pleasure.
Of the multitude of repertoires in circulation at the time, the
only documents discovered hitherto are nine odes (lyrics and
verses) composed around 1605 by the Cretan monk Cherubino
Cavallino and dedicated to the islands archbishop Aloisios
Grimani. The manuscript is kept at Museo Correr in Venice.
10
Music schools
The best-known institution of western ecclesiastic

musical education was at the Saint Titus cathedral in the
Cretan capital. It was founded towards the end of the fifteenth
century, in 1474 to be exact. Nevertheless, prior to that, the
first reference to the presence of western-European-style
polyphonic music on the island was made by Stephanos
Sachlikis,16 a local poet who lived during the second half of
the fourteenth century (after 1371). In one of his poems,
he uses the verb (biscantaro),17 a well-known
technical term referring to archaic polyphony for two voices
known as biscantus, biscantare, discantus or cantus planus
binatim. Apart from this type of primitive polyphonic chant,
the Latin churches and monasteries must also have promoted
Gregorian chant18 in its various forms, since according to the
rules of the time, in order to become a Catholic priest one had
to be able to read and write.19
The acts of a synod held in Chandakas in November 1474,
presided over by the Latin archbishop of Crete, Hieronymus
Landus/Lando (dead ca. 1497), and the future Latin patriarch
of Constantinople (147496?), report that both ecclesiastic
chant and teaching were in continual decline and that few
members of the clergy from the famous Catholic cathedral of
Saint Titus were still able to chant, fearing that soon enough
the chant would be no longer be listened to even at religious
ceremonies, which would scandalise the whole city.20 Thus,
at the intervention of the high prelate, it was decide that two
musicians (succitores) should be hired, remunerated from
the incomes of the church or the capitulum (the body of
canonists in a Catholic cathedral, our note) in order to stand
in for the chanter when he was absent.21 Besides liturgical
tasks, they also had to be able to teach music to clergymen
11
who wished to improve their artistry in chanting, and the

younger clergy had to attend the courses at least one year.22
As every western rite church had to own an organ, the above
document demanded not only the hiring of an organist
at Saint Titus, obviously subsidised using the same funds
from the church or the archbishop, but also encouraged the
clergy to study this instrument, most probably in Italy, and to
return to the island after completing the studies, so that the
cathedral would not lack organ playing during its religious
services.23 It is remarkably interesting that while in the Italian
peninsula the orchestras were part of the religious services,
in Chandakas this was never allowed, neither in the Latin, nor
in Byzantine ones.24
An examination of the same archival documents reveals
that ever since the fourteenth century, the instruments taught
on the island were the trumpet, flute, lute, guitar etc. This
explains why, from the second half of the fifteenth century
to the year of Cretes conquest by the Ottomans (1669), most
instrument players (piffari) in Crete were Greek Orthodox.25 It
seems that musical mastery of these Cretans was recognised
not only locally, but also in the centres with a strong music
tradition, such as Venice26 or the cities on the Dalmatian
coast, Dubrovnik (Ragusa) in particular.27 Moreover, even if
some of them were not remunerated for their performances,
as they craftsmen, e.g. barbers,28 nevertheless there also
existed the job of instrumentalist (sonatori), an occupation
recorded from the year 1381. Surprisingly enough, some of
the musicians were women, as was the case of Petrinella
de Armer, an outstanding chanter and instrumentalist from
Crete, who enjoyed a remarkable musical career in Venice,
Padua and Rome, and was the lover of well-known patron
of arts and writer Alvise Luigi Cornaro (ca. 1467/841566),
author of the Discorsi della Vita Sobria.
12
Besides instruments, dancing lessons were highly

