6 Evaluationand Self-evaluation
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trieved from www.ideals.illinois.edu/
euelopmentof the higher psycbological
ersityPress.
on YouTube
Designing the Selfin Makeup
Tutorials
Ramon Reichert
INTRODUCTION
In liberal democratic societies,inspecrionprocedures consriture a domi-
n a n t f o r m a n d p r a c t i c eo f k n o w l e d g e( A g a m b e n , 1 9 9 3 ;A n d r e j e v i c , 2 0 1 1 ,
pp. 278-87). Inspection procedures are widely recognized and usually
referredto by the collectiveterm "evaluation." Evaluation is believedro be
the predominant vehicleto measurethe impact of emancipation,democra-
tization, and social equity. Vast areas of everyday and popular culrure are
surroundedby a variety of evaluationpractices.In this context, not only has
a new control instrument emerged,but new forms of managing oneself and
others have arisen as well (Strathern,2003). The term "evaluarion" is on
everyone'slips becauseit is aptly malleableand expansible,and it is colloqui-
ally usedto mean somethingbetween"assessing"and "grading." The social
media of Veb 2.0 play an important role in the currenr boom of evaluation.
In other words, the Internet has given birth to a communication culture of
mutual and permanentevaluation,which takes hold of the entire social and
cultural spaceand often adopts the form of entrepreneurialpractices.
Everydayand popular culrure is flooded, to a large exrent,by a multitude
of performancedeterminationmethods,verification procedures,diagnostic
methods,and personalitytests(Christensen,20l'1., pp.233-53). Evaluarions,
testing procedures,questionnaires,and statisticshave becomethe norm on
the Internet as well, where they influence how we think, perceive,work,
remember,and communicate.Feedbacksystems,performancecomparisons,
quality rankings, monitoring, matching, benchmarking,starisricalcontrols,
flexible processcontrol, self-awareness catalysts,satisfactionsurveys-all of
thesesystemic-cybernetic control functions and observatoryconnectionsof
mutual assessment and judgment are functional elementsof media technol-
ogy in Veb 2.0. Applications of postdisciplinaryWeb 2.0 technologiesare
basedon a cyberneticmodel which presupposesthe individual as a sysrem
that processesinformation and adapts as flexibly as possible to existing
standardsset by its environmenras long as it continuesto be "informed" by
responses(feedback).The "informational control" of vast parts of society
by meansof searchand analysisenginesis a power mode of its own, which
 --

95 Ramon Reicbert Eualu

is basedon the logic of self-organization,interconnectedness,and feedback, control and the bottom-up me
and it resultsin media-specificforms of subjecrificarion.Insreadof regulat- nonlinear processesare becomin
ing individualsdirectly,which would bring about vasr amounrsof overhead, openness,and interconnectedn
iro'/"r} ,'oops ar, ,',-,i,',t,teJt,'i
;,','.r'^t.':, v'.\t,: :ht'.r-rl!i,-tr: o!
.'.\':'.;.';:1.;:'.;:l:'21 (,',i\iomrnunitirsxndnrirh\t sy
the norm occur. In the field of online media, the "conduct of conduct," as learning" of individualsand org
identified by Michel Foucault (I991, p. 100) as the key formula for the exer- p r i s e sa n d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n sr ,e p r
cise of power, takes the shapeof control via feedback-drivenself-control. (Brockmeier,2000, pp. 5I-73; 2r
When an individual observeshim/herselfor others, continuous feedback Response systems place the I
createsa cycle of mutual observation on the basis of which adaptations tions, where they have to prov(
lare possible and interventionscan be planned (cf. Causey,2006). ln this Referring to the makeup videos
context, the individual is supposedto be able to perceivespecific effects the producers of YouTube makr
and, at the same time, the causesof these effects. This indicates a charac- ily as interconnectedsubjectswl
teristic understandingof causality,i.e., a systemic-cybernetic observatory dently but who derivetheir soci
connection constituted by creating control cycles in the form of feedback the medium from their own willr
loops, which can be used to regulateeither oneselfor others, dependingon within online feedbacksystems
the direction the observationtakes. Expanding systemic-cybernetic control The online feedbacksystems
functions in Web 2.0 raises issuesconcerning systemsand models, regu- ments of group dynamics from
lation, circular causality,feedback, equilibrium, adaptation, and control. human resource management,ln
The required adaptationsdo not suggestto those controlled that they must acts as a responseto a person(
achievea certain ideal value. The control technologyof "gentle adaptation" optimize his or her internal and
attempts to set an interminable dynamic of self-optimization in motion, field consistsof how peopleper
which is supposedto be produced by the subject within the boundariesof them, with these imagesbeing c<
his or her own individual initiative and self-responsibility. these processesclear and to prac
Accordingly, a new kind of informationization dynamic related to self- and external perceptions,feedba
practicesbegins to emergeagainst the backdrop of the global distribution dynamic training. Opinion polls
of web-based applications and of administrative institutions strategically of enterprises,political parties,a
opening up to systemsof open knowledge. Not unlike scientific evalua- basisfor marketing strategies, ele
tion, everyday evaluation presupposesthe option of changing and control- as executive measures.ln huma
ling the behavior of the subjectsinvolved. Responsesystemsand feedback intendedas a meansof synchron
loops suggestthat the subjectsbe shaped to a certain exrent in order to condition when it comesto set
become socially effective. Their technological schemeaims to assert knowl- measurefollowing job interview
edge on the level of everyday practices. Responsesystemswill turn "general cation in human resourcemanz
everyday perception" into "structural monitoring" used to systematically 18O-degreefeedbacksfor execu
observe, score, judge, and successfullychange a certain kind of behavior. application in quality managem
Feedbacksystemscan substantiallyhelp activatepracticesof evaluativeself- seminar evaluations.In human r
observation. However, manifold codes of observatory knowledge based on refers to oral or written respon
"objectifying" and "neutralizing" knowledge technologies cannot belie the psychology, it coversmore gener
fact that every kind of knowledge has inherent social and normative con- of communication,suchas gestu
cepts and is fundamentally dependent on political and economic contexts. Responsesystemsand feedba
lndividuals on the web are thereforesubjectto permanent mutual obser- context of social generalizatio
vation and grading. Socialnetwork sitesinvolve a setof cyberneticpractices, informational practicesin large
such as assessment, evaluation,supervision,coaching,monitoring, feedback feedback generateswidely bran
systems,and matching or efficiency/effectivenessmeasuring. Control, reg- normalizing even decentralized
ulation, and governance of the self have always formed a key approach drop, evaluativeknowledgethr(
in educational practice. Vith the rise of cybernetic processesof symbolic tial meansof control in informar
 Eualuation and Self-eualuationon YouTube 97
control and the bottom-up methods of evaluative feedbacks, complex,
nonlinear processesare becoming central, which combine the contingenc5
openness, and interconnectednessof leb2.0 media culture into power-
ful communities and variable systems.Against this backdrop, the "lifelong
learning" of individuals and organizations, people and governmenrs)enrer-
prises and administrations, representsa kind of continuous feedback itself
(Brockmeier, 2000, pp. 51-73;2001, pp. 247-80).
Response systems place the learning subjects in flexibilized test situa-
tions, where they have to prove themselves as versatile, adaptable users.
Referring to rhe makeup videos examined in this paper, this means that
the'producers of YouTube makeup videos understand themselvesprimar-
ily as interconnected subjects who do not act autonomously and indepen-
dently but who derive their social impact and the attenrion they receive via
the medium from their own willingness to participate in social networking
within online feedback systems.
The online feedback systems implemented on the web pick up on ele-
ments of group dynamics from psychotherapy, of opinion polling, and of
human resource managemenr. In the context of group dynamics, feedback
acts as a response to a person concerning his or her behavior, serving to
optimize his or her internal and external perception. The group-dynamic
field consists of how people perceive themselvesand how orhers perceive
them, with these images being considered noncongruenr. In order to make
these processesclear and to practice them, and in order to improve internal
and external perceptions, feedback is expresslyused as an exercisein group-
dynamic training. Opinion pol/s collect data and information at the behest
of enterprises,political parties, and public institutions. Said data serve as a
basis for marketing strategies,election platforms, and administrative as well
as executive measures. In human resource managemenf, feedback is also
intended as a means of synchronizing the current condition with the desired
condition when it comes to setting and achieving goals, or as a response
measure following job interviews or tasks done on the job. Casesof appli-
cation in human resource management include 360-degree feedbacks or
180-degree feedbacks for executives, as well as team feedbacks. Cases of
application in quality management include customer feedbacks, but also
seminar evaluations. In human resourcemanagement, feedback exclusively
refers to oral or written response) while in industrial and organizational
psychology, it covers more generally the nonverbal and unconsciousaspects
of communication, such as gesturesand facial expressions.
Responsesystemsand feedback loops also play an important role in the
context of social generalization of control technologies, which legitimize
informational practices in large parts of society. In this social framework,
feedback generates widely branched social knowledge and is capable of
normalizing even decentralized pracices. Against this applicational back-
drop, evaluative knowledge through observation has emerged as an essen-
tial means of control in information- and knowledge-basedsocieties.Along
 Y

