Indian Market Places- the Socio-Spatial Crucible of Daily Life

The paper looks at space as the material base for social relations- the relation between
people, place and time. The concept of space is omnipotent as it is the eternal stage of
environment building. Daily life in the city is a socio-spatial construct as the social
constitutes the spatial practices. The paper refers to Max Webers concept of oriental; an
urbanism of the East highly entangled with indigenous culture. This is overtly visible in the
Indian market places. Indian market places are fields of social production through material
determinism. Although material determinism leads to rationalization of spaces, the field
itself is an intimate dialogue between people and space, people and people. Hence space in
daily life of a city is deployed to a powerful effect of determining urbanism. The paper
analyses convergence of four concepts - space, daily life, market places and urbanism.
Fundamental concept of space as physical & metaphysical has been overviewed from the
point of view of social studies. The concept of space has been extended to understanding
city as the crucible of daily- life; i.e. socio- economic and socio-spatial interaction and chaos.
The historical vitality of market places as highlights of citys daily life has been traced
leading to determinants explaining the emergent meaning of urbanism pertaining to the
socio-spatial construct.

Key words- space, daily life, market places, urbanism

Introduction-

The paper investigates the fundamental query of space. Space is the concept bordering all
physical and metaphysical phenomena. Architecture can be defined as valuable constructs
of space- in the domain of art and science. Hence, it is rightly said that architecture is about
people, place and time. Henri Lefebvre, in his Rhythmanalysis (1992) states that in daily
life- the bundle of natural rhythms wraps itself in rhythms of social and mental function. By
this he asserts the relationship between space and time- space defining the domain of
everyday life and time keeping the count of human activities. What we see as material
manifestations of concepts that is the definition of space at that moment. It is in this space
that all the rationalities like organization, law and coherent structure coincide with
irrationalities- human whirlpool of emotional chaos & illogical differences. It is the
playground of the intangible and the tangible; a field of dialectics.

Built environments can be understood through morphology and form. The scale of the built
environment varies from micro to macro. Cities are such complex environments of the built
and the unbuilt. Particularly in case of Indian context, cities are transformative landscapes
with cultural complexities, dynamic economics and contested cityscapes for upward mobility.
Socio-spatial aspect, essentially the daily life of a city is in its public realm. Market Places are
melting pots where in life thrives in an ever dynamic setting and hence help define Indian
Urbanism. To understand the indigenousness embedded in the spaces of Indian Market
Places, it is imperative to comprehend Indian Urbanism- the idea of pan- Indianness.

Defining Indian Urbanism- a brief overview of image, culture and identity

The urbanity of India today is influenced by multiple cultures since ages. The national history
is formed in a geographical crucible with multiple productive possibilities, hence the cultures
were constantly influenced. An Indian persona is fraught with ideas of identity, all differing
from culture to culture, but all in an idea of common geographical context. In modern times,
India has been a subject of energies of the West and our newer evolving identities are a
spectrum of self- images fashioned out by Western reflections. The supranational Indian
culture is not structured but is a response to the need of upward mobility. The roles between
rulers and the ruled are inter-changeable depending upon the power to grab opportunity for
economic upward mobility.

Pawan K. Varma (2004) has asserted the three aspects power, wealth and technology-
power, economic and political, for upward mobility, wealth- as the true pursuit of any true
Indian, pre-empted by traditions and belief, technology- the new paradigm to pan-Indianness
not as a prowess but as a means to a good comfortable beginning of life. Indians were and
are gifted with survival kit: an ability to anticipate opportunity, resilience, flexibility of tactic,
a canniness to judge human needs, and a talent to make the circumstances fit for needs.

Coming from the same crucible, Indian people have developed shared outlooks, common
beliefs, overlapping identities and they garner similar aspirations. The tactic that
international economists use today is that localizing the product so as to conform to the
cognition of the locales.

There also exists the concept of jaatbhai or brotherhood in the markets of India. The
people who run the market are distributed and work as syndicates. As a syndicate, their
understanding of right and wrong is related to efficacy for raid upward mobility. In an
emerging market like India, there already exists an array of home grown options in many
categories, which can offer incredibly tough competition to new entrants. Even after the
liberalization of economy in 1991, markets in India were sophisticated with their own
methods of marketing, their own methods of innovation on consumptions. Best described-
markets in India are and always will be- mind-boggling in terms of its linguistic, cultural and
income diversity (Bijapurkar, 2009). Hence, Indian market places showcase the vigor of daily
life of a city- in terms of negotiation, management and inherent excitement of competition.

