1.

January :
1) January-In January there are 5 important days
1)12 Jan-National youth day (rashtriya yuva diwas)
2) 15 Jan-Army day (sena diwas)
3)24 Jan-National girl child day (rashtriya balika diwas)
4) 25 Jan- National tourism day/ voter day
5) 30 Jan- National martyr day(rashtriya shahid diwas)/ Anti
leprosy day
No. Of days=5 so,
Story subject- January me mere ghar 5 tarah ke log aaye
Trick with story- January me mere ghar paanch tarah ke log
aaye jinme 12 yuva,15 sena ke log,24 balikaye,25-25 tourism aur
voter or 30 shahid ke parivar ke log jo leprosy ke shikar the.
Note-12,15,24,25,30 is days.
2. February :
1) 4 feb- world Cancer day
2) 28 feb-National Science day
In February only 2 important days.
No of days-2(both related to science)
Story subject- February me science ne 2 experiment kiye
Trick-" February me science ne do experiment kiye jinme 4
cancer ke marizo ko thik karne me 28 vigyan(science) ka use
hua".
3. March :
1)8 mar- International women day
2) 9 mar-world kidney day
3) 15 mar-world consumer right day
4)20 mar- world sparrow day/happiness day(khushi diwas)
5) 21 mar- World forest day
6) 22 mar- world water day
7) 23 mar- meteorological day
8) 24 mar- World T.B day
No. Of days=8
Note-(because of all days are WORLD days) Subject- march ki 8
world famous Ghatnaye
Trick with story-
8 women ki 9 kidney 15 consumers ko 20 sparrow ke through
khushi khushi 21 forest me 22 water boat ke jariye 23 metro
stations par 24 T.B ke marizo ko becha gaya.
Note- 20,21,22,23,24 days in sequence To bs story yaad
rkhey.Environmental concern amidst
industrialisation
Samar Lahiry

Tuesday 14 March 2017

With industries operating, a 100 per cent pollution-free environment is a myth. It is

neither possible nor necessary

Recovery of e-waste is abysmally low and we need to encourage recycling of e-waste on a

very large scale so that problem disposal is tackled Credit: Curtis Palmer/Flickr
The purpose of economic development in any region is to provide opportunities for
improved living and jobs to people. While industrial development invariably creates
more jobs in any region, possibilities of adverse effects on the environment also
increase, if adverse effects are not reduced.

Industrialisation has led to environmental degradation in terms of industrial pollution.

With industries operating, a 100 per cent pollution-free environment is a myth. It is
neither possible nor necessary.

However, it is imperative to ensure that industrial units cause the least pollution.
Adequate and effective pollution control measures are required so that adverse
effects on the environment are minimised. Necessary technological know-how and
institutional back up support are available in this regard.

Dust, smoke, fumes and toxic gas emissions occur as a result of highly-polluting
industries such as thermal power plants, coal mines, cement, sponge iron, steel &
ferroalloys, petroleum and chemicals. In industry-specific clusters, these have not
only become hazardous, but also cause irreparable damage to our ecology and
environment, often breaching the environments carrying capacity.

High emission level of pollutants at industrial clusters has been reported in Raipur-
Durg, Korba-Bilaspur, Vapi-Ankleswar, Dhanbad-Bokaro, Vizag, Tarapur and
Ludhiana. This is despite the fact that the number of power plants switched over to
super-critical technology. Steel, cement, chemicals and petroleum refineries have
adopted state-of-theart technologies. There is an urgent need to review and rework
the strategies of setting up industry-specific clusters based on comparative
advantage.

Water pollution

The National Green Tribunal recently pulled up implementing agencies for allowing
untreated sewage into the Ganga through 30 drains along the rivers Haridwar-
Unnao stretch and ordered a CBI inquiry. Discharge of untreated industrial effluents
from industries such as tanneries, power plants, textiles, jute units and chemicals
along the entire stretch of the river from Kanpur to Kolkata is one of the major
causes of polluting the Ganga, despite the centrally-funded Namami Gange project.

Incidentally, the Ganga Action Plan (GAP) phase 1 started in 1985. Discharge of
effluents from industries located in Haryana (Yamuna Nagar, Ambala) has been
polluting the Yamuna since long. Instances of Damodar pollution in eastern India
have also been reported.

