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Music and Power: Gender and Performance among Roma (Gypsies) of Skopje, Macedonia
Author(s): Carol Silverman
Source: The World of Music, Vol. 38, No. 1, Music of the Roma (1996), pp. 63-76
Published by: VWB - Verlag fr Wissenschaft und Bildung
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 63

Music and Power: Gender and

Performance among Roma (Gypsies)
of Skopje, Macedonia1

Carol Silverman

Abstract

Basedonresearch from1990-1994 inShutoOrizari,a Romneighborhood ofSkopje,

Macedonia, thispaperanalyzestheroleofmusicandother performanceartssuchas
dance,foodandcostume increating
cultural
andpolitical
identities.
Music anddanceare
shown tobegenderedforms ofpower intworealms: withintheRomani communityat
familyrituals
suchas weddingsandcircumcisions,
andinRom/non-Rom interactions
suchaspolitical
gatheringsandfolkfestivals. between
Therelationship economics,
poli-
ticsandtheexpressive
domain isemphasized.

Recentworkon the role of genderin nation-building by Kligman(1992),

Verdery(1994), Gal (1994), and De Soto (1994) has shownthatthe socialist
nationwas consciouslyconfiguredas a paternalistic family,withthewomanin
serviceof the state,i.e., givingbirthforthe state.As Verderysays,"Biological
reproductionnow permeatedthe public sphereratherthanbeing confinedto
the domesticone" (1994:232). Therewas, however,resistanceto thisideology.
As Verderysays,"thespace in whichboth men and womenrealizedprideand
selfrespectincreasingly came to be the domesticratherthanthepublic sphere
..." (ibid.).2
The case of Roma of the FormerYugoslavRepublicof Macedonia (hence-
forthreferred in thislight.Because Romanever
to as Macedonia) is illuminating
reallyboughtintothesystemof socialismand insteadexcelledin theblack and
graymarkets(Stewart1993; Silverman1986), thepublic sphereof socialistlife
neverwas a greatconcernforthem,neithereconomicallynor symbolically.3 In
addition,the largersphereof macropoliticsand economics,whethersocialist
or capitalist,totalitarianor democratic,has historically
givenRoma manynega-
tiveexperiences - slavery, and marginality
discrimination, (Hancock 1987;Fraser
1992;Crowe& Kolsti1991).This realmofmacropoliticsis nowbeingcontested
byfledgling Rompoliticalpartiesand unions(Barany1994;Silverman1994).The

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64 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic

sphereof community and familyis of primaryconcernto Roma,forit is here

thatRoma achieverecognition and reputation.
Note thatI have abandonedtheterminology "domestic"because I feelit is
I
tooconfining;alsobelievethattheconfiguration domestic/public obscuresrather
thanilluminates,4 because thedomesticarena,definedbyRosaldo as thesphere
of mothersand children,is not privateand subordinateforRoma but is rather
partof public life.For Roma thereare manypublics.Firstthereis the public
sphereof macrosocietywhichis dominatedby non-Romabut in whichRoma
oftenworkand in whichnew Rom politicalpartiesare trying to makeinroads.
Second thereis thesphereof thelargerRom public,whichI call theRom com-
munity. Third,thereis thesphereoftheextendedfamily, and fourththereis the
sphereof the residentialfamily.5 When I speak of thefamilyand community, I
meanthesphereof local publiclifethatis visibleto otherRoma,be theykinor
neighbors.The non-Romapublicis irrelevant here,and as a rule,non-Romado
nothaveaccessto theselocal settings.
In this article,I explore how music and dance are gendereddomainsof
performance and powerin familyand community lifein one of thelargestRom
neighborhoods of Europe,ShutoOrizari,locallyknownas Shutka,locatedout-
side of Skopje,Macedonia. Familyand community lifeare displayedin rituals
suchas weddings,circumcisions, housewarmings, soldier-send-off celebrations,
and birthcelebrations.These ritualsespeciallypermeatethelivesof womenin
conversation, knowledge,economics,performances, and in a generalsense of
femalecompetency. Thisis contrastedto therealmofmusicalperformance which
is a male domain and displaysmale competency. Furthermore, I will discuss
genderdisplayin the realmof Rom activistmacro-politics, exploringthe ab-
sence ofwomenfromtheformation of thefirstRom politicalpartyin Macedo-
nia. Ritualpoliticsare, then,femalewhereasmacro-politics are male. I argue
thatthisdichotomycannotbe explainedby resortingto the domestic/public
argumentbecause ritualis not domestic,but rathera public realminvolving
power,economics,and performance.