98 Ramon Reicbert Eualuatic

these lines, self-reflection and creativity are considered crucial for achieve- systematic,data-baseddescription
ment, and personal development has become an obligation for each and sons, or actions. However, gather
everybody. Extending control to one's own self, however, does not necessar- clients, participants, and relevant
ily entail a gain in autonomy, becausethe subjectsthemselvesare supposed tematized collection of informatior
to be controlled; this includes, for example, documenting one's own creative but it is mainly intended to sugges
abilities and potentials via electronic portfolios and electronic diaries. in making decisions. Unfortunatel
The entanglement of evaluation, power practices, and subjectification infiltrated by normative conceptsa
adds a historical angle to the genealogy of evaluation as a modern, scien- which, although they substantially
tifically systematizedobservation technologS becauseonly through it does uative knowledge, are hardly addr
it become evident how extensively evaluation has always been included in Discussionson the status of evalr
-tr. .o-prehensive scientific paradigms and general discursive forma- the argument that the validity of
tions and which transmogrifications evaluation knowledge has undergone. extremely low and that the objectiv
Accordingly, the historical approach clearly shows how evaluation has is highly dubious. In this context,
emerged as a comprehensivepolitical technology. Against the backdrop of a that the hegemonic enforcementof
discussionabout human capital and educational economics,conceptswhich edge based on observation depend
were developed during the 18th century, evaluative observatory knowledge forms of practice.Societyincreasin
has been increasingly refined and differentiated. Evaluation is not only some planning rationality as normal and
kind of scientific method for grading processes,but, being a historical form ent in various fields:self-evaluatio
of knowledge, it involves a certain level of rationalization and disciplining. and employment and education b
On the other hand, evaluation also plays a role in the context of the social overall evaluation wave. Furtherm<
generalization of control technologies,which allows control over large parts "mass feedbacktechnologies"(Ben
of society. The knowledge technique of evaluation in its institutionalized own data and information netwo
form can be traced back to the sociopolitical reform programs of the 1950s research, and testing methods fron
and 1960s in the United States.Reform programs underwent assessmentin collaborative networks,evaluation
various fields, including education, health, food, and infrastructure. Evalu- edge based on observation of every
ation is a form of intervening research initiated by governments, aimed at User-generated contentis increa
specifically controlling social change and thereby increasing the rationality ial practices in both technical and <
of public administration. As neoliberal practices (e.g., New Public Man- like "ranking," simulate market tra
agement) emerged in society during the early 1990s, evaluation became videos on YouTube are globally a
an instrument of measuring performance and enhancing efficiency. In the rated by means of informational 1
1920s and 1930s, scientific evaluative knowledge created important discur- ated by evaluation produces a cyc
sive threads in the milieu of Taylorism, i.e., Scientific Management, organi- perceptions into structural monito
zational theory, group research, test psychologS and Fordism. Evaluation dures provide offers of simplificatic
has developed from being a political means used in its context of origin for employing knowledge techniquesr
assessingsocial programs in the field of educational practice into a mere tool tables, counters, etc.).This specificI
of economization and standardization. It has penetrated deep into subjects' edge suggeststhat the subjects' al
social practices,where it createsmanifold impulsessubjectscan use to perma- concerning their performance. In t
nently evaluatethemselvesand to put themselvesunder self-observation.The knowledge is enhancedby being sy
discourseof evaluation has sparked reflective,observation-basedknowledge and institutional terms, and it the
about minuting, systematizing, and grading observations, reaching deep rationalization. The term "medium
into the micro-levels of self-practices.The effects of evaluation as a tech- referring to a meansof observation
nology of systematic,institutionalized, permanent (self-)observationinclude the casewhen knowledge appearsi:
that through them, individuals initiate self-observation and self-monitoring statistic, text, etc.
practices and that the pressure is increasedon individuals to act efficiently A scientific paradigm like evalu
all the time. The label "evaluation" has now become svnonymous with a iectification on the level of institut
 Eualuation and Self-eualuationon YouTube 99
systematic, data-based description and assessmentof certain objects, per-
sons, or actions. However, gathering "useful" knowledge on behalf of
clients, participants, and relevant persons through the detailed and sys-
tematized collection of information does not result in profound insights,
but it is mainly intended to suggestunambiguous knowledge and certainty
in making decisions. Unfortunately, this evaluative knowledge is always
infiltrated by normative concepts about efficient or inefficient categories,
which, although they substantially influence the generation of said eval-
uative knowledge, are hardly addressed by the discourse on evaluation.
Discussions on the status of evaluation-like procedures typically ignore
tfie argument that the validity of standardized documentation tools is
extremely low and that the objectivity of a majority of external evaluations
is highly dubious. In this context, it would seem appropriate to assume
that the hegemonic enforcement of evaluation as everyday control knowl-
edge based on observation dependson its mergenceinto institutionalized
forms of practice. Society increasingly views technocratic and bureaucratic
planning rationality as normal and commonplace, which becomes appar-
ent in various fields: self-evaluationtechniques,individual curricula vitae,
and employment and education biographies are not excluded from the
overall evaluation wave. Furthermore, e-commerce businessoperates with
"mass feedbacktechnologies" (Beniger,1,986,p.20), which establishtheir
own data and information networks, including opinion polls, consumer
research, and testing methods from the field of advertising psychology. In
collaborative networks, evaluation presents itself as complex social knowl-
edge based on observation of everyday practices.
User-generatedcontent is increasingly expected to adapt to entrepreneur-
ial practices in both technical and organizational terms. Feedback systems,
like "ranking," simulate market transparency for open competitidn, as the
videos on YouTube are globally and constantly ranked and statistically
rated by means of informational graphics. The permanent feedback cre-