The Supreme Court had earlier come down heavily on the implementing agencies
and closed down tanneries (Tamil Nadu) and iron ore mining in Goa for flouting
environmental laws and causing damage.

This reflects weakness on part of law enforcement agencies, lack of coordination

among regulatory agencies (Centre and states) and the absence of commitment
and efficacy of the agencies and industries. Mere legislation on pollution control
would not serve any purpose. Compliance of anti-pollution laws has to be strictly
enforced by the state agencies.

Utilisation of waste

Accumulation of industrial waste has assumed great proportions while its utilisation
has been neglected for long. When conservation of environment is of prime
importance, a lot of weightage should be given to recycling and reusing discarded
components.

Scientists have been researching worldwide towards the development of innovative

recycling techniques. Products made out of recycling such as fly ash cement, fly ash
bricks, recycled aluminium, recycled tiles, recycled steel, environment-friendly paints
and bamboo-based products are available in India.

India recycles 90 per cent of its Poly Ethylene Terephthalate (PET) annually
whereas the recycling rate for PET in Japan is 72.1 per cent, 48.3 per cent in
Europe and 31 per cent in USA (CSIR-NCL study, Hindustan Times February 27,
2017). However, recycling of plastic waste is far from satisfactory in India.
Commercial utilisation of fly ash, blast furnace slag, cathode/anode carbon scraps,
red mud, iron ore and blue dust fines are in progress. Recycling of residual waste
obtained after incineration of toxic and highly inflammable chemical waste with
cement clinker is being undertaken in the cement industry.

A huge market still remains untapped (metals, mobile phones, computer hardware
equipment). Recovery of e-waste is abysmally low and we need to encourage
recycling of e-waste on a very large scale so that problem of e-waste disposal is
tackled.

It is reported that e-waste concentration in the Indian soil is twice the global
average. Delhi alone generates 15,000 tonnes per year in addition to the e-waste
imported for recycling. High levels of tetra and penta PCB congeners were
observed in soil samples from East Delhi (Hindustan Times, February 19, 2017).

It is, therefore, important to step up commercial utilisation of industrial waste which

can be accomplished by involving industries, users, states and central government
departments. Industries have to be made responsible regarding recycling on a
regular basis through strict enforcement.

Shooting the cop

Police should not be scapegoated for arrests in high-profile corruption cases
The recent arrest of senior IAS officer, Sudhir Kumar, chairman of the Bihar Staff Selection
Commission by the Special Investigation Team of the Bihar Police constituted to probe alleged
irregularities in the recruitment and leaking of question papers for various posts, has created a
storm in the corridors of power in Bihar. In a series of actions, the Bihar IAS Association has
come out in support of the accused officer and termed his arrest arbitrary, humiliating and unjust.
They have questioned both the timing and manner of the arrest, demanded some sort of
immunity from arrest in future cases, hinted at a cover-up and threatened to refuse to follow
verbal orders of the political executive.
Predictably, the chief minister of Bihar has not taken kindly to this defiance and has warned of
severe action against such indiscipline and vowed to continue actions against corrupt
bureaucrats. Stepping back from the specifics of the case, there is once again a spotlight on the
power of arrest given to the police in our criminal laws. One retired IAS officer, writing
anonymously in a daily newspaper, termed it as proof that India was now a police state.
According to him, even as the common man is deprived of a sense of security and justice, the
police are basically hand in glove with organised crime and those in power, and all such arrests
are made at the behest of political masters to cover up more serious misdeeds.
Without a trace of irony, he suggests the solution is to place the police totally under the
magistracy (read IAS), so that once again, the law-abiding citizens of India can breathe a sigh of
relief and carry on leading lives free from the fear of unjust coercion by the police and
presumably free of corruption too, as in the days of the British Raj, when the ICS was judge,
jury, executioner. While one can safely ignore the thinly disguised trade unionism and self-
serving motives behind this criticism and the offered remedy, what cannot be denied is that the
power of arrest of the police in India is too important and sensitive an issue to be left to the
police alone. From time to time, the Supreme Court, through several landmark judgements, has
framed detailed guidelines regulating arrests. Since these have the force of law, they are adopted
and incorporated into police regulations by state police forces and eventually become part of the
standard operating procedure of the police.
There are two aspects of the public interest involved in assessing the proper demarcation of the
power of arrest. First and foremost, to protect the liberty of law-abiding citizens from arbitrary
and coercive police action. Second, to ensure that in heinous cases, involving either violence or
high-level corruption, the accused are not able to intimidate witnesses or tamper with evidence. It
is clear that sometimes, these two aspects are bound to be in conflict. The aspect which prevails
in our public discourse depends on whether one is approaching the issue from the perspective of
the victims of crime or the accused.
From the victims viewpoint, arrest is a powerful palliative. The sight of an accused behind bars
sends a powerful message that in some way, the wheels of justice have begun to turn. So, in
cases of murder, rape, grievous bodily harm and violent loss of property, it is expected that the
police will identify the culprits and ensure their arrest quickly. Where the crime may not have a
clearly identifiable victim, such as cases of high-level corruption involving collusion by public
officials, the public at large and the media expect that arrest will be an integral part of the
investigation. A reluctance to arrest or a delay in arrest is often projected as proof that the police
have been bought over or influenced by the accused.

