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Calvinism, Capitalism and Confusion: The Weberian Thesis Revisited

Author(s): Dennis P. Forcese


Source: Sociological Analysis, Vol. 29, No. 4 (Winter, 1968), pp. 193-201
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3710048
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Sociological Analysis

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Calvinism, Capitalism and Confusion:
The Weberian Thesis Revisited

Dennis P. Forcese

Carleton University

Max Weber's well-known discussion of the relationship between the


"Protestant ethic" and "capitalism" has occasioned a vast amount of dis-
cussion, much of it critical. It is our contention that the Weberian thesis
has been done an injustice in the course of this dialogue, for with few
exceptions the critics do not appear to have argued to the point. Weber's
intention was to demonstrate a relationship between Calvinism and a
peculiar form of capitalism, not in terms of genesis, but in terms of "feed-
back". Weber granted that the Protestant ethic which he described dif-
fered in form and emphasis from that immediately following the Refor-
mation, and that it had altered in response to a developing capitalism.
But Weber sought to demonstrate that this altered ethic in turn influenced
capitalism, serving as an impetus to its further development to a stage
characterized by what Weber called the "capitalist ethos." He by no
means imputed monocausality, nor did he assume that he had at all ex-
plained the origins of capitalism. Rather, he focused upon the institu-
tionalization of the capitalist complex, and here the effect of ideology
appeared vital.

During the years 1904 and 1905 there is not our ambition to resolve the issue
appeared in print for the first time Max with one stroke. Rather, we present this
Weber's Protestant Ethic and the Spirit paper in an attempt to impose a little
of Capitalism.' The thesis presented inorder upon the entire issue.
the wvork subsequently became, and re-
mains, among the most debated in his- WEBER S INTENTION

torv and social science.


Max Weber had been greatly influ-
The proliferation of written comment enced by the thought of Karl Marx, as
that has grown up around the work has had so many of his generation. Yet
tended to obscure the entire issue raised Weber did not concur with Marx's mono-
by Weber, rather than clarify it. Not only causal interpretation of change. Eco-
does doubt remain as to the validity of nomic determinism was a gross over-
Weber's thesis, but there is more than a simplification. The Protestant Ethic was
little uncertainty as to its exact nature. to represent Weber's first main chapter
In the face of this situation it certainly in his case for the importance of ideology
as a contributing determinant of social
1 Talcott Parsons, "Translator's Preface" to
structure.
the English edition of 'Max Weber's The Prot-
estant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, New The Protestant Ethic was to be the first
York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958, p. xiii. of an intended series of comparative

193

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194 SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

tions,
studies. Weber was capitalism in the Western
convinced that as
sense did not emerge.
substitute for the controlled Weber wished
experiment
to find those the
of the laboratory denied factors in other civiliza-
social scien
tions which blocked
tist, extensive cross-cultural comparison the emergence
of capitalism.3
should be resorted to.
The comparative method
Tentatively, then,as
WeberWeber
suggested that
used it, is the direct methodological
one such absent factor was a religion
equivalent of experimentation in the
amenable to capitalist development. But
laboratory sciences. Only
although by study-
Weber suggested religion as an
ing cases which are similar
independent variable,in
it is some
quite clear
respects but different in aware
that he was others
of other would
differenti-
it be possible to arrive
ating factors. at a judge-
ment of the causal influence of any
factor.2 . . . Weber was not naive enough to
suppose that European and Chinese
Weber had previously noted the high civilizations differed only in a single
frequency of Protestants among the bour- factor. In any case he had already
geoisie of Europe, even in non-Protestant suggested in a study of the Western
nations. He thereby was led to the idea city that the disassociation of the
of the peculiar significance of the "Prot- city from kinship and village ties
estant ethic" in Western civilization. and its emergence as a confessional
Weber hypothesized that the ethic, ide- association was another factor pecu-
ally represented by Calvinism and the liar to the West and one which,
Puritan sects, was the factor present in along with Protestantism, played an
Europe but absent elsewhere that could important part in the emergence of
at least partially account for the develop- Western capitalism.4
ment of modern capitalism. His com-
parative studies were to permit him to Weber himself was quite explicit in this
fully evaluate his hypothesis. regard.
Unfortunately Weber never completed . . . we have no intention whatever
as extensive a series of comparisons as he of maintaining such a foolish and
had projected. However, he did manage
to accumulate considerable data on 3 H. Gerth, C. W. Mills, From Max Weber,
New York: Oxford University Press, 1958, p.
China, at the time dominated by Con-
51. Weber explicitly acknowledges such capi-
fucianism, and India where the major
talist beginnings in his footnotes. (Max Weber,
religion was Hinduism. Weber judged The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capi-
that although conditions in a purely eco- talism, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons,
nomic sense appeared to be adequately 1958, pp. 189-190 and pp. 199-200.) Further,
present in China and India, the singular he sought to distinguish the modern capitalist
economic complex of capitalism had only ethos from prior capitalist forms, such as politi-
cal capitalism, pariah capitalism, adventure
developed in Europe. capitalism, etc. Such examples were by way of
Although capitalist beginnings could acknowledging capitalist activities but not a
be observed in these other civiliza- capitalist system such as he wished to explain.
See Max Weber, The Theory of Social and
2 Talcott Parsons, "Max Weber's Sociologi-Economic Organizations, New York: Free Press,
1964, Chapter 2. See also: Gerth and Mills,
cal Analysis of Capitalism and Modern Institu-
tions," in An Introduction to the History ofop. cit., pp. 66-68.
Sociology, H. E. Barnes (ed.), Chicago: Uni- 4 John Rex, "Max Weber," New Society, 4
versity of Chicago Press, 1948, p. 295. (December 3, 1964), p. 24.