Indian Urbanism and Indian Market places-

The idea of market place is deeply entwined with the idea of commerce in history of
civilizations. While referring to these civilizations, geographical context is a pretext.

I reason thus: Asia has properly no temperate zone, as the place situated in a very cold
climate immediately touch upon those which are exceedingly hot, that is,, Turkey, Persia,
India, China, Korea and Japan. In Europe, on the contrary, the temperate zone is very
extensive.

- Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws

Herewith, while proposing a political theory regarding nations of the world, Charles de
Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu began with differences in the climate and geography of
regions across globe. Different climate meant different flora-fauna which is the fundamental
reason why there were exclusive natural assets specific to regions. On a global level,
diversity presents opportunities for exchange. Thus there began exchange of valuable goods
through maritime trade routes- the most important in one history being the Spice Route and
overland routes- the important one being the Silk Route.

Conforming to the intense activity of global trading, history has witnessed rise and fall of
cities catering to trade. Some of these are the port cities of Quilon, Alexandria, Jaffa, Gaza
etc. Apart from port cities the land voyages created settlements along the ancient spice
trade routes in the Central Asia namely the cities of Bukhara, Samarkand, Tashkent, Osh,
Korla, Wenquan, Lhasa, Kathmandu etc. Transportation of goods along such extensive
geographical fields required places for disembarkment of goods and areas for storage and
distribution. This area had to be networked with the cities they disembarked in, for the
demand of goods was within places of settlements. Thus the concept of markets emerged as
physical spaces where exchange of goods was facilitated. It was a system conceived for the
purpose of commodity exchange. The market places also exhibited social interaction as
these were the places where populace was abuzz with activities of exchange.

As suggested by Adler (2011, p.3) And while Silk was one of the major products
transported from China to the West as far back as the Roman Empire, the trade, especially
in other luxury goods as spices (from India) and gemstones (from western Asia), was active
in both directions. Along with trade in material goods, the Silk Road was a medium of
cultural exchange. One of the prime examples of this was the spread of Buddhism from India
to Afghanistan, China, Korea, Japan and Southeast Asia.

With such a pre-eminence of trade on a global scale, the market places were not only a
platform of interaction and exchange but also places of knowledge dissemination. The very
phenomenon of gathering also made it a place of convivialities.

If subjects of a settlement (the people) are considered as varied points in space of the
settlement, by virtue of the intelligence, the primordial instinct of collectiveness, and
realization of longevity due to collectiveness and communication, all are manifested in the
spatial assemblages where the varied co-ordinates of subjects change in the new formation
of proximity. Market places are perfect exhibits of the same. Market places are not only
components of a city structure, but since ancient times they have been deemed as city
centers. The most simple reason for this is that it becomes an event in everyday life where
in people indulge into communication, exchanges, experiential aspects of the place, and the
movement of goods and people promotes cosmopolitan ambience, furthering the
possibilities of interaction. Thus market places were evidently places of orientation and
identification in the functional and cultural sense. With the advent and continuance of
trading economy, man had existential foothold, for the market form, as spatial form in which
commerce happened, related to his daily existence. This orientation is not only at the global
scale but also at a local scale of a settlement in the identifiable form of Genius Loci
(Norberg- Schulz, 1979).

Markets therewith, were not only physical spaces, but also had the Spirit of Place (Norberg-
Schulz, 1979). Market places are critical part of the evolution of civilizations and still
continue to have the essence of eminent places in the city structure. Market places are
combinations of intangible and tangible within the physical network of spaces and social
network of humans. Indian markets places are products of their own consumer history and
culture. Market places are ingenious combinations and adaptations of as many multiple
solutions as much a space can accommodate within its limit. Market places in India have
large catchments- owing to the population. The Indian market is full of people who want
diversified options- ranging from low-cost solutions to costly brands. The mere
understanding of entrepreneurial venture in the grassroots is where there is diversity.
Hence, in physicality, there is bewildering patchwork quilt with no apparent design or
explainable pattern in design.