How Indias Demonetization Experiment Is Defying the Odds

While demonetization appears to be defying expectations, opinion remains divided over the
speed and secrecy of the move.

Just under six months after Prime Minister Narendra Modis sudden decision to markedly reduce
the amount of cash in circulation, the dust is now beginning to settle on arguably one of the
boldest moves in Indian financial history.

Recent economic indicators suggest that the shock therapy administered through demonetization
is defying expectations. The Reserve Bank of India recently reported growth of 7 percent for the
fourth quarter of 2016, far exceeding economists forecasts of 6.1-6.4 percent. Not only does
India remain the worlds fastest-growing major economy, it has outstripped Chinese growth in
each of the last four quarters. At the same time, Modi appears to have strengthened his own
position through some unconventional but effective political maneuvering.

The demonetization move can be fairly described as bold, because that is exactly what it was.
India has withdrawn banknotes twice in the past once in 1946 and again in 1978 but the scale
of this recent effort far surpassed anything before it. Overnight 86 percent of Indias cash supply
the equivalent of $220 billion was effectively removed. The official intention was to combat
corruption and terrorism. The wider objective, as stated by Modis Bharartiya Janata Party (BJP),
was to force India and its 1.25 billion citizens to become part of the countrys digital economic
grid. All of this in a country which pays 85 percent of its workers in cash bold indeed.

The most striking aspect of the demonetization process has been its execution. Many India-
watchers were enthralled by the unprecedented speed and secrecy of the move. That was highly
unusual given the leaky nature of Delhi politics and its inquisitive press, but characteristic of
Modis increasingly preferred style of governance. Only a handful of Modis aides were privy to
his strategy. Working from rooms in the prime ministers Delhi residence, the plans were hatched
at breakneck speed formulated within a nine-month period and announced dramatically in an
unscheduled television address. Not even Indias banking institutions were aware of the plans,
resulting in chaotic scenes at branches in the following weeks and stinging criticism from
economists, businessmen, and politicians alike.

In the immediate aftermath, economists warned of the potential economic ramifications and
rounded on the way in which the decision had been concealed and then suddenly executed.
Accordingly, the manner of decision-making at the top of Indian politics has come under greater
scrutiny. Modi has frequently bypassed his cabinet when making big calls, instead consulting a
cabal of close aides. Alongside Modi, BJP President Amit Shah and Finance Minister Arun
Jaitley make up Indias new politburo and they have been drawing up ambitious plans to
reconfigure India as a more entrepreneurial and dynamic nation than ever before.

The broad consensus is that these moves signal a more centralized, Chinese-style of government,
made possible by the BJPs majority in Indias parliament and the overwhelming mandate Modi
received in the May 2014 general elections. Detractors view his rule as increasingly autocratic,
while supporters praise the speed with which decisions are made and executed in a country well-
known for its often slow and cumbersome bureaucratic processes.

Nonetheless, it is still too early to assess the full impact of demonetization. That is more likely to
be felt in 2017s first quarter numbers, which could be worsened by apparently contradictory
data. The Reserve Bank of India this month reported a sharp fall in consumer confidence at a
time when growth has been reportedly driven by consumer spending. This has not been reflected
in the earnings of Indias major FMCG players, leading some economists to question the
accuracy of the governments latest figures.

