Alajbeg - O Topografskoj Kronologiji

ante alajbeg Muzej hrvatskih arheolokih spomenika, udk: 902:726.8](497.
5Dalmacija)07
The Museum of Croatian Archaeological Monuments 904:726.8](497.5Dalmacija)653
Stjepana Gunjaa 3, HR-21000 Split Izvorni znanstveni lanak, Original scientific paper
ante.alajbeg@hotmail.com Primljeno / Received: 2014-4-11
O TOPOGRAFSKOJ ON THE TOPOGRAPHICAL

KRONOLOGIJI CHRONOLOGY OF EARLY
RANOSREDNJOVJEKOVNIH MEDIAEVAL CEMETERIES
GROBALJA S POGANSKIM WITH PAGAN BURIAL
OSOBINAMA POKAPANJA U CHARACTERISTICS IN
SJEVERNOJ DALMACIJI NORTHERN DALMATIA
Analizom tlorisa ranosrednjovjekovnih grobalja na Maklinovu Based on an analysis of the ground-plan of early mediaeval cem-
brdu u Kaiu i na drijacu u Ninu, autor prepoznaje skupine eteries at Maklinovo Brdo in Kai and at drijac in Nin, the
grobova starije od zadnje treine 8. stoljea. Odsutnost karakte- author identifies grave groups dating back further than the last
ristinog materijala prema kojemu bi se mogla postaviti pouzda- third of the 8th century. The absence of characteristic artefacts
na kronologija objanjava gospodarskim i drutvenim promje- upon which a reliable chronology could be determined is ex-
nama u tadanjem istonojadranskom zaobalju. plained by economic and social changes in the eastern Adriatic
hinterland of the time.
kljune rijei: Kai Maklinovo brdo, Nin drijac,
groblja, rani srednji vijek, kasna antika, drutvena organizacija, key words: Kai Maklinovo Brdo, Nin drijac, cemetery,
ekonomija Early Middle Ages, Late Antiquity, social organisation, economy
Nastanak ranosrednjovjekovnih grobalja s pogan- It has not been chronologically determined when
skim osobinama pokapanja u Dalmaciji nije vre- early mediaeval cemeteries with pagan burial char-
menski odreen.1 Kljuni problem predstavlja pot- acteristics in Dalmatia came into existence.1 The key
puna odsutnost arheolokog materijala za kojega problem is the complete absence of archaeological
se pouzdano moe utvrditi da je stariji od zadnje artefacts which can with certainty be identified as
treine 8. stoljea, to je rezultate arheolokih istra- dating back further than the last third of the 8th cen-
ivanja dovelo u svojevrsni sraz s vijestima iz sred- tury. This means that the results of archaeological
njovjekovnih povijesnih izvora. Donju vremensku campaigns partly contradict the evidence from medi-
granicu ovih grobalja mogue je tek okvirno posta- aeval historical sources. The oldest period of burials
viti negdje u 8. stoljee, ostavljajui pritom potpu- in these cemeteries can only approximately be dated
no otvorenim je li rije o njegovu poetku, sredini to the 8th century. However, at the same time, it is
ili pak kraju. Meutim, veliki broj grobova na ne- still completely uncertain whether it was the initial,
kim nekropolama ovoga horizonta poput onih na central or final burial stage. Nevertheless, a large
drijacu u Ninu ili u Velimu kod Stankovaca daje number of graves at certain necropolises of this hori-
osnovu za pretpostaviti kako je pokapanje na njima zon, such as the ones at drijac in Nin or Velim near
trajalo vie od polovice, pa ak i od itavog stolje- Stankovci, suggest that burials in these locations
1 U nedostatku prikladnog izraza, termin groblja s poganskim oso- 1 The term cemeteries with pagan burial characteristics is used ex-
binama pokapanja ovdje koristim iskljuivo kao skupni naziv za clusively as a collective name for early mediaeval necropolises in
ranosrednjovjekovne nekropole u dalmatinskom zaobalju koje ka- the Dalmatian hinterland characterised by burials with artefacts
rakterizira pokapanje s predmetima koji ne pripadaju samo nakitu which are not only part of the jewellery or attire of the deceased
ili odjei pokojnika, smatrajui ga nita manje preciznim, ili bolje individual due to the absence of a more appropriate expression.
rei nepreciznim, od nekih drugih dosad koritenih termina. This does not imply that the term is considered to be less precise, or
rather less imprecise than other terms used to date.
Ante Alajbeg: o topografskoj kronologiji... / on the topographical chronology... 148
a. Budui da nisu svi pokopani na tim grobljima lasted more than half a century or even longer than a
umrli preko noi, trebalo bi utvrditi zakonitosti century. Since not all the people buried in these cem-
u irenju pojedine nekropole i njihov kronoloki eteries died at once, it was necessary to identify any
slijed, koji sasvim sigurno postoji, a koji bi mogao regularities in the way a certain necropolis spread
barem djelomino odgovoriti na pitanje o njihovoj and also its chronological sequence, which certainly
donjoj granici. Kao uzorak za razmatranje nude se exists, and which could at least partly answer the
dva najvea sustavno istraena i potpuno objav- question regarding the oldest burial period. As far
ljena groblja ovoga horizonta: ve spomenuta ne- as samples for consideration are concerned, the two
kropola na drijacu u Ninu te kosturno groblje na largest systematically excavated and completely pub-
Maklinovu brdu u Kaiu. lished cemeteries of this horizon can be indicated: the
Istraiva ovih dvaju lokaliteta Janko Beloevi already mentioned necropolis at drijac in Nin and
smatra kako se horizontalno-stratigrafski slijed po- the skeleton cemetery at Maklinovo Brdo in Kai.
kapanja na njima ne moe pratiti zbog svrstavanja The explorer of the two sites, Janko Beloevi,
grobova u skupine prema kriteriju obiteljske ili ro- believed that the horizontal-stratigraphic sequence of
dovske pripadnosti.2 Drugaije je razmiljanje iznio burials in these cemeteries could not be determined
Vladimir Sokol; za Maklinovo brdo pretpostavlja by grouping the graves according to family or clan
da je struktura te nekropole horizontalno-strati- classification criteria.2 A different opinion was held
grafski relativno ujednaena te istie kako osim by Vladimir Sokol, who assumed that the structure
na planu vidljive dominantne jednolike skupine s of the Maklinovo Brdo necropolis was relatively bal-
keramikom, pravilno rasprene po nekropoli, ona anced in terms of horizontal stratigraphy, pointing
ne sadrava druge skupine.3 No, rasprostiranje out that apart from an obvious predominant, uni-
grobova s priloenim keramikim posudama po i- form pottery group regularly dispersed across the
tavoj povrini nekropole ne znai da horizontalna necropolis, it also contained other groups.3 However,
stratigrafija groblja ne postoji. To zapravo znai the distribution of graves with enclosed ceramic ves-
samo da je groblje koriteno za vrijeme obiaja sels across the entire necropolis area does not imply
prilaganja keramikih posuda u grobove. Nada- that the cemetery had no horizontal stratigraphy. It
lje, izrazom skupina Sokol oznaava homogenu actually only implies that the cemetery was used in
prostornu koncentraciju odreenih oblika materi- the period during which the custom of enclosing ce-
jalne kulture, kao keramike ili nakitanaunica. ramic vessels in graves was practised. Furthermore,
Takav pristup nije prihvatljiv iz najmanje dva ra- for Sokol, the word group denotes a homogenous
zloga: njegovim emo dosljednim primjenjivanjem spatial concentration of certain forms of material cul-
na planu groblja pronai i dominantnu jednoliku ture, such as pottery or jewellery (earrings). Such an
skupinu sa eljeznim noevima, kojih na groblju approach is unacceptable for at least two reasons. If
nalazimo 39 primjeraka, za razliku od 23 kerami- applied consistently, the predominant, uniform group
ke posude. Budui da na grobljima s poganskim in the area of the cemetery is that of iron knives, with
osobinama pokapanja u grobnim cjelinama s no- 39 specimens, which is larger than the group of ce-
evima ili zemljanim posudama pronalazimo ba ramic vessels, which contains 23 specimens. Since
sve nalaze karakteristine za spomenuto razdoblje all the finds (from articles of daily use and warrior
(od predmeta dnevne upotrebe i ratnike opreme equipment to jewellery) in collective burials contain-
do nakita), ovakav pristup ne nudi objanjenje ho- ing knives or earthen vessels in cemeteries with pagan
rizontalne stratigrafije nijednog groblja. Nadalje, burial characteristics are representative of the men-
drugi razlog jest samo poimanje ideje horizontal- tioned period, such an approach offers no explana-
ne stratigrafije nekropola. Traenjem pravilnih tion of the horizontal stratigraphy of any cemetery.
prostornih skupina na groblju, Sokol presumira Another reason is the very notion of the idea of the
nain formiranja i irenja nekropole. Grupiranje horizontal stratigraphy of necropolises. By identify-
grobova s vremenski bliskim i tipoloki srodnim ing regular spatial groups in the cemetery, Sokol
materijalom na odreenom prostoru moe biti tek presumes the way the necropolis was formed and ex-
jedno od rjeenja horizontalne stratigrafije, ali ne i panded. Grouping graves in terms of chronologically
jedino. Razmatrajui groblje na drijacu, odnosno close and typologically related artefacts in a certain
2 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 28; J. BELOEVI, 2010, 65. 2 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 28; J. BELOEVI, 2010, 65.
3 V. SOKOL, 2006, 49. 3 V. SOKOL, 2006, 49.
archaeologia adriatica ix (2015), 147-168 149
njegov zapadni dio, Sokol je izdvojio dvije skupi- area can be just one possible horizontal stratigraphic
ne (odnosno tri, uzmemo li u obzir manju skupi- solution, but not the only one. In his study of the
nu grobova 10. i 11. stoljea koji su djelomino western part of drijac cemetery, based on the oc-
preslojili krajnje zapadni dio lokaliteta) prema currence of ceramic vessels in graves, Sokol pointed
kriteriju prisutnosti keramikih posuda u grobo- out two groups (or three, if we consider the smaller
vima.4 Prvu skupinu s keramikim posudama tako group of 10th and 11th-century graves, which were
smatra starijom od one druge bez istih nalaza. No, partly superimposed on the westernmost part of the
takvom se podjelom ne moe objasniti zato se Lo- site).4 He considers the first group, containing ceram-
tarov srebrni denar, najmlai nalaz na drijakom ic vessels, to be older than the second group, which is
groblju, nalazi u starijoj skupini grobova. tovi- lacking in such finds. However, such a classification
e, upravo taj nalaz pokazuje da obiaj prilaganja does not explain why a silver denarius of Lothair, the
keramikih posuda nije prikladan za kronoloko earliest find at the drijac cemetery, is in the group
razlikovanje pojedinih grobova na istom lokalite- of later graves. What is more, it is precisely this
tu, i to pogotovo u vrlo kratkom vremenskom ras- find that demonstrates that the custom of enclosing
ponu od pola stoljea, koliko Sokol pretpostavlja ceramic vessels is not appropriate for a chronologi-
da je pokapanje na grobljima s poganskim osobi- cal classification of individual graves at the same site,
nama pokapanja trajalo.5 in particular within a very short time span of half a
Prije izlaganja potrebno je u kratkim crtama century, the period Sokol assumed that burials in the
pojasniti terminologiju te osnove pristupa i raz- cemeteries with pagan burial characteristics lasted.5
matranja. Izraz horizontalna stratigrafija, koji Let us briefly explain the terminology and back-
je esto koriten u domaoj znanosti, Edward C. ground concerning our approach and observations.
Harris u svojoj poznatoj raspravi o arheolokoj The expression horizontal stratigraphy, frequently
stratigrafiji odbacuje kao neprikladan zato to used in Croatian research, was discarded as inappro-
se stratigrafija temelji iskljuivo na superpoziciji priate by Edward C. Harris in his famous treaty on
slojeva i interfacija, a horizontalnu stratigrafiju archaeological stratigraphy, because stratigraphy is
smatra pogrenim nazivom za obinu analizu pro- based exclusively on the superposition of layers and
stornog meuodnosa artefakata.6 U skladu s tim interfaces. He considers horizontal stratigraphy to be
izraz vertikalna stratigrafija je pleonazam, kako an inaccurate expression denoting the simple analy-
naglaava i Andrej Pleterski, s obzirom na to da je sis of the spatial interrelationships of artefacts.6 Ac-
stratigrafija sama po sebi vertikalna.7 Analizirajui cordingly, the expression vertical stratigraphy is a
bajuvarsku nekropolu u Altenerdingu, Pleterski je pleonasm, as pointed out by Andrej Pleterski, since
prihvatio termin topografska kronologija kojim stratigraphy itself is vertical.7 In his analysis of the
se koriste Patrick Prin i Ren Legoux pri datiranju Baiuvarian necropolis in Altenerding, Pleterski ac-
merovinkih grobalja.8 Osnovno polazite takvoga cepted the term topographical chronology used by
pristupa jest pretpostavka kako groblje nastaje u Patrick Prin and Ren Legoux in dating Meroving-
odreenom trenutku na odreenom dijelu nekro- ian cemeteries.8 The basic starting point for such an
pole i kako se u irenju iz ishodinog dijela groblja approach is the assumption that the cemetery begins
mogu uoiti odreene zakonitosti. Na temelju toga at a certain moment in a particular part of the ne-
grobovi u ishodinom dijelu morali bi sadravati cropolis, and that certain regularities can be found
najstarije predmete, a oni kojima se moe pretpo- in the way the initial part of the cemetery expands.
staviti mlaa datacija trebali bi ukazivati na nain Thus, graves in the initial part should contain the
razvitka i vremensko trajanje nekropole. Pritom, oldest artefacts, while those for which a more recent
dakako, treba imati na umu da ne nastaju sva gro- dating can be assumed should suggest the ways in
4 V. SOKOL, 2006, 58-59. 4 V. SOKOL, 2006, 58-59.

