Land Use Policy 66 (2017) 288292

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Land Use Policy

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/landusepol

The political economy of wine: How terroir and intra-sector dynamics aect MARK
land use in Spain

Pablo Alonso Gonzleza, , Eva Parga-Dansb, Alfredo Macas Vzquezc
a
Institute of Social Sciences, University of Lisbon. Av. Prof. Anbal Bettencourt, 9, 1600-189, Lisboa, Portugal
b
Group of Territorial Studies (GET), University of A Corua, Campus de Elvia, 15071, A Corua, Spain and CICS.NOVA, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Av. de Berna,
26-C, 1069-061, Lisbon, Portugal
c
University of Len, Campus Vegazana, s/n, Len 15210, Spain

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: This paper provides a constructive critique of Corrine Cash's paper Good governance and strong political will:
Terroir Are they enough for transformation?, published in volume 58 of Land Use Policy in 2016. By focusing on how
Governance intra-sector dynamics inuence land use policies in conicts revolving around urban sprawl, this paper aims to
Wine zoning complement and, to some extent, widen the analytic lens deployed by Cash. The examination of the Spanish wine
Spain
sector and its lack of zoning policies conrms Cash's argument about the need to go beyond discourses of good
Urban sprawl
governance and strong political will to understand the dynamics underpinning real spatial processes. However,
this exploration underscores the need to add layers of complexity to land use analyses, showing the relevance of
intra-sector conict and logics. In complicating any simplistic reduction of urban sprawl conicts to ruralurban
oppositions, the paper ultimately calls for a more dynamic and multiscalar planning theory to address complex
governance issues.

1. Introduction
The paper by Corrine Cash Good governance and strong political
will: Are they enough for transformation? struck a chord with us and
our own work with wine regions in Spain and Portugal. Cash's
theoretical, methodological and thematic approach to land use policy
is concomitant to ours. We felt that there was potential for a
constructive response after detecting one (for us) signicant absence
in Cash's paper, namely the broad impact of wine policies and wine
sector dynamics on land use. Although wine is not, in truth, the focus of
her paper, she admits that it plays a key role in the two case study areas
she presents. In building on Cash's work from the perspective of wine,
we intend to open a much-needed debate on the relationship between
land use, heritage policies and the wine sector. Our response proceeds
in opposite fashion: instead of developing our analysis starting from
UNESCO biosphere or heritage reserves, we explore how the short-
comings of intra-sectoral wine legislation and denominations of origin
(DOs) lead civic society to seek alternative land use protective schemes
in heritage legislation.
This entails exploring the complex convergence between wine
zoning, heritage and terroir. Our former work addressed the connection
between heritage and spatial planning (Alonso Gonzlez and Macas
Vzquez, 2014). However, the question of wine and terroir introduces
another layer of complexity: wine is neither tangible nor intangible, but
a relationship between human practices, soils, climates and grape
varieties that express terroir (Barrey and Teil, 2011). What are the
consequences of wine zoning in relation to terroir for the potential of
rural and agricultural areas to resist urban sprawl? Answering this
empirically oriented question leads us to a theoretical argument. We
feel that Cash's adoption of a critical political economy perspective is
useful as an analytical framework, but it could benet from a planning
theory counterpart emphasizing dynamism, ux and qualitative as-
pects. The necessarily qualitative interpretive character of terroir calls
for planning theories that advance not only a critique of power
structures but forms of planning encompassing dierent rhythms and
processes, such as the multiscalar ideas set out by Hillier (2008).
This commentary draws on data from a larger research project on
wine politics in Spain and Portugal whose results will be presented in
future publications. The project employs a qualitative approach. We
rst carried out a literature review and a qualitative comparative
analysis of wine zoning policies, which underpins our presentation of
the rst case focusing on Barcelona. Our aim was to obtain rst-hand
data from case studies deliberately chosen about zoning initiatives
established by DOs to overcome low prices and economic decline. After

Viewpoint paper in response to Corrine Cash, 2016. Good governance and strong political will: Are they enough for transformation? Land Use Policy 50:301311.

Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: Pabloag10@hotmail.com (P. Alonso Gonzlez), Eva.parga.dans@udc.es (E. Parga-Dans), Amacv@unileon.es (A. Macas Vzquez).