ated by evaluation produces a cycle of control, turning general everyday
perceptions into structural monitoring; computer-based inspection proce-
dures provide offers of simplification as they present complex relationships
employing knowledge techniques used in financial accounting (diagrams,
tables, counters, etc.). This specific form of observation-basedsocial knowl-
edge suggests that the subjects' abilities invariably require improvement
concerning their performance. In that sense,subjective observation-based
knowledge is enhanced by being systematizedin theoretical, media-related,
and institutional terms, and it thereby becomes an important medium of
rationalization. The term "medium" has a double meaning in this context,
referring to a means of observation as well as a medium of knowledge-as is
the casewhen knowledge appears in an electronic form as a formula, table,
statistic, text, etc.
A scientific paradigm like evaluation knowledge implies a certain sub-
jectification on the level of institutional or everyday practices in order to
100 Ramon Reicbert Eualuation
become historically effective. In New Public Management, speculationsare and collaborativeframing processe
already thriving that the economization of lifestyles has a rewarding and shown as somethingthat createsan
promotional effect on the development of human capital. At this interface uted to any intersubjectivelycontrc
of subject constitution, the internalization of the managerial gouernment the productive power of the perforr
createsa normative framework, which places self-eualuation, the feedback ating something but by dealingwit
system, quality control, and performance comparison in a mutual relation- Looked at that way, the performar
ship. \X/henprograms and goals of performance and efficiency enhancemenr meaning that not only implementsi
are designed, normative concepts are always included in order to stabilize rospect,modifiesexistingcontent.
hegemonic orders. Altogether, the normative order aims for its own natu- (3) Performativeprocesses on thc
ralization, thereby ultimately suggesringa mundane normality of economic enablement.Specifically,it is compr
tionality, where values like "performancer" "effectiveness," and "effi- cation technologiesthat regulateth
ciency" appear to be "self-evident" and "casual" expressionsof "normal" tion of content generatedby users
behavior. In this context, orders of knowledge and procedures of normal- technologically completed actions tl
ization find themselvesin an interrelationship, not just empirically but also tion of meaning and significancean
categorically. Knowledge is a prerequisite for the normalization of knowl- ogy of examiningperformativeproc
edge, which is in turn a prerequisite for the generation and development of heuristic meaning within the theore
knowledge. These interrelations of knowledge and evaluation clearly show cal questions beyond the dichoton
that evaluative techniques are as such proactively involved in the construc- rechnologicaleuphoria-questions(
tion of success,which is the sole basis for conclusions concerning perfor- mative enablementin technologica
mance. In their interminable dynamics, data processesare characteristic of
the processesof subject constitution on the web. The eventsthat are relevant
for self-practicesoccur only in the aftermath of corresponding processing MAKEUP TUTORIALS ON YOU'
procedures, which make knowledge virtual by cultivating networks, lists,
mean values, rankings, etc. Eventually, data-based knowledge processing The rise of the socialmediain $eb
makes the fields of practice of "amateurs" and "professionals" assimilate. moving images in the web. They hz
In that sense,a new kind of job application culture seemsto have emerged of meaning and of permanent disc
along with the socially powerful networking culture: one rhat..generates hypertext, ranking, and voting sy
new media forms of self-thematization and often adopts the shape of self- framing processesmap audiovisu
entrepreneurial behavior. In the following, we discussthree central processes environments(cf. van Dijck, 2007)
of evaluation and self-evaluation on the online video platform YouTube in cal component of visual self-stagi
connection with the following social technologiesof networking: genre of makeup tutorials has eme
(1) The discussion of moving images on YouTube will center on what video format that exertssubstanti
performative role the initiators of video uploads play. Social network sires, tion and participatoryculture.
currently booming on the web, have produced a new regime of subjecti- Makeup tutorials are designed
fication, with proactive self-optimizers as the ruling characters. They are considered"practical films." They
expectedto master the art of smart self-governanceand to hold their ground adolescents, feature themselves,ar
even when facing the forces of flexibilization. They have to prove their per- personal experiencein the fieldsof
manent state of mobilization by their digital showcase portfolio (in our show-how information in peer-to
exemplary case,the YouTube channel for makeup tutorials), which they are ual or an encyclopedia.The core
expected to update regularly and maintain open for feedback. Against this '
than aiming to be perceivedas a
background, what status do collective framing processeson online portals "facilitation" of cultural and soci
have when it comes to production of meaning, negotiation, and distribution cally "weak" authorship.\Whenm
of moving images? "ensemblesof discursiveevents"([
(2) The tendency to resignify and reiterare existing conrenr (mash-up, is oriented along the performativil
remix) points to an aspectof the performative closely connectedto collective seeksto think of makeupvideosas
 Eualuation and Self-eualuationon YouTube 101
and collaborative framing processes.Again, performative practice is mainly
shown as something that creates an excess,which can no longer be attrib-
uted to any intersubjectively controllable field of discourse. In that sense,
the productive power of the performative presents itself not simply by cre-
ating something but by dealing with what we have not created ourselves.
Looked at that way, the performance can be understood as an excess of
meaning that not only implements a new performative framing bur, in ret-
rospect,modifies existing content.
(3) Performative processeson the Internet are the result of technological
enablement.SpecificallSit is computer-assisted informarion and communi-
catin technologies that regulate the modes, the validity, and the distribu-
tion of content generated by users. As a consequence,web media and the
technologically completed actions therein are essentialparts of the produc-
tion of meaning and significance and need to be included in the methodol-
ogy of examining performative processes.This issue,in addition to having a
heuristic meaning within the theoreticaldiscursivepractice,opens up criti-
cal questions beyond the dichotomy of technological determinism versus
technological euphoria-questions concerning the scopeof action of perfor-
mative enablement in technological environments.