5 V. SOKOL, 2006. 5 V. SOKOL, 2006.
6 E. C. HARRIS, 1989, 128. 6 E. C. HARRIS, 1989, 128.
7 A. PLETERSKI, 2002, 36-37. 7 A. PLETERSKI, 2002, 36-37.
8 P. PRIN, 1980; R. LEGOUX, 1980; A. PLETERSKI, 2002. Ipak, 8 P. PRIN, 1980; R. LEGOUX, 1980; A. PLETERSKI, 2002. How-
Pleterski ne koristi topografsku kronologiju za datiranje groblja u ever, Pleterski does not apply topographical chronology to date the
Altenerdingu jer navodi da se pokapanje odvijalo na vie ili manje Altenerding cemetery, because he states that the burials continued
istom prostoru tijekom itavog trajanja groblja (A. PLETERSKI, in more or less the same area throughout the entire duration of the
2002, 37). cemetery (A. PLETERSKI, 2002, 37).
blja na isti nain i da taj proces uvjetuje vie im- which the necropolis developed and also its dura-
benika, poput mikrotopografskog smjetaja loka- tion. At the same time, one should, of course, bear
liteta ili ukupnog broja grobova. Takoer, grobovi in mind that not all cemeteries come into existence in
su mogli biti grupirani po rodovskoj pripadnosti, the same way, and that the process is conditioned by
zatim uokolo crkvenih graevina (na kasnijim several factors, such as the micro-topographic posi-
grobljima) ili grobova drutveno povlatenih po- tion of the site or the overall number of graves. In
jedinaca, pa ak i smjetani izmeu zidova starijih addition, graves may have been grouped according
graevina (Nin Sv. Kri). Ipak, mislim da se na to clan classification, around church buildings (in
grobljima na Maklinovu brdu u Kaiu i na dri- later cemeteries) or the graves of socially privileged
jacu u Ninu mogu razluiti ishodini, najstariji di- individuals, or even positioned between the walls of
jelovi, iz kojih su se nekropole i razvile. older buildings (Nin: Church of the Holy Cross [Sv.
Kri]). However, in my opinion, in the cemeteries at
Maklinovo Brdo in Kai and drijac in Nin it is
KOSTURNO GROBLJE NA MAKLINOVU BRDU not possible to identify the initial, oldest parts from
U KAIU which the necropolises developed.
Groblje je longitudinalnog tlorisa i prua se od za-