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2017.04.048
Received 10 January 2017; Received in revised form 3 April 2017; Accepted 30 April 2017
0264-8377/ 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
P. Alonso Gonzlez et al.
Fig. 1. Wine DOs in Catalua. Peneds is number 8 and Priorat number 10.
Source: Instituto Cataln del Vino (INCAVI).
the literature review, we surveyed twenty experts who made a list of
relevant successful/unsuccessful cases of DOs using the recall-method
based on their qualitative perceptions. This resulted in a list of 35 DOs,
whose reliability was checked by comparing the results of the survey
with the economic performance of the DOs (average grape and wine
prices in Spain and in exports). Then, we used a multiple case study
approach to provide a rich, representative and diverse view of four DOs
(Rias Baixas and Priorat in Spain, Vinhos Verdes and Lisboa in
Portugal).
The key data source came from semi-structured interviews aimed at
tracing the key features of zoning and terroir, having interviewed from
January 2016 until January 2017 a total of 86 informants from the wine
sector, including producers, distributors, critics and other key actors.
Informants were chosen following a snowball sampling strategy, and
then interviewed based on semi-structured interviews to guide re-
search, of between 60-180 minutes. Participant observation was also
employed to gain trust by informants, based on collaboration in wine
events, fairs and productive processes. Data analysis was based on
conducting both within-case analysis and cross-case pattern search
following Yin (2015). We analyzed the content of all the interviews
conducted and the materials collected, grouping data into signicant
categories of analysis, developing patterns and comparing key ele-
ments.
2. Urban sprawl, wine and heritage: two dierent outcomes in
Barcelona
As Cash arms, good governance is not enough as economic
forces and powers have signicant inuence on outcomes.
Furthermore, economic, social and political conditions that exist at
specic historical time periods steer the realities that shape planning
outcomes (2016, 556). Certainly, in a neoliberal market, capital has
more power to move people and money than policies, and thus from a
critical political economy perspective we need to analyze what capital
in the wine sector does to land use planning. Geographers like Harvey
(2002) have shown how symbolic capital and monopoly rent strategies
are key to increasing the value of land and real estate, and how this
289
Land Use Policy 66 (2017) 288292
triggers displacements of people and capital: from the rural to the city
or vice versa.
As Cash (2016, 550) argues, land use devices for the protection of
nature can increase the symbolic capital of rural areas, but this might be
not enough. When rural land prices are low and urban gentrication
processes are ongoing, land is valued by its residential potential rather
than agricultural worth (2016, 547), and upper-middle classes ow to
rural and real estate investments displaces agricultural production. This
is a well-known process in the Portuguese capital, Lisbon, where the
wine regions of Colares, Carcavelos and Bucelas have almost disappeared
(Dickenson, 1990), but an unknown process in the most prestigious
wine regions such as Bordeaux, Champagne or Burgundy, where the
prices of wine parcels have been skyrocketing for decades (Ulin, 2002).
Unsurprisingly, the price of these elite French wines is higher than their
Portuguese counterparts. Most importantly, the price of grapes from
their high-quality terroirs is higher. In other words, what is determinant
for French wine regions to resist urban sprawl are not high land prices,
but the high price of agricultural commodities.
This can be illustrated through the case of Barcelona, a paradigm of
gentrication processes. Barcelona's urban exodus has threatened the
agricultural region of Delta del Ebro and the wine DO of Alella (Recasens
et al., 2016). Two other wine regions are under threat of urban sprawl
by both Barcelona and the nearby provincial capital of Tarragona: DO
Peneds and DO Priorat. As other Spanish DOs, Peneds and Priorat are
ruled by a Consejo Regulador (Regulatory Board), a trust funded by
both the own wine companies comprised in the DO and public funds.
Regulatory Boards are, in theory, in charge of wine zoning policies in
their territories, and of ensuring coherence between wine zoning and
other spatial planning legislation at other scales. However, the roles of
Regulatory Boards can vary signicantly. Peneds is a traditional wine
region that epitomizes the attempt of rural social groups to contain
Barcelona's urban sprawl. It provides almost 99% of the grape to make
the famous sparkling Catalan cava. In Peneds, the DO promotes a type
of viticulture seeking high yields in fertile lands rather than quality
grapes on slopes. Despite being a DO, the zonication of wine terroirs in
Peneds is still incipient, and the sole fact of being a DO does not always
ensure protability for vine growers. Indeed, viticultural policies have
P. Alonso Gonzlez et al.
led to the devalorization of grape prices and consequently of rural land,
with vine parcel owners willing to sell to developers (Costa-Font et al.,
2009) (Fig. 1).
Due to the inability of the DO Peneds to ensure the protection of
vineyards, civic groups have resorted to heritage land use legislation.
Proposals are being made to include Peneds in UNESCO's World
Heritage (Pal and Tonts, 2005). Current regional and national heritage
legislation in Spain, however, cannot prevent the transformation or
destruction of old vineyards: it mostly aects buildings and tangible
features considered part of the artistic and cultural legacy of society.
Heritage legislation can, for instance, prevent the destruction of
terraces and the transformation of spatial morphologies, but cannot
legislate on the kinds of proper parcels for vineyards, or on the age of
vines considered suitable for making top-quality wine. Thus, proposals
to make Peneds a World Heritage site could increase the added value or
symbolic capital of the region, but without transforming intra-sectoral
dynamics or socioeconomic processes. Indeed, the lack of a proper
relationship between wine and land through terroir in Peneds deva-
lorizes vine owners, and thus public opinion turns to heritage spatial
planning instruments: What was a productive landscape turns into a
cultural, aesthetic and symbolic feature. As Cash asks, why is this so?
