Linguistic Society of America

Vulgar Latin *-tatosum, Portuguese -dadoso and -doso

Author(s): J. H. D. Allen, Jr.
Source: Language, Vol. 16, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1940), pp. 157-160
Published by: Linguistic Society of America
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/408951
Accessed: 02-04-2017 05:08 UTC

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 MISCELLANEA 157

and that in one of these instanc

More evidence is, consequently,
finality that do-coisig always sig

VULGAR LATIN *-tatosum, POR

J. H. D. ALLEN JR., UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS

[Two hitherto neglected VL forms are adduced as evidence that the

haplology usually assumed in the development of this ending must have
taken place, if at all, in the VL period or earlier, not in OPt., as has
been believed.]

The common explanation of Portuguese adjectives ending in -doso

is that they result from haplology in forms in which the familiar suffix
-oso (< C1.L -osum) has been added to words ending in -dade or -dado,
such as caridade, cuidado. Thus the development would have been:
caridade, *caridadoso, caridoso; cuidado, cuidadoso, cuidoso.
Williams1 derives cuidoso from cuidadoso by haplology. The follow-
ing seems a simpler explanation: OPt. cuido 'thought'2 plus -oso >
MPt. cuidoso 'attentive, careful'; cuidado 'care, attention' plus -oso
> cuidadoso 'careful, diligent'.
For Pt. saudoso, it could be assumed that -oso has been added to
saudade, giving *saudadoso, from which saudoso has been derived by
haplology. Another possible explanation follows: C1.L solitudinem >
OPt. soidom3 'solitude'; to this noun -oso has been added, giving MPt.
soidoso 'yearning, longing, ardent, heartfelt'. Also, C1.L solitates >
OPt. soidades4 'longing for an absent person'. Then, by contamination
with saudar (< C1.L salutare) 'to greet, to salute', soidades gives rise to
saudades 'greetings to an absent person', and soidoso gives rise to saudoso
'having kind memories of, and longing for, an absent person'. Meyer-
Libke5 seems to support this view when he derives Pt. saudade from
Lat. solitas (acc. sg. solitatem); further confirmation is to be found in
the fact that soidoso and saudoso are synonymously defined in modern
Portuguese dictionaries.
Williams derives Pt. humildoso from VL *humilitosum.6 An essential
part of the problem of this word is the origin of the -d- in Pt. humilde

1 Edwin B. Williams, From Latin to Portuguese ?114.A (Philadelphia 1938)-

2 Jos0 J. Nunes, Crestomatia arcaica2, Glossary s. v. cuda (Lisbon 1921).
8 Jos6 Leite de Vasconcellos, Lic6es de Philologia 297 (Lisbon 1911).
4 Williams ?57.1.A.
I REW 8072.
6 Williams ?57.4.

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 158 MISCELLANEA

'humble' (presumably coming fr

ably the result of a back-format
humilem and having -d-. The tw
and humildade. If humildoso be r
have been formed from humilde
humilde, and also humildad, corr
humildoso. It seems probable,
formation from the abstract no
then there is no further necessity
is the result of adding the familiar
thetical Vulgar Latin forms are n
Grammont8 gives the form rui
if it exists, may be the result of
by ruidoso 'noisy', or it may be
suffix -doso, like bondoso and mald
Grammont objects to the exp
haplology, but does not offer th
intermediate forms in -dadoso a
explanation, that -doso is interch
-dade (thus: bondade, bondoso; ma
vincing, as such an interchange i
Williams9 derives -doso from *-t
example *aetatosum > *idadoso
haplology took place in Old Port
Du Cange10 gives caritosum and
Pt. caridoso and piedoso respectiv
not attested, it seems probable
'impious' beside pietosum 'pious';
impiedoso would be the regular de
VL caritosum, pietosum, *impieto
VL *caritatosum, *pietatosum, *imp
attested.

Pt. impidoso is perhaps derived from a VL *impeditosum, the acc. sg.

m. form of an adjective *impeditosus, formed by adding Lat. -osus to
impeditus, the perfect participle of the verb impedire. If this be so,

I Pt. humildoso could also be the result of the addition of the suffix -doso (as
in bondoso, etc., above) to the Portuguese adjective humil, but as the latter is
rather rare and learned, the explanation given seems more probable.
8 Maurice Grammont, Trait6 de Phon6tique 336 (Paris 1933).
9 Williams ?114.
10 Glossarium Mediae et Infimae Latinitatis, s. v.