pada prema istoku uz vee ili manje otklanjanje THE SKELETON CEMETERY AT MAKLINOVO
pojedinih grobova. U njegovom sreditu moe se BRDO IN KAI
izdvojiti skupina od 24 groba, koja je na zapadu
omeena grobom 5, na sjeveru grobom 20, na isto- The cemetery has a longitudinal ground-plan and
ku grobom 41 te na jugu grobom 31 (Sl. 1). Za- stretches from west to east, with individual graves
jedniko obiljeje ove skupine grobova jest potpu- representing greater or smaller exceptions to this
ni izostanak predmeta datiranih u vrijeme nakon rule. In its centre, it is possible to identify a group
poetka zadnje treine 8. stoljea, poput ponekih of 24 graves, marked in the west by grave 5, in the
Sl. 1. / Fig. 1.
Tloris groblja na Maklinovu brdu u Kaiu. Plavom bojom oznaeni su grobovi starijeg, a utom mlaeg sepulkralnog horizonta.
U grobovima zaokruenima crvenom bojom pronaen je materijal kojega je mogue preciznije datirati (tloris: J. BELOEVI,
2010, 251; oznake grobova bojom: A. Alajbeg).
Ground-plan of the cemetery at Maklinovo Brdo in Kai. Graves from the older sepulchral horizon are marked in blue and those
from the newer sepulchral horizon in yellow. In graves circled red, artefacts were unearthed which can be more precisely dated
(ground-plan: J. BELOEVI, 2010, 251; marking of graves: A. Alajbeg).
inaica nakita bizantskog porijekla ili karolinke north by grave 20, in the east by grave 41, and in the
ratnike opreme i oruja. Od nakitnih predmeta u south by grave 31 (Fig. 1). A common characteristic
izdvojenom sredinjem dijelu groblja pronaene su of this group of graves is the complete absence of
ogrlice od staklenih perlica tamnoplave boje (gro- artefacts dating back to the time after the beginning
bovi 8 i 29), dva jednostavna prstena od svijenog of the last third of the 8th century, such as variants of
bronanog lima (grob 17), a u najistonijem grobu jewellery of Byzantine origin or Carolingian warrior
41 naeni su par kariica od srebrne ice krunog equipment and weapons. With regard to jewellery ar-
presjeka, ogrlica od plavkastih staklenih perlica, tefacts, in the separate, central part of the cemetery,
kao i dva prstena od tankog srebrnog lima sastav- dark blue glass-bead necklaces (Graves 8 and 29) and
ljenih krajeva. U grobu 6 pronaen je i eljezni two simple, light-coloured bronze-sheet rings (Grave
pojasni okov prelomljen na dva dijela. Ostalim na- 17) were found. In the easternmost Grave 41, a pair
lazima u ovoj skupini grobova pripadaju predmeti of circlets made of silver wire with a round cross-sec-
dnevne upotrebe poput noeva, ila, elja te po tion, a blue glass-bead necklace, and two thin silver-
jedan primjerak srpa i sjekire, kao i neto brojnije sheet rings with closed ends were unearthed. In Grave
keramike posude. 6, an iron belt fitting was unearthed, broken into two
Predmeti dnevne upotrebe odraavaju izrazitu pieces. Other finds from this group of graves include
konzervativnost u tipolokim promjenama tijekom articles of daily use such as knives, awls, combs, a
duljeg razdoblja, to ih ini neprikladnim za preci- sickle, an axe, and numerous ceramic vessels.
znije datiranje tipoloko-stilskom analizom. Ogr- The articles of daily use reflect an extraordinary
lice od staklenih perlica pronaene u sredinjem conservativism in terms of typological changes over
dijelu nekropole, izuzev dalmatinskih grobalja s the course of a rather long period, which makes them
poganskim osobinama pokapanja, imaju itav niz inappropriate for a more precise dating based on a
analogija na istarskim barbariziranim grobljima typological-stylistic analysis. The glass-bead neck-
7. i 8. stoljea, nekropolama komanske kulture, na laces unearthed in the central part of the necropolis,
podruju velikomoravskog kulturnog kruga, kao i besides Dalmatian cemeteries with pagan burial char-
na avarsko-slavenskim grobljima.9 Rije je o nai- acteristics, have a whole range of analogies in Istrian
roko rasprostranjenom nakitu kasnoantike tradi- barbarianised 7th and 8th-century cemeteries, in ne-
cije ija se upotreba nastavlja kroz itavo srednjo- cropolises of the Komani culture, in the area of the
vjekovno razdoblje. Greater Moravian cultural circle, as well as in Avar-
U grobu 17 pronaena su dva neukraena pr- Slavic cemeteries.9 They represent a widely distributed
stena od bronanog lima preklopljenih kolutova, form of jewellery of the Late Antiquity tradition that
dok su u grobu 41 naena dva prstena od srebr- continued throughout the entire mediaeval period.
nog lima sastavljenih krajeva ukraena graviranim In Grave 17, two undecorated bronze-sheet over-
geometrijskim motivima.10 Premda se ovi prsteno- lapping rings were found, and in Grave 41 two silver-
vi razlikuju po nainu zatvaranja koluta, oni pri- sheet rings with closed ends, decorated with engraved
padaju istoj tehnoloko-tipolokoj skupini nakita. geometrical motifs, were unearthed.10 Although the
Prstenje od raskovanog lima je osim na dalmatin- rings differ in the way their ends are closed, they be-
skim grobljima s poganskim osobinama pokapa- long to the same technological-typological group of
nja (Nin drijac, Nin Sv. Kri, Nin Sv. Asel, jewellery. Besides Dalmatian cemeteries with pagan
Nin Materiza, Kai Maklinovo brdo, Gluvi- burial characteristics (Nin drijac, Nin Church
ne i Jojine kue u Glavicama, Dubravice, Vrlika of the Holy Cross, Nin Church of St. Anselm,
Zdu, Ostrovica, Grborezi, Rudii) pronaeno Nin Materiza, Kai Maklinovo Brdo, Gluvine
i na grobljima komanske kulture od 6. do 8. sto- Kue and Jojine Kue in Glavice, Dubravice, Vrlika
ljea te na barbariziranim nekropolama 7. i 8. Zdu, Ostrovica, Grborezi, Rudii), hammered sheet
stoljea u Istri.11 Nadalje, prstenovi iste skupine rings were also unearthed in 6th-8th-century Koma-
naeni su i na grobljima 7. stoljea u Kalabriji, ni culture cemeteries, as well as 7th and 8th-century
kao i na langobardskoj nekropoli Castel Trosino, barbarianised necropolises in Istria.11 In addition,
9 M. PETRINEC, 2009, 140; J. BELOEVI, 2010, 82. 9 M. PETRINEC, 2009, 140; J. BELOEVI, 2010, 82.
10 J. BELOEVI, 2010, 220, T. XXV. 10 J. BELOEVI, 2010, 220, T. XXV.
11 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 263-264; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 131-134; 11 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 263-264; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 131-134; J.
J. BELOEVI, 2010, 78-81. BELOEVI, 2010, 78-81.
a na poloajima karantansko-ketlake kulture u rings from the same group have also been found
Sloveniji datirani su u prvu polovicu 9. stoljea.12 in 7th-century cemeteries in Calabria, as well as at
Prstenje od raskovanog lima je nakit kasnoantike the Langobard necropolis at Castel Trosino, and in
tradicije koji je na irem mediteranskom podruju Carantanian-Kttlach culture sites in Slovenia they
u optjecaju jo od 6. stoljea, a primjerak prona- have been dated to the first half of the 9th century.12
en u drijakom grobu 62 s denarom Lotara I. Hammered sheet rings represent jewellery from the
(840. 855.) potvruje njegovo koritenje kroz Late Antiquity tradition that had been widely used
itavo trajanje grobalja s poganskim osobinama in the broader Mediterranean region ever since the
pokapanja.13 6th century, and the specimen unearthed from Grave
Kariice od srebrne ice krunog presjeka koji- 62 at drijac with a denarius of Lothair I (840855)
ma krajevi zavravaju petljom i kvaicom pronae- confirms their use throughout the entire period of
ne su jo i na drijacu te kod Sv. Kria i Sv. Asela u cemeteries with pagan burial characteristics.13
Ninu, na Razbojinama u Kaiu, u Dubravicama, a Silver wire circlets with a round cross-section,
spominju se i meu nalazima iz unitenih grobova ending in a loop and a hook, were also found at
na Zduu u Vrlici i u Morpolai.14 Poput prstenova drijac and at the Church of the Holy Cross and the
od raskovanog lima i obine kariice treba svrstati Church of St. Anselm, both in Nin, at Razbojine in
u nakit kasnoantike tradicije ija upotreba traje Kai, and in Dubravice. They are also mentioned
kroz itavo vrijeme pokapanja na grobljima s po- among finds from destroyed graves at Zdu in Vrlika
ganskim osobinama pokapanja u Dalmaciji. and in Morpolaa.14 Analogous to the hammered
Treba spomenuti i eljezni okov pojasa koji je sheet rings, plane circlets should also be classified as
pronaen u grobu 6 (Sl. 2). Izraen je od tankog jewellery of the Late Antiquity tradition, and were
probuenog lima kroz kojeg su bile provuene e- used throughout the entire burial period in cemeter-
tiri bronane alke, od kojih jedna nedostaje. Ta- ies with pagan burial characteristics in Dalmatia.
kvi su okovi karakteristini za avarsku nonju u Finally, it is also worth mentioning the iron belt
vremenu Drugog Kaganata, a najblie poveznice fitting unearthed in Grave 6 (Fig. 2). It was made
pronaene su na avarsko-slavenskim lokaliteti- from a thin perforated sheet, through which four
ma u Nutru i Otoku kod Vinkovaca.15 Grob 4 iz bronze rings ran, of which one is missing. Such fit-
Otoka u kojemu je pronaen pojasni okov slian tings are characteristic of Avar attire in the period of
kaikom je prema nalazima lijevane garniture s the Second Khaganate, and the closest analogies have
kopom limenog okova, kao i lijevanog jezica s been found at Avar-Slavic sites in Nutar and Otok
prikazom ivotinjske borbe i srcolikih vitica, dati- near Vinkovci.15 Based on the find of a cast belt gar-
ran u prva desetljea 8. stoljea.16 niture with a metal-sheet mounted buckle, as well as
Dakle, nakitni predmeti pronaeni u sredi- a cast strap-end picturing animals fighting and heart-
njem dijelu kosturnog groblja na Maklinovu brdu shaped tendrils, Grave 4 from Otok, where a belt fit-
su na irem mediteranskom podruju u upotrebi ting similar to that from Kai was unearthed, was
jo od kasnoantikog razdoblja, a do druge polo- dated to the first decade of the 8th century.16
vice 9. stoljea, kada groblja s poganskim osobina- Thus, jewellery artefacts found in the central part
ma pokapanja poput ovih na drijacu i Maklinovu of the skeleton cemetery at Maklinovo Brdo were in
brdu bivaju naputena, ne doivljavaju znaajnije use in the broader Mediterranean area as early as
tipoloko-tehnike preinake. Tako iroka datacija the Late Antiquity period up until the second half of
ovoga nakita, a posebno njegova gornja vremen- the 9th century, when cemeteries with pagan burial
ska granica nije znaajna za preciznije odreivanje characteristics, such as the ones at drijac and Mak-
kronologije ranosrednjovjekovnih grobalja. No, linovo Brdo, were deserted. They did not undergo
12 M. PETRINEC 2009, 131-134; J. BELOEVI, 2010, 78-81. 12 M. PETRINEC, 2009, 131-134; J. BELOEVI, 2010, 78-81.
13 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 70-72. 13 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 70-72.
14 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 93-95; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 119-120. 14 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 93-95; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 119-120.
15 A. RAPAN PAPEA, 2012. 15 A. RAPAN PAPEA, 2012.
16 M. PETRINEC, 2012 (u tisku). Petrinec prenosi podatke iz ne- 16 M. PETRINEC, 2012 (in print). Petrinec quotes data from the un-
objavljenog diplomskog rada P. malcelj Ranosrednjovjekovno published diploma paper by P. malcelj The Early Mediaeval Cem-
groblje Otok kod Vinkovaca obranjenog 2012. na Odsjeku za etery at Otok near Vinkovci, defended in 2012 at the Archaeology
arheologiju Filozofskog fakulteta u Zagrebu pod mentorstvom dr. Department of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences in Za-
sc. Kreimira Filipca. greb under the mentorship of Kreimir Filipac, PhD.
Sl. 2. / Fig. 2.
Kai Maklinovo brdo: eljezni pojasni okov iz groba 6 (J. BELOEVI, 2010, 219, T. XXIV, 1).
Kai-Maklinovo Brdo: Iron belt fitting from Grave 6 (J. BELOEVI, 2010, 219, T. XXIV, 1).
vana odrednica za relativno datiranje moe biti i any significant typological-technical changes. Such a
izostanak pojedinih predmeta. Na Maklinovu brdu broad dating of this type of jewellery, in particular
su pronaena ukupno etiri groba s materijalom za its upper chronological boundary, is not significant
kojega se moe pouzdano utvrditi da je mlai od in providing a more precise chronological determina-
poetka zadnje treine 8. stoljea: rije je o grobo- tion of early mediaeval cemeteries. However, the ab-
vima 21, 52, 53 i 55 za koje se na planu groblja sence of individual artefacts can also be an important
vidi da su smjeteni izvan njegovog sredita. U gro- determinant in relative dating. At Maklinovo Brdo,
bovima 21 i 53 pronaene su naunice grozdolikog all in all, four graves were found with artefacts that
tipa, u grobu 52 karolinke ostruge s garniturom za can with certainty be identified as being more recent
zakopavanje, a u grobu 55 bronani kasnoavarski than the beginning of the last third of the 8th cen-
pojasni jeziac. Grozdolike naunice na dalmatin- tury. These are Graves 21, 52, 53 and 55, which the
skim grobljima s poganskim osobinama pokapanja cemetery map suggests were located outside the cen-
su kronoloki odreene popratnim nalazima novca, tre. In Graves 21 and 53, raceme type earrings were
i to solida Konstantina V. i Lava IV. (760. 775.) found, while in Grave 52 Carolingian spurs with a
pronaenog u grobu kod crkve Sv. Mihovila u Tri- buckle set were unearthed, and in Grave 55 a late
lju, kao i prethodno spomenutog denara Lotara I. Avar bronze strap-end was found. Raceme earrings
(840. 855.) iz drijakog groba 62. in Dalmatian cemeteries with pagan burial charac-
Grob 52 s nalazom karolinkih ostruga smjeten teristics were chronologically determined based on
je pri samome rubu kaike nekropole. Rije je o accompanying finds of coins, in particular the solidi
masivnim eljeznim ostrugama iji je trn presvuen of Constantine V and Leo IV (760-775) unearthed
mjedenim limom ukraenim naizmjenino postav- in a grave near the Church of St. Michael in Trilj, as
ljenim trokutiima, a sauvana su jo i dva ptico- well as the previously mentioned denarius of Lothair
lika eljezna jezica koji su pripadali garnituri za I (840-855) from Grave 62 at drijac.
zakopavanje. Toj inaici pripadaju jo i ostruge sa Grave 52, with the find of Carolingian spurs, is
drijaca u Ninu (grob 161), iz Ostrovice te s ora- situated on the margin of the Kai necropolis. These
nice Aima Popovia u Biskupiji, a mogu se datirati are massive iron spurs with a tongue covered with a
u kraj 8. stoljea. Istom razdoblju pripada i oblinji brass sheet decorated with alternately arranged small
grob 55 u kojemu je pronaen bronani kasnoavar- triangles, and with two preserved bird-shaped iron
ski pojasni jeziac. Izraen je u tehnici lijevanja s strap-ends, which were part of a clasping garniture.
prelamanjem, a ukraen je motivom stilizirane lo- Spurs from drijac in Nin (Grave 161), from Ostro-
zice. Bliske poveznice pronaene su na Crkvini i u vica, and from Aim Popovis farmland in Biskupija,
Mravievom vinogradu u Biskupiji, u Orliu, kao were also classified as this variant and can be dated
i u Stinici kod Senja, no ti predmeti, naalost, ne to the end of the 8th century. Nearby Grave 55, in
potjeu iz sustavno istraenih grobnih cjelina.17 Po- which a late-Avar bronze strap-end was unearthed,
javu kasnoavarskog pojasnog jezica na Maklinovu also belongs to the same period. This piece was made
brdu treba promatrati u kontekstu kasnog horizon- in the plique--jour casting technique, and is decorat-
ta avarsko-slavenskih grobalja, odnosno vremena ed with a motif of stylised vines. Close analogies have
franako-avarskih vojnih sukoba. been unearthed at Crkvina and in Mravis vineyard
Treba spomenuti i grob 54, smjeten na kraj- in Biskupija, in Orli, and at Stinica near Senj. How-
njem istonom rubu nekropole, u kojemu je naen ever, the artefacts unfortunately do not originate
bronani polumjeseasti privjesak. O potonjem se from systematically excavated graves.17 The occur-
predmetu i njemu srodnim nalazima zadnjih deset- rence of a late-Avar belt strap at Maklinovo Brdo
ljea povela ustra rasprava, i to ne samo u kontek- should be seen within the context of the late horizon
stu nalaza na Maklinovu brdu.18 Mislim da je rije of Avar-Slavic cemeteries, i.e. the period of Frankish-
o predmetu neprikladnom za uu dataciju groba u Avar military conflict.
kojemu je naen, s obzirom na to da poput prsteno- Finally, let us also look at Grave 54, situated on
va od raskovanog lima ukazuje na izrazitu kasnoan- the easternmost margin of the necropolis, in which
tiku tradiciju i ne doivljava bitnije tipoloke prei- a bronze semi-crescent pendant was unearthed. The
nake tijekom 7. i 8. stoljea. To nipoto ne znai da latter artefact and related finds have been the subject
neki grobovi s nalazima polumjeseastih privjesaka of lively discussion in recent decades, and not only in
ne bi smjeli biti datirani ranije, u drugu polovicu 7. the context of the finds at Maklinovo Brdo.18 In my
ili prvu polovicu 8. stoljea, ve da prilikom njiho- opinion, the artefact is unsuitable for a more precise
vog datiranja treba dati prednost kronoloki osjet- dating of the grave in which it was unearthed, since
ljivijim predmetima, ako se takvi pronau u istoj (like the hammered sheet rings) it is characterised by
grobnoj cjelini. Kada nije takav sluaj, poput groba a pronounced late antique tradition that underwent
54 na Maklinovu brdu, oslonac za datiranje treba no significant typological changes in the course of the
traiti u najbliim okolnim grobovima. Rije je o 7th and 8th centuries. This by no means implies that
maloas spomenutim grobovima 52 i 55 s ostruga- certain graves with finds of semi-crescent pendants
ma i pojasnim jezicem koji nesumnjivo pripadaju should not be dated earlier, to the second half of the
kraju 8. stoljea, a upravo tada treba datirati i nji- 7th or the first half of the 8th century, but rather that in
ma najblii grob 54 u kojemu je pronaen polumje- terms of chronological determination it is necessary
seasti privjesak. to prioritise chronologically more sensitive artefacts,
Takoer, grobovi 21, 52, 53 i 55 upuuju i na if any are unearthed in the same grave. Where this
nain razvitka groblja na Maklinovu brdu: u od- is not the case, as in Grave 54 at Maklinovo Brdo,
nosu na sredinji dio nekropole, mlai su grobovi the dating should rely on the closest surrounding
iskopani u pravcima prema zapadu, sjeveru i istoku. graves. These are the abovementioned Graves 52 and
Takvo radijalno irenje groblja bilo je mogue jer 55 with spurs and belt-strap, undoubtedly belonging
prostor za pokapanje nije bio ogranien graevina- to the end of the 8th century, and Grave 54 with the
ma, mikrotopografskim osobitostima poput litica i find of a semi-crescent pendant, which comes closest
strmina, ili pak morem, kakav je sluaj s grobljem to this group and which should also be dated to the
na drijacu u Ninu. same period.
In addition, Graves 21, 52, 53 and 55 also point
to the way the Maklinovo Brdo cemetery developed.
In relation to the central part of the necropolis, new-
er graves were unearthed towards the west, north
and east. Such a radial expansion of the cemetery
was possible because the burial area was not limited
by structures, micro-topographical factors such as
crags or inclines, or the sea, as was the case with the
drijac cemetery in Nin.
17 M. PETRINEC, 2009, 151-160. 17 M. PETRINEC, 2009, 151-160.