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CALVINISM, CAPITALISM, AND CONFUSION 195

doctrinaire thesis as that the spirit what way did religious ideology con-
of capitalism . . . could only have tribute to capitalism's peculiar form. We
arisen as a result of certain effects accept Parson's interpretation with some
of the Reformation, or even that qualification that will become clear as we
capitalism as an economic effect is a progress.
creation of the Reformation. In it-
self, the fact that certain important WEBER'S THESIS

forms of capitalistic business organi- We have presented our understand


Zation are known to be considerably of Weber's intention. In now turning
older than the Reformation is a suffi- his thesis, we hope to demonstrate th
cient refutation of such a claim. On essential validity of our interpretatio
the contrary, we only wish to ascer- and to evaluate Weber's case.
tain whether and to what extent
Before one can even begin to under-
religious forces have taken part in
stand Weber's thesis, it is necessary to
the qualitative formation and quan-
ascertain precisely how he defined his
titative expansion of that spirit over
terms of reference and his concepts. Un-
the world.5
fortunately this is no straightforward
Weber's approach and aim, then, appear task since Weber is considerably less
both sensible and sophisticated. His in- than exact in this regard. This ambiguity
tention would seem clear. But that ap- to a large extent accounts for his having
parently it has not been is testified by been so frequently misinterpreted.
the criticism that his work has incurred, The concept8 of the "spirit of capi-
much of which is directed at what is
taken to be a case for the causal primacy 8 Weber, of course, was using ideal types.
of Protestantism.6 Other critics, some- But such types only clarified the features of
what more perceptive, have asserted that given historical periods by abstracting those
features from the given situation. Contrary to
Weber was attempting no such thing
Fischoff's argument, such use of ideal types
and only sought to demonstrate that need not invalidate his thesis. ("The ideal-type
Protestantism was a necessary, although method neglects the time coefficient, or at any
by no means sufficient, condition for the rate, impairs the possibility of establishing time
development of capitalism. For example, sequences because it involves the telescoping
of data." Ephraim Fischoff, "The History of a
Parsons states of Weber:
Controversy," in Green, op. cit., p. 113.) Weber
He did . . . definitely maintain that emphasizes given features to the exclusion of
the Protestant ethic was a necessary others for the sake of developing his thesis, but
they are features which existed and for which
condition and that, without it, the
a temporal sequence can be discerned. Indeed,
development would have been radi- Weber held that only by thus being selective
cally different.7 can we achieve causal explanations. It is worth
repeating Raymond Aron's lucid explanation
This latter interpretation would seem to of this view: ". . . it is indispensable to make
be quite reasonable. Weber sought to a selection among the consequences and to
determine what influence Protestantism limit the antecedents which are taken into
had in the development of capitalism; in account. The primary condition for establishing
historical causality is this selection. It is impos-
5 Max Weber, op. cit. (1958), p. 91. sible to give an account of the whole of reality,
6 See the valuable compendium of papers and a historical cause can only be defined with
reprinted in: Robert W. Green, Protestantism reference to particular aspects of a given phe-
and Capitalism: The Weber Thesis and Its nomenon. Thus, if one studies the origins of
Critics, Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1959. capitalism, it is essential to state those aspects
7 Talcott Parsons, op. cit., p. 294. of capitalism which are to be taken into con-