I . Shuto Orizari

Shutkawas establishedafterthe earthquakeof 1963, when the old Rom

neighborhoods locatedin thecenterof Skopjeweredestroyed.At thattimethe
government gave Roma the opportunity to obtaincheap housinggrantsifthey
would settlein Shutka,whichmusthave seemedto themlikea ruralwasteland.
Many Skopje Roma took advantageof thisopportunity, and in the 1970s and
1980s theywerejoined by Roma fromotherareas of Macedonia,fromKosovo
(whichwas then an autonomousregionof Serbia), and fromSerbia proper.
Now Shutkahas a populationofapproximately 40,000people,almostall seden-

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 MusicandPower 65
Silverman.

taryMuslimRoma,witha handfulof Albanianand ChristianRom families.

I call Shutkaa community accordingto the definitionby Arensbergand
Kimballwhichstressessharedgeographicspace,and interdependent social,cul-
tural,and institutional systems(1972:3). AlthoughShutkaRomaaredividedinto
manygroups,whichdiffer fromeach otheraccordingto suchcriteriaas dialectof
theRomaneslanguagespoken,place fromwhichtheycame,traditional occupa-
tion,and religion,theyall relateto and manyare proud of being residentsof
Shutka.Livingin the same place meansthatShutkaRoma face commonprob-
lems,suchas unpavedstreets, lack ofpropersewageand water,inferior schools,
and inadequatemedicalcare. These problemsare relatedto theirlow statusin
Macedoniansociety(Whitman1994). In fact,Roma are at thebottomoftheso-
cial,economic,and politicalhierarchy. Yet therehavebeen no incidencesofvio-
lence againstRoma such as those reportedin Bulgaria,Slovakia, Romania,
Hungaryand the Czech Republic(Poulton 1993a).
Livingin such a largeRom neighborhoodas ShutkagivesRoma theadvan-
tage of being able to displaytheirethnicity withlittlenon-Rominterference.
Rarely,ifever,do the policeor other non-Rom administratorsventureintoShutka,
and thusthereis an atmosphereof culturalfreedom.Shutkais saturatedwith
Rom ethnicity and symbolism: Romanesis thelanguageof tradeand sociability
(supplementedby Macedonian and Turkish);Roma feelsafewalkingaroundat
any time of the or
day night; Rom musiccan be heardconstantly, eithertapedor
in
live; fact,recently two 24 -hour radio stationsfeaturingRom music wereiniti-
ated; and most importantly, Rom ritualeventsare celebrated publiclyon the
streetwithlive music,withpride,zest,and impunity. Duringthe four-month
weddingseason, for example, ten events might take place simultaneously in
public space with residents strolling around to and
watch,comment, compare.
Class differences, ofcourse,mediatetheexperiencesofShutkaRoma.Shutka
is an economicallystratified community witha vast majorityof lowermiddle
class and poor people, a minority of middleclass people, and a fractionof rich
people. Some examplesillustrate thiseconomicrange:thepoorestfamilieshave
flimsy houses with dirtfloors,outhouses,and no inside runningwater.The
incomeof thepoor familiesmightbe dependenton intermittent haulingor col-
lectingscrap metal (men'swork), or on begging in the streets(oftenchildren's
or women'swork).The fewrichRoma, on the otherhand,have the meansto
maketheirliveseasier,such as buildingbig houses,pavingtheirown driveways,
installingindoorplumbingand hot waterheaters,owningcars and expensive
jewelry,and staginghuge events.The personacknowledgedto be the richest
man in Shutkais Hamdi Bajram,a youngentrepreneur who is the ownerand
directorof Shuteks(ShutkaTextile),the onlyfactory located in Shutka.Three
thousandguestsparticipatedin his son'sweddingin Spring1993.
More common,however,are poor to lowermiddleclasspeople who engage
in manyoccupationsduringa lifetime, and evensimultaneously. These occupa-
tionsare genderede.g. men tendto be blacksmiths, unskilledfactory laborers,

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66 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic

haulers,taxidrivers,metalworkers,and musicians.For males,theprofessionof

musichas been a fairlystableoccupationin the Balkansforfourcenturies,as
discussedbelow.Professionalmusiciansplayforvariousethnicgroupsin Mac-
edonia, includingSlavs, Albanians,Turks,Torbeshi(Slavic speakingMuslim
Macedonians),and forotherRoma. Repertoireand instrumentation differac-
cordingtothedemandsofthevariousgroups(Silverman Seeman1990a,
[forthc/b];
b; Rice 1982). Femalesrarelybecomeprofessional musicians,althougha feware
professional singers.6For women,singingand dancingprofessionally are coded
as loose and are thusdiscouraged.The femaleswho succeedin theirsingingca-
reersare,however,respectedfortheirtalentsifnotfortheirlifestyles.
Women'swagelaborincludesdoingcleaninginprivatehomes,offices, hospi-
tals,schools,and on thestreet.Typicalfemaleunskilledand semi-skilled occupa-
tionsinclude ironingand cookingin stateinstitutions and doing middleman
marketing. ManyShutkawomen(and indeedall East EuropeanRomwomen)are
activelyinvolvedin trading,especiallysellinggoods fromTurkeyand Hungary.
This occupationalnichehas greatlyexpandedsince1990 becausemanyjobs,es-
peciallystatejobs havedisappeareddue to privatization. Femaledomesticclean-
ing jobs have also disappeared because of decliningMacedonian incomes.
Marketedgoods are somewhatcoded by gender,withwomensellingclothing,
costumejewelry, and dowryitems,and themensellingtheitemstheythemselves
fashion,suchas metalgoods and scrapmetal.On theotherhand,bothsexessell
certainitemsfashionedbymensuchas rope and woodengoods suchas cradles,
spoons,troughs, dajres(framedrums),and sieves.
The Macedonianeconomyis currently facinga hugechallengeas a resultof
theclosingoftheborderwithGreecein February1994 and thesubsequentlack
of oil and lack of access to theMediterranean Sea. Greece imposedan commer-
cial blockadebecause of itsobjectionto theuse of thenameMacedoniaby the
former Yugoslavrepublic(Danforth1993).The Macedonianeconomyhas,how-
ever,shownsurprising resiliency both to the borderclosureand to the transi-
tionto a marketeconomy(Poulton 1993b). Amongthevariousethnicgroups,
Romahavebeen hitthehardestbecause,beingmostlyunskilledfactory workers
in stateenterprises, they are the first
to be fired.Local estimatesplace therate
of Rom unemployment as twicethe nationalaverage,whichin 1993 was over
20%.
In comparisonto otherBalkanwomen,Rom womenseem to be morevis-
ible and moreprominent in economicroles.Certainly, non-RomBalkanwomen
have intermittently assumed"male" economicroles,such as in agriculture and
herding, when their male kin worked abroad.7 Rom women, however, regularly
enact significant economicroles.This comparisonis even morestriking when
one comparesRomMuslimwomento otherMuslimsoftheBalkans.For at least
a century, Romwomenhaveworkedoutsidethehomeamongnon-Rommenas
seasonalagricultural workers, middlemanpeddlersand fortune tellers.Theyalso
havemanagedfamilybudgets.Socialismpulledwomenintostatejobs, but now

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 MusicandPower 67
Silverman.

thatstatejobs have disappeared,Rom womenhave not retreatedto domestic

non-wagelabor as manynon-Romwomenhave,but have ratherexpandedthe
tradeniche.

2. Ritual, Performance,and Gender

The reasonI am dwellingon economicsin Shutkais thatI believethatwork

is intimatelyrelatedto ritual,in factritualis a kindofgenderedwork.Mylarger
concernhere is the issue of genderidentity, morespecifically,the relationship
betweenwomen'swork(paid and unpaid),community and theaestheticdimen-
sions of ritual,music,dance, costume,and foodways.To restatethisrelation-
ship,femaleidentity is constructed by therelationship of economicsto kinship
and is expressedaesthetically in a ritualand symbolsystem.I am inspiredby
Micaela Di Leonardo's 1987 articlewhereshe coins theterm"kinwork"to de-
scribea characteristickindof femaleworkotherthanwage workand domestic
work.Unlike domesticwork,whichoccurswithina household,kinworkcuts
acrosshouseholds,and mobilizeswomenacrosshouseholds.Kinworkalso cre-
ates obligationsand reciprocalworkforwhole households,includingmen.
The termkinworknicelydescribesthe kind of work Rom women do in
planning,organizing, managing,performing, and evaluatingritualcelebrations.
To illustratethe conceptof kinwork,I willhighlight thegendercodingof per-
formanceat a wedding.Whileit is beyondthepurviewof thisarticleto analyze
weddingsin detail,it is important to notethatRomweddingsare fiveto six-day
events,oftenwithhundredsof guests,involvingmultipleperformances of ritu-
als.8Food presentation is one exampleof visiblegenderedworkand perform-
ance, sincefood and banquetsare an important partof anycelebration.I term
food preparationand presentation"performance" because theyare observed
behaviorswitha markedaestheticdimensionwhichothersevaluateaccording
to sharedcriteria(Bauman 1975). Both women and men participatein food
preparation,but in a segregatedmanner.Women,forexample are mobilized
acrosshouseholdsto preparefoods,such as stuffing grapeleaves,bakinghun-
dredsof breads products,and makingsalads. Men slaughteranimals,prepare
meats,and transport readymadefoodsfrombakeriesand warehouses,butthese
are moresporadicactivitiesand do not necessarilyinvolvekinnetworks.Serv-
ing thefood duringthe banquetsis done entirely by men,who in thiscase do
activatekin networksto recruitthe necessarylaborers.This male servingis a
significantreversalof the normaldivisionof labor and is necessarybecause
womenneed to be freeto dance (see below). Washingthe dishesand pots is
done exclusively bywomen.
Costumeis an important performance areaunderwomen'sdirection. Women
are expectedto wear numerousoutfitsduringthe courseof thewedding,and