18 A. MILOEVI, 1996; A. MILOEVI, 2000, 107; M. PETRI- 18 A. MILOEVI, 1996; A. MILOEVI, 2000, 107; M. PETRI-
NEC 2007; J. BELOEVI, 2010, 86-90; K. GUSAR, D. VUJE- NEC 2007; J. BELOEVI, 2010, 86-90; K. GUSAR, D. VUJEVI,
VI, 2012, 114-117; F. CURTA, 2013, 193-194. 2012, 114-117; F. CURTA, 2013, 193-194.
GROBLJE NA DRIJACU U NINU DRIJAC CEMETERY IN NIN
Najvee ranosrednjovjekovno groblje s poganskim The largest early mediaeval cemetery with pagan
osobinama pokapanja u Dalmaciji nastalo je na burial characteristics in Dalmatia was the one on
pjeanom prudu drijacu, koji sa sjeverne stra- the drijac sandbar, enclosing the Nin lagoon from
ne zatvara ninsku lagunu. Ukupno 337 istraenih the north. A total of 337 excavated graves were un-
grobova pronaeno je na dva poloaja meusobno earthed at two sites, over a distance of approximately
udaljena tridesetak metara, od kojih na zapadni dio thirty metres. 281 graves were found in the western
lokaliteta otpada 281, a na istoni 56 grobova. Nji- part of the site, and 56 in the eastern part. Their spa-
hovu prostornu odvojenost potvruju sterilne son- tial separation was confirmed by sterile trial trenches,
de, to je jasno vidljivo na opem planu groblja.19 as is clearly evident in the cemeterys master plan.19
Prvo pitanje koje se namee jest vremenska korela- The first question that comes to mind is that of the
cija tih dviju skupina grobova: da li se pokapanje chronological correlation between the two grave
odvijalo istovremeno i moe li se za jednu skupi- groups: did the burials take place simultaneously or
nu utvrditi da je starija od druge? Meu kronolo- can one group be identified as being older than the
ki odredivim predmetima najzastupljeniji su nalazi other? Among the chronologically determinable ar-
karolinke provenijencije, koji su pronaeni na oba tefacts, the most commonly represented are finds of
dijela drijakoga groblja. Premda je njihova dis- Carolingian origin, which are found in both parts of
perzija upadljivo gua na manjem, istonom dijelu the drijac cemetery. Although they are markedly
lokaliteta, nalazi ostruga u grobovima 161, 166 i more densely dispersed in the smaller, eastern part of
167 svjedoe da su u istom vremenskom horizontu the site, finds of spurs in Graves 161, 166 and 167
koritena oba dijela nekropole. Dakle, istoni dio confirm that in the same chronological horizon both
groblja nedvojbeno pripada vremenu karolinke parts of the necropolis were used. Thus, the eastern
prevlasti od samog kraja 8. do sredine 9. stoljea, part of the cemetery undoubtedly belongs to the pe-
a predmeti ni iz jednog groba te skupine ne daju riod of Carolingian rule from the end of the 8th cen-
za naslutiti neto raniju dataciju. Usto, pregled to- tury until the mid-9th century, and no artefacts from
pografske kronologije pokazuje ujednaenost grob- any of the graves of that group suggest an earlier
nih inventara, pa se moe pretpostaviti da ovaj dio dating. In addition, an overview of the topographi-
nekropole nastaje grupiranjem prema rodovskoj ili cal chronology demonstrates a homogeneity in terms
nekoj drugoj pripadnosti, kako je i utvrdio Beloe- of grave inventories, so that it can be assumed that
vi,20 te da traje kroz krae razdoblje. this part of the necropolis was formed as a result of
Na zapadnom dijelu drijakoga groblja situaci- grouping by clan or other affiliations, as also stated
ja je kudikamo sloenija zbog brojnosti i gue po- by Beloevi,20 and that it lasted for a shorter period.
redanosti grobova, no ipak se odreene zakonitosti In the western part of the drijac cemetery, the sit-
mogu primjetiti ve pri povrnom pregledu plana uation is significantly more complex due to the larger
lokaliteta (Sl. 3). Prvo, terminus ante quem pokapa- number and more dense arrangement of graves. Nev-
nja na drijacu, srebrni denar Lotara I., pronaen ertheless, certain regularities are evident even after a
je na krajnjem istonom dijelu ove skupine grobo- superficial overview of the site map (Fig. 3). Firstly,
va. Drugo, grobovi s karolinkim ostrugama su pro- the terminus ante quem of burials at drijac, the sil-
storno vrlo bliski, to potvruje kronoloko grupi- ver denarius of Lothair I, was unearthed in the east-
ranje grobova. I tree, kao i na Maklinovu brdu, ernmost part of this group of graves. Secondly, graves
moe se izdvojiti ovei sredinji dio groblja kojega with Carolingian spurs are spatially very close, which
karakterizira odsutnost predmeta poput grozdoli- confirms the chronological grouping of the graves.
kih naunica, franake ratnike opreme ili novca, a Thirdly, just as at Maklinovo Brdo, a rather large
koji se pouzdano datiraju nakon sredine 8. stoljea. central part of the cemetery can be identified, which
tovie, neki nakitni predmeti pronaeni u sredi- is characterised by an absence of artefacts such as ra-
njoj skupini grobova ukazuju na primitivniju i jed- ceme earrings, Frankish warrior equipment or coins
nostavniju tehniku proizvodnje, o emu e biti rijei which can with certainty be dated to the period af-
u sljedeim redovima. ter the middle of the 8th century. What is more, cer-
19 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 531-535, prilog 1. 19 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 531-535, Annex 1.

20 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 28. 20 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 28.
Sl. 3. / Fig. 3.
Tloris groblja na drijacu u Ninu. Plavom bojom oznaeni su grobovi starijeg, a utom mlaeg sepulkralnog horizonta. U
grobovima zaokruenim crvenom bojom pronaen je materijal kojega je mogue preciznije datirati (tloris: J. BELOEVI, 1980,
prilog II; oznake grobova bojom: A. Alajbeg).
Ground-plan of the cemetery at drijac in Nin. Graves from the older sepulchral horizon are marked in blue and those from the
newer sepulchral horizon in yellow. In graves circled red, artefacts were unearthed which can be more precisely dated (ground-
plan: J. BELOEVI, 1980, Annex I; marking of graves: A. Alajbeg).
Meu naunicama pronaenim na sredinjem tain jewellery artefacts found in the central group of
dijelu groblja najbrojnije su kariice izraene od graves suggest a more primitive, simpler production
bronane ili srebrne ice pronaene u grobovima technique, which shall be discussed later in the text.
53, 113, 202, 234, 237 i 253. One su, kako je ve Among the earrings found in the central part of
navedeno za kaike primjerke, nakit kasnoantike the cemetery, the largest in number are circlets made
tradicije koriten u dugakom vremenskom raspo- of bronze or silver wire. These are found in Graves
nu. Isto treba ponoviti i za prstenove od raskova- 53, 113, 202, 234, 237 and 253. Like the Kai speci-
nog bronanog ili srebrnog lima koji su pronaeni u mens, they represent jewellery from the Late Antiqui-
grobovima 53, 54 i 237, a njihovoj skupini moe se ty tradition that was used over a long time span. The
pridodati i neukraena bronana vitica iz groba 48. same needs to be stated once more about the ham-
Staklene perlice, takoer kronoloki neosjetljiv ma- mered bronze and silver sheet rings found in Graves
terijal kasnoantikog mediteranskog kruga, naene 53, 54 and 237. The undecorated bronze tendril
su u grobovima 48, 54, 113, 226, 227 i 237. from Grave 48 can also be added to the group. Glass
Lijevane srebrne naunice iz groba 48 jedinstve- beads, also chronologically insensitive artefacts of
ne su u nakitnom repertoaru grobalja s poganskim the Late Antiquity Mediterranean circle, were found
osobinama pokapanja (Sl. 4). Neupitno je rije o in Graves 48, 54, 113, 226, 227 and 237.
nakitu kasnoantikog uzora koje Beloevi uvjetno The cast silver earrings from Grave 48 are unique
svrstava u skupinu grozdolikih, ali i zvjezdolikih amongst the jewellery repertoire of the cemeteries
naunica, te donosi pretpostavku da je grob u ko- with pagan burial characteristics (Fig. 4). Undoubt-
Sl. 4. / Fig. 4.
Nin drijac: naunice iz grobova 227 i 48 (J. BELOEVI, 2007, 261, Sl. 3).
Nin drijac: Earrings from graves 227 and 48 (J. BELOEVI, 2007, 261, Fig. 3).
jemu su pronaene jedan od najstarijih na drija- edly, they are jewellery based on a late antique model,
cu.21 Mislim da tehnika izrade i nain oblikovanja which Beloevi conditionally classified in the raceme
ovih naunica te njihova unikatnost pruaju osnovu group, but also include star-shaped earrings, suggest-
za pomisao da ih je izradio neki lokalni obrtnik, a ing that the grave in which they were found was one
poloaj groba 48 u sredinjem dijelu groblja moe of the oldest on drijac.21 In my opinion, the produc-
dodatno podrati navedenu Beloevievu pretpo- tion technology and modelling of the earrings, as well
stavku. Nadalje, tipoloki su vrlo zanimljive i nau- as their uniqueness, offer a basis for the assumption
nice od srebrne ice ukraene tehnikom granulacije that they were made by a local craftsman, while the
iz groba 227, koje Beloevi povezuje s naunicama location of Grave 48 in the central part of the cem-
iz groba 1 na Gluvinim kuama u Glavicama i s na- etery additionally supports Beloevis assumption.
unicom iz Visoana.22 Morfoloki su vrlo sline i The silver wire earrings decorated using the granula-
naunici iz groba 82 kasnoantike nekropole Knin tion technique that were unearthed in Grave 227 are
Greblje, u kojemu se jo nalazila i obina kariica also very interesting typologically. Beloevi associ-
te ogrlica od perli.23 Dakle, i za ovaj se par naunica ated these with the earrings from Grave 1 at Gluvine
moe ustvrditi kako je rije o nakitu kasnoantikog Kue in Glavice and the earring from Visoane.22 In
kulturnog kruga, a njihova izrazita slinost s knin- terms of morphology, they are also very similar to
skim primjerkom moe podrati raniju dataciju. the earring from Grave 82 of the Late Antiquity ne-
Pritom mislim da nije sluajno to se grob 227 u cropolis of Knin-Greblje, in which a simple circlet
kojemu su pronaene nalazi u samome sreditu is- and beaded necklace were also found.23 Thus, it can
hodinog dijela drijakoga groblja. also be concluded that this pair of earrings represents
Treba spomenuti i lijevani bronani medaljon jewellery from the Late Antiquity cultural circle, and
pronaen u grobu 216, prostorno vrlo bliskom spo- their evident similarity to the Knin specimen might
minjanom grobu 227. U sredinjem dijelu medaljo- support an earlier dating. At the same time, in my
na prikazana su dva ili tri antitetino postavljena opinion, it is no coincidence that Grave 227 in which
ljudska lika. Analogije ovome ukrasnom predmetu they were found is situated in the very centre of the
nisu pronaene na preostalim grobljima s pogan- initial part of the drijac cemetery.
skim osobinama pokapanja u Dalmaciji, kao ni na It is also worth mentioning the cast bronze medal-
irem kulturnom podruju ranog srednjeg vijeka, lion unearthed in Grave 216, which is spatially very
emu je znatno doprinijela slaba razluivost likov- close to the abovementioned Grave 227. In the cen-
nog prikaza. Beloevi smatra da medaljon pripada tral part of the medallion, two or three antithetically
zapadnoeuropskom kulturnom krugu te ga dovodi arranged human figures are shown. No analogies for