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196 SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

talism" should be our initial concern. In logical sanction. In this the capitalih
resorting to this "somewhat pretentious ethos differs from all previous "tradi
phrase"9 Weber sought to distinguish a tional" capitalist undertakings.
specific form of capitalism from the bulk
. . . the central problem for us is
of capitalistic activity. It is this unique
not . . . the development of capi-
form, and not capitalist activity gener-
talistic activity as such, differing in
ally, that Weber attempted to associate
different cultures only in form: the
with Calvinism. Vaguely, Weber sug-
adventure-type, or capitalism in
gests that by "spirit of capitalism" he
trade, war, politics, or administra-
refers to a specific capitalist "ethos."'0
tion as sources of gain. It is rather
Capitalism existed in China, India, the origin of this sober bourgeois
Babylon, in the classic world, and in capitalism with its rational organiza-
the Middle Ages. But in all these tion of free labor.'3
cases . . . this particular ethos was
lacking." Weber thereby considerably narrowe(
the range of his inquiry. He restricte(
What precisely characterized this ethos?
his discussion to a specific phase of capi
. . . the ideal of the honest man of talist development, differentiated fron
recognized credit, and above all the other forms essentially in its psychologi
idea of a duty of the individual cal basis.
toward the increase of his capital, Thus, it is this peculiar ethos tha
which is assumed as an end in itself. Weber must account for, and he sees i
Truly what is preached here is not as a product of more than a gradua
simply a means of making one's way process of secularization under the im
in the world but a peculiar ethic. pact of expanding economic activity
The infraction of its rules is treated Weber suggests that the ethos, an(
not as foolishness but as forgetful- hence the unique capitalist complex asso
ness of duty. That is the essence of ciated with it, are in some part attribut
the matter. It is not mere business able to the Protestant ethic. His conten
astuteness, that sort of thing is com- tion is that an ideological crutch such a
mon enough, it is an ethos.'2 the Protestant ethic could go a consider
It is this ethos which distinguishes a able way in consolidating the capitalistic
peculiar form of capitalism. The capi- economic complex. Once institutional
talist complex is characterized by ra- ized, the capitalist structure then couh
tionally organized and formally free well absorb the religious ethic.
labor and an unmitigated entrepreneur- ... the full economic effect of those
ship, justified and reinforced by an ideo- great religious movements ... gener-
ally came only after the peak of the
sideration. A causal relation cannot be estab-
lished between one total situation and another,
purely religious enthusiasm wvas
or between one historical moment and another; past. Then the intensity of the search
it is never more than one strand in the whole, for the Kingdom of God commenced
and it is only established by a conceptual gradually to pass over into sober
transformation of the crude reality." (Raymond economic virtue; the religious roots
Aron, German Sociology, New York: Free Press,
1964, p. 79.)
died out slowly, giving way to utili-
9 Weber, op. cit. (1958), p. 47. tarianr worldliness. 14
10 Ibid., p. 51.
11 Ibid., p. 52. 13 Ibid., pp. 23-24.
12 Ibid., p. 51. 14 Ibid., p. 176.