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68 * theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic

the appropriatestylesand orderof clothingis managedby women.For exam-

ple, the Saturdayafternooneventopens withwomenwearingshalvari(wide-
leggedtrousers).Clothingalso figures as weddinggifts.Forexample,
significantly
at variouspublic ritualsduringthewedding,thebrideis givenclothingby fe-
male membersof thegroom'sfamily, who have tastefully arrangedtheclothing
on decoratedroundtrays.Womenshop, sew and orderthe outfitstheywear
and giveas gifts;of course,theyfinancially managethesetaskswithno interfer-
ence frommen.The femaledisplayof clothingis, then,an aestheticsystemwith
an economicbase.
Ritualactsduringtheweddingare numerousand followthegeneralpattern
of all Balkanweddings(Kligman1988). Womendirectritualsmuchmorethan
men; in factmanymen are quite ignorantabout what needs to be done and
when.Note thatit is olderwomenwho usuallyhave the knowledgeabout the
rituals.Weddingritualsinvolvemostlyfemaleactors(e.g. henna celebration,
women'sbath,greeting oftheguestsbythebride)inpartbecauseofpatrilocality:
thebridemovesfromhernatalhometo thehomeofhergroomand his parents
whereasthe groomremainsat home and goes throughfewerchanges.Many
weddingritualsexpresstraditional patriarchal values,e.g. modestand shameful
stanceof thebridein whichhereyesare loweredand she acts demurely, which
are at odds withthe powerfulpositionof womenin ritualmanagement. This
phenomenonquestions and setsintotension some of thetraditionalpatriarchal
tenantsthattheritualsthemselves enact.If we takea typicalBalkanpatriarchal
ritualofincorporation, forexample,thegroomleadingthebrideintohishouse
withherhead loweredand a belt aroundherneck,we would certainly be cor-
rectin assumingthiswas a symboloffemalesubordination. Yet mypointis that
we cannotassume a singularinterpretation of thissymbol.The factthatthe
ritualis directedby womenwho have alternative views,and the factthatit is
embeddedin a complexsetoffemale- centeredperformances and economicroles,
questions the assumed patriarchalmessage.By analyzingperformances in their
wider economic and social contextswe can attemptto revealtheircomplex
layersof significance.
Dance is perhapsthemostimportant women'sperformance art.Manyritual
eventsare initiatedby a respectedwomanleadingthe dance line witha deco-
ratedobjectsuch as a sieve.Femalekinare called up forhours,one by one, in
orderofclosenessto thesponsoring family,to lead dancelines.Close kinwomen
are expected,even obliged,to dance fromfourto ninehourseveryday,some-
timesforthreeor fourdaysin a row,no matterhow hotand how tiredtheyare.
The onlyexcuse not to dance is illness.Womenwho do not dance well or are
mentally disabledalso dance and evenlead dancelines.Becausewomenhaveso
manyobligations,such as dancing,duringrituals,men end up takingcare of
children,somethingthatrarelyhappensoutsideof rituals.
Male dancing,on theotherhand,is optional.Men dance,and somedance a
greatdeal, but theyare not obligedto dance; theydance by choice.There are

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 MusicandPower 69
Silverman.

two dance forms:line and solo chochek.Line dances are in duple meteror in
patternssuch as 7/8 (3+2+2) or 9/8 (2+2+2+3). Chochek(or chuchek ) is in du-
ple meter,7/8,or 9/8,and is consideredbyRom to be a purelyRom form.It is
markedby mane, a highlyimprovisedfreerhythm explorationof the makam,
usingstockmotivesand figures,played over a metricostinato.The Turkish-
deriveddance formknownas chochekis solo, improvised,utilizeshand move-
ments,contractionsof the abdomen, shoulder shakes, and small footwork
patterns(Seeman 1990a). Accordingto Dunin's researchin the 1960s and early
1970s, chochekwas danced by both men and women (womendancingmore
frequently),but separately. Womendanced in privatehome settingsto the ac-
companiment of a female dajre (framedrum)playerand women'ssinging;to
danceformenwas consideredcrude(Dunin 1971:324-5;1973:195). Bythe1980s,
womenwere dancingchochekin public,and sexual segregationin dance was
less pronounced.
Today,dancingchochekis coded as femaleand distinguishes a womanand
enhancesherreputation. Mothers"putup" daughtersto dance and coach them;
sometimesyounggirlspracticeat home. Chochekdancersmay even receive
monetarytips by familymembers.Females dancing chochekis not coded as
overtlysexual,but femalesdancingchochekprofessionally or even singingpro-
fessionallyis coded as sexual. This is perhaps because females dancingnon-
professional^ are surrounded byfamily members in a secureatmosphere, while
professional dancers for
perform strangers.9
Dance and costumeare so significant as femaleperformances because they
engagedisplays of the body. Recent scholarshipby Babcock (1994) and Young
(1993) has demonstrated that knowledge is embodied. Bodies,especiallyfemale
bodies are "intimately involvedwiththereproduction ofcultureand thepolitics
of representation" (Babcock 1994:40). For Roma, performances involvingfe-
male bodies displaythe values of the culturebut at the same timerevealthe
tensionswithinthe culture.Females,forexample,are supposed to be modest
but at thesametimeare encouragedto dance thesexuallyprovocativechochek.
Similarly,womenenact ritualswhichsuperficially demonstrate patriarchalval-
in
ues;yettheseritualsareembedded a system which demonstrates femalepower.
Furthermore, femalebodilyperformances are enacted within a musical system
whichis male-centered.