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 MISCELLANEA 159

then there is, of course, no ques

medial syllable -ta-.
In Pt. habilidoso, the fact that
seem to indicate a semi-learned
tosum, which may in turn have
For the remaining words with
seems to be that they are Portu
which has been taken by wrong
and possibly also from those wo
to a stem ending in -d-, thus givin
cuidoso; duvida, duvidoso; fra
lodoso, etc.).
Thus the words in this group would have had the following
developments:

VULGAR LATIN PORTUGUESE

*caritatosum > caritosum > caridoso 'charitable'
*pietatosum > pi'etosum > piedoso 'pious'
*impietatosum > *impietosum > impiedoso 'impious'
*habilitatosum > *habilitosum > habilidoso 'adroit'
*aetatosum > *aetosum > idoso 'very old'
*impeditosum > impidoso 'difficult'

PORTUGUESE PORTUGUESE
humilde plus -oso > humildoso 'humble'
cuido plus -oso > cuidoso 'attentive, careful'
cuidado plus -oso > cuidadoso 'careful'
soidom plus -oso > soidoso 'yearning, etc.'

ruinoso (contamination) > ruindoso

ruidoso

soidoso (contamination) > saudoso 'having kind memories of

saudar and longing for, an absent person
bom plus -doso > bondoso 'good, full of goodness'
mal plus -doso > maldoso 'bad, rascally'
and possibly:
ruim plus -doso > ruindoso
humil plus -doso > humildoso 'humble'

The most serious objection to this apparent neglect of a po

Portuguese haplology in the explanation of these words is that Sp

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160 MISCELLANEA

has bondadoso, from which S

derived by haplology. Spanish
great an influence on this problem
equivalent to Pt. caridoso, piedo
saudoso, and ruindoso (although
bondoso).
ANALOGICAL FORMATIONS IN OLD NORSE

ALBERT MOREY STURTEVANT, UNIVERSITY OF KANSAS

I. The genitive singular ending -ss for -s.

A. After a long vowel. The adjectival type grd-ss 'grey' may be due
to the example of the type ffts-s 'desirous', laus-s 'loose', vis-s 'wise',
etc., with historically correct -ss, which through false abstraction came
to be felt as the gen. sg. ending; similarly the substantive type bid-ss
'dwelling', tri-ss 'tree', etc., after the pattern of the type is-s 'ice',
las-s 'lock', etc.
B. After a short vowel. The -ss of the personal pronoun fess' may
be due to the example of the gen. sg. form of the demonstrative pro-
noun bessa (dat. sg. bessum), where the second s belongs to the enclitic
particle -sa. The -ss in fess was then transferred to the interrogative
pronoun hues-s. The occasional writing -ss in the substantive form
hiriiss 'shepherd' may be due to the influence of tess. The syllable
-Yis in hir-Yis could have been associated with bes by virtue of the
initial &-:b,- and the final -s; bes(s) : hir-Yis(s). This association
was later facilitated when hir5is became hirYes; bes(s) : hir-&es(s).
II. The loss of j before a in the substantive jan-stems. Examples
are fairly numerous: a;il-i,-(j)a(r) 'chief prosecutor in a law suit',
bryt-i,-(j)a 'breaker [of rings], warrior', niY-i,-(j)a 'descendant',
skyt-i,-(j)a 'shooter', vil-i,-(j)a 'will, desire', etc. This loss of j before a
is clearly due to analogy with the an-stems, but the development of the
analogical process has never been traced.
(1) The original point of contact between the jan- and the an-stems
was the nom. sg. form, where the ending -i was the same for both stems;
1 Eduard Prokosch, A Comparative Germanic Grammar (Linguistic Society
of America, Philadelphia 1939) 269, suggests that the -ss in fess originated under
the influence of the -nn in the masc. acc. sg. form ]ann. But this influence seems
more remote than that of fessa. The hypothesis that the -ss is phonetically
correct (Noreen, Aisl. Gram.4 ?280, Anm. 4; van Helten PBB 36.436, IF 26.174)
is not convincing in view of the fact that -ss does not appear in the corresponding
form of any other OGmc. dialect.

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