Indian Market place in History - The indigenous examples of market places have roots
in the village system of India. The indigenous concept of market place was that of a
temporary market mandi, which is a weekly market system or what is commonly known as
the haat. A mandi is temporal in nature; the physical Image1- 'Haat'- weekly
market place
disappearance and appearance is accounted by the construction of
temporary structures.

Another indigenous concept of an Indian market place is the mela

which is conceived in times of religious celebrations. The physical
nature is same- that of a temporary set up but pertaining to the
Image 2 -'Mela'
convivialities and entertainment of the masses.

CONTEXTUAL MORPHOLOGICAL NETWORK ARCHITECTURAL

SETTING SETTING FEATURES

BUKHAR
A,
UZBEKIST
AN

ISFAHAN,
IRAN

CHAWRI
BAZAAR,
DELHI

Table 1- Bazaars along the Silk Route

CONTEXTUAL MORPHOLOGICAL ARCHITECTURAL INTERFACE

SETTING SETTING AND FEATURES
NETWORKS
 CONNOU
GH-T
PLACE,
DELHI

SECTOR
17,
CHANDIG
AR-H

CITY
CENTRE,
KOLKATA

Table 2- Bazaars in Colonial and Post-independence era

The bazaars (Bukhara, Isfahan, Chawri Bazaar) were in actuality a human network in the
CONTEXTUAsocio-cultural / religious/ institutional setups, combining the physical fabric with interactive
L SETTING activities of exchange of goods. The Market place becomes a linear experience- as it is the
web of physical spaces, bound to each other through their linearity that is unique in such
market places. The idea of commerce is encompassed in the city as linkages / human
networks.

In defining market places in such a layer as which has origins in colonial period, an
altogether western concept of zoning is encountered. Connaught Place was conceived at the
edge of the new city beautiful (Jain, 2010), with limited access from old core area of Delhi, so
as to maintain the segregation of social classes as well. This resulted in an internalized form
of a market place, a limited realm with clearly defined boundaries.

Le Corbusier defined city in zones, as the colonial predecessors, separating the civil
activities. Chandigarh with its planned architectural compositions and formal image was
highly monitored for creation of sanitized environment (Sagar, 2002): new urban image of
Independent India.

One of the unique attempts at combining the traditional and the modern experience of
shopping is the City Centre, Kolkata. Designed by Charles Correa, this example is unique
pertaining to the Indian context. As an attempt in redefining shopping experience,
combinations of linear and central spaces were created. Hence, although being a singular
entity, City Centre Kolkata, through its multiple entries becomes decentralized and
accessible.

The interior of the mall is an intriguing series of streets and chowks (linear and central
elements respectively).

The most controlled form of shopping environment is the mall, a concept borrowed from
United States of America. Malls are super enclosures of market places, with highest degree
of spatial organization so as to have global codes of interface and communication (Cha,
Chung, Gunter, Herman, Hosaya, Leong, Matsuhita, McMorrough, Palop-Casada, Schafer,
Vinh, Weiss, Wyman 2000) The recreated internalized form is extremely formal, with no
relation with city networks, hence making it altogether exclusive in nature.

Through the study of examples from different time periods, exhibiting different cultural
hegemonies, it is apparent that the notion of an India urban space becomes eclectic. The
idea of an Indian identity is that of the shared identity. Decoding the physical environment
needs shifting cultural references and adaptability has to be understood with the
transformative processes through which the Indian landscapes tend to change. To formulate
a holistic or exclusive identity of Indian spaces is difficult, and hence with multiple
qualitative and experiential spaces, the concept of randomization of spaces is an
identifiable and relevant factotum pertaining to the formulation of theory of Indian
Urbanism.

Modus operandi of commerce in India : degrees of space interaction in daily life

Commerce as an activity can be operated in many scales. As the exchange of goods is the
first activity which created the economic networks, the urban areas with their multiple
actors are fraught with degrees of modus operandi for commerce to occur. The combination
of economic network vis-a-vis the human network creates degrees of relationships which
thrive in crucible of cities.