appreciated and encouraged, especially in the aristocratic
milieu, since in the urban areas and at the palace of the Duke
of Crete not only were all types of Italian dances promoted,
but also some Greek traditional dances, which were very
much loved by Venetian dignitaries and their wives in
particular. The Cretan piffari organised veritable concert
tours and numerous dancing nights, which were held in the
main square of Heraklion, in front of the dukes palace and
the Saint Marcus church. The whole community participated,
and sometimes so did even members of the ecclesiastical
orders, although there were very strict orders prohibiting
them doing so.29 In time, the musical profession became not
only a middle- and lower-classe preserve, but was embraced
even by the nobility. During a musical night in 1584 in the
Catholic monastery of the Holy Virgin in Heraklion, alongside
organist and harpsichord player Camillo, two nobles also
played string instruments: Petros Foscarini (lute) and
Salamon (guitar). The latter was from the town of Siteia.
Moreover, it seems that music was an essential
component of a young aristocrats educational curriculum,
since Venetian-Cretan noble and mathematician Francescos
Barozzi (15371604) advised his nephew to learn how to
play not only the lute, but also the harpsichord, the violin,
the viola da gamba, the lyre and the whole basic vocal
repertoire belonging to each genre, along with counterpoint,
composition and musical theory.
Archbishop Lucca Stella supplies rather surprising and
unusual information indirectly indicating the extent to which
the western musical tradition had been assimilated on the
island in general and in the ecclesiastic milieu in particular.
In one of his reports, he mentions that at the Dominican
monastery of Saint Peter, the cell of a monk named Benedetto
13
Bertolini had been transformed into something of a concert

hall. Almost every night, his cell resounded to instrumental
music (violins, guitars, harpsichord and lutes) and secular
songs. As these reunions were attended not only by monks,
but also by numerous laymen, it may easily be understood that
the situation outraged the older members of the monastery
community, arousing the anger of a part of the Christian
brotherhood. Fortunately, one of his friends explained that
in fact brother Bertolini was the musician of the holy place,
and one of his duties was to act as music professor, which
explained the presence of laymen apprentices in his own
monastic cell.30
As one may observe, in Crete musical education of
western-European influence in all its forms was not an
isolated event, but a lively one, paradoxically promoted by the
various Latin monastic institutions on the island. Of the few
ecclesiastical schools that produced musicians following the
western tradition, the Catholic cathedral of Saint Titus seems
to have been the most important and Franciscos Leontaritis
was the principal representative of this remarkable school.
14
Portrait of a Cretan musician
(Apud GEROLA 1908: plate 12).
Franciscos Leontaritis (Francesco

Londarit, Franciscus Londariti,
Leondaryti, Londaretus, Londaratus or
Londaritus (ca. 1518ca. 1572/3)
Totally unknown until late last century, Leontaritis was

rediscovered after four hundred years, thanks to the studies of
the former director of the Greek Institute in Venice, Nikolaos
Panagiotakis.31 According to the information provided by the
Greek researcher, Leontaritis came from a mixed family of
refugees from the Peloponnesus, after the Turk invasion of
the peninsula in 1460. His mother, Maria, came from a Greek
aristocratic family, and his father, Nikolaos, was not only a
distinguished priest at the Catholic cathedral of Saint Titus
(thesaurarius), part of the Latin archbishopric of Crete, but
also chaplain of the Venetian duke of the island, being closely
connected with the Venetian-Cretan aristocracy.
There are no records to indicate where he began
his musical studies. It was most likely in Italy, Rome, as a
member of the papal choirs, among which an important plate
was held by the famous choir of the Basilica di San Giovanni
Laterano where, for a while, both Orlando di Lasso and
Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina worked as maestri di capella.
Therefore, it seems that he studied counterpoint under two
masters. There are accounts that he was also familiar with
Byzantine music, as he was a close friend of maistor Ilarionos
Sotirchos.32
Endowed with an exceptional talent and supported
by his father, Franciscos became, after the years he spent
in Rome, a priest and organist at the Catholic cathedral of
Saint Titus. At the same time, he held important positions
in the ecclesiastical administration of the time (kanonikos
in Siteia [1537], and from 1544, kanonikos of the Catholic
16
archbishopric in Crete, etc.). Nevertheless, it seems that