MAKEUP TUTORIALS ON YOUTUBE

The rise of the social media in Web 2.0 has thoroughly changed the status of
moving images in the web. They have become a venue of open production
of meaning and of permanent discussion. Moderated comment functions,
hypertext, ranking, and voting systems via collective and collaborative
framing processesmap audiovisual content to multimedia and discrursive
environments (cf. van Dijck, 2007). \(lith putting on makeup being a criti-
cal component of visual self-stagingin the new subject-centeredmedia, the
genre of makeup tutorials has emerged as an exceptionally popular online
video format that exerts substantial influence on its users' identity forma-
tion and participatory culture.
Makeup tutorials are designed for practical use and can therefore be
considered "practical films." They are predominantly produced by female
adolescents, feature themselves, and mainly impart knowledge based on
personal experience in the fields of lifestyle and body skill, which provides
show-how information in peer-to-peer networks as opposed to a man-
ual or an encyclopedia. The core assertion is that makeup videos, rather
than aiming to be perceived as a "creative work," operate as a means of
"facilitation" of cultural and social negotiation processesbased on tacti-
cally "weak" authorship. SThenmakeup videos are thus understood to be
"ensemblesof discursiveevents" (Foucault, 1982, p.231), this observation
is oriented along the performativity of the medium, allowing a view that
seeksto think of makeup videosas contributions to negotiationprocessesin
102 Ramon Reicbert Eualuation

two different respects.First, they appear as improvised knowledge, which practices.The media specificsof such
explicitly demands rearrangementl: "This is my very first makeup video, the boundariesbetweenproductiona
so I hope you are not too harsh with me. Useful criticism and advice are that, as a consequence, deterministic:
most welcome" (Carpediem120l, October 29,20091. Second,the different culture on YouTubeis altogetheraime
kinds of character registersin makeup videos make a point of stimulat- production and reception,and it cre
ing the interactivepotential of social network sites.A significantpattern of breaks with the conventionsof perce
makeup tutorials is the creation of communicative proximity through the sion, where only low significance is g
medium. This proximity, however,is complex and cannot always be found Moreover, expansionof subjectpc
in the video image itself. Apart from the mise-en-scne, it is often a written set, which points to the specificmec
comment that makes a crucial gestureby declaringthe video as a work in example, recording makeup videos
pro'g.essmade without any intention of being perfect:"This is all to say that experimental setup and self-observ
'work in progress'kind of look" (Temptaliaad YouTube- mostly girls, put on makeup by then
this is more like a
Vrdeo Makeup Tutorial and Tips: Streamof Consciousness: www.youtube. as "uncut" material is perceivedas
com/watch?v=dhGSSbecXbQ). As far as the history of media discoursesis within the community, the set desig
concerned, the referencesto further reading that creators often attach to prepared and planned accordingly
their makeup tutorials may well be understoodas a continuation of the dis- great demand for videoswhich oper
cussionon a paradigm shift of interactivity (intermedia,happening,fluxus) diacy and live atmosphere:"People
and on the "open work" (Eco, 1989), which has been intenselygoing on They want me to be live and to tall
sincethe 1960s. In this context, structural homologiescan be made between Tube channel (CaroLaPrincesse, Sep
the efforts to question the subject of the author as a constitutiveagent, the usually consistsof a webcamattach
work as a completed entity, and the call for interaction and collaboration Often the protagonistswill placetheir
voiced in the social media of \eb2.0. Along these lines, when makeup or next to a mirror in order to cre
tutorials become venuesof cultural circulation and aestheticconflicts, we own face. The women applying mal
are provided with the possibility not only to isolatethem as a genre within as observers.This unusualobservato
the field of film and media studies,but also to addressthem as cultural and platforms as know-how: "It was migl
media-basedpracticeemploying a more capaciousview (cf. Reichert,2013). of the webcam becauseit is back-to-f
( P O D x L a d y A g a ,J u l y 3 0 , 2 0 1 0 ) . A l
artistspost commentsthat containins
ONLINE EVALUATION IN THE CLOSED CIRCUIT fessions,as well as self-doubts,insec
placing questionsis to establisha par
While private space used to be defined as an actual space separated from n i t y . A l o n g t h e s el i n e s ,p a r r i c i p a t o r
the external world, in which individuals preparedfor their public presenta- understood as an attempt to secure.
tion of self (Goffman, 1959), makeup tutorials shift the conventionallimits period of time. Next to the makeupm
between private and public space.They turn the domestic sphere tradition- own image on the computer screen.
ally attributed to the female into a medializedvenue of public contempla- cam, allowing them to monitor and <
tion and collectiveproduction of meaning.Although makeup tutorials have the video recording.Instant availabi
been associatedwith the female realm, both due to their protagonistsand characteristicof video. Makeup tutor
based on other discursiveprocedures,they have contributed to a shift in by creating situational settingsin wl
visual strategiesof female representation. Female adolescentshave adopted in the representativesituation.The n
the meansof production used in media recording,storage,and distribution makeup videos thus follows the princ
in their makeup videos, thus decenteringthe privilegesof male-dominated The closed-circuitarrangementd(
relationsof production. The media frenzy over makeup videoson YouTube, the "recording medium" is directlyc
therefore, represents a new practice of media usage and exploitation of In the closed-circuitobservatoryar
media and self-images.YouTube makeup videos are a format that is inte- synchronicityof their actions,and th
grated into a web culture of circulating representations,technologies,and not unlike in the mirrot but not ba
v