The first and foremost modus operandi a human being, with his
mobility as an operational system- what is commonly termed as
a hawker. It is the most transparent form of operation, with no
hierarchical levels of communication and hence becomes a
single system of commerce dependent only upon the place
conducive for tapping.
Figure 1 Hawkers
The other mobile system is the shop on wheels, the vendors, with a little added advantage
of vehicular mobility. Both the hawker and the vendor account for the physical manifestation
of informal economy of India. As urban centers are wishful landscapes as much they are
anticipatory landscapes, in the Indian context, the comprehension of informal activities as a
natural part of cities is important. The phenomenon of congregation of hawkers and vendors
and the phenomenon of place making in Indian Figure 2 Vendors
cities can be deemed as one and the same. A
common example is that of the chaupati-
distinctively an area with organization of hawkers and vendors, forming an assemblage in
the existing city networks where the predominant activity is food consumption. With new
post-independence planning of cities, and with the emergence of neighbourhood came the
concept of corner- shops. As the configuration of cities changed and expanded ,
decentralization of provisions became important. The outcome of this is the corner-shop
typology, associated with neighbourhoods.

The typology of a street is

ubiquitous. Referring to
examples of markets of Isfahan
and Chwari Bazaar of Delhi, a
street is a part of the larger Figure 3 Bazaar as a street
human network formed through an economic
layer. Street can be composed of random combinations of smaller units or organized
combination of uniform units.

When a number of streets combine to form larger logical

assemblage, it is in the form of streets and nodes- a physical
network of spaces, predominantly linear in character.
Morphologically, it is network of closely associated open and
built spaces. Locational aspect of such a network is an
important factor to be considered- as space occupancy creates
competition of self-promotion on the macro and micro scale.

Figure 4 Bazaar as a The degrees of modus operandi exhibit the levels of

network interaction in daily life of a city. As each context in India is
unique, so the daily life of every city is also determined by the cultural content- thus
accounting for pluralism in Indian cities.

Empirical case studies of Indian Market Places

The spatial analysis of Indian Market Places has been done through two case examples.

Case example I- Khilonaoli, Itwari, Nagpur ( State: Maharashtra)

Case example exhibits market place with self- evolved (organic)character

Figure 5 :Location Map- Itwari

Market Place
 Figure 6 : Morphology- Itwari Market
Spatial Character User- Buyer Place Territoriality Enclosure
and
Interface Vertical Surface
Articulation
Table 3- Spatial Analysis of Itwari Market Place

Spatial Character- Juxtaposition of the U- shaped planes (Ching, 1996) create spatial
expansions and contractions- a resultant of organic structure.

User- buyer interface- The typologies of interfaces help define the degree of
seamlessness and transition in turn helping in defining personalization of spaces.

Territoriality (Habraken, 1998) - It is the behavioral pattern of seller and buyers exhibiting
fluidity and flexibility. Territoriality is resultant of externalized spaces- which give
opportunities of control as opposed to internalized spaces which have imposed control.

Enclosures & Vertical Surface Articulation- The third dimension is defined through
degrees of opacity and porosity. The physical elements impact the experience. Surfaces are
personal canvases in random combinations which result into graft (Fenton, 1985).

Case example II- New Market, Bhopal ( State: Madhya Pradesh)

Case example exhibits market place with planned and self- evolved character.

Figure 7: Location map- New Market Figure 8 :Morphology -

New Market
Spatial User- Buyer Territoriality Enclosure and
Character Interface Vertical Surface
Articulation
Table 4- Spatial Analysis of New Market
 Spatial Character- Due to planned initiative, there is less variation in the
juxtaposition of U- shaped planes(Ching, 1996) ; hence less cope for spatial expansion and
contraction. Planned typologies like plazas and arcades impart a level of organization.

User- Buyer Interface- There is a greater variation in the typologies of

interfaces- with greater informality in human interaction.

Territoriality (Habraken, 1998) - The degree of fluidity and flexibility remain the
same. The practice of personalization of spaces causes externalization of spaces.

Enclosure and Vertical Surface Articulation- Enclosures and vertical surface

articulation witness incremental increase in random order. Surface articulation is heavily
dominated by territorial display of objects.