The preservation of food heritage poses a complex challenge to the
denition of authenticity, especially in terms of wine: it needs to be
referred to a standard of quality and typicity to dierentiate it from
non-authentic wines. Large wine companies like those operating in
Peneds are not interested in zoning wine areas, so they can keep buying
cheap grapes, making and selling an undierentiated wine in terms of
origin, lacking authenticity and terroir, and thus favoring the abandon-
ment of old, low-producing vines, and the planting of new vines in
fertile lands.
The wine region of Priorat is an opposite case to Peneds, as it has
not only contained urban sprawl but triggered a process of re-ruraliza-
tion and vineyard planting unprecedented in Spain (Bov Sans, 2013).
Priorat was a traditional wine region ravaged by the phylloxera plague
at the end of the nineteenth century. By 1975, most people left the area
for cities and only 250 hectares of vines subsisted, winemaking limited
to homemade production and selling to big cellars, some of them from
Peneds (Bou et al., 2008). After the arrival of a group of wine
entrepreneurs, the 1980s witnessed Priorat's re-emergence. The number
of cellars grew, from none to 10 in 1990, 70 in 2006 and to 102 by
2016. However, the absence of big wine corporations and an active
group of civic actors and winemakers led to rapid changes that would
transform Priorat into a leading wine region. They managed to lobby
the Regulatory Board of Priorat, which, contrary to the one in Peneds,
adopted a pro-terroir planning stance, transforming Priorat into the
second Qualied Denomination of Origin in Spain in 2000, a marker of
quality and distinction, only after the historic region of Rioja. More-
over, the Regulatory Board implemented an unprecedented process of
land zoning in Spain according to wine and terroir categories at three
levels: parcel wines, village wines, and DO wines. Then, in 2007, a
Priorat got the rst denomination as chateau wine in Spain, while the
prestigious wine critic Robert Parker classied ve Priorat wines among
the best of 2007. In contrast to Peneds, the price of grapes in Priorat is
the highest in Spain and the price of vine parcels is growing. The
historic depopulation of the area is being reverted, people are moving
to the area, but urban uses are marginal: rural uses and vines grow,
preventing urban sprawl (Table 1).
Why, then, not zone and produce terroir wines with added value and
ensure the preservation of rural uses? Why, instead, resort to heritage
policies when the solution might be in the wine sector itself? These
questions point to the complexity of the phenomenon, which goes
beyond any urbanrural dichotomy to a wider class conict, to
struggles and alliances between entrepreneurs in dierent sectors,
and demands by civic society facing economic decline (Martin-Rios
and Parga-Dans, 2016). Certainly, a new form of governance would be
necessary in response to the inability of traditional forms of linear
290
Land Use Policy 66 (2017) 288292
Table 1
Grape prices in Peneds and Priorat DOs between 2007 and 2013.
Source: Author from INCAVI data.
Year DO
Priorat Peneds
2007 2,01 0,34
2008 2,05 0,35
2009 1,62 0,31
2010 1,60 0,30
2011 1,41 0,29
2012 1,31 0,35
2013 1,47 0,33
government processes to resolve increasingly complex social and
environmental issues (Cash, 2016, 546). However, we also need a
dierent planning theory to address and channel this complexity. One
that takes into account the logics of the agricultural and wine sectors,
which, as the Barcelona case shows, might have the answer to problems
of urban sprawl. This raises the question of the relationship between
zoning, terroir and wine.
3. Discussion. The absent presence of terroir in Spain: why not
zoning?
In Cash's piece, the discussion of how intra-sector dynamics aect
zoning is largely absent. In the case of mining impacts in the Niagara
Escarpment, for instance, we are left with an outsider view based on
interviews that convey the opinions of environmental civic movements,
NGO's and critical actors addressing mining (Cash, 2016, 552). This
section aims to show the implications of our proposal for a multiscalar
planning theory in terms of focusing on the various dimensions and
sectors involved in planning, in this case the wine sector, its territorial
implications and the views of intra-sector actors. The case of Spain is
relevant because it is an Old World wine producer with centuries of
winemaking tradition and the world's largest surface of planted vine.
Spain is the main exporter in terms of volume, and ranks third in overall
wine production after France and Italy. Why, then, setting Priorat aside,
is Spain the only Old World country without wine zoning policies?
Moreover, the UNESCO World Heritage list includes 16 wine-related
sites and landscapes, in Portugal, Hungary, Italy, France and Germany.
Why not in Spain? The large amount of studies on wine in Spain from
dierent disciplines could sustain both heritagization and zoning
policies, but those have only timidly started to take place in historic
regions like Jerez/Sherry and Catalan DOs (Pardo-Calle et al., 2011).
Lack of knowledge is not the issue. Maybe part of the answer is that
Spain is the rst wine exporter in volume, but not in value: indeed,
Spain's average wine prices are the lowest in the world. Spain exports
bulk wines but not valuable, terroir wines (Figs. 2 and 3).
Valuable wines require quality grapes, and these result from
combining ve main factors making up terroir: climate, geology and
soil, topography and orientation, grape variety, and human wine-
making decisions. Emphasizing the importance of terroir for wine-
making goes beyond our scope here (Sommers, 2008). But terroir wine
requires not only identication of origin against potential fraud, but
also zoning for its denition. This gave rise to the creation of
designations of origin and protected geographical indications (Macas
Vzquez and Alonso Gonzlez, 2015). Wine DOs started in the 1930s in
Spain, and then expanded after the 1980s, transforming land uses in
many rural areas and performing important functions, such as the
increase of technical quality in wines and marketing techniques.
Although the DO system allowed for the certication of the origin of
wine in broad regions, it was not enough to ensure the production of
terroir wines. This can be illustrated with the following case from our
own research.
P. Alonso Gonzlez et al. Land Use Policy 66 (2017) 288292