Eualuation and Self-eualuationon YouTube 103

practices.The media specificsof such online video formats demonstrate that
the boundaries between production and reception are constantly shifted and
that, as a consequence, deterministicsubjectpositionsare resolved.Makeup
culture on YouTube is altogether aimed at eliminating the difference between
production and reception, and it createssentiencetoward an aestheticthat
breaks with the conventionsof perceptionestablishedin cinema and televi-
sion, where only low significanceis granted to audienceparticipation.
Moreover, expansion of subject positions begins no later than at the film
set, which points to the specific media aesthetic of makeup tutorials. For
example, recording makeup videos requires the assemblyof a particular
'experimental
setup and self-observationarrangement.As the adolescents,
mostly girls, put on makeup by themselveswhile being "on camera," and
as "uncut" material is perceivedas particularly true-to-life and authentic
within the community, the set design at the shooting location needs to be
prepared and planned accordingly. The community has been displaying
great demand for videos which operate with the codes of dialogue imme-
diacy and live atmosphere: "People don't want editing and text inserts.
They want me to be live and to talk," says CarolaPrincesse on her You-
Tube channel (CarolaPrincesse,September21,201,21.The technicalsetup
usually consistsof a webcam attached to a desktop computer or a laptop.
Often the protagonists will place their computer with its webcam in front of
or next to a mirror in order to create an additional perspective of their
own face. The women applying makeup multiply themselvesin their role
as observers.This unusual observatory arrangement is then discussedin the
platforms as know-how: "It was mighty hard to put the makeup on in front
ofthe webcam becauseit is back-to-front and I kept being overly confused!"
(PODxLadyAga, July 30, 2010). Along with their videos, many makeup
artists post comments that contain instructions, recommendations,and con-
fessions,as well as self-doubts,insecurities,and questions.The purpose of
placing questions is to establish a participatory platform and a fan commu-
nity. Along theselines, participatory contextualizationof the videos can be
understood as an attempt to secureaudienceappreciationfor an extended
period of time. Next to the makeup mirror, the protagonists usually seetheir
own image on the computer screenas simultaneouslyrelayed by the web-
cam, allowing them to monitor and optionally change,pause,or terminate
the video recording. Instant availability of imageshas always beena special
characteristicof video. Makeup tutorials take advantageof this technology
by creating situational settings in which the spectators involve themselves
in the representativesituation. The most basic observatoryarrangementin
makeup videos thus follows the principle of the closedcircuit.
The closed-circuit arrangement describes a recording method in which
the "recording medium" is directly connectedto the "displaying medium."
In the closed-circuit observatory arrangement, spectators experience the
synchronicity of their actions, and they align them with the digital image-
not unlike in the mirror, but not back-to-front as before. The spectators
104 Ramon Reicbert Eualuation