Notwithstanding these concerns, Modis reform and growth plans have their merit. The changes
mooted to Indias Goods and Services Tax, which will unite the countrys fragmented market by
streamlining the tax system, could be a near term game-changer. Set to come into effect on July
1, 2017, the system will be the first step toward the creation of a common national market,
ensuring the free movement of goods across state borders and the reduction of the overall tax
burden on domestic products and services. The IMF, along with other institutions, is particularly
bullish about these tax reforms, and predicts the GST might push Indias growth trajectory
toward 8 percent.

Meanwhile, Modi likely emboldened by the BJPs election victory this month in Uttar Pradesh,
Indias most populous state is forging ahead with bigger economic plans. He continues to court
foreign investors, re-evaluate Indias energy and infrastructure needs, and reform cumbersome
administrative structures. Whether doing this through his increasingly centralized model of
governance will create further discontent remains to be seen. The issue may shape up to be one
of the key battlegrounds in the 2019 elections. However, his policies thus far have been received
warmly by domestic and foreign investors alike, leaving the premier with enough political capital
to sustain him through his current term, at least.

Checkered into debt and bankruptcy

G PARTHASARATHY
Theres method in Chinas development madness in Sri Lanka and Pakistan. And its all to
Beijings advantage

President Mahinda Rajapakse of Sri Lanka evidently believed that China was a 21st century
incarnation of Santa Claus. He turned to China to convert his constituency into a South Asian
Singapore by encouraging the Chinese to invest heavily in projects ranging from the
Hambantota port to a power plant, an airport, a cricket stadium and a sports complex, while later
demanding land for an industrial park. As things turned out, hardly any ships visited
Hambantota. Hardly any aircraft landed at the airport. The cricket stadium and sports complex
remained unused. There were hardly any consumers for the power generated. The Sri Lankan
government also faced riots while seeking to acquire land for a Chinese industrial park to
produce Chinese products for export.

Caught in a bind
Unable to repay its debts to China, Sri Lanka is handing over the power plant, Hambantota port
and possibly the airport to Chinese control in a debt/equity swap. China would then achieve a
major objective in its One Belt One Road project, of having a strategic presence on Sri Lankan
soil by professing to offer economic aid with no strings attached. Thanks largely to such
Chinese aid, Sri Lanka now spends 90 per cent of all government revenues to service debts.

If Sri Lanka was ecstatic about the prospects for future prosperity when the Hambantota port
project was announced, Pakistans two centres of power the army and the government have
created euphoria and great expectations of accelerated growth and prosperity through a Chinese
mantra called the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

The CPEC is to be undertaken exclusively by Chinese companies and banks, with an estimated
investment of $55 billion. The plan is to construct Chinese-funded infrastructure projects,
including Gwadar port, road and rail communications networks, energy, and industrial and
military projects, designed to showcase Beijings commitment to long-term economic and
strategic engagement with Pakistan. The CPEC has a definite military component. A secure fibre-
optic link connecting Kashgar in the Xinjiang/Uighur Autonomous Region with the Pakistan
armys GHQ in Rawalpindi, is being laid at a cost of $44 million.

The CPEC simultaneously seeks to economically and strategically bind Pakistan to China. Power
generation, transport, commerce, R&D and the defence of Pakistan will all be increasingly tied
to Chinese investment, supplies and interests. The Pakistan army has raised a 10,000-strong
division for the security of Chinese personnel working on the project which is premised on the
belief that Gwadar port on the Makran coast of Baluchistan will emerge as a major industrial hub
and naval base. Given the realities, Gwadar will almost exclusively be a strategic naval base for
China and Pakistan astride the Straits of Hormuz, with limited prospects of commercial use.

The initial euphoria in Pakistan was because the project was seen as setting the stage to
receivefor receiving more missiles, fighter aircraft, submarines and frigates. The besieged Nawaz
Sharif government saw the project as a political godsend. It claimed that it would lead Pakistan
to immediate progress. All this is now leading to doubts and concerns, with a total lack of
transparency and realism about its terms and conditions. Inter-provincial rivalries have also risen,
with concerns that the prime beneficiary will be the dominant Punjab province, with little on no
economic benefit for the already alienated people of Baluchistan.