22 M. PETRINEC, 2002, 240, T. IV, 3; J. BELOEVI, 2007, 254; 22 M. PETRINEC, 2002, 240, T. IV, 3; J. BELOEVI, 2007, 254; M.
M. PETRINEC, 2009, 363, T. 85, 12. PETRINEC, 2009, 363, T. 85, 12.
23 Z. VINSKI, 1989, 62, T. XIII, 10. 23 Z. VINSKI, 1989, 62, Pl. XIII, 10.
u vezu s aplikom krinog oblika iz drijakog groba this decorative artefact have been found in other cem-
324, koju je datirao u kraj 8. ili u poetak 9. sto- eteries with pagan burial characteristics in Dalmatia
ljea.24 Ante Miloevi je pretpostavio da je rije o or in the broader cultural area of the Early Middle
reljefnom prikazu Svetoga Trojstva, ije je tovanje Ages. This is also largely the result of the poor visibil-
bilo posebno raireno u zapadnom kranstvu ka- ity of the images. Beloevi believed that the medal-
rolinkog doba.25 Ipak, bez pravih analogija i pouz- lion belonged to the western European cultural circle
danog itanja likovnog prikaza ovaj predmet nuno and associated it with a cross-shaped appliqu from
gubi svoju datacijsku vrijednost. Grave 324 at drijac, which he dated to the end of the
Dakle, u dijelu groblja koji sam oznaio kao 8th or beginning of the 9th century.24 Ante Miloevi
ishodino, s ukupno 75 grobova, nije pronaen assumed that it was a relief illustration of the Holy
nijedan predmet kojega bi trebalo datirati nakon Trinity, whose worship was particularly widespread
poetka zadnje treine 8. stoljea. Ti se predmeti, in the western Christianity of the Carolingian peri-
tovie, nalaze u grobovima blie periferiji ili na sa- od.25 However, without real analogies and a reliable
mome rubu zapadnoga dijela groblja na drijacu. interpretation of the illustration, the artefact has to be
Tako su karolinke ostruge pronaene u grobovi- discarded in terms of its value for dating.
ma 161, 166 i 167, naunica s karikom povijenom Thus, in the part of the cemetery which I have
u petlje i provjeenim laniima u krajnjem jugoi- marked as the initial section, which has a total of 75
stonom grobu 269, par naunica s dvije jagode i graves, not a single artefact has been unearthed that
sredinjim ukrasom oblika granuliranih trokutia u can be dated to after the beginning of the final third of
grobu 104, jedna grozdolika naunica u grobu 15, a the 8th century. What is more, the artefacts are found
dva para grozdolikih naunica u krajnjem istonom in graves closer to the periphery or at the very margins
grobu 62, u kojemu je pronaen i Lotarov srebrni of the western part of the cemetery at drijac. Thus,
denar. ak su i ukraeni kotani recipijenti, koje se Carolingian spurs were unearthed in Graves 161, 166
uvjetno moe povezati s vremenskim horizontom and 167, an earring with a looped circlet and hanging
franako-avarskih sukoba, pronaeni u grobovima chainlets in the south-easternmost Grave 269, a pair
180 i 161 (u potonjem grobu zajedno s ostrugama). of two-beaded earrings and a central decoration in
Prostorni razmjetaj grobova s materijalom mla- the form of granulated small triangles in Grave 104, a
im od zadnje treine 8. stoljea svjedoi o nainu raceme earring in Grave 15, and two pairs of raceme
irenja drijakoga groblja; nakon to su ukopi u earrings in the easternmost Grave 62, in which a sil-
ishodinom dijelu nekropole popunili prostor do ver denarius of Lothair was also unearthed. Even the
obalne crte, njezino irenje na sjever vie nije bilo decorated bone containers, which can conditionally
mogue, pa su mlai grobovi iskopani zapadno be associated with the time horizon of the Frankish-
i istono od samoga sredita groblja. Potkraj 8. Avar conflicts, were found in Graves 180 and 161 (in
stoljea, kada su ukopani pokojnici s karolinkim the latter grave along with spurs).
ostrugama, poinje pokapanje i na tridesetak me- The spatial arrangement of graves with material
tara istonijem poloaju. Osnivanje novoga groblja from later than the last third of the 8th century demon-
na drijacu moglo je jednostavno biti uzrokovano strates the way in which the drijac cemetery expand-
nedostatkom prostora za ukapanje, ili pak eljom ed. After the burials in the initial part of the necropolis
za razdvajanjem grobova na rodovskoj osnovi, pri had filled the area up to the coastline, its expansion to
emu je karolinka ratnika oprema zasigurno ima- the north was not possible anymore. Therefore, newer
la ulogu statusnog simbola. graves were dug west and east of the cemeterys very
centre. Near the end of the 8th century, when the de-
ceased individuals with Carolingian spurs were buried,
burials also started at a site approximately thirty me-
tres further east. The establishment of a new cemetery
at drijac might simply have been the result of a lack
of burial space, or the wish to separate graves based
on clan affiliation, in which the Carolingian warrior
equipment certainly played the role of status symbol.

25 A. MILOEVI, 2000, 134. 25 A. MILOEVI, 2000, 134.
DATACIJA I VREMENSKA KORELACIJA DATING AND CHRONOLOGICAL

GROBALJA NA MAKLINOVU BRDU I NA CORRELATION OF THE CEMETERIES AT
DRIJACU MAKLINOVO BRDO AND DRIJAC
Uz kosturno groblje na Maklinovu brdu, na po- Along with the skeleton cemetery at Maklinovo
druju sela Kaia postojala su jo najmanje dva Brdo, in the area of the village of Kai there were at
groblja s poganskim osobinama pokapanja, koja least two more cemeteries with pagan burial charac-
su, naalost, uvelike unitena gospodarskim rado- teristics, which were unfortunately largely damaged
vima. Na poloaju Razbojine spaeno je 37 gro- by industrial works. At the Razbojine site, 37 graves
bova, a na Glavurku tek dva, premda Beloevi were saved, and at Glavurak only two, although
pretpostavlja da ih je moglo biti i vie od pedeset.26 Beloevi assumed that there could have been more
Usto, na poloaju Vlaine pronaeni su tragovi ta- than fifty of them.26 In addition, at the Vlaine site,
koer unitenog groblja s poganskim osobinama traces of another damaged cemetery with pagan bur-
pokapanja, o emu svjedoe nalazi ljudskih ko- ial characteristics were found, as confirmed by finds
stiju, ulomaka keramikih posuda, kao i tragovi of human bones, shards of ceramic vessels, and traces
paljevine na samoj povrini zemlje.27 Brojnost gro- of incineration on the surface of the ground.27 The
balja istog horizonta na podruju Kaia ukazuje large number of cemeteries of the same horizon in
na gustu naseljenost, a neizravno svjedoi i o se- the Kai area suggests a dense population, and rep-
gmentiranosti tadanjeg drutva u istonojadran- resents direct testimony to the segmented nature of
skom zaobalju. Groblje na Maklinovu brdu je, contemporary society in the eastern Adriatic hinter-
dakle, bilo ukopite jedne od nekoliko rodovskih land. Thus, the cemetery at Maklinovo Brdo served
zajednica koje su nastanjivale ue kaiko podru- as a burial place for one of several clan communities
je tijekom 8. stoljea. Njegova je gornja vremen- populating the narrower Kai area in the course of
ska granica precizno utvrena nalazima karolin- the 8th century. Its upper chronological boundaries
kih ostruga i kasnoavarskog pojasnog jezica iz have been precisely determined by the finds of Caro-
grobova 52 i 55 koji se datiraju u kraj 8. stoljea. lingian spurs and a late-Avar belt strap from Graves
Vrijeme poetka pokapanja tee je odredivo, no to- 52 and 55, dated to the end of the 8th century. The pe-
pografska kronologija i utvreni smjerovi irenja riod of the beginning of burials is rather hard to de-
groblja pokazuju da je odreena skupina grobova termine. However, the topographical chronology and
starija od zadnje treine 8. stoljea. Broj grobova the determined cemetery expansion directions dem-
u toj skupini, tonije njih 24 od ukupno 55 na i- onstrate that a certain group of graves is older than
tavoj nekropoli, doputa pretpostaviti da je rije the last third of the 8th century. The number of graves
o neto duem razdoblju, to znai da je pokapa- in that group, 24 out of 55 in the entire necropolis,
nje na Maklinovu brdu moglo zapoeti sredinom suggests that it was a rather long period, implying
prve polovine 8. stoljea. Tome neizravno svjedoi that burials at Maklinovo Brdo may have started in
odsutnost mlaeg materijala, ali i nalaz fragmen- the middle of the first half of the 8th century. This is
tiranog pojasnog okova avarske provenijencije iz indirectly confirmed by the absence of more recent
groba 6 datiranog prije sredine 8. stoljea, kojega artefacts, but also the find of a fragmented belt fit-
treba uzeti kao grubi terminus post quem nastanka ting of Avar origin from Grave 6, dated to the period
kaikog groblja. before the middle of the 8th century, which should be
Slino kao u Kaiu, na podruju Nina postoji taken as a rough term post quem of the formation of
vie grobalja s poganskim osobinama pokapanja: the Kai cemetery.
uokolo humka Materiza istraeno je 25 grobo- Similar to Kai, in the Nin area there are several
va, kod crkve sv. Kria 55 grobova, a istraivanja cemeteries with pagan burial characteristics. Around
pored srednjovjekovne katedrale sv. Asela traju the Materiza mound, 25 graves were excavated, and
do danas.28 Takoer, postojanje groblja istog ho- near the Church of the Holy Cross 55, while the cam-

28 J. BELOEVI, 1974; J. BELOEVI, 1980, 22.
rizonta vrlo je izgledno na poloajima Pekinica i paign next to the mediaeval Cathedral of St. Anselm
Prahulje u neposrednoj blizini Nina. Groblje na has lasted up to the present.28 In addition, the existence
drijacu sluilo je za pokapanje najmanje jedne of a cemetery of the same horizon is highly likely at the
rodovske zajednice s ninskog podruja, vjerojatno Pekinica and Prahulje locations in the direct vicinity of
i dvije, ako je poetak sahranjivanja na odvojenom Nin. The drijac cemetery served for the burials of at
istonom dijelu drijake nekropole uvjetovan ro- least one clan community from the Nin area, probably
dovskim svrstavanjem. Vremenska korelacija ovih even two, if the beginning of the burials in the separat-
dvaju grobalja odrediva je prema nalazima karo- ed eastern part of the drijac necropolis was a result
linkih ostruga iz groba 52 na Maklinovu brdu i of clan affiliation. The chronological correlation of the
groba 161 na drijacu. Rije je o ostrugama koje two cemeteries can be determined based on the finds of
ukrasom na trnu i pticolikim jezicima garniture Carolingian spurs from Grave 52 at Maklinovo Brdo
za zakopavanje meusobno vrlo nalikuju i svaka- and Grave 161 at drijac. These are spurs which,
ko pripadaju istom vremenskom horizontu, odno- based on the tongue decoration and bird-like shapes
sno kraju 8. stoljea. Te su ostruge terminus ante of the clasping garniture, are very similar to each other
quem pokapanja na Maklinovu brdu, no pokapa- and certainly belong to the same chronological hori-
nje na drijacu probija kronoloki okvir kaikog zon, i.e. the end of the 8th century. The spurs are a
groblja te se nastavlja sve do sredine 9. stoljea, terminus ante quem of burials at Maklinovo Brdo, but
kako i sugerira Lotarov srebrni denar. Ukupno 75 burials at drijac are outside the chronological frame-
grobova smjetenih u sredinjem dijelu drijakog work of the Kai cemetery and continued until the
groblja bez nalaza mlaih od poetka zadnje trei- middle of the 9th century, as also suggested by the silver
ne 8. stoljea daje za naslutiti kako je pokapanje denarius of Lothair. The 75 graves located in the cen-
poelo ranije, vjerojatno sredinom prve polovice tral part of the drijac cemetery without finds more
8. stoljea, kao i na Maklinovu brdu. Usto, na- recent than the beginning of the last third of the 8th
unice iz groba 48 ukazuju na neto primitivniji century suggest that burials started earlier, probably
nain proizvodnje, dok je paru naunica iz gro- in the middle of the first half of the 8th century, as is
ba 227 najblia poveznica pronaena u grobu 82 the case at Maklinovo Brdo. In addition, the earrings
kasnoantike nekropole Knin Greblje. Takoer, from Grave 48 suggest somewhat more primitive pro-
mnogi grobovi u ishodinim dijelovima kaike i duction methods, while the closest analogy with the
drijake nekropole svojim popratnim nalazima pair of earrings from Grave 227 was found in Grave
vrlo podsjeaju upravo na one pronaene na spo- 82 of the late antique necropolis of Knin-Greblje. In
menutoj kasnoantikoj nekropoli, koja je ujedno addition, many graves in the initial parts of the Kai
i najvee groblje toga razdoblja na itavom isto- and drijac necropolises with their accompanying
nojadranskom zaobalju. Predmeti poput noeva, finds are largely reminiscent of the ones found at the
keramikih prljena, igala i kresiva prilagani su u aforementioned late antique necropolis, which is at the
grobovima 6. stoljea,29 koji se od onih na groblji- same time also the largest cemetery of the period in
ma s poganskim osobinama pokapanja razlikuju the entire eastern Adriatic hinterland. Artefacts such as
uglavnom po odsustvu keramikih posuda. No, knives, ceramic whorls, pins and flints were enclosed
keramike ili staklene posude ponekad su ak i in 6th-century graves,29 the difference between them
bile prilagane u kasnoantikim grobovima, to do- and the objects found in cemeteries with pagan burial
kazuju nalazi iz Luana i Gale kod Sinja, Gorice i characteristics being the absence of pottery. Howev-
Ciste Velike kod Imotskog te Vrbe kod Glamoa.30 er, ceramic or glass vessels were sometimes enclosed
even in late antique graves, as confirmed by finds from
Luani and Gala near Sinj, Gorica and Cista Velika
near Imotski, and Vrba near Glamo.30
29 K. SIMONI, 1989, 75-119. 28 J. BELOEVI, 1974; J. BELOEVI, 1980, 22.