find themselvesinside a reality expanded by the medium. This expansion composition. Luke incarnatesthe bt
allows for thesemade-upgirls and women to experiencethemselvesno lon- self-sufficientvideo production.In I
ger within a temporary situation they perceiveas the presentbut in a time- front of the camera without wearin
lagged rendition that has more of a retrospectiveor documentary nature. In who would stand in front of her mi
this context, the video image is usedin the role of a mirror as well as in that her credibility both on a diegeticanc
of a monitoring device. However, as opposed to the image in the makeup level, she makes transformation in
mirror, the video image is dependenton the position of the recording cam- on an extradiegetic level, she neatl
era, not on its own position in relation to what it depicts.Many produc- product line. Her makeuptutorialsr
ers of makeup videos use the video image transmitted from the webcam to and she is now worshipped as a You
the monitor to simulate the direct gaze into the camera. therebv maintain- own beauty-careline on her person
i l g i m m e d i a t ec o m m u n i c a t i o nw i t h t h e a u d i e n c e .W h i l e t h e b r . r u r r o r y Guardian's weekend supplement,a
arrangement of the closed circuit is used for self-perception mediated by book entitled Lawren Luke Looks
the camera,it also fulfills the film-aestheticpurpose of addressingthe com- Tutorials.
munity directly. All makeup accessories need to be prepared at the film set Despite tendenciestoward profes
before the actual recording. Hence there has to be some kind of screen- by YouTubers as one of the core fr
play that defineswhich objectswill be used in which sequenceand in what context of practical instrumentaliz
order the various procedureswill take place.The set designat the makeup used to construct visual self-eviden
table can be simple, but it can also be a very complex installation, and it to what appearsto be undeniable
includesa multivariant repertory which may compriseattaching eyelashes, immediate conception. Authenticity
dying hair, applying nail polish, or creating entire looks for one's face. The the voyeuristicappealbut mainly to
medialization of the self during the application of makeup follows specific nity branding on self-governedYou
patterns of staging and is based on different techniquesand routines. It ticity markers are employed on Yc
requiresan interplay of circumstances(such as the availability of consumer include a low-tech style of documer
hardware), options (such as the combinatoricsof styles),and coincidences absenceof a photo studio, and the
(such as slips of the tongue during recording).In this sense,makeup videos Altogether, the purpose of these vi
do not need the prerequisiteof a genuinely "constitutive subject" to confer ity aiming at amateuristicimmedi
deepermeaning to what is shown, as this is always also determinedby the that were used in the period of ear
historical and social limitations of the medium. Accordingly,the proximity als attempt to enablethe viewer t
evoked in the makeup videos is no longer the underlyingconstruct but one movement in front of the camera
created by the medium that emergesfrom certain conventions of perception cf. Elsaesser, 2009, p.155ff.). In or
without being ultimately determineditself. makeup tutorials are filmed in a si
tage. They operate with a tripod ci
The takes that show the actual n
AESTHETICS OF AUTHENTICITY single-shotprocessthat entailsa m
\X/ithin the stationary frame, the ac
The makeup videos of Lauren Luke, a 27-year-old single mother from place. In the style of the methods
Newcastle, England, have been watched by more than one hundred mil- use the absenceof montage and ct
lion viewers all over the world. On July 22,2007, she uploaded her first of the female realm of experienc
recordings on YouTube, filmed in her pink-colored bedroom. One of her of a window on the world. At the
three dogs can be seenin the background; she used her bedsidelamp as an Deleuze(1986) wrote about the "n
illumination device. Before long, thousandsof usersclicked on her tutori- "in the first place, the frame is defi
als, leaving enthusiastic comments. Luke owes her popularity to the low- which is that of the spectatoron a
tech aestheticthat is typical of the online video portal YouTube: her videos the time of the stationary camera.
representimprovisation, spontaneity,and absenceof perfection. Most of the tutorial reinstatescharactersa
the videos are uncut, coarse-grained,and without any intentional dramatic ment is therefore not extractedfor
 Eualuation and Self-eualuationon YouTube 105
composition. Luke incarnates the bottom-up role model of uncensoredand
self-sufficient video production. In her makeup videos, she initially steps in
front of the camera without wearing make-up-just like any other woman
who would stand in front of her mirror in the morning. This process wins
her credibility both on a diegetic and on an extradiegetic level. On a diegetic
level, she makes transformation into a desirablewoman plausible, while
on an extradiegetic level, she neatly places authenticity narratives for her
product line. Her makeup tutorials on YouTube have vaulted Luke to fame,
and she is now worshipped as a YouTube celebrity. As of today, she sells her
own beauty-careline on her personalwebsite,has a regular column inThe
Guhrdian's weekend supplement, and has recently published a best-selling
book entitled Lauren Luke Looks: 25 Celebrity and Eueryday Makeup
Tutorials.
Despite tendenciestoward professionalization, authenticity is still regarded
by YouTubers as one of the core features for generating attention. In this
context of practical instrumentalization, specific markers of authenticity are
used to construct visual self-evidence."Self-evidence" in this context refers
to what appears to be undeniable,what is supposedto be obvious upon
immediate conception. Authenticity markers are needednot only to rncrease
the voyeuristic appeal but mainly to spark community building and commu-
nity branding on self-governedYouTube channels.Various kinds of authen-
ticity markers are employed on YouTube to verify certain contents. They
include a low-tech style of documentation,a private recordingsituation,the
absenceof a photo studio, and the use of commercial consumerhardware.
Altogether, the purpose of these video images is to create a casual visual-
ity aiming at amateuristic immediacy. By returning to aesthetic processes
that were used in the period of early cinema around 1900, makeup futori-
als attempt to enable the viewer to focus on the aesthetic features of the
movement in front of the camera (for the analysis of narrative practices,
cf. Elsaesser, 2009, p. 155ff.). In order to make the self-evidence plausible,
makeup tutorials are filmed in a singletake and do not use editing or mon-
tage. They operate with a tripod camera, which produces stationary takes.
The takes that show the actual makeup scenesare therefore filmed in a
single-shot process that entails a motionless background and rigid framing.
Within the stationary frame, the actual processof putting on makeup takes
place. In the style of the methods used in early cinema, makeup tutorials
use the absenceof montage and camera movement for the aestheticization
of the female realm of experience, for which the framing adopts the role
of a window on the world. At the "time of the stationary camera," Gilles
Deleuze(1985)wrote about the "movement image" in his book on cinema,
"in the first place, the frame is defined by a unique and frontal point of view