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CALVINISM, CAPITALISM, AND CONFUSION 197

This Protestant ethic, ofproached course, it as men of affairs, dis-


emerged
from the Reformation. But Weber
posed neither con-the pa-
to idealize
cedes that the Reformedtriarchal religions virtues prob-
of the peasant
ably did not encourage capitalism ini- community, nor to regard with sus-
tially, and indeed militated against it. picion the mere fact of capitalist
But his concern is with Protestantism's enterprise in commerce and fi-
eventual and quite latent function. What- nance.'6
ever its manifest and initial intention and
Weber was as much aware of this
effect, the ethic nurtured capitalist de-
significant distinction as was Tawney,
velopment, contends Weber.
and therefore concentrated upon Cal-
We are naturally not concerned with vinism since its extreme nature made
the question of what was theoreti- more readily apparent the process that
cally and officially taught in the Weber sought to bring to light. Weber
ethical compendia of the time, how- was convinced that features of Calvinism
ever much practical significance this were admirably suited to contribute to
may have had through the influence the current capitalist development.
of Church discipline, pastoral work, First of all, there was the "calling," the
and preaching. We are interested idea that it was one's duty to labor
rather in something entirely dif- diligently in this world without respite.
ferent: the influence of those psy- Originally confined to a spiritual sense,
chological sanctions which, origi- the notion of calling very soon was ex-
nating in religious belief and the tended to this worldly occupational con-
practice of religion, gave a direction text.17 Also of importance was the Cal-
to practical conduct and held the vinist belief in predestination. One could
individual to it.15 not effect one's other-wordly designation,
but if one was successful in the under-
Weber is cautious in speaking of Protes-
takings of this world, then one could rest
tantism and distinguishes between Prot-
assured that one was among the Elect.
estant forms. He does not attempt to
The success was not an end in itself, but
document the influence of Protestantism
an indicator that one was assured of sal-
generally. For example, he largely dis-
vation. But the Calvinists were not al-
counts Lutheranism as an obvious re-
lowed to indulge in whatever success they
action against the increased economic
might achieve. It was quite legitimate to
liberalism of the age. The heart of the
prosper, and to prosper without cease,
ethic rests with Calvinism and the de-
but one could not resort to frivolity in
rivative Puritan sects. As Tawney was to
any sense. Strict frugality was the watch-
make clear in his work, there was a
word.
considerable difference between Luther-
Thus, asserts Weber, once the em-
anism and Calvinism; Lutheranism was
phasis passed from religious practice to
reactionary and tended to appeal in rural
areas, while Calvinism appealed to the
1.6 R. H. Tawney, Religion and the Rise of
bourgeoisie and established itself upon Capitalism, New York: New American Library,
an urban base. Notes Tawney: 1961, p. 92.
17 Weber explicitly, and to some length, dis-
Unlike Luther, who saw economic
tinguishes the Pre-Reformation sense of spir-
life KLith the eyes of a peasant and a itual calling from that which came to pass in
mystic, they (the Calvinists) ap- the Post-Reformation period-the sense of a
secular occupational duty. (Weber, op. cit.,
15 Ibid., p. 97. pp. 207-211.)

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198 SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