Conclusions-

Internalization and externalization-

Forms of Forms of The process of externalization is the

Internalization Externalization resultant spatial typologies that are the
social products of the pluralistic society.
Where ever the built environment is a
result of multiple actors engaged in a
local human network, externalization
prevails. But what is meant by
externalization? Spatially,
externalization means porosity, multiple
accessibility, and coherent transparency.
Externalization favors expansion of a
network through continuous addition of
actors. Externalization does not occur in
exclusivities. Rather externalized forms
have the power to include and to
Table 5 Forms of Internalization &
Externalization engage urban actors. There is no
limited entry and the ecology of externalization keeps redefining itself.

The spatial seamlessness as concluded from spatial and territorial studies accounts for the
externalization. . The built environment , when analyzed through spatial typologies
suggests that the physical spaces are open and porous, and there are less physical edges
w.r.t. approachability into the built , then the domains of public and private overlap creating
seamlessness. The built environment in turn induces formation of a strong human network of
local actors without global agent. When the network is a local one, it has more power to
accommodate actors and activities. Once, the code of interaction and transactions become
global supplemented with global agent, then the realm tends to become exclusive in terms
of level of approachability and participation. This can be observed in case of malls, where, as
mentioned before, the built environment is highly regularized as the actors are global in
nature and hence they require standardization of forms and codes. The human network is
indirect through global agents. Hence the possibility of personal human relationships is
negated as the channels of communication have a hierarchical path.

The advantage of externalization is that it can be identified with structures of communities-

social hamlets with inherent ecologies of sustainability. As studies in modus operandi of
commerce in Indian markets, the externalized forms provide ample spatial opportunities for
livelihood. Although complex due to the degrees of operation, the system has ramifications
into the social and cultural dimension of the human network. This is an added advantage for
sustainability as the externalized form is a part of a larger socio- economic system with
overlapping support systems.

Graft- The notion of Graft (Fenton, 1985) has been understood through the study of human
tendency of control and the consequent nature
of built environment that is the seamlessness.
Seamlessness refers to the inter-flow of spaces
and hence can be understood as the
negative void in which the matter occurs.
Complementary to seamlessness, graft is the
positive matter which fills the negative void in
random combinations. This is apparent not
only in the physical order of Indian market
places but also in the visual culture that is
practices. The graft exists in a degree in any
type of market. The process of grafting can be
comprehended as a stage in between the
perfect order and perfect chaos. Refereeing to
the graphical representation of the concept,
the perfect order is through- space of
confinement in which the distance between
actors are by principles- the global codes that
are inevitably followed to maintain the order.

But when there is a lack of global code or no

singular governance, what can be conjured is
the diffusion of forms. The territories or
spatial control are extended and hence the
diffusion occurs- actors are local and so is the
phenomenon of extension. Once the
territories are distributed and established, the
spaces have been personalized and there is
Figure 9 -Graft
increased externalization of forms with
apparent seamlessness, a state of graft is
achieved. But this process may continue towards increasing complexity and chaos.

Many built environments in the Indian cities go through this process of getting localized from
being globalized. Many have termed this as glocalization (Jencks, Kozak, Takkanon, 2008).
Indians tend to identify more with the local, since the social structure of Indians has been
that of community living. Indians tend to believe in patterns which have the power to
reorganize themselves and not in set patterns which are inflexible culturally. Graft is thus
an outcome of social practices of Indians- an important factor in understanding the process
of externalization in Indian Urbanism.
Inter- relationship matrix: determinants of space as socio-spatial crucible of daily

Figure 10 Inter-relationship Matrix

life

. The study of Indian market places indicated overlapping of various factors and inter-
relationships. Hence the conclusion of this research is a combinatorial matrix with indicators
of Indian Urbanism, their inter-relationships with stress on the transformation of built
environment. Transformation of built environment is important as the matrix can be a tool
for Urban Designers to understand urbanism pertaining socio-spatial practices in Indian
urban landscapes. The matrix is an outcome of an empirical study. It helps define the Indian
urban arena and establishes a conceptual relationship between the urban actors creating a
network which shall help in the studies of Indian cities.