3. Rom Music in Shutka

Thereare twotypesof Rom instrumentalgroupsin Shutka,thezurla(dou-

also knowndisuria)and tapan(double-headed
ble-reedconical-boreinstrument,
drum)trio,and themodernband. The zurlaand tapancombination
cylindrical

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70 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic

is clearlyolder,withfrescosin Ohridmonasteries datingto the 14thcentury. At

largepublic eventssuch as fairsand saint'sdayscelebrations, manyzurla and
tapanensemblesshowup and arehiredbydancersorpicnicking families.Among
the MuslimSkopje Rom, zurla and tapanmusicis essentialforeventssuch as
weddings,circumcisions, and calendricalholidays.This musicmarksimportant
ritualmomentssuch as the applicationof hennato thebrides hair,hands,and
feet,the arrivalof a new guest,and the slaughterof the lamb on Erdelez(St.
George'sDay). In the 1950s,bands ofwesterninstruments beganto be hiredto
play at the above events,but the zurlaand tapanpredominatein processions
throughthestreets.Todayin manypartsof Macedonia the zurlaand tapanen-
semblecoexistswithamplifiedmodernbands because of its ritualfunction, its
role in playingtraditionaldance music,and its symbolicassociationwithRom
identity.The latterpointis illustrated by the use of zurlaand tapanmusicon
politicaloccasions,such as the firstpress conferenceof the firstMacedonian
Rom politicalpartyin 1990.
Zurla and tapan playingis exclusivelymale, transmitted along kin lines.
Accordingto Rice'sstudyofa Skopjefamily ofzurlaplayers,training takesplace
on thejob, fromelderto younger, and repertoire and techniqueare learnedby
listeningand watching.Learningto dronecomesfirst.The techniqueof circu-
lar breathing(producinga steadycolumnof airwiththemouthwhilebreathing
in throughthenose), is practicedwitha strawand water(Rice 1982:127).
Typically,one zurlaplaysmelodywhiletheotherdrones;thedronechanges
when the tonal centerchanges.Occasionally,the two zurlaswill play in het-
erophonicunison,in octavesor,morerecently, in parallelthirds.In additionto
playing the dance or songmelody, the lead zurla playerdoes freerhythmic im-
provisations known as mane (fromthe Greek amanedes) and also metric improvi-
sations.Thesethreedevicesalternate forvarying lengthoftimes.Size ofrepertoire
and technicalvirtuosity distinguish goodzurlaplayers.Ornamentation consistsof
rapid and even and
fingertrills,mordents, grace notes. Vibrato be
may produced
by changesin breathpressure.In thefamilyRice studied,one brotherpreferred
rapidornamental melodicimprovisation inthelowerregister whileanotherbrother
preferred long notes and scalar passages in the higherregister(Rice 1982:134).
Mastertapanplayersendlesslyimproviserhythmically and textually, creatively
using the different sounds of thetwo drumheads.
Zurladzhii(playersof zurla)and tapandzhii(playersof tapan)earnvarying
amountsdependingupon theirreputations. Rice reportsthatthebest earnin a
singleday what a factory worker earns in a week,but manydaysof the week
eventhebest are idle (1982:129). Most musicianslead meagerlivesand haveto
supplementtheirincomeswithotherjobs. Because of theirimportancein pro-
vidingdancemusic,zurlaand tapanplayerswerehiredbythegovernment-spon-
soredprofessional and amateurdance and musicensemblesformedin the1960s
in Macedonia.Since the 1970s,zurlaplayerMuzaferMahmudhas been a mem-
ber ofthefolkmusicsectionofRadio Skopje.This position,plus thedissemina-

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 MusicandPower 71
Silverman.