economic endeavor supported by reli- this up Tawney was only making more
gious conviction, the Calvinists enjoyed explicit what Weber had obviously con-
a distinct advantage over other Chris- ceded and was thereby left tilting at
tians in motivation. They were compelled windmills.
to economic endeavor, entrepreneur and Weber, in counterweight to Marx, may
laborer alike, for it was their duty. Yet have been anxious to point up that ide-
they were prevented from consuming the ology was a factor to be contended with,
product of their efforts, thereby allowing but he never doubted the influence of
the accumulation of capital for reinvest- economic factors in shaping the entire
ment in further economic undertakings. social structure and its components, in-
cluding religion. Weber was as aware of
This worldly Protestant asceticism
the interdependence of social items as
. . . acted powerfully against the
was Tawney, and equally aware of the
spontaneous enjoyment of posses-
many factors contributing to capitalism.
sions; it restricted consumption es-
He admitted a capitalistic form develop-
pecially of luxuries. On the other
ing prior to, and after, the emergence of
hand, it had the psychological effect
Protestantism, and granted the many
of freeing the acquisition of goods
factors promoting this capitalist develop-
from the inhibitions of traditional-
ment, such as population increase, new
istic ethics. It broke the bonds of the
markets, colonization, etc. Weber made
impulse of acquisition in that it not
clear his awareness that this burgeoning
only legalized it, but looked upon it
capitalism influenced Protestantism, as
as directly willed by God.18
other religions, until it was turned from
Whereas hitherto traditional capitalism its original emphasis to a shape that
had been limited by a lack of motivation clearly bolstered capitalist development.
to labor beyond satisfying one's own Weber was not speaking of genesis,
need, the Protestant ethic provided the prime cause, or any such thing. His in-
bourgeois entrepreneur a religious sanc- tention simply was to demonstrate that
tion. Behavior previously only tolerated at some point the religious ethic pro-
was now ideologically justified, and a vided a significant impetus to capitalist
labor force acting from religious com- entrenchment. Whether or not Protes-
pulsion was available for exploitation. tantism itself was initially one product of
Thereby emerged the distinctive "spirit the drive to capitalism is of no matter.
of capitalism." The obvious point is that an effect itself
can become a cause. Once produced,
CRITICIZING THE CRITICS Protestantism itself was altered by the
existing, though as yet unconsolidated,
One of the more successful rejoinders
to the Weber thesis was that of the rational-capitalist milieu, and then in
British economist R. H. Tawney. turn influenced the change process of
Tawney did not dispute that the Cal- economic development. Contemporary
vinists and the Puritan sects may have theorists choose to refer to this process as
contributed to capitalist development, "feedback."
but he was anxious to point out that the In like manner, then, Tawney's criti-
accord came only after the religious ethic cism that Weber drew only upon later
had been altered by an already well- Calvinist writings and not the earlier
developed capitalism. But in pointing ones so clearly alien to capitalism, is
quite beside the point. It is the later
18 Ibid., p. 171. writings which represent the period of

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CALVINISM, CAPITALISM, AND CONFUSION 199

Calvinism's effect. Weber did not arbi- view the Calvinistic pattern is to be
trarily intersect history, nor did he regarded as the most complete reali-
misapply his illustrations. He simply de- zation of possibilities in one par-
scribed the period in which the Protes- ticular direction. Catholicism, from
tant influence was marked, that is, the this point of view, considerably
point at which the feedback had estab- mitigates the rigors of the Calvinist
lished itself. doctrine; but, by contrast with
The influence of the ethic, contends Confucianism and Hinduism, all
Weber, acted to spur capitalism to a new branches of Christianity are seen to
level, that of the capitalist ethos, and have much in common.20
provided an ideological sanction for its
institutionalization. Other Christian reli- In the course of his comparisons, Weber
gious forms, also altered by capitalism, had determined that in India and China,
may have accommodated the new eco- religion played a vital role in that it was
nomic tendency, but the mutated Cal- of such a nature as to prevent capitalist
vinistic and Puritan ethic promoted and development. In the West, in contrast,
sanctioned it.'9 although ostensibly opposed to forms of
Weber had decided from his compara- capitalist enterprise, Christianity gener-
tive undertakings that not just Calvinism ally tolerated capitalist forms. As so
and the Puritan sects, but all Christianity many of Weber's critics point up, Cathol-
was unique in that it allowed, unlike icism may have frowned upon capitalism,
Hinduism and Confucianism, capitalist but with a very visible wink, and often
forms to emerge and develop. But Cal- indirect Vatican support. Therefore there
vinism eventually did more than tolerate was a capitalist foothold in the West but
and bend with the secular breeze. Tal- not in the East. Then with the Reforma-
cott Parsons makes the important point: tion, itself in large part a product of
changing economic conditions, new
. . . Weber was particularly con- Christian forms emerged that eventually
cerned with the contrast between not only permitted capitalism, but once
"ascetic" Protestantism and Cathol- moderated by the capitalist surge of the
icism. Comparisons with the reli-
day, became propellents of the capitalist
gions of China and India consider- drive. The ethic added to the common
ably reduces the significance of this desire for economic gain a powerful and
contrast. From the latter point of convenient religious impetus. That the
religious roots of the bourgeois justifica-
19 Weber, therefore, would likely concede
tion were eventually to be lost as capi-
that where there were insufficient factors oper-
ating to alter the original religious teachings,
talism became firmly entrenched is of no
then the ethic probably would not of itself matter.
bring about capitalism. Such would explain Weber attempted to demonstrate,
the absence of capitalism, for example, in Pres-
then, that ideology is important: first, in
byterian-dominated Scotland. Tawney had
noted that two opposing trends are available
that it may effectively thwart or retard
for development in Calvinism, that of collec- economic change; secondly, that it may
tivism, and that of individualism. (Tawney, actively promote economic change; and
op. cit., p. 194.) Thus, conceivably, where the thirdly, its sanction may play a vital role
original collectivist emphasis is not moderated in the institutionalization of a new eco-
by other factors in the social environment, the
nomic complex.
individualistic tendency never develops. Cal-
vinism's feedback effect upon capitalism never
comes into play. 20 Parsons, op. cit., pp. 297-298.