The matrix is a feedback mechanism loop, and hence the start and the end are unimportant.
Although it is empirical in nature, one may start with the percentile of organized and
unorganized sector in the following fashion-
- Degree of organized / unorganized sector & Territoriality
Pertaining to informal economy of India, the market places succumb to competition of
space occupancy. Every market place has a degree of organized and organized sector
which is quantifiable in terms of economic gains and number of actors in each sector.
The degree of unorganized vs. organized sector will result in a degree of territoriality-
that is claiming of new territories for accommodation leading to redefined
organization of space in terms of incremental physical growth and in terms of
temporary stations. The spatial assemblages of modus operandi of commerce play an
important role in this.

- Degree of organized / unorganized sector & Flux

This refers to the outcome of the quantifiable factor of informal/ unorganized sector.
More the network local in nature, more is the accommodation of informal sector,
more it succumbs to flux- that is newer creation of territories.

- Territoriality & Seamlessness

As an inference from spatial studies from case examples, what is observed are that
concept of territoriality is complementary to seamlessness. In fact, the way actors
participate in spatial game of creation of territories leads to seamlessness
simultaneously, all of which is a physical contraption to invite actor- consumers.
Territoriality leads to inconspicuous combination of spaces resulting in fluidity upon
which a degree of control is exerted by the individuals.

- Territoriality and Graft

The action of claiming space by multiple actors in a pluralistic socio-economic set up
leads to grafting- lack of global codes and multiple local codes leading to random
elemental combinations. This is an important aspect in the Indian actor network
theory because it directly gives the spatial implication of the social practice in Indian
urbanism. As explored in the concept of graft, territoriality is initiated with diffusion of
forms. By this what is meant is that the pluralistic behavior of actors induces
intermixing of forms leading to a shared developmental narrative of form and space.
Graft is thus overtaking of spatial structure with personal expressions of actors.

- Graft and Seamlessness

The inter-relationship of graft and seamlessness is that of negative and positive- the
basic Gestaltian philosophy of complementing forms in this case, the random
combinations of planes and volumes as infills in the seamless space. In fact, the
seamlessness in the case examples was structured due to the graft. The action of
grafting is in tandem with the universal image of porosity and multiplicity. Hence
higher degrees of seamlessness and grafting are complementary in the built
environment.

- Graft and Spatial Typologies

The activity of grafting might influence spatial typologies or it might alter them.
Spatial typologies become personal canvases of multiple actors. Spatial typologies ,
thus, depending upon the influence of local/ global codes are the contraptions of
forms for grafting.

- Seamlessness & Sensory Environmental Stimuli

The fluidity and permeability engage the human senses making the environment
replete with sensory experiences- smells, colors, sound , illumination, etc. Sensory
experience add to categorization of markets- fish market, flower market, fruit market,
spice market, so on and so forth. The human experience is also within the clamour of
 bargains and negotiations. In festival convivialities, it is the added aspect of
illumination and musical sounds that add to the public realm. Hence the flow of
spaces appropriates sensory participation in the built environment of Indian market
places.

- Spatial Typologies and Sensory Environmental Stimuli

On architectural level, the spatial typologies as to the human response w.r.t. spatial
character- volume, enclosure, contiguity, texture, enclosure etc. The senses become
engaged with the built environment and the typologies further forming morphologies
account for the holistic urban experience. The eclectic diversity as studied before
through examples suggests that the Indian Urbanism is varied vis--vis different
morphological structure of the cities.

- Spatial Typologies & Internalization/ Externalization

This refers to the structure of the built that defines the physical internalization and
externalization. A vivid example of the internalized form is that of a mall- a super
enclosure with limited points of porosity, controlled by the formal internal structure.
This is a typology in itself that helps define the intimate relation between typology
and social usage.

- User buyer Interface and Seamlessness

The degree of transparency is conducive for interaction increasing the prospects of
informal communication. As studied, user-buyer interfaces are a part of seamless
behavior of spaces.

- Seamlessness & Internalization/ Externalization

More the seamlessness, less are the formalized edges in defining territories, more is
externalization. Seamlessness accounts for and is an outcome of multiplicity where in
the domains of public and private overlap , hence creating externalization.
When the edges between the public and private are pre-defined and they tend to
separate trough formal interfaces, the forms are internalized as shown in the
graphical representations.