his social and implicitly financial achievements did not
satisfy the young musician, and thus, once he abandoned
his ecclesiastical positions, he became, after 1549, a chanter
(cantore) in the famous choir of the basilica of San Marco in
Venice. At that time, the basilica was under the direction of
Flemish composer and maestro di cappella Adriano Willaert
(ca. 14901562), founder of the Venetian music school. It
should be remembered that the members of this famous
choir took part not only in the citys religious music life,
but also in the musical nights and concerts organized at the
palaces of Venetian aristocrats and the rich patricians of the
Serenissima republic. These gatherings became, as is well
known, important centres for the promotion of literature, the
arts and music in particular.
In 1556, Leondaritis left San Marco and, after five
years spent in the choir of the Padua cathedral as cantore
contralto, towards the autumn of 1561 he moved to Munich,
at the court of the duke Albert the Fifth of Bavaria (1528
1579). This seems to have been the Cretan musicians
most productive period. He also became the soloist of
the Bavarian choir conducted by Orlando di Lasso, he
experimented and composed for six years, in an exceptional
artistic environment, and met among others the Flemish
Cipriano de Rore and the Italian Andrea Gabrielli. He spent
the last part of his life either in Venice, Cremona, Augsburg,
or Salzburg. Thus, after approximately twenty years spent
outside the island, the itinerant musician returned home
permanently, and continued as an organist and professor at
Saint Titus, until 1572 or 1573, the year of his death.
Besides his exceptional (baritone) voice, Franciscos
Leontaritis was a composer, and he left to posterity a
significant number of polyphonic works: three masses (Missa
17
super Aller mi faut; Missa super Je prens en grez; Missa super

Letatus sum), 76 secular and religious motets, six madrigals
and two Naples chants (See, plates 16).
Although Leondaritis musical work known outside
Crete, like that of his conational Domenikos Theotokopoulos,
known as Il Greco has been the subject an ample monograph,
it has received no musicological examination as yet.33 To
historian and philologist Panagiotakis, he remains the first
most important Greek composer of Western music during the
Renaissance period.
Conclusions
The coexistence for almost five centuries of two worlds,

the Latin and the Byzantine, and of two dogmas on the
territory of Crete was surely one of the most spectacular
and exemplary phenomena of intercultural dialogue in
the Mediterranean of the Ars Nova and Renaissance. The
dissemination of Latin and Italian education among the
Orthodox population and the tendency of many local
inhabitants to study in the cities of the peninsula were
essential factors leading to intensification of the interaction
between the two cultures. On the ecclesiastical ground,
despite the theological differences, daily contact between the
Cretan inhabitants enabled the development of relations of
friendship and mutual appreciation between the intellectuals
of the time. Clergymen and communities belonging to both
confessions took part together in the official religious feasts,
processions and events that constantly took place in the cities
on the island. This made the Cretan Byzantines get involved
and participate in the Catholic services, while on the other
hand the Latin priests participated in Orthodox services, the
18
usual practice particularly in rural areas where the Latin

clergy was less numerous.
The conquest of the island by the Ottoman troops in
1669 led to the loss of this unique cultural tradition, born
at the borderline of civilizations and religions, without
leaving behind very many musical proofs. Along with its
inhabitants, part of the sonorous sacred art of Crete migrated
to the islands of the Ionic Archipelago, especially Corfu and
Zakynthos, being found during the following centuries under
the name of Cretan music.
19
Plate 1: Frontispiece of the first book of motets (1564).
Museo Civico Bibliografico Musicale, Bologna
(Apud PANAGIOTAKIS 1990b: photo 9).
Plate 2: Motet no. 10, MS Guelferbitanus 293 Musica,
Hertzog August Bibliotek, Wolfenbttel
Plate 3: Frontispiece of the second book of motets (1566).
Bischfliche Zentralbibliothek, Regensburg
Plate 4: Motet no. 74, Santa Cecilia Library, Rome
Plate 5: Mass no. 1, MS 97,
Bischfliche Zentralbibliothek, Regensburg
Plate 6: Mass no. 3 (Super Letatus sum),
MS 23 (Mus. Ms. 64), Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich
Notes
1. For the Cretan activity of the painter, see PANAGIOTAKIS 2009.