tionofphonographrecordings, gavewidermedia,festival, and concertvisibility

to zurlaand tapanmusic.
The contemporary amplifiedbands in Macedonia are heirsto the chalgija
traditionof the early20th century.Roma were the majorityof performers in
urbanprofessionalchalgijaensembles,which flourisheduntilWorld War II.
These ensemblesplayed Ottoman-derived vocal and instrumental music in a
heterophonicstylebased on the makamsystem,emphasizinginnovationand
improvisation. Othermembersof chalgijaensembleswereMacedonians,Arme-
nians,and Jews,and rarelyTurks.Seemanspeculatesthattheabsenceof Turks
was due to theassociationof chalgijamusicwiththelowersocial classes.Roma
mayhaveimportedthisgenrefromTurkey(Seeman1990b:17-9). The ensemble
originallyconsistedof violin, ud (plucked short-necked fretlesslute), kanun
(plucked zither),dajre(framedrum with and
jingles), voice, but grewto feature
dzhumbush(long-neckedpluckedlute witha skinface),clarinet,truba(trum-
pet), accordionand tarabuka(goblet-shapeddrum){ibid.:13).
Thereare familiesof sedentaryRoma who have playedchalgijaforgenera-
tions;itis rareto finda Romchalgijamusicianfroma family whichspecializesin
otheroccupations.Althoughthe traditionis predominantly male, therewere
also femaleprofessionals, usuallyrelatives of male musicians,who playedfor
femaleguestsin segregatedMuslimevents.This zhenskachalgija(femalegroup
of musicians)was small,consistingof violin,dajreand sometimesud, and the
womenaccompaniedtheirown singing.Womenand youngmaleRomwerealso
hiredto performsolo dancingin coffeehouses and at weddings[ibid.:19).
Chalgijarepertoire includedlightTurkishclassicalpieces,ruralfolkmusic,
and urbanpopularsongsin themanylanguagesof theOttomancity - Turkish,
Albanian,Vlach, Macedonian and Romanes. Chalgijamusic flourished in the
Ottomanperiodin contextssuch as the coffeehouse,weddingsand otherlife-
cyclecelebrations,fairsand saints' day celebrations.While primarilyurban,
chalgijamusic also reached ruralcontextsthroughoutMacedonia. Note that
MacedonianRoma have neverplayedruralinstruments such as gajda (bagpipe)
and kaval (end-blownflute);nor have theysungtheritualsongsof SlavicMac-
edonianvillagers.
Profoundchangesin the 1960s,such as themigrationof ruralpopulations
into urban centers,the spread of Westernharmonyand instruments, and the
introduction of amplification,affectedthestyleand textureof chalgija.Simulta-
neously,the newlyformedRadio Skopje ensembledisseminateda "Macedo-
nian" (moreWestern,less Turkish)chalgija.Seeman perceptively exploresthe
of
symbolism chalgija forvarious constituencies: for Slavic Macedonians the
current RadioSkopjechalgijaorchestra is "tooTurkish"(itis composedofMuslim
Rom,some of whomare originally fromKosovo); theyrememberan idealized
"Macedonian"chalgija.Urban MacedonianMuslims(includingRoma), on the
otherhand,like the currentTurkishsound,but hireelectrified bands of West-
erninstruments fortheirin-groupevents(Seeman 1990b).

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72 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic

The chalgijatraditioncontinuestodaywiththeseelectrified Rombandswhich

arepartofa dynamictradition in Romneighborhoods suchas Shutka.In Shutka,
live musicis heardvirtually everynightduringthe long weddingseason from
Juneto September.Bands typically consistof clarinetand/orsaxophone,accor-
dion and/orsynthesizer, guitarand/ordzhumbush , electricbass, and drumset
and/ortarabuka , plus a vocalist.Musiciansare alwaysmale,while singersare
sometimeswomen.Like the earlierchalgija, theyplayforweddings,circumci-
sions,baptisms,saints'days,etc. and serviceall of Macedonia'sethnicgroups.
At Rom events,musiciansplay some of the older chalgijarepertoire, plus
newerRom songsand dance tunes.Thereis a crossfertilization of Balkanstyles
in Rom music. Macedonian Roma are particularly fond of Turkishmusic.In
addition,MacedonianRom saxophonistFerus Mustafovperforms some of the
well knowncompositionsof BulgarianRom clarinetist Ivo Papasov. Since the
1970s,the Macedonian Rom repertoirehas grownto include Indian-inspired
melodiesand songs,reflecting the growingof thehistoricalawarenessand ris-
" "
ing historicalconsciousnessof Roma. Tuneslike Ramo Ramo and "Sapeskiri"
("The Snake"),bothfromIndianfilms,became instanthits.
In comparingthe Skopje Rom celebrationof St. George'sDay over a ten
yearperiod,Dunin notes thatthe music changedradically.Whereasin 1967
unamplified musicwithno singerwas therule,in 1977 amplifiedmusicinclud-
ing synthesizer and vocalistwas more common.Amplification necessitateda
fixedlocationforthe band- :a raised stage whichis now ubiquitous(Dunin
1985). At Rom eventssuch as weddings,the amplifiedband playsforthelarge
dancegatherings, buteithera zurlaand tapanensembleor a smallerunamplified,
portable version of the amplifiedband playsforritualand processionalneeds.
The hiringof musicfora ritualis one of thevisiblemarkersof prestigefor
thatfamily(Seeman 1990a). The betteror morefamousthemusicians,themore
prestigethe sponsoringfamilyaccrues. The financialaspect is apparent,for
famousmusicianscost more. Other prestigespheresinclude dance, clothing,
jewelry,food and ritualartifacts, all of whichare financially coded. Seemanhas
also notedthatprestigeis accruednotonlyfromthepointofviewofthefamily,
but also of the musicians.Beingable to playwell technically, to playwithfeel-
to
ing, improvise, to know a largerepertoire and to fitit exactlyto themood of
theguests,and to innovatebut stillplaywithinan acceptablestyleare all impor-
tantin buildinga musicalreputation. Thereis, of course,a visibleand tangible
financialmeasureofreputation, becausetippingis expected,watched,and noted
bythegatheredpublic.