- User- buyer Interface & Human Network

The informal interfaces induce development of personal relationships. Hence, when
the spaces are personalized and become localized in character, the human
interaction increases and leads to the formation of local human network.
In cases where there is a formal interface and communication is through a
hierarchical order, the human network becomes indirect through global agents,
hence reducing the phenomenon of localization.

- Human Network & Internalization/ Externalization

It is also the direct localized human network or the human network through global
agents that define externalization and internalization. An example- one might be
personally acquainted with a person selling groceries at a corner shop in ones
neighbourhood. But the same is impossible in super markets or a mall where
employees are in rotations, hence making them unrecognizable. The former is an
inherent part of Indian Urbanism as Indian people tend to believe in direct interaction
rather than through agents.

- Human Network & Religious Network

 This has a direct relation as human network is formed through religious structures
and activities. The congregational aspect of religious places along with their vicinities
to the public realm of market places adds to human interaction.

- Flux & Religious Network

Religious activities increase informal activities which can be temporal in nature n
account of festivities and convivialities.
- Religious Network and Spatial Typologies
In some instances, the predefined orientations of the religious structures can help
structure the spatial typologies and morphologies in market places. For example-
morphological evolution of market places abutting a mosque.

- Religious Network & Aggrandizement

This pertains to the imageability that is added to the Indian urban environment due
to symbolic languages of religious structures.

The matrix is a step towards understanding the complexity of Indian Urbanism. An

attempt has been made to establish the actor- network relationship, which should not
be misconstrued as a closed system. Rather Urban Designers can study Indian urban
landscapes through the matrix and generate interventions which befit the above
system. By using this systemic approach, one can also reinterpret the co-relations
and utilize the same relevantly.

On the application of Matrix-

The matrix is based on the feedback mechanism loop system and hence the relevance of
inter-relationships is not unidirectional. The inter-relationships derived from the spatial
studies help decode the Indian urban narrative n a logical manner. The matrix indicates
towards intangible factors that are the undercurrents of the Indian socio-spatial
understanding and asserts the pluralistic nature of Indian cities. It establishes the fact that in
Indian Urbanism, it is the human life (daily life) that shapes and controls the built
environment and as human life is a subject of political, social, economic and religious
factors, the physical configurations of the environment keep changing in tandem with
human configurations. The actor-network relationship defines types of transformations on
the principles of self-organization and characterizes the reality of Indian cities as cities in
transition.

REFERENCES

Adler I. (2011), The Silk Road, Asian Studies, p.270

Bijapurkar R. (2009), We are like that only- Understanding the Logic of Consumer India,
Penguin Portfolio, p.8

Cha T.K., Chung C.J., Gunter J., Herman D., Hodaya H., Leong S.T., Matsuhita K., McMorrough
J., Palop-Casada J., Schafer M., Vinh T., Weiss D.J., Wyman L. (2000), Mutations, Actar
Publishing, p.132

Fenton J. (1985), Pamplet Architecture II- Hybrid Buildings, Princeton Architectural Press

Habraken N.J. (1998), The Structure of the Ordinary, the MIT Press
Jain A.K. (2010), Lutyens Delhi, Lookwell Publication

Jenks M., Kozak P., Takkanon P. (2008), World Cities and Urban Form, Routeledge, p.158

Norberg- Schulz C. (1979), Genius Loci, Towards a Phenomenology of Architecture, Rizzoli,

New York

Varma P.K. (2004), Being Indian, Penguin Publications

LIST OF IMAGES

All images have been photographed by the author.

Image 1- Haat, weekly market place

Image 2- Mela

LIST OF FIGURES

All figures have been produced by the author.

Figure 1- Hawkers

Figure 2- Vendors

Figure 3- Bazaar as a street

Figure 4- Bazaar as a network

Figure 5- Location Map- Itwari Market Place

Figure 6- Morphology- Itwari Market Place

Figure 7- Location Map- New Market

Figure 8- Morphology New Market

Figure 9- Graft

Figure 10- Inter-relationship Matrix

LIST OF TABLES

All figures in the tables have been produced by the author.

Table 1- Bazaars along the Silk Route

Table 2- Bazaars in the Colonial and Post-colonial Independent India

Table 3- Spatial Analysis of Itwari Market Place

Table 4- Spatial Analysis of New Market

Table 5- Forms of Internalization & Externalization