2. Emmanouil St. GIANNOPOULOS has written an excellent study of the
musical tradition of Byzantine chant in Crete: GIANNOPOULOS 2004.
3. The archival documents indicate the existence of several financial
donations for building, assembling or acquiring organs, sometimes even
on behalf of famous constructors of such instruments, such as the Italian
Vincenzo Colombi de la Casale Monferrato, probably one and the same with
Vincencius de Monferat. DALLA LIBERA 1962: 601, 180, 215; LUNELLI
1973: 201, 4350, 524, 1712; PANAGIOTAKIS 1988: 2967, 3112.
4. In MS B.P. 789 at the Biblioteca Civica di Padova, there appears the
name of an organist called Camillus Trapolinus (dead 1556), who probably
worked at the Dominican monastery of Saint Peter. See GEROLA 1907: 4.
5. Born around 1618, Zuanne Papadopoli was a notary and secretary
in the dukes chancellery in Chandakas and was probably a scion of
the Comnenus family, one of the twelve imperial Byzantine families
established, according to tradition, in Crete. His memoirs, collected under
the title LOccio, are an exceptional document of the everyday life of the
Cretans before the Ottoman invasion of the island and the Cretan war of
164569. For further details, see the critical edition: PAPADOPOLI 2007.
6. MS 122a, f. 29r, in Museo Civico Correr, Venice, found Provenienze
Diverse. Apud PANAGIOTAKIS 1990a: 15, 148, 150.
7. See, for example, the report to Rome made by Lucca Stella, the
Catholic archbishop of Crete (162332), written in 1625, on the Catholic
churches and monasteries in the islands capital, which mentions the
presence of an organ in almost every place of worship. Archivio de la Sacra
Congregatione di Propaganda, Visite e Collegi (ASCPVC), vol. 5, f. 271v, 273v,
284r-v, 317r. Apud PANAGIOTAKIS 1988: 2967.
8. Al dirimpetto del predetto altare vi il pulpito fabricato di legno,
appoggiato ad un colonna dela nave maggiore, sopra del quale vi situate
lorgano, di honorata et convenevole grandezza, con le sue portelle di tela
davanti (Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Sacra Congregazione del Concilio, b.
16, Agiensis). Published in MANNUCCI 1914: 1045.
26
9. In capo di detta chiesa a mano destra vi un organetto portatile