Fig. 2. Main wine producers in volume (millions of hectoliters).
Source: Author from Observatorio Espaol del Vino (OEV) data.
Fig. 3. Price per liter of main world producers (/l).
Source: Author from OEV data.
Between 2001 and 2010, the Galician coast was one the fastest
growing areas in terms of real estate transactions, with 800,000 new
homes built in a region of 2,750,000 inhabitants (see Fig. 4). Moreover,
urban sprawl in Galicia is characterized by a dispersed pattern that is
most harmful for natural areas and agricultural practices (Lpez
Gonzlez and Pieira-Mantin, 2014). In this context, the wine DO
Rias Baixas prevented the disappearance of vineyards facing the sprawl
of coastal urbanization and cities like Vigo and Pontevedra, increasing
grape, wine and rural land prices. However, the DO imposed albario as
the single identifying grape, getting rid of autochthonous grape
varieties and winemaking techniques. European Union subsidies in-
tensied vine agriculture seeking high yields under the pressure of a
volume-oriented wine sector that disregards quality. Traditional knowl-
edge on wine terroirs was lost, and average wine and grape prices, and
consequently rural land prices, have been decreasing since the 2000s
due to lack of dierentiation. As one of our interviewees puts it:
One can make wine on a well-oriented slope, with low-yield and
high-quality grapes; but also below that slopeand close to the river,
where onions and tomatoes were planted before, with the highest
yields and grapes lacking any avor. It does not matter: it is all
mixed in large wine deposits, all sold with the DO label. (Wine
distributor, June 2016)
In the Galician impressive wine landscape of Ribeira Sacra, the
creation of a DO led to the abandonment of old vines and winegrowing
techniques: large companies make huge vine plantations in fertile soils
away from the scarped mountains. However, the scarped mountain
plantations alongside the Sil riverbanks were precisely the sign of
distinction of Ribeira Sacra, constituting its symbolic value and its
dierentiation as terroir. Now, as in Peneds, there are civic calls to
declare Ribeira Sacra a World Heritage Landscape. But, again, the
preservation of old vines is not in heritage preservation policies
(although these might increase the symbolic capital of the area), but
in the wine zoning and in the valorization of terroir.
Most interviewees arm that Galician Dos are the form of territorial
governance of large cooperatives and private companies that control
them, excluding small, terroir-oriented winemakers. The organization of