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200 SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

CONCLUSION Weberian thesis by pointing up the other


Obviously Weber has not definitively factors operating in the development of
proved anything, for an ex post facto capitalism is to miss the point. It is ir-
explanation can never be developed that relevant to claim that other variables
is perfect and that satisfies everyone. But precipitated and propelled the change to
his explanation of the effect of one vari- a capitalist complex. What should be
able in a given instance of change is questioned in Weber's thesis is the degree
excellent. Unlike his critics, Weber ap- to which it can be said that the ethic
parently did not confuse genesis with played a role. Weber's verdict is that its
causality. role was considerable, but there is room
Certainly there are flaws in his ap- for doubt. The critic should ask how ex-
proach. Regarding his comparison, for tensive was the Calvinistic and Puritan
example, it is clear that there are many influence. Again we tend to agree with
extraneous and confounding variables Weber in that the religious ethic seemed
which Weber could not control. It is to have appealed to the emerging bour-
conceivable that had the Asian condi- geoisie, thereby providing them a re-
tions in terms of economic opportunity inforcing incentive and justification for
been equal to that of Europe, then these their activities that had hitherto been de-
religions also might have proved more nied them. Particularly important would
congenial to capitalist development. We have been the ethic in America, where
have Weber's opinion that conditions its installation was tempered by a capi-
were approximately comparable in the talist and pioneer milieu.
three civilizations, but there would ap- In the same line, the critic should ask
pear to have been quite singular eco- to what extent is it valid to claim that the
nomic opportunities operating in the ethic played an important role in the
West that never were afforded the East. institutionalization of the capitalistic
Certainly, then, without perfectly con- complex. Was the emerging rational-
trolling for economic variables, Weber secular philosophy in itself not enough to
cannot prove that a given religious form account for the consolidation of the new
was a vital condition for capitalism. If economic complex? We suggest, as prob-
we restrict ourselves to Parson's sense, ablv Weber would, that not only was the
speaking of Protestantism as necessary secular philosophy insufficient, but prob-
in that otherwise capitalism probably ably it was itself not established until
would have matured to quite a differentcapitalism was institutionalized and the
form, then we are somewhat more in- religious ethic had considerably dis-
clined to concur, but it still remains a appeared.
matter of considered judgement. In summary, then, the emergence of
Weber's case for feedback causation capitalism was, of course, a lengthy and
stands with the comparative method- gradual process. Weber realized the
ology which provided him his initial in- complexity of the matter and had no in-
sight. Here again there is no question oftention of simplification. As any process
definite proof, but as in all historical of social change, there were many con-
explanation, it is a matter of carefully tributing factors and the origins can
evaluating Weber's analysis. We believe never be precisely determined. To search
that his analysis is quite sound, continu- for any one prime cause is foolish and
ally keeping in mind his limited inten- futile. But to attempt to determine all
tion. the variables that contribute to the un-
As we have argued, criticizing the stable, changing system is the social

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CALVINISM, CAPITALISM, AND CONFUSION 201

scientists task. To recognize the change religious ideology in the flurry of Marxist
process as complicated, with many vari- influence.
ables acting upon one another, separately Weber's implicit use of the notion of
and collectively, directly and indirectly, feedback is a sound and valuable con-
continuously and sporadically, is to know tribution. Rather than having naively
the social system for what it is. But this over-simplified the intricacies of a change
is not to prevent the social scientist from situation, Weber's thesis illustrated that
drawing attention to a contributing vari- cause and effect cannot be neatly sepa-
able that had been overlooked, as had rated into a unilineal causal sequence.

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