30 A. MILOEVI, 1990; A. MILOEVI, 2005; LJ. GUDELJ, 29 K. SIMONI, 1989, 75-119.
2011, 25-28. 30 A. MILOEVI, 1990; A. MILOEVI, 2005; LJ. GUDELJ, 2011,
25-28.
Kronoloka rupa izmeu kasnoantikih i ra- The chronological gap between late antique and
nosrednjovjekovnih grobalja je svakako oteala early mediaeval cemeteries has certainly made it hard
zadatak onima koji su raspravljali o odnosu ne- for those discussing the relationship between the ne-
kropola ova dva horizonta, bez obzira na to govo- cropolises of the two horizons, no matter whether
rili u prilog njihovom kontinuitetu ili diskontinu- they speak in favour of their continuity or disconti-
itetu. Pritom su oi bile uprte u donju vremensku nuity. At the same time, eyes have been fixed on the
granicu ranosrednjovjekovnih grobalja, dok je lower chronological boundary of early mediaeval
gornja granica kasnoantikih nekropola u zaoba- cemeteries, while the upper boundary of late antique
lju nekako ostala u mrtvom kutu gledita, prem- necropolises in the hinterland has somehow remained
da pokuaje odreivanja ovih dvaju relativnih in a blind spot, although attempts at determining the
datuma esto povezuje isti metodoloki problem two relative dates have frequently been associated
uklapanje arheolokih nalaza u okvir povije- with the same methodological problem of how to fit
snog narativa. Ulogu meaa izmeu dva vremen- archaeological finds into the framework of a histori-
ska horizonta tako je dobila godina razorenja cal narrative. The role of landmark between the two
Salone prije koje nije moglo biti grobalja slaven- chronological horizons has thus been awarded to the
skih doljaka, a poslije koje nije trebalo oekivati year of the destruction of Salona, before which there
postojanje nekropola autohtonog stanovnitva.31 could have been no cemeteries of the Slav incomers,
Pozitivistiko itanje predaja Konstantina VII. i and after which no necropolises of the indigenous
Tome Arhiakona postavilo je dakle Prokrusto- population are to be expected.31 The positivist in-
vu postelju prema kojoj su datacije grobalja ar- terpretation of the tradition of Constantine VII and
bitrarno skraivane ili rastezane. Dok je danas u Thomas the Archdeacon is somewhat Procrustean
istonojadranskom zaobalju pronaen razmjerno and thus cemetery datings have arbitrarily been cut
veliki broj grobalja s poganskim osobinama po- off or stretched to fit the bed. While a relatively large
kapanja, kasnoantike nekropole su i dalje ostale number of cemeteries with pagan burial characteris-
prilino nepoznate. Najvea od njih, a moglo bi tics have been unearthed in the eastern Adriatic hin-
se rei i jedina, ona u Kninu na poloaju Greblje s terland, late Antique necropolises have remained rela-
218 sustavno istraenih grobova, nikada nije cje- tively unknown. The largest of them, or possibly the
lovito objavljena, ve je samo predstavljen izbor only one, that in Knin at the Greblje site, which has
pojedinih grobnih cjelina s karakteristinim na- 218 systematically excavated graves, has never been
kitom izraenim po bizantskom ili germanskom comprehensively published. Only a selection of indi-
ukusu.32 Unato tome to Zdenko Vinski nekim vidual graves with characteristic jewellery produced
predmetima navodi analogije i meu materijalom to meet Byzantine or Germanic tastes has been pre-
7. stoljea, predloio je dataciju groblja u peri- sented.32 Even though Zdenko Vinski identified anal-
od ostrogotske vlasti i drugu polovicu 6. stolje- ogies with certain artefacts among the 7th-century ma-
a koja se najbolje uklopila u zadani povijesni terial, he proposed dating the cemeteries to the period
31 Opiran pregled starije literature o godini pada Salone vidi u: I. 31 For an extensive overview of older literature on the year of the fall
MAROVI, 2006. Predloeni datumi seu od Fokine vladavine of Salona, see: I. MAROVI, 2006. The proposed dates extend
(602. 610.) do tridesetih godina 7. stoljea. Koncept pada Salone from the rule of Phocas (602610) until the thirties of the 7th centu-
kritiziran je u radovima . Rapania i I. Goldsteina, (. RAPA- ry. The concept of the fall of Salona has been criticised in papers by
NI, 1980; I. GOLDSTEIN, 1992, 83-95; I. GOLDSTEIN, 1995, . Rapani and I. Goldstein (. RAPANI, 1980; I. GOLDSTEIN,
115-122), a u novije vrijeme kritiki stav je zauzeo i D. Dzino 1992, 83-95; I. GOLDSTEIN, 1995, 115-122), and recently a criti-
(D. DZINO, 2009, 38; D. DZINO, 2010a, 155-161; D. DZINO, cal position has also been presented by D. Dzino (D. DZINO, 2009,
2010b). 38; D. DZINO, 2010a, 155-161; D. DZINO, 2010b).
32 Z. VINSKI 1989; K. SIMONI 1989. 32 Z. VINSKI 1989; K. SIMONI 1989.
okvir.33 Zaboravimo li na trenutak godinu pada of Ostrogoth rule and the second half of the 6th cen-
Salone i ve uvrijeene datacije nekropola, po- tury, which best fits the given historical framework.33
javit e se mogunost postavljanja vie datacije If for a while we forget the year of the fall of Salona
kninskoga groblja, to dio pronaenih predmeta and the already accepted dating of the necropolises, it
svakako doputa. Takvo to bi znatno pribliilo is possible to opt for several datings of the Knin cem-
gornju granicu kasnoantikih s donjom granicom etery, which part of the unearthed artefacts certainly
ranosrednjovjekovnih grobalja. Pritom svakako allows for. This would bring the upper boundary of
treba naglasiti da poetak pokapanja na groblji- the late antique cemeteries and the lower boundary of
ma s poganskim osobinama pokapanja ne znai the early mediaeval cemeteries significantly closer to
nuno i datum dolaska novog stanovnitva, a to each other. At the same time, it certainly needs to be
najbolje pokazuje osnivanje novih grobalja sredi- pointed out that the beginning of burials at cemeteries
nom 9. stoljea koje nitko ne povezuje s migraci- with pagan burial characteristics does not necessarily
jama. imply the date of the arrival of the new population,
as is best demonstrated by the establishment of new
cemeteries in the middle of the 9th century, which no-
DVA SEPULKRALNA HORIZONTA body has associated with migrations.
Topografsko-kronolokim pregledom grobalja na