which is that of the spectatoron an invariable set" (p. 241.By returning ro
the time of the stationary camera and showing only one angle of the room,
the tutorial reinstates characters and things as the moving factor: "Move-
ment is therefore not extracted for itself and remains attached to elements,
106 Ramon Reichert Eualuatio
charactersand things which serve as its moving body or vehicle" (p. 2a). the makeup video appearsas a te
In eschewingstaging techniquesof approaching and retracting (zoom) or discursiveprocedures,it always re
camera movements(panning, tracking), the protagonist bearsthe responsi- of imaging and seeingand in medi
bility of embodying all forms of movement and making sure she holds the it (1) exhibits a plurality of referen
makeup accessoriesin the camera frame. This revaluation of the field of of mediation in terms of form and
view recordedin real time is aestheticallyintendedand suggeststhat it is life use. Although the makeup stylesc
itself that inscribesitself in the medium. media imagesof femalestarsand a
Rebating movement to the protagonist in frr>ntof the camerais an approach in the context of film and televisio
to revaluatethe cameraaestheticin favor of realisticimpression,which pushes processesthat underminethe idea
the stationary takes closer to the tradition of photography. Other methods of inspection.Makeup videosform a 1
athenticity creation include contextualizationin writing: using titles, tags, a realm of experienceinvolving er
and comments,the filmmakers try to exposethe intention of their makeup stereotypeimageof the woman con
tutorials and to steerhow their videosare perceived.In tacticallydiminishing on the level of filming and staging
the statusof their authorship,they try to direct negotiati()nprocesses to the the female protagonist'sfrontal gaz
video, thus gaining attention. This tactical maneuver of self-criticismas evi- of experienceof femalesubjectivi
dence of proximity has won the video titled My First Makeup Tutorial more strategiesof frontally gazinginto t)
than 6,000 clicks on YouTubeand sparkeda culture of conspiratoryamateur during recording,and of discursiv
practicesthat has a fundamentally positive attitude toward improvised, low- disrupt the assumptionsof the clos
tech formats. In her fashion blog Kosmetik (t' Beauty Blog. Alles rund ums ups) being per se capturedin the i
Tbema Beauty,Make-Up und Kosmetlk [Cosmeticsand beautyblog: You will A n n D o a n e ( 1 9 8 2 )s t a t e si n c o n n e
learn everythingyou needabout beauty,make-up and cosmetics],the author spectatort"There is a certainoverJ
explicitly confessesto a low-tech aesthetic: Given the closenessof this relation
describedonly in terms of a kind c
\7e "make-up girls" on YouTubedo our best for our videosby contem- a b e c o m i n g "( p . 7 6 \ .
plating technicalissuesand providing a pleasantatmosphereand light- In the observatorv arrangeme
ing in our videos.Of course,thosewho have 1000-2000 euros worth of abundanceof self-presence doesn<
cameraequipment and 500 eurosworth of software did better jobs. But santly oscillatesbetween"present
is that somethingyou should be allowed t() expectwhen it says"Broad- "observation" (viewingthe imageo
'S(/eren't
cast yourself" ? wiggly webcam images,background noisesand (commenting on her own actions
time lag once what YouTube was all about? Should you be allowed to ment allow her to createdistance"r
bash private channel owners for poor technicalequipment? tainty" in the femalenaturerepres
(Cuddlecow,.lune24, 2011) mimicrn and speechto addressth
a stable position of power, as the
points to the improvisedcharacter
The lion's shareof online self-presentation s u b i e c tt o t h e c ( ) n t i n u i n gp r o c e s sr
of thesevideos and stagesproximity as a collectiveand collaborative commu- a level of representation.Accordin
nication process,as user Gabrielbur notes: "l know it's not perfectand I know shared and negotiatedexperiencei
I'm not a makeup pro but I hope you sdll have fun watching and if you have a l w a y s a " s i t u a t e d "p r a c t i c ew, hic
any commentsor suggestionsjust post them below" (Gabrielbur,February21, and interests.
2013). Numerous self-descriptions make clear that the recipientsof the tutorials
are friends and acquaintancesfrom the existing socialenvironmentof the video
producers.Adding to her tutorial Schmink Tutorial fr Amy rD, user PODx- FROM SELF-ADDRESSTO SUBJ
LadyAga writes, "l just made this video quickly for Amy to show her how to
apply eyelineror at least how I apply it! I am not doing this professionally& Prima facie, makeup tutorials tra
don't plan to. Just wanted to show that we in the POD community really help that aids in providing one'sphysic
eachother out-with EVERYTHING!" (PODxLadyAga,July30,2010).Vhile a broader context, however,make
 Eualuation and Self-eualuationon YouTube 107
the makeup video appears as a temporary snapshot of performative and
discursive procedures, it always remains integrated in hegemonic cultures
of imaging and seeing and in media canon formations. In a genre context,
it (1)exhibits a plurality of referenceimagesand (2) draws on conventions
of mediation in terms of form and content that cinema and televisionalso
use. Although the makeup styles of many tutorials are oriented along the
media images of female stars and although attention is drawn to the female
in the context of film and television,thesevideos reveala great number of
processesthat undermine the idea of womanhood as an object of visual
inspection.Makeup videosform a genreof domesticorientation that shows
a iealm of experienceinvolving everyday female activities.However, this
stereotypeimage of the woman contained in the domestic realm is disrupted
on the level of filming and staging,as the entire field of view is connoted by
the female protagonist's frontal gaze into the camera and is used as a realm
of experienceof female subiectivityby manifold modes of addressing.The
strategiesof frontally gazing into the camera, of making the camera visible
during recording, and of discursivelyaddressingthe medium and the setup
disrupt the assumptionsof the closelyfilmed woman (particularly in close-
ups) being per se captured in the ideological trap of narcissism.As Mary
Ann Doane (1982) statesin connection with the film image for the female
spectator,"There is a certain overpresenceoi the image-she is the image.
Given the closenessof this relationship, the female spectator'sdesire can be
described only in terms of a kind of narcissism-the female look demands
a b e c o m i n g "( p . 7 6 1 .
In the observatory arrangernent of makeup tutorials, this imaginary
abundanceof self-presence does not exist, as the representedwoman inces-
santly oscillatesbetween "presentation" (personalappearanceon camera),
"observation" (viewingthe imageon the monitor), and "self-thematization"
(commenting on her own actions). The efficiency of these acts of adjust-
ment allow her to createdistance"within the image"; they createan "uncer-
tainty" in the female nature represented.Even the fact that she usesgestures,
mimicry, and speech to address the viewer does not grant the protagonist
a stable position of power, as these audiovisual strategiesare themselves
subject to the continuing process of dialogic conflict and negotiations on
a level of representation. Accordingly, putting on makeup as a collectively
shared and negotiated experience in the social media is never a neutral but
always a "situated" practice,which referencesvarious kinds of viewpoints
and interests.