degli maggiori che si faccino, posto sopra un solero posticio (Archivio
Segreto Vaticano, Sacra Congregazione del Concilio, b. 16, Agiensis). See
MANNUCCI 1914: 113; PANAGIOTAKIS 1988: 297.
10. PANAGIOTAKIS 1988: 297.
11. Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Notai di Candia (ASV, NC), b. 281 (Zorzi
Vasmulo), libro 1526, f. 20v21r (124v125r), PANAGIOTAKIS 1990a: 66
7.
12. Of the names of the Italian musicians who were recognized at the
time and who temporarily worked on the island, only four are given in the
documents: the Venetian Antonio Molino (detto Burchiella), a well-known
actor, musician and author of comedies, the first to organise theatrical
performances in Crete; Lodovico Zacconi, an early-seventeenth-century
composer and musical theorist, abbot of the Augustinian monastery of the
Holy Savior in Heraklion; Giulio Zenaro and the Calabrese Giandominico La
Martoretta.
13. PANAGIOTAKIS 1990a: 24.
14. Nelle nozze le persone nobili et riche usano far feste () et
solenni, dove spesso vi intravengono anco I magistrate e le gentildonne
venetiane che sonno parimente in magistrato et alter Italiane che nella citta
si trovano. Durano le feste per alquanti giorni et si balla alla usanza italiana
ogni sorte di ballo; che vi sono magistri che gli insegnano nel maritarse
alle spose. Et alcuna volta si fa anco un certo ballo greco, che molto piace
e dileta alli signori rettori il vederlo et alle gentildonne venetiane et alter
() il farlo. Andrea Cornaro, Historia Candiana (Marcianus Ital. VI. 286
[5985]), A, f. 52v. Apud PANAGIOTAKIS 1968: 6772. PANAGIOTAKIS 1988:
308; PANAGIOTAKIS 1990a: 1101.
15. E questi signori si trattenevano squasi tutta la notte, nel tempo
massime che correvano quelli grandi ardori di caldi, maggio, zugno, luglio
e dagosto, e sempre in allegria, con musiche, canti e balli. PAPADOPOLI
2007: 55.
16. GEMERT 1980: 479.
17. /
. WAGNER 1874: 91.
27
18. See, for example, the case of the Catholic monastery of Saint Francis
in Heraklion and its library, which comprises 13 musical manuscripts with
Latin repertoires (MSS 269, 2718, 286, 28890), indicating that there
existed a certain musical practice of western origin and even an education
in this regard to allow their reading. See HOFMANN 1942: 3546.
19. PANAGIOTAKIS 1988: 294.
20. PANAGIOTAKIS 1990a: 14.
21. There had been an attempt to hire an organist at Saint Titus as early
as 1467. See XIROUCHAKIS 1986: 47, 79, 80 (and footnote 1).
22. XIROUCHAKIS 1986: 134, 79. PANAGIOTAKIS 1990a: 578;
PANAGIOTAKIS 1988: 2956.
23. The text in Latin is reproduced in PANAGIOTAKIS 1990a: 59.
24. Nelle chiese lattine e greche alle solenita non facevano musiche,
se non il cantar schieto sopra li organi, senza mai sonare violino o altri
instromenti di sorte, e nel matutin altro che il cantar solo di preti greci
e lattini, dove si tratenevano le donne. Museo Civico Correr, Venezia, MS
Provenienze Diverse no. 122a, f. 69r-v. Apud PANAGIOTAKIS 1990a: 148.
25. The archives even mention several names: magister Costas Calogeros
tibicinarius in 1455. IORGA 1937: 110. Here are some other names of
Greek piffari during the period 15371637: Georgis Nitis, Nikolaos Galatas,
Polos Pigas, Manolis Dafnomilis, etc. KARAPIDAKIS 1983: 14950.
26. This refers to dominus Paulus de Laudis, musico [sic], filius quondam
domini Johannis, Cretensis, a Cretan piffaro in the Venetian doge orchestra
for 56 years. SELFRIDGEFIELD 1980: 288. For additional data concerning
musical life at the Venetian court, see, among others, ARNOLD 1979;
FENLON 1993; BETTLEY 1994. See, also, SELFRIDGEFIELD, ONGARO &
ZOPELLI 2002 and the bibliography cited there.
27. Thomadus/Tomasius/Thomas de Candia (Heraklion, our note),
trumpeter of the communal orchestra in Dubrovnik between 14021409.
See JIRIEK 1914: 59. As well, KREKI 1961: 129, 131, 247, 2513, 259;
DEMOVI 1981: 120, 283, 3023.
28. See, for example, the case of the barber (tonsor) Alexius Malachias
from Heraklion, who takes his son Georgantis to study the trumpet and
28
the flute under professor (magistro) Benvenuto, in the autumn of the