Maklinovu brdu u Kaiu i na drijacu u Ninu TWO SEPULCHRAL HORIZONS
mogu se razluiti najmanje dva sepulkralna hori-
zonta: prvi ponajvie karakteriziraju nalazi karo- A topographical-chronological survey of cemeteries
linke ratnike opreme i skupocjenog bizantskog at Maklinovo Brdo in Kai and at drijac in Nin
nakita prema kojima se ovaj horizont moe datira- suggests at least two sepulchral horizons. The first is
ti od poetka zadnje treine 8. stoljea do polovice mostly characterised by finds of Carolingian warrior
9. stoljea. Njegovo bitno obiljeje je svakako i equipment and luxury Byzantine jewellery, based on
pojava grobova drutveno povlatenih pojedinaca which this horizon can be dated from the beginning
koja pokazuje da je bazina egalitarnost drutva of the last third of the 8th century to the middle of the
tada ve potpuno naruena; izdvojio se sloj onih 9th century. Its significant characteristic is certainly the
koji kontroliraju pristup temeljnim resursima po- occurrence of graves of socially privileged individuals,
put zemljita i hrane. Isti su nadzirali i trgovinu demonstrating that the basic social equality had al-
s bizantskim gradovima na obali koja je intenzi- ready been completely disturbed. A layer of individu-
virana upravo od nastanka ovoga sepulkralnog als controlling access to basic resources, such as land
horizonta.34 Razloge drutvenim i gospodarskim and food, is evident. The same individuals were also
promjenama u zaobalju treba traiti podjednako in control of trade with the Byzantine coastal towns,
meu unutarnjim i vanjskim imbenicima, od ko- which intensified particularly after the formation of
jih su ovi potonji znatno lake odredivi. Iste go- this sepulchral horizon.34 The reasons for social and
33 Vinski navodi da su preice sa titolikim bazama trna, kojih je 33 Vinski stated that belt buckles with shield-shaped tongue bases, of
pronaeno devet primjeraka, tipine za 6. i rano 7. stoljee (Z. which 9 specimens have been unearthed, were typical of the 6th and
VINSKI, 1989, 17); ranobizantske pojasne kope s okovnom the early 7th century (Z. VINSKI, 1989, 17). Early Byzantine belt
ploicom U oblika, kakva je pronaena u grobu 181, datira u buckles with a u-shaped fitting panel, such as the one found in Grave
kasnije 6. i pogotovo 7. stoljee (Z. VINSKI, 1989, 26), a prsten 181, were dated to the late 6th and particularly 7th century (Z. VIN-
peatnjak iz groba 120 datira u 6. stoljee, premda njegovu prika- SKI, 1989, 26), and a signet ring from grave 120 was dated to the
zu navodi analogije na lokalitetima u panjolskoj, Albaniji i Italiji 6th century, although he mentioned analogies with its images at sites
koji su datirani u 7. stoljee (Z. VINSKI, 1989, 19). Za dataciju je in Spain, Albania and Italy which were dated to the 7th century (Z.
vrlo zanimljiv spomenuti dvojni grob 120 u kojemu su pronaene VINSKI, 1989, 19). The dual grave 120, mentioned above, is very
dvije preice sa titolikim bazama trna, pojasna kopa mediteran- interesting in terms of dating. This contained two belt buckles with
skog tipa, prsten peatnjak i ulomci eljeznog noia i britve. Svi shield-shaped tongue bases, a Mediterranean type belt buckle, a sig-
se nalazi unutar groba uklapaju u kronoloki okvir 7. stoljea (za net ring and fragments of a small iron knife and a razor. All the finds
datacije ranobizantskih preica i pojasnih kopi vidi T. FABIJA- inside the grave fit the chronological framework of the 7th century (for
NI, 2004, 66-70; Ibid., 92-96). Gotovo identina pojasna kopa a dating of the early Byzantine buckles and belts, see T. FABIJANI,
mediteranskog tipa pronaena je i u grobu 84, zajedno sa elje- 2004, 66-70; ibid, 92-96). An almost identical belt buckle of the
znim kresivom, bronanim dugmetom i jednom staklenom perli- Mediterranean type was unearthed in Grave 84 along with an iron
com. Ipak, kljuni problem pri kronolokom odreivanju grobova flint, bronze button and a glass bead. Nevertheless, the key problem
ostaje nepoznavanje situacijskog plana nekropole koji nije nikada in the chronological determination of the graves remains not knowing
objavljen. the situation plan of the necropolis, which has never been published.
34 Huw Evans je intenziviranje trgovine izmeu obalnih gradova i 34 Huw Evans associates the intensifying of trade between the coastal
zaobalja povezao s uspostavom upanijske organizacije i stvara- towns and the hinterland with the establishment of local organisa-
dine 751. Langobardi zauzimaju Ravenu i Pipin economic changes in the hinterland should be looked
Mali postaje franaki kralj, a posljedice tih do- for both in internal and external factors, of which the
gaaja bile su dalekosene za itavo jadransko latter are much easier to determine. In 751, the Lango-
podruje.35 Gubitkom Istre su bizantski posjedi u bards occupied Ravenna and Pepin the Short became
Dalmaciji postali strateki jo znaajniji, a to se King of the Franks. The consequences of these events
moralo odraziti i na situaciju u zaobalju, koje je were far-reaching for the entire Adriatic region.35 With
tada snanije integrirano u globalna politika do- the loss of Istria, the Byzantine estates in Dalmatia be-
gaanja. S druge strane, dotadanji ustroj drutva came strategically even more important, which neces-
u zaleu dalmatinskih gradova vie nije bio eko- sarily reflected itself in the situation in the hinterland,
nomski logian, to je nuno dovelo do drutvene which was then more intensely integrated into global
transformacije i izdvajanja elite. Iz nekakvog obli- political events. The previous social structure in the
ka necentraliziranog politikog sustava drutvo je hinterland of Dalmatian towns ceased to be economi-
poprimilo oblik poglavitva regionalne zajedni- cally logical, which necessarily caused a social trans-
ce u kojoj je vie skupina organizirano pod jednim formation and the formation of an elite. From a non-
vladarom, a u kojoj sredinja vlast nadzire gos- centralised political system, society took on the form
podarske aktivnosti, proizvodne vikove i njihovu of a chiefdom, a regional community in which several
preraspodjelu.36 Pravo na vlast bilo je nasljedno, groups were organised under a single ruler, and in
u istonojadranskom zaobalju zasigurno patrili- which a central authority was in control of economic
nearno, a vladaru je bilo omogueno zgrtanje ve- activities, and production surpluses and their real-
likog bogatstva na kojemu je uostalom i temeljio location.36 Power was hereditary, and in the eastern
svoju mo. Danijel Dzino tvrdi da je to ujedno i Adriatic hinterland certainly patrilineal, and the ruler
vrijeme nastanka novoga kulturnog habitusa kada was able to amass great wealth, on which he based
su stanovnici dalmatinskog zaobalja u oima vanj- his power. Danijel Dzino suggests that this was at the
skih promatraa postali Slavenima, za razliku same time the period of the formation of a new cul-
od stanovnitva u obalnim gradovima.37 Ipak, tural habitus, when the inhabitants of the Dalmatian
zato bi se takav proces odvijao ba u trenutku hinterland became Slavs in the eyes of outside viewers,
snanije interakcije obale i zaobalja? Vjerojatnije as opposed to the population in the coastal towns.37
je zato da je do akulturacije Slavena i autohtonog However, why should such a process have taken place
stanovnitva te konstrukcije novoga identiteta (ili precisely at the moment of a more intense interaction
vie njih) dolo jo ranije, za vrijeme pada robne between the coast and the hinterland? It is more likely
razmjene i slabijega kontakta dvaju podruja u 7. that the acculturation of the Slavs and the indigenous
i prvim desetljeima 8. stoljea, a samim time i do population and the construction of a new identity (or
prepoznavanja promjena s gledita vanjskih pro- several of them) occurred earlier in the course of the
matraa. Naglaavanje ekonomskih promjena kao decline of trade and less intense contacts between the
kljunih u transformaciji identiteta stanovnitva u two areas in the 7th and first decades of the 8th century,
zaobalju pritom ne iskljuuje, pa ak ni ne uma- and consequently the changes were also identified by
njuje znaaj slavenskih migracija u tom sloenom outside observers. At the same time, the emphasis on
procesu. economic changes as being crucial to the transforma-
tion of the identity of the hinterland population does
not exclude or even decrease the significance of Slavic
migrations in this complex process.
njem centara moi u njihovim sjeditima (H. M. A. EVANS, 1989, tion and the formation of centres of power (H. M. A. EVANS, 1989,
223). Slino razmilja i Dzino, koji je te drutveno-gospodarske 223). Dzino argues along similar lines, dating the social-economic
promjene datirao nakon sredine 8. stoljea (D. DZINO, 2010a, changes to after the middle of the 8th century (D. DZINO, 2010a,
173). 173).
35 R. HODGES, 2008; M. McCORMICK, 2008, 410-414; T. S. 35 R. HODGES, 2008; M. PETRINEC, 2008, 410-414; T. S. BROWN,
BROWN, 2008, 443-444; D. DZINO, 2010a, 176-177. 2008, 443-444; D. DZINO, 2010a, 176-177.
36 W. A. HAVILAND, 2004, 324-325; C. RENFREW, P. BAHN, 36 W. A HAVILAND, 2004, 324-325; C. RENFREW, P. BAHN, 2008,
2008, 179. 179.
37 D. DZINO, 2010a, 171-174. 37 D. DZINO, 2010a, 171-174.
Drugi, odnosno stariji sepulkralni horizont na The other, older sepulchral horizon at Maklinovo
Maklinovu brdu i na drijacu nastaje sredinom Brdo and at drijac was formed in the middle of the
prve polovice 8. stoljea. Karakterizira ga poja- first half of the 8th century. It was characterised by the
va jednostavnih inaica bizantskog nakita poput occurrence of simple variants of Byzantine jewellery
jednostavnih limenih prstenova ili obinih karii- such as simple metal-sheet rings or common circlets,
ca, dok skupocjenog nakita gotovo da i nema, a while there is almost no luxury jewellery. Finds of war-
nalazi ratnike opreme i oruja potpuno izostaju. rior equipment and weapons are completely missing.
Sve to upuuje ne samo na slabije trgovake veze s All this suggests not only poorer trade links with the
obalnim gradovima, nego i na drugaije drutveno coastal towns, but also a different social structure, the
ustrojstvo jer su ta dva imbenika razmjerno pove- two factors being relatively connected. Thus, it was
zana. Rije je dakle o obliku necentraliziranog po- a form of non-centralised political system at the level
litikog sustava na razini plemenske organizacije of a tribal organisation or segmented community, in
ili segmentirane zajednice u kojemu vlada naelo which the principle of basic equality among individu-
osnovne egalitarnosti pojedinaca.38 Proizvodnja als ruled.38 Production served exclusively to satisfy the
slui iskljuivo podmirivanju osnovnih potreba za- basic needs of the community. Since each tribal lineage
jednice; budui da svaka plemenska loza proizvodi produced the same products, nobody was dependant
isto, nitko ne ovisi o drugima za robu ili usluge.39 on others for goods or services.39 Political organisation
Politika organizacija u takvim zajednicama je in such communities was informal and temporary, and
neformalna i privremena, i to samo u situacijama only in situations that required the integration of sev-
koje zahtijevaju integraciju nekoliko grupa, poput eral groups, such as defence or looting expeditions.40
obrane ili pljakakih pohoda.40 Kako god odre- No matter how we determine the form of power in the
dili oblik vlasti u tadanjem zaleu dalmatinskih hinterland of Dalmatian coastal towns, it is a fact that
obalnih gradova, injenica jest da do formiranja the formation of a social elite occurred as late as in the
drutvene elite dolazi tek u zadnjoj treini 8. sto- last third of the 8th century. Therefore, the causes of a
ljea. Stoga, uzroke trgovinskom padu prije nave- decline in trade before the mentioned period should not
denoga razdoblja ne treba traiti u paralizi pro- be looked for in a paralysis of transport routes caused
metnih pravaca koju su uzrokovali Slaveni, jer do by the Slavs, because this probably never even occurred.
toga vjerojatno nikada nije ni dolo. Proizvodnja As a rule, small-scale production accumulated no sur-
malog opsega u pravilu nije akumulirala vikove pluses. Thus, the hinterland population had nothing
pa stanovnitvo u zaobalju nije imalo to ponuditi to exchange with traders from Byzantine towns, and
zauzvrat trgovcima iz bizantskih gradova, dok bi possible product surpluses were exchanged locally
eventualni proizvodni viak razmijenili na lokal- for other types of food or artisan products.41 On the
nom podruju za neku drugu vrstu hrane ili obrt- other hand, trade exchange in the Mediterranean did
nike proizvode.41 S druge strane, robna razmjena not cease, but in global terms demonstrated a declining
na Mediteranu nije zamrla, ali je globalno gledaju- trend.42 Even more important is the fact that Mediterra-
i bila u opadanju.42 Jo je i vanija injenica da je nean trade was regionalised, as suggested by the territo-
38 W. A HAVILAND, 2004, 318-323; C. RENFREW, P. BAHN, 38 W. A HAVILAND, 2004, 318-323; C. RENFREW, P. BAHN, 2008,
2008, 179. 179.
39 W. A. HAVILAND, 2004, 321. 39 W. A HAVILAND, 2004, 321.
40 Razmatranjem razlika izmeu naina plemenskog rukovoenja, 40 After having studied the differences between tribal governance
Marshall D. Sahlins razvio je koncept Velikog ovjeka (Big- methods, Marshall D. Sahlins developed the concept of the Big
Man), voe neke teritorijalne skupine unutar necentraliziranog Man, the leader of a territorial group within a non-centralised po-
politikog sustava iji autoritet nije ni formalan ni nasljedan, ve litical system, whose authority is neither formal nor hereditary, but
se temelji na djelima kojima se izdie iznad ostalih lanova za- rather dependent on the activities that make him stand out from the
jednice (M. D. SAHLINS, 1963; W. A. HAVILAND, 2004, 320). other community members (M. D. SAHLINS, 1963; W. A. HAVI-
Danijel Dzino u svom najnovijem radu raspravlja upravo o dru- LAND, 2004, 320). In his most recent paper, Danijel Dzino dis-
tvenim promjenama u dalmatinskom zaobalju od oko 500. do cusses the social changes in the Dalmatian hinterland from around
850. godine. Transformaciju drutvenog ustrojstva prepoznaje 500 until 850. He identifies the transformation of the social order
u postjustinijanskoj Dalmaciji: zbog politikih promjena, bliske in post-Justinian Dalmatia. Due to political change, the nearby Avar
avarske prisutnosti i militarizacije tadanjeg drutva, smatra da se presence and the militarisation of contemporary society, he believes
uzdiu oni koji su bili sposobni preuzeti vodstvo u kriznim trenut- that those who were capable of taking a lead in times of crisis the
cima dalmatinski Big-Men (D. DZINO, 2014). Dalmatian Big Men stood out (D. DZINO, 2014).
41 S. T. LOSEBY, 2008, 619. 41 S. T. LOSEBY, 2008, 619.
42 M. WHITTOW, 2008, 467-472; D. ABULAFIA, 2011, 241-251. 42 D. ABULAFIA, 2011, 241-251; Compared to the 6th century, the
U odnosu na 6. stoljee, broj brodoloma u 7. stoljeu je vie nego number of shipwrecks in the 7th century is more than twice as small,
mediteranska trgovina bila regionalizirana, na to rially restricted distribution of individual products and
ukazuju teritorijalno ograniena distribucija poje- the almost broken trade contacts with distant areas.43
dinih proizvoda i gotovo ugaeni trgovaki kontak- For example, finds of regional variants of Bologna/
ti s udaljenim podrujima.43 Primjerice, nalazi regi- Balgota belt buckles, dating to the 7th century, are
onalne inaice pojasnih kopi Bologna/Balgota characteristic only of southern Italy and the south-
datiranih u 7. stoljee karakteristini su samo za ern part of the eastern Adriatic coast, which at that
podruje june Italije i juga istone obale Jadrana, time obviously formed a trading micro-region.44 The
koje je tada oito tvorilo trgovaku mikroregiju.44 regionalisation of trade in the Early Middle Ages has
Regionalizacija trgovine u ranom srednjem vijeku contributed to the strengthening of the failed concept
pripomogla je uvrivanju promaenog koncepta of archaeological culture as a material mirror of eth-
arheoloke kulture kao materijalnog zrcala etni- nic identity, such as the Komani culture being assigned
kih identiteta, poput komanske kulture koja se to the Late Antiquity autochthonous population, the
pripisuje kasnoantikom autohtonom stanovni- early Croatian culture as belonging to the early me-
tvu, starohrvatske kulture koja pripada ranosred- diaeval Croats, or the Carantanian-Kttlach culture
njovjekovnim Hrvatima, ili karantansko-ketlake being associated with Alpine Slavs. The dispersion of
kulture koja se povezuje s alpskim Slavenima. Dis- certain products in a restricted area in these cases can
perzija odreenih proizvoda na ogranienom po- only suggest the type of trade exchange and size of the
druju u ovim sluajevima moe samo ukazati na market, and as a rule does not disclose much more
vrstu robne razmjene i veliinu trita te u pravilu than that.
ne daje za naslutiti mnogo vie od toga. Thus, the absence of characteristic finds from the
Nedostatak karakteristinih nalaza druge po- second half of the 7th and first half of the 8th century
lovice 7. i prve polovice 8. stoljea na grobljima in cemeteries in the hinterland was a consequence of
u zaobalju uzrokovan je dakle opim trgovinskim a general disruption in trade and a non-centralised
poremeajem i necentraliziranim drutvenim ustroj- social order. This problem is much more evident in
stvom. Taj je problem u dalmatinskom zaobalju the Dalmatian hinterland than, for example, along
daleko izraeniji negoli primjerice na dalmatinskoj the Dalmatian coast and on the islands, in Istria, or
obali i otocima, u Istri ili pak na podruju dana- in the area of present-day Albania, which are the
nje Albanije, gdje su nalazi datirani u spomenuto sites where finds dated to the mentioned period have
razdoblje ipak pronaeni. Gospodarski i politiki been unearthed. The economic and political system of
sustav potonjih podruja omoguavao je kontinui- the mentioned area enabled the continuity of trade,
tet robne razmjene, pa makar u znatno smanjenom though on a significantly smaller scale and in a sig-
razmjeru i na znatno reduciranom tritu. S druge nificantly reduced market. On the other hand, the
strane, u politikom sustavu dalmatinskog zaoba- political system of the Dalmatian hinterland undoubt-
lja nedvojbeno dolazi do snanijeg uruavanja to edly experienced a collapse, which significantly deter-
je bitno odredilo vrstu i razmjer sveukupnih gospo- mined the type and scope of overall economic activi-
darskih aktivnosti. Premda treba izbjegavati tvrdnje ties. Although statements should be avoided about a
o potpunom diskontinuitetu ili o katastrofalnoj de- complete discontinuity or catastrophic depopulation,
populaciji, emu je posebno bila sklona starija hi- which old historiography was particularly prone to,
storiografija, jednako je pogreno tvrditi da se tada it is equally erroneous to assert that nothing signifi-
nita bitno nije dogodilo. Do velikih promjena je cant happened at this time. Huge changes certainly oc-
dvostruko manji, a u 8. stoljeu ak deset puta manji (A. E. LAI- and in the 8th century even ten times smaller (A. E. LAIOU, C. MOR-
OU, C. MORRISSON, 2007, 38-42). Luki kapaciteti u Konstan- RISSON, 2007, 38-42). The port capacities in Constantinople, where
tinopolu, u kojemu je kontinuitet pomorske trgovine najvidljiviji, the continuity of sea trade is most evident, were reduced by a quarter
reducirani su za etvrtinu (M. WHITTOW, 1996, 89-95), a novija (M. WHITTOW, 1996, 89-95), while more recent research on Classe,
istraivanja ravenske luke Classe takoer pokazuju znaajan trgo- the Port of Ravenna, also demonstrates a significant decline in trade
vinski pad tijekom 7. stoljea (R. HODGES, 2008, 274). in the course of the 7th century (R. HODGES, 2008, 274).
43 C. WHICKAM, 2005, 717. Na to ukazuje i gradnja brodova sred- 43 C. WHICKAM, 2005, 717. This is also suggested by the construc-
njih dimenzija i manje nosivosti, koji su bili prikladniji za krae tion of medium-sized ships with a smaller deadweight, which were
trgovake rute. Brod iz Dor D brodoloma bio je dugaak 20 meta- more suitable for shorter trade routes. The ship from the Dor D
ra, a onaj pronaen kod Yassi Ade bio je dug 21 metar, nosivosti shipwreck was 20 metres long, and the one found at Yassi Ada was
oko 500 tona i sadravao je oko 800 amfora (A. E. LAIOU, C. 21 metres long, with a capacity of approximately 500 tons, and
MORRISSON, 2007, 40-42). containing approximately 800 amphorae (A. E. LAIOU, C. MOR-
44 T. FABIJANI, 2008. RISSON, 2007, 40-42).
44 T. FABIJANI, 2008.
svakako dolo, a to se najbolje ogleda u prestanku curred, as is best seen in the discontinuation of the lit-
liturgije u starokranskim crkvama te u propada- urgy in Old Christian churches, as well as the decline
nju gospodarskog sustava kasnoantikih vila, koje of the economic system of Late Antiquity villas, which
su tvorile okosnicu tadanjeg gospodarstva.45 Ne- created the basis of the economy of the time.45 The
centralizirani politiki sustav, vidljiv u starijem se- non-centralised political system, visible in the older
pulkralnom horizontu grobalja na Maklinovu brdu sepulchral horizon of cemeteries on Maklinovo Brdo
i na drijacu, nije bio kompatibilan s crkvenom or- and at drijac, was not compatible with ecclesiastical
ganizacijom i s veleposjednikim gospodarskim su- organisation and an economic system based on large
stavom, koji su proizvodi sloene socioekonomske estates, which were a result of the complex social and
strukture kasnoantikoga drutva. Budui da se ti economic structure of Late Antiquity society. Since the
sustavi meusobno iskljuuju, njihovo supostojanje systems excluded each other, their coexistence was not
zato nije bilo mogue. Stoga je nedostatak uvezenih possible. Therefore, the absence of imported jewellery
nakitnih predmeta u zaobalju, koji bi se mogli po- artefacts in the hinterland, which could with certainty
uzdano datirati u drugu polovicu 7. i prvu polovi- be dated to the second half of the 7th and the first half
cu 8. stoljea, zapravo logina posljedica tadanjih of the 8th century, was actually a logical consequence
drutvenih i gospodarskih promjena. of the social and economic changes of the time.
Topografska kronologija dvaju razmatranih ra- Thus, the topographical chronology of the two
nosrednjovjekovnih grobalja dakle pokazuje posto- analysed early mediaeval cemeteries suggests the exist-
janje skupine grobova iz razdoblja niske trgovinske ence of a group of graves from the period of low trade
aktivnosti, to jest prije poetka zadnje treine 8. activity, i.e. before the beginning of the last third of
stoljea. Budui da ak i povrna analiza inventa- the 8th century. Since a superficial analysis of the inven-
ra nekih grobova s kasnoantike nekropole Knin tory of certain graves from the Late Antiquity Knin-
Greblje daje snanu osnovu za pretpostaviti kako Greblje necropolis offers a strong basis for assuming
pokapanje traje i kroz 7. stoljee, pregled topograf- that burials also took place during the course of the 7th
ske kronologije toga lokaliteta mogao bi ponuditi century, an overview of the topographical chronology
odgovor na pitanje odnosa kasnoantikih i rano- of the site might offer an answer to the question of the
srednjovjekovnih grobalja. Meutim, radi nepozna- relationship between the late antique and early medi-
vanja situacijskog plana i svih grobnih cjelina knin- aeval cemeteries. However, due to the lack of a situa-
ske nekropole taj je problem i dalje nerjeiv, a time tion plan and knowledge about all the graves of the
i kronologija kasnoantikih i ranosrednjovjekovnih Knin necropolis, the problem remains unresolved, and
grobalja nuno ostaje krezuba. consequently the chronology of late antique and early
mediaeval cemeteries necessarily remains incomplete.
Translation: Nikolina Mateti Pelikan (Etnotrend d. o .o.)