Surprising conclusions
Studies by Pakistani analysts have led to some startling conclusions. With a substantial portion of
the Chinese investments focused on power projects, the viability of the projects has been closely
examined, based on interest rates charged by the China Development Bank and the China EXIM
Bank. Official documents have revealed that with an estimated debt-equity ratio of 75 per cent-
25 per cent, the cost of borrowings could surge to 13 per cent by including insurance costs, as the
China Export and Credit Organization charges a 7 per cent fee on insurance for power projects.
Interestingly, China is providing concessional finance for only 3 to 5 per cent of the entire
project.

Pakistan government sources have averred that only Chinese investors would be allowed to
invest in special economic zones created under the CPEC. There is no provision to protect
Pakistani interests, with Pakistani businessmen barred from investing in the SEZs.There are no
assurances that the Chinese would utilise Pakistani labour in any meaningful manner.

The chairman of the Pakistan Senates committee on the CPEC, Syed Tahir Hussain Mashhadi,
has observed that he is not clear what benefits Pakistan derives from the CPEC: China is our
brother but business is business. Referring to the absence of clarity on specific benefits for
Pakistan labour and business, Mashdadi noted: Where will the benefit be for Pakistan? Will the
Chinese give us some share of the profit? We are informed that Chinese banks charge us more
interest than any other international bank.

Indias stand
India has already made its objections to the CPEC clear. It is a project that enters Pakistan
through POK, disregarding the fact that New Delhi considers this part of its territory. One has,
however, to analyse Chinas economic compulsions in building such a vast road, rail and
maritime network across the Eurasian landmass. Over the past four decades, China has built
buildings, roads rail lines, bridges, ports and dams at a pace and manner unprecedented in
history. That activity is now slowing down, resulting in the country being left with a surplus
labour force and unusable machinery. What better way to use the surplus capacities than by
undertaking projects such as the Silk Road Economic Belt that links China with Central Asia,
POK, the Persian Gulf states, Russia and the Baltic states? Moreover, Beijings 21st century
Maritime Silk Route, in turn, extends from Chinas coast to Europe, through the Indian Ocean.
China is simultaneously building ports across the Indian Ocean, in Asia and Africa.

Despite these developments, Pakistani friends appeared convinced that given its strategic
compulsions, China would agree to write off Pakistans debts. What impact such a write-off
would have on similar Chinese loans elsewhere, remains to be seen.

The duty to practise tolerance

It should be expressly included and highlighted in the list of fundamental duties in our
Constitution
The co-relation between rights and duties is not a new-fangled concept. (Illustration by C R
Sasikumar)
One of the cardinal features of our Constitution is the guarantee of a wide array of fundamental
rights which are judicially enforceable against the state. The Constitution of India, as originally
framed, did not make any specific provision for the duties of citizens. It was only in 1976 that the
specific Chapter IV-A was incorporated by a Constitutional amendment and Article 51-A was
enacted. It lists 10 fundamental duties, articulated in elegant language.
The co-relation between rights and duties is not a new-fangled concept. Gandhiji summed up the
matter admirably: I learned from my illiterate but wise mother that all rights to be deserved and
preserved come from duty well done. Walter Lippmann, the philosopher-journalist, was
emphatic that, For every right that you cherish you have a duty which you must fulfill. Article
29(1) of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 [UDHR] declares that everyone has
duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is
possible.
One important duty which is not specifically mentioned is the duty to practice tolerance. One
cannot effectively perform fundamental duties unless tolerance is prevalent in society. The
immaculate premise of our Constitution is tolerance and mutual accommodation. Tolerance is not
merely a goody-goody virtue. It entails a positive mindset which permits and protects not only
the expression of thoughts and ideas which are accepted and are acceptable, but which also
accords freedom to the thought we hate, and protects the proponent of heterodox views.
At present, the rise of intolerance is alarming. We recently witnessed its shocking manifestation
when certain persons who were offended by some themes in the movie Padmavati, directed by
Sanjay Leela Bhansali, vandalised the sets and other property of the producer. In the not too
distant past, we witnessed another example of intolerance in the case of movie star Khushboo,
who opined that men should no more expect their brides to be virgins and added that when
youngsters indulge in pre-marital sex, they should use protective measures. These are possible
views and are also held by others. One may disagree, but her criminal prosecution manifests
frightening intolerance. Suhasini Maniratnam, who agreed with Khushboos views, became the
target of a vicious public campaign and is also facing prosecution. This is fascism in action. If
this fascist trend is not curbed swiftly and stringently, it will undermine our democracy.
Consider the case of the young Muslim girl, Nahid Afren, who was forbidden by Muslim clerics
not to sing the songs which she did with genuine feeling. There were no objectionable words in
the songs. It is creditable the young girl did not succumb to the threat of the clerics.
The best antidote to intolerance is the practice of tolerance. The sad fact is that tolerance cannot
be legislated. Bernard Levin rightly reminds us that, in every age of transition men are never so
firmly bound to one way of life as when they are about to abandon it, so that fanaticism and
intolerance reach their most intense forms just before tolerance and mutual acceptance come to
be the natural order of things. Therefore, we must develop the capacity for tolerance by
fostering an environment of tolerance, a culture of tolerance. Stereotypes and prejudices must be
eschewed.
The press has an important role to play. It should incessantly preach the message that no group or
body has the monopoly of truth and morality and we must respect the point of view of the other
minded. The press must unequivocally condemn instances of intolerance, without fear of
consequences.
The role of education cannot be overemphasised. It should inculcate the virtue of tolerance in
students at all levels. It should ensure that prejudices and stereotypes are eschewed and are not
perpetuated.
In its celebrated judgment in S. Rangarajan vs. P. Jagjivan Ram, our Supreme Court emphasised
that, freedom of expression which is legitimate and constitutionally protected, cannot be held to
ransom by an intolerant group of people. We must practice tolerance to the views of others.
Intolerance is as much dangerous to democracy as to the person himself.
To my mind, the paramount duty to practice tolerance should be expressly included and
highlighted in the list of fundamental duties in our Constitution. If that duty is conscientiously
performed, it would result in a salutary change in our society and also ensure peace and harmony.
We should take a pledge today to practice tolerance and to ensure that intolerance, with its
inevitable corollary of violence, does not subvert our democratic values and disfigure our way of
life. We should resolve to promote tolerance in our multi-religious, multi-cultural nation and
thereby strengthen and enrich our pluralist democracy, which is the pride of our nation.