year 1506. Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Notai di Candia, b. 177 (Michele
Mellino), f. 53r. Apud PANAGIOTAKIS 1990a: 62; PANAGIOTAKIS 1986:
2001. Several decades later (143135) six other Greeks are recorded
in Dubrovnik: Georgius Grecus, Johannes Grecus, Antonios Grecus, the
brothers Theodoros (142431) and Ioannis (142444) and his son Markos
(143763). The first is of Cretan origin, and the other was from Arta. In the
first half of the sixteenth century there were two other instrumentalists
on the island, Aloysius and Laurentius Manes, the latter signing himself in
his will, dated 1548, as libros musices et instrumenta musicalia. DEMOVI
1981: 38, 1208, 136, 151, 196, 2812, 30312, 409; KREKI 1961: 294,
2969, 3013.
29. There are two orders issued between 143943 and 1559 by the Latin
archbishops of Crete, Fantinus Valaresso (142643) and Petrus Lando
(153676), totally prohibiting priests from performing lay chants and
dancing with women (ducere choreas cum mulierculis). Moreover, the
order issued by the local ecclesiastic authorities also banned clergymen
from playing games of dice and cards, carrying weapons, engaging in trade,
making or wearing masks (especially during the Lent carnival) and wearing
secular clothing. XIROUCHAKIS 1986: 40. Also, see KING 1986: 4401.
30. Subsequent to an investigation carried out in the monastery between
13 and 18 March 1626, no less than eleven monks, headed by the abbot
Victorius Salamonus and Lucas Ugolinus, the vicar of the Dominican order
in Crete, testified against father (padre) Bertolini, the musician. ASCPVC,
vol. 5, f. 292r-v, 294v295r, 297r, 299r-v, 301r, 302v, 303v, 305r, 306r-v,
307r, 308v, 310v. Apud PANAGIOTAKIS 1988: 3112; PANAGIOTAKIS
1990a: 1427.
31. PANAGIOTAKIS 1990b. The information on the life and work of
Franciscos Leontaritis is taken from the aforementioned volume.
32. In MS Filotheu 137 (f. 107v) from Mount Athos there is a cheroubikon
by Manuel Chrysaphis embellished by Ilarionos. STATHS 1993: 528. On
these musicians, see DETORAKIS 1982.
33. Franciscos Leontaridis is not mentioned even in the New Grove
Dictionary ..., the only achievement in this regard being the PhD thesis
defended in Athens in 2009 by Konstantinos MAVROGENIS, which examines
only the three liturgies of Franciscos Leontaritis: MAVROGENIS 2009.
29
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MUSICAL

Copyright 2015 by Nicolae Gheorghi

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naionale a Romniei

EDITURA MUZICAL, 2015

Keywords: Music in Crete, Venice, Venetocracy, Instruments, Church Music,

economic prosperity and political stability, which favoured

Francesco Basilicata, Spiaggia dela citt di Candia

While various specialists have studied the other arts

were, what types of repertoires were promoted in the religious

Strictly musically speaking, without any shadow of

1757]) played an extremely important part in disseminating

The Church of Saint Titus today (Heraklion).

As one may observe, the history of the organ in Crete

Gabriel Faletro (1465) and lawyer Oliverio Stella (156162).

After the Fourth Crusade (12021204), Cretans

Gentile Bellini: Procession in Piazza San Marco (1496).

Contemporary documents indicate that the repertoire

The best-known institution of western ecclesiastic

who wished to improve their artistry in chanting, and the

Besides instruments, dancing lessons were highly

Bertolini had been transformed into something of a concert

Franciscos Leontaritis (Francesco

Totally unknown until late last century, Leontaritis was

archbishopric in Crete, etc.). Nevertheless, it seems that

super Aller mi faut; Missa super Je prens en grez; Missa super

The coexistence for almost five centuries of two worlds,

usual practice particularly in rural areas where the Latin

1. For the Cretan activity of the painter, see PANAGIOTAKIS 2009.

9. In capo di detta chiesa a mano destra vi un organetto portatile

the flute under professor (magistro) Benvenuto, in the autumn of the

1986 Filothei sin Agi Jipei, Psaltichie rumneasc, vol.

BUSSE BERGER, Anna Maria

1954b Istoricul clasificrii modurilor, Muzica 4 (1954):

1957b O prietenie de veacuri: Scurt istoric al relaiilor dintre

2005 Muzicieni din Romnia. Lexicon biobibliografic.

2010a Byzantine Music between Constantinople and

2009 El Greco The Cretan Years (London: Centre for

SCHARTAU, Bjarne (ed.)

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