Proof reading: Stephen Hindlaugh
45 Nijedna starokranska crkva u unutranjosti Dalmacije nema 45 There is no confirmed sacral continuity for any Old Christian
dokazani sakralni kontinuitet kroz 7. i 8. stoljee. Radoslav Ka- churches in the Dalmatian hinterland throughout the 7th and 8th
tii je pretpostavio da je do izgradnje predromanikih crkava u centuries. Radoslav Katii assumed that by the time of the con-
9. stoljeu liturgija obavljana u starokranskim crkvama, a kao struction of pre-Romanesque churches in the 9th century, the liturgy
primjer navodi vrlo dobro ouvanu crkvu sv. Martina u Pridrazi iz took place in Old Christian churches, and as an example he men-
6. stoljea (R. KATII, 2007, 223). Meutim, takvo to upuuje tioned the very well preserved 6th-century church of St. Martin in
samo na statiki kontinuitet crkvenih zidova i nipoto ne znai da Pridraga (R. KATII, 2007, 223). However, this merely suggests a
je unutar njih obavljana liturgija. Arheoloka istraivanja crkve sv. static continuity of church walls, and by no means implies that the
Martina pokazala su da je crkva tijekom svoga postojanja doivje- liturgy took place inside them. An archaeological campaign at the
la vie obnova i preinaka koje, naalost, nisu vremenski odreene. Church of St. Martin demonstrated that in the course of its exist-
Pronaeni ulomci kamenog crkvenog namjetaja su iznenauju- ence the church had undergone several reconstructions and conver-
e malobrojni, od kojih tek manji dio pripada starokranskom sions which unfortunately are chronologically uncertain. Unearthed
razdoblju (vidi: A. UGLEI, 2002, 52-56). Nema niti dokaza o fragments of stone church furniture are surprisingly few in number,
nastavku proizvodnje na kasnoantikim vilama u unutranjosti and only a smaller part of them belong to the Early Christian Age
Dalmacije, pa se moe pretpostaviti da su neko veliki jedinstveni (see: A. UGLEI, 2002, 52-56). There is no evidence of a continu-
zemljini posjedi bili znatno parcelizirani, u skladu s tadanjim so- ity of production in Late Antiquity villas in the Dalmatian hinter-
cioekonomskim promjenama. land. Therefore, it can be assumed that what once had been large
and united estates had become parcelled plots of land, in line with
contemporary social and economic changes.
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Alajbeg - O Topografskoj Kronologiji

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ante alajbeg Muzej hrvatskih arheolokih spomenika, udk: 902:726.8](497.

O TOPOGRAFSKOJ ON THE TOPOGRAPHICAL

4 V. SOKOL, 2006, 58-59. 4 V. SOKOL, 2006, 58-59.

Groblje je longitudinalnog tlorisa i prua se od za-

17 M. PETRINEC, 2009, 151-160. 17 M. PETRINEC, 2009, 151-160.

GROBLJE NA DRIJACU U NINU DRIJAC CEMETERY IN NIN

19 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 531-535, prilog 1. 19 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 531-535, Annex 1.

21 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 254. 21 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 254.

24 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 269. 24 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 269.

DATACIJA I VREMENSKA KORELACIJA DATING AND CHRONOLOGICAL

26 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 48-50. 26 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 48-50.

29 K. SIMONI, 1989, 75-119. 28 J. BELOEVI, 1974; J. BELOEVI, 1980, 22.

Topografsko-kronolokim pregledom grobalja na

Translation: Nikolina Mateti Pelikan (Etnotrend d. o .o.)

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