FROM SELF-ADDRESS TO SUBJECTIFICATION

Prima facie, makeup tutorials transfer nothing but practical knowledge

that aids in providing one's physical appearance with more expression. In
a broader context, however, makeup tutorials develop a depth effect that
108 Ramon Reichert Eualua
generatesindividual and collective identities and extends to life and the own position and, as an approac
body. In targeting the transformation of behavior and lifestyles, makeup the video. This technique of self-
videoscan be understoodas a power techniqueby which attention is drawn successfulstrategy to attract atte
to vital values,like physicalbeauty and fitness,as socialassets.In that sense, On the other hand, tutorialsalso
makeup tutorials appear not only as a means of individual instruction but in order to increasetheir own dist
also as a form of media, which aims at the practical manipulation of sub- imity to televisionformatsis mos
jects at the interface of physical practicesand media techniques.The pre- structures and forms of narratic
dominant share and biggestcontent-basedcategory of the clips uploaded and identification and in order
on YouTube has been termed "ego clips" by Birgit Richard; this type of mation that they are able to app
glip exposes"excessivenarcissisticself-representation,"in which a "broad are divided into successive episo
range from shy chatting up to visual prostitution is observed" (Richard, channels. Viewers can also subsc
2008, p. 227). This is a mainstream format identified through the char- enhances their commitment. The
acteristic appearance of YouTube. The dominant position of ego clips on the videos within the YouTubech
the YouTube attention market has resulted from the fact that the social fans can personally participate ir
media'spersonalizedcommunication stylesare predominant in Web 2.0. In a certain continuity in the make
that sense,makeup tutorials can be attributed to the popular genre of ego (who is establishedas a "friend")
clips: the close shot, the protagonist's bust portrait, and her frontal gaze into old bedroom backdrop).
the camera are typical featuresof makeup tutorials. These stylistic devicesof In the meantime) a genealog
'S7eb
direct addressencapsulatethe visual strategiesof makeup videos and help 2.0 blogosphereand in sec
them generate identification, empathS and sympathy. Almost every single vision, radio), trying to estab
makeup tutorial employs the stylistic device of direct addressas well as a o r i g i n a l i t y ,a n d d e f i n i t i o na s c r e
number of conventionsof representationused by the declaredself to pres- characterize the level of represe
ent herself as highly authentic in discursiverituals of genuine spontaneity and are substantially responsibl
and informality. According to Michel Foucault (1978), the confession,i.e., celebrities and star icons within
the "institutional incitement to speak" (p. 18), is "one of the West'smost are simultaneously attributed bu
highly valued techniquesfor producing truth" (p. 59). The specificconnec- woman" who knows how to su(
tions among power, truth, and subjectification is, thus, no longer.the result courses on YouTube, seeBurges
ofrepression or suppressionbut is, instead,basedon an increasinglyintense monic discoursesabout so-called
discursive formation. In a piece of "independent" and "self-governed" of the video on the Internet can
makeup advice, commitment to one particular makeup style comes across ics. The central role of the filmic
as more "impetuous" and "genuine" the more amateurishlyit seemsto be heteromedialitn which inscribes
confessedby the subjectsinvolved. Self-addressin this context refers to self- networks of meaning. The statu
referentiality communicated by means of language,gesture,or facial expres- der attributes and female capaci
sion, which constitutively retroacts on its utterer. \While the self-addressis only on the level of "representa
obviously addressedat the addressingself,it also opensup a secondchannel context of film theory) but also ir
of addresstargetedto an imaginary audienceand enablespossibility spaces hood are constructed during the
for future spectators.Conventional forms of self-addressinclude, for exam- recommendation, and hyperlink
ple, partial self-criticism or signals of irony, and these serve to diminish the are essentiallyresponsiblefor the
narcissisticgestureof self-representation. This willingnessto take criticism contexts of reception. Through
and these demonstrativemaneuversaim at establishingconspiratory prox- subject to a permanent, nonlinea
imity. In that sense,makeup videos are presented not so much as finished that sense,the perceptivecontex
pieces of work but rather as improvised drafts. This strategy of diminution remains open and incomplete.Tl
and relativizationof one'sown position in drafting oneselfis highly popular construction of female subjectivi
among the various communitiesbecauseit invitesother usersto participate. torically specific and culturally hr
The various forms of explicit self-address thus serveto diminish the subject's the producers and consumersol
 Eualuation and Self-eualuationon YouTube 109

own position and, as an approach, to attach participatory commitment to

be a very
the video. This technique of self-thematization has been found to 'Web
successfulstrategy to attract attention within the social media of 2.0.
On the other hand, tutorials also adopt certain formats and genre categories
in order to increasetheir own distinguishability. The makeup tutorial's prox-
imity to television formats is most aptly demonstrated basedon its serialized
structures and forms of narration. In order to promote viewers' interest
and identification and in order to encourage them to collect serial infor-
mation that they are able to apply to subsequentepisodes,makeup videos
are livided into successiveepisodesthat are archived on distinct YouTube
channels. Viewers can also subscribe to these channels, which additionally
enhances their commitment. The serialized and chronological structure of
the videos within the YouTube channelssuggeststhe promise that the female
fans can personally participate in the latest makeup tips and provides for
a certain continuity in the makeup stories all featuring the same character
(who is establishedas a "friend" ) within the same spacesof action (the same
old bedroom backdrop).
In the meantime, a genealogy of makeup tutorials has emerged in the
'Web
2.0 blogosphere and in secondary media coverage (print media, tele-
vision, radio), trying to establish traditional discourses of authorship,
originality, and definition as creative works. These personalized discourses
characterizethe level of representation, as well as the level of perception,
and are substantially responsible for the emergenceof so-called YouTube
celebrities and star icons within the realm of online makeup videos, who
are simultaneously attributed businessstereotypes,like that of a "business
woman" who knows how to successfullysell her videos (for businessdis-
courses on YouTube, see Burgess & Green,2009' pp. 89-1,07). Such hege-
monic discoursesabout so-calledYouTube phenomena reveal that the status
of the video on the Internet can no longer be explored via its film aesthet-
ics. The central role of the filmic text is replaced by an open and nonlinear
heteromediality, which inscribes the video images in volatile and unstable
nefworks of meaning. The status o{ makeup tutorials in negotiating gen-
der attributes and female capacity to act' therefore, becomesapparent not
only on the level of "representation" (which would suggestanalysis in the
context of film theory) but also in how productions of meaning of woman-
hood are constructed during the circulation of videos via feedback, explicit
recommendation, and hyperlinks. These female productions of meaning
are essentiallyresponsible for the status a particular video has within these
contexts of reception. Through their online format, makeup tutorials are
subject to a permanent, nonlinear, and heterogenicculture of perception. In
that sense,the perceptive context of the videos is constantly changing and
remains open and incomplete. The significance of makeup tutorials for the
construction of female subjectivity is made up of a multifaceted mesh of his-
torically specific and culturally heterogenicdiscoursesand practices.Hence,
the producers and consumers of makeup videos are basically engaged in
 1 10 Ramon Reichert Eualuatio,

the open and incomplete exchangeof mutual and reciprocal constitution. [ ) o a n e ,M . A . ( 1 9 8 2 ) .F i l m a n d t h e m

Within their mutual relationship,they can be captured, shaped,and con- Screen,23(34\.74-88.
L,co,U. (1989). The open worh. Camb
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