4. Music, Gender, and Macro-Politics

Whatis immediately is thatunliketherealmofritualpolitics,which

striking
is female,the realmof macro-politicsand politicalorganizingis male; females

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 MusicandPower 73
Silverman.

are almosttotallyabsent.To discussthispattern,I focuson a seriesof events

whichlead to theformation ofthefirst RompoliticalpartyinMacedonia,Partijata
za TselosnaEmantsipatsija na Romite(PTER) in 1990.10In 1990 as well as now,
theleadersof PTER wereveryawarethatfemaleswere absentand theymade
somewhatofan effort to recruitfemalesintopublicroles,especiallyto siton the
dais at theparty'sfirstpressconference. Theyfoundonlyone femalejournalism
studentwho was willing.The party'splatformcontainsa shortstatementon
women'srights,but the overallpictureof public macro-politics is overwhelm-
ingly male. At the earlyparticipatory meetings ofRom youth, women werepresent
almostup to 40%, but as themeetingsturnedintoorganizingstrategy sessions
and as leadershipspositionsarose,womeneitherdroppedout or wereignored.
This seemsto be the case in all the Rom partiesin EasternEurope, withthe
important exceptionof Hungary.11
There are a numberof reasonsforthe non-participation of womenin the
of
sphere macro-politics. women
Firstly, do not feel welcome in theoverwhelm-
ingly male context of in
politicalmeetings part because they occur in malespaces
such as cafes,restaurants, and meetinghalls.Perhapsifmeetingswereheld in
thekitchensof homes,morewomenwould attend.Secondly,the model Roma
are following in politicalactivismis theMacedonianor East Europeanmodelof
politics in which malespredominate. For example,ifone goal is to acquireRom
representatives into theNarodno Sobranie (NationalAssembly), we shouldnote
thattheassemblyis almosttotallymale,so to offerfemaleRomcandidatesseems
absurd to many.Thirdly,women findthe partyplatformlackingin women's
concerns,whichtheydefineas more practicaland concernedwitheconomic
discrimination and familyissuessuch as childcare;womenseemto be less con-
cernedwithpoliticalrepresentation and languagepolicy,forexample.Women
in
are taught subtleways that national politicsis a male domain,forexample,
the lack of femalemodels.Fourthly, politicizationis a slow processwhichin-
volvescreatinga politicalconsciousness,notmerelyorganizinga party.Women
oftenlook fortangibleresultsin theirlives;theyclaimthepartyhas done noth-
ing forthem.Finally,and most importantly, women receivemore immediate
gratification and gainfromthepublic realmof Rom ritualpoliticsthantheydo
fromthe public realmof Rom macro-politics. Their reputationsand alliances
aremadein thecommunity, notin thewidercontext.It is important to notethat
manymalesare skepticalof politicalactivismforprecisely the same reasonsas
women,butevenskepticalmaleshavemoreoptions for involvement than women.
Turningto thedomainofmusic,it is interesting to note that politicalevents
are framedby zurlaand tapanmusicratherthanmodern bands. Indeed,in the
community, zurla and tapanbands oftenservethe function of announcement
and procession,preciselythecommunicative vehiclesneededfora politicalevent
such as a rally.In addition,zurlaand tapanrepresentforRoma theoldestlayer
of music,hence traditionin the positiveassociationof theword,whichis dis-
playedfornon-Romaat politicalevents.WhenVasilTupurkovski visitedShutka