Fig. 4. Urban sprawl in the Galician coast (left) and borders of the protected designation of origin of the DO Rias Baixas (right).
Source: Lpez Gonzlez and Pieira-Mantin (2014, 43) and DO Rias Baixas Website: www.doriasbaixas.com.

291
P. Alonso Gonzlez et al.
the productive eld has led to the emergence of powerful actors that are
interested in high-yield agriculture, exploiting fertile and undieren-
tiated terroirs, in order to export large amounts of cheap, undieren-
tiated wine. Why not, then, zoning Rias Baixas or Ribeira Sacra, and
Spanish wine regions for that matter? The reasons are apparent: wine
zoning would imply that most vine lands owned by cooperatives and
large private companies would be categorized as low quality, and they
would lose market shares with terroir winemakers.
In recent times, our work has mapped a revolutionary process in the
Spanish wine sector whereby various prominent DOs such as Rioja or
Cava are on the verge of collapse, and terroir winemakers, critics,
sommeliers and oenologists are demanding a sea change in wine
policies. They are reunited under the Club Matador (Club and
Matador, 2015). Their main concern has to do with zoning: they
consider the DO system to be obsolete, and reclaim a thorough
zonication of wine regions from the State. This involves establishing
a hierarchy of lands in terms of terroir, including geological and soil
nature, and a demarcation by villages, parcels and subregions, follow-
ing the Burgundy model applied in Priorat. Moreover, and this is key for
our theoretical purposes here, they underscore the necessarily multi-
layered and qualitative character of wine zoning due to the complex-
ities of expressing terroir. Their view is close to Hillier's understanding
of spatial planning, based on broad trajectories or visions of the
longer-term future and shorter-term, location-specic detailed plans
and projects with collaboratively determined tangible goals (2008,
33).
For them, it would be nave to believe that good governance and
political will, as Cash puts it, would be enough. Zoning alone does not
produce quality grapes: the organization of production must be recast
so that land and wine become dierentiated in the long run. In other
words, zoning is not enough if it just becomes another label or
trademark, without the necessary winemaking practices that must
accompany terroir. Terroir is not only soil, but a combination of climate,
viticultural and cellar production techniques, and grape varieties. The
spearhead of the Spanish wine revolution is Luis Gutirrez, represen-
tative in Spain and Latin America of The Wine Advocate. Asked about
the future of Spanish wine, he said:
Something must be done, but it must be reected and realistic. You
cannot begin with the identication of the greatest vineyards. We
will not see a classication like Burgundy's in our lives. That takes
more than a century. But a classication of soils could be a start.
And origin must be recognized too Wines must also express that
classication. Creating detailed categories is one thing, but translat-
ing the essence of terroir onto the bottle is complicated Reality
must go hand in hand with theory. (Interview, 2016)
4. Conclusion
For Cash, decision-making processes are highly impacted by a
politics of capitalist development (2016, 554). This is certainly so, but
our constructive critique has tried to show that a number of specic
factors contribute to these developments:
Intra-sector dynamics, such as the wine sector.
Concurrence between dierent capitalist elites beyond the urban-
rural divide, and struggles between small and large companies, civic
society and State institutions.
A complex integration between heritage and land use policies: in
France, UNESCO heritage declarations are strategically used to
increase the symbolic capital of wine DOs, while in Spain they are
civic demands that function as symbolic compensations for the
disappearance of real productive practices.
What these features show is that land use policy is not a matter of
political will and good governance, but essentially a question of
292
Land Use Policy 66 (2017) 288292
negotiating the complex dynamics of political economy, of which
legislation and spatial planning are just one more factor to consider.
The tridimensional theory of power developed by Lukes (2009)
resonates strongly with various processes described here, such as the
lack of interest of big Spanish wine corporations in zoning wine areas
based on terroir. Corporations deeply aect governance through two
key dimensions of power explored by Lukes, namely the second, based