Pradhan Mantri Sukanya Samridhi Yojana

By Subhashini Rajendran - March 22, 2017

Prime Minister Narendra Modi introduced Pradhan Mantri Sukanya Samridhi Yojana on
22nd January 2015. It was a part of the BBBP yojana.
BBBP Beti Padao Beti Bachao
Key Features of the scheme
Features Related to the opener
A parent or guardian can open a bank savings account in the name of a girl child.
The scheme also allows the parents to open only 2 accounts. One in case of twins and
the other is the case of 2 girl children.
Also, he or she should be the legal guardian.
Who is a legal Guardian
A legal guardian is the prime care taker of a child. He or she is appointed by the
biological parents of the child or by the court.
Features Age limits
Age of the girl at the time of opening the account should not exceed 10 years.
The girl child can withdraw half of this savings at her age of 18 years. However, at this
time she can only withdra 50% of the amount for her higher studies.
At her 21 years of age, the girl can claim her entire mature amount for her marriage.
Features Account
The span of the account is for 14 years
The maximum credit limit for a year is Rs 1.5 lakh and that of the minimum is Rs 1000
per year.
The investment made under the scheme is exempt from the income tax act of 80C.
The interest rates of the Yojana is decided by the Government every year. And every
year the interest rates might tend to change. The interest rate of the scheme for this
current year is 8.6%
Closure of the account
When the girl child dies, the account is closed. And the standing amount is given to the
parents.
When the girl child is married before 21 years then the account becomes non
operative.
If the parents or the guardian fail to pay a years premium, the account automatically
goes into closure mode.
Residence The girl child has to be an Indian residence.
Account Transferability The account can be transferred from the original location to
anywhere in India. And also, the scheme provides electronic transferability.
Analysis of Pradhan Mantri Sukanya Samridhi account
How different from general savings account
Some private banks like HDFC that recently launched Kids advantage account allow to
open minor accounts only if either of the parent has an account ith the bank. This is not
the case with the yojana.
Advanageous factors
There is no minimum capital requirement as it is needed for the other minor accounts.
For example, the ICICI young star and smart star accounts demand an average monthly
balance of Rs 2500.
Low interest rates
The initial interest rates of the scheme was 9.2%. However it as brought don to 8.6%
during the budget of 2016 17. Though it was brought don, it is still hisgher than the
other privatised schemes launched by the others.