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74 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic

in 1990 as a memberof the Yugoslavpresidency, he was metwith zurla and

tapanmusic,and bread and salt,servedby a womanwearingshalvari , all sym-
bols invokingtradition.When PTER held its firstpress conferencein 1990,
zurlaand tapanmusicannouncedthe gatheringand a box markedPTER was
strategicallyplaced to encouragedancersto donatemoneyto the partyrather
thanto tip themusicians.
The implicitlinkagesamongmusic,community, politics,and gendercan
also be seen by the recentcreationof two Rom radio stationswhichoperate
somewhatillegallyfromShutka.Broadcasting24 hoursa day,onlyin Romanes,
thesestationsplaypopularRom weddingmusicand are financedby advertise-
mentsand "greetings." A familyputtingon a wedding,forexample,paysa small
feeto haveitsgreeting to thebrideand groomand to a longlistofrelativesaired
on the radio by the announcer.Duringprimetime,one can hear ten greetings
perhouror more,a kindof auralrosterof community events.It is interesting to
note thatwomen,morepreciselyteenagegirls,are workingas announcerson
theseradio shows,oftenwiththeirmale relativesas disc jockeys.The linkwith
macro-politics is evidentbecause each of the two radio stationsis associated
withone ofthetwoRompoliticalparties.TherearenowtwoRompartiesdue to
a splitin leadership.The radio stationsthemselvesare not political - theyplay
no news exceptforgreetingsand advertisements; whatmakesthempoliticalis
thatone partyfoundedone station - its secretary's
fatherlets a room of his
unfinished house serveas theradiostation.And theotherpartyholdsitsmeet-
ingsnearor on theporchoftheotherstation.Thus,spatialclaimsareimportant
politicallyand in genderterms.Everyeveningone can see malesgatherat one
stationwho are affiliated withone party,and at the otherstationforthe other
party.Women are not a partof thispractice,and, exceptforquicklydropping
offgreetings, theypreferto gatherinsidehomesto plan or evaluaterituals.

5. Conclusion

AmongRoma of ShutoOrizari,musicis male-centered. However,musicis

oftenembeddedin a ritualsystemin whichknowledge,work,and performance
rolesare dominatedbywomen.Moreover,thisritualsystemis based in an eco-
nomicsystem wherewomenprovideatleasthalfandin somecasesmorethanhalf
ofthefamily income.Thisprominenceofwomenin powerfulrolesin ritualdoes
not,however, extendto therealmofmacro-politics. Rommacro-politics
seemsto
be followingthedominantEast Europeanmodelofmaledomination.This con-
stellationrevealsan intricateconstellation
of powerwhichquestionsa singular
readingof the domestic/public dichotomyand illustrates
thatmusicis always
embeddedin systems ofsymbolswhicharegendered.
[Finalversion
received:
27 January
1995]

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 MusicandPower 75
Silverman.

Notes

1 Theresearch forandwriting ofthis article

weresupported bygrantsfromtheCenter fortheStudyof
Women inSociety, University ofOregon, andtheInternational
Research andExchanges Board.The
researchperiod covered 1990-1994.
2 I would addthat many capitalistnationsarealsoconfigured andcitizens
paternalistically there
too
retreat
into a more private spheretonegotiateselfrespect.
3 Onecancertainly make thecasethat many non-Rom citizens
ofsocialist
nationsalsorejected
social-
ism,butthey tended todosoasindividuals.
4 Theclassic articlewhich explainsfemale subordinationasa resultofthedomestic/public is
split
Rosaldo 1974. Rosaldo claims women with
areidentified thedomestic sphereandmen withthepub-
lic.Herargument hasbeenchallenged bymany seeMacCormack
scholars, & Strathern1980.
5 Among Macedonia Roma, descentandinheritance arepatrilineal,
althoughthere tendtobestrong
matrilinealtieswhich areemotional andsometimes economic andpolitical. residence
Post-marital
tendstobepatrilocal, butthere aresome exceptions.
6 Themost famous Rom inallofEurope isawoman, Esma Redzhepova. Inthelate1950sEsma's
" singer ,"took allofYugoslavia viaconcert, and
trademark song,Chaje Shukarija bystorm records,radio,
newlyinstalledtelevision.Inthe1960s and1970s shetouredtheworld,singingatRomani Congresses
andpacked stadiums. Esma's renditions
arefiery,emotional
anddramatic tothepoint ofactingand
dancingthetext. Esma's appeal wasbroadened becauseshealsoperformed Slavicsongsfrom many
regionsandacted infilms. Stevo Teodosievskiandhiswife Esma,known as"the kingandqueen of
Rommusic" were instrumental inbringing talentedRomchildren suchas tarabuka playerEnver
Rasimov tolarge non-Rom audiences.Their home inBelgradewasa trainingground foryoungRom
talents,
bringing them from theweddings andcafes ofRom neighborhoodstotheworld ofcommer-
cialconcerts,tours,andmedia.
7 Fora goodcasestudy ofa villageoffemale left
behind tomanage seeWesterlind
agriculture, 1989.
8 SeeSeeman 1990a andDunin 1971for descriptionsofMacedonian Rom weddings.
9 Forcomparative material onfemale Moroccan seeKapchan
dancers,
professional 1994.
10 Fora detailed discussionoftheparty, seeSilverman 1995.
11 SeeLange (1993) onwomen inHungarian Rom politics.

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