on a non-decision making power, and the third, which deploys
ideological mechanisms with signicant impacts for decision-makers.
Lukes (2009) ideological dimension is key because, contrary to the
Foucaltian relativism where all social actors, dominated and dominant
alike, are subject to the same power relations and moral issues, there
are people that acquiesce to domination. The consequences of ideology
for planning policy should not be underestimated (Sturzaker and
Shucksmith, 2011).
Thus, it might be worth moving forward from Cox's (1987)
approach adopted by Cash, and think of planning theories for the
eective development of new strategies of spatial governance addres-
sing the complex and changing social needs. A multiscalar planning
theory seems apt for this purpose, because, as Hillier underscores,
realities of urban and non-urban space are ever-changing, but the
folding together, unfolding and refolding of entities and lives cannot be
predicted. Nor can they be entirely managed by rules or regulations
(2008, 24-25). This theory is, at least, adequate in shedding light and
moving forward in the zoning of wine terroir, in which reality must
forcefully go hand in hand with theory.
References
Alonso Gonzlez, P., Macas Vzquez, A.M., 2014. Between planning and heritage:
cultural parks and national heritage areas. Eur. Spat. Res. Policy 21 (2), 3346.
Barrey, S., Teil, G., 2011. Faire la preuve de lauthenticit du patrimoine alimentaire. Le
cas des vins de terroir. Anthropol. Food 8, 120.
Bou, E., Sauquet, A., Canestrino, R., 2008. Collective networks and communities of
practice: the transformation of the Priorat Wine Region. In: 4th International
Conference of the Academy of Wine Business Research. Siena, Italy.
Bov Sans, M.., 2013. Innovaci en indstries tradicionals: la (r)evoluci vitivincola del
Priorat com a cas dxit. Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona.
Cash, C., 2016. Good governance and strong political will: Are they enough for
transformation? Land Use Policy 50, 301311.
Club Matador, 2015. Maniesto Club Matador: Los viedos de excepcin. Club Matador,
Madrid. http://clubmatador.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/Maniesto-Club-
Matador.pdf.
Costa-Font, M., Serra, T., Gil, M., Gras, A., 2009. Explaining low farm-gate prices in the
Catalan wine sector. Int. J. Wine Bus. Res. 21 (2), 169184.
Cox, R., 1987. Production, Power, and World Order: Social Forces in the Making of
History. Columbia University Press, New York.
Dickenson, J., 1990. Vineyards under threat in Portugal. J. Wine Res. 1 (2), 159162.
Harvey, D., 2002. The art of rent: globalization, monopoly and the commodication of
culture. Soc. Regist. 38, 93110.
Hillier, J., 2008. Plan(e) speaking: a multiplanar theory of spatial planning. Plan. Theory
7 (1), 2450.
Lpez Gonzlez, A., Pieira-Mantin, M.J., 2014. Housing market dynamics in a
peripheral region: the Atlantic urban axis in Galicia, Spain, 20012010. In:
Donoghue, D.P. (Ed.), Urban Transformations: Centres, Peripheries and Systems.
Farnham, Ashgate.
Lukes, S., 2009. Power: A Radical View. Macmillan, London/New York.
Macas Vzquez, A., Alonso Gonzlez, P., 2015. Managing collective symbolic capital
through agro-food labelling: strategies of local communities facing neoliberalism in
Spain. J. Rural Stud. 41, 142152.
Martin-Rios, C., Parga-Dans, E., 2016. Service response to economic decline: innovation
actions for achieving strategic renewal. J. Bus. Res. 69 (8), 28902900.
Pardo-Calle, C., Segovia-Gonzalez, M.M., Paneque-Macias, P., Espino-Gonzalo, C., 2011.
An approach to zoning in the wine growing regions of Jerez-Xrs-Sherry and
Manzanilla-Sanlcar de Barrameda (Cdiz, Spain). Span. J. Agric. Res. 9 (3),
831843.
Pal, V., Tonts, M., 2005. Containing urban sprawl: trends in land use and spatial
planning in the metropolitan region of Barcelona. J. Environ. Plan. Manag. 48 (1),
735.
Recasens, X., Alfranca, O., Maldonado, L., 2016. The adaptation of urban farms to cities:
the case of the Alella wine region within the Barcelona Metropolitan Region. Land
Use Policy 56, 158168.
Sommers, B., 2008. The Geography of Wine: How Landscapes, Cultures, Terroir, and the
Weather Make a Good Drop. Penguin, London.
Sturzaker, J., Shucksmith, M., 2011. Planning for housing in rural England: discursive
power and spatial exclusion. Town Plan. Rev. 82 (2), 169194.
Ulin, R.C., 2002. Work as cultural production: labour and selfidentity among southwest
French winegrowers. J. R. Anthropol. Inst. 8 (4), 691712.
Yin, R.K., 2015. Case Study Research: Design and Methods. Sage Publication, London.