AN EXAMINATION OF THE EVIDENCE FOR A RELATIONSHIP

BETWEEN CHRISTIANITY AND MYSTERY RELIGIONS

___________________

A Paper

Presented to

Dr. Darrell Bock

Dallas Theological Seminary

___________________

In Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Course

NT901 Mystery Religion Research

___________________

by

Joel Thomas

December 2007
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction................................................................................................................... 1

Methodological Considerations .................................................................................... 5

Characteristics of Mystery Religions............................................................................ 9

General Characteristics ............................................................................................. 9

The mysteries of Eleusis ......................................................................................... 11

The cult and mysteries of Dionysus........................................................................ 13

The cult of Attis ...................................................................................................... 15

The cult of Isis ........................................................................................................ 16

The mysteries of Mithras ........................................................................................ 18

Summary................................................................................................................. 22

Examples of Popular Assertions ................................................................................. 23

Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 25

i
 Introduction

In beginning this study it is important to note that there are two basic categories of

possible religious influences on Christianity from the ancient religious environment. The first

category was religious influences derived from Judaism. This can clearly be seen in the attitude

that Paul had in presenting his case before Herod Agrippa II in Acts 26:3. The importance of this

scene is shown very clearly in Julius Scott’s book Jewish Backgrounds of the New Testament

when he states: “As the apostle Paul stood before King Agrippa II, he expressed gratitude that he

could speak to one “familiar with the customs and controversies of the Jews.”1 (Acts 26:3) He

assumed that to understand his case and by implication Christianity as a whole, it was necessary

to have some awareness of Intertestamental Judaism.”2 Dealing with the body of literature

represented by the Jewish background of the New Testament is a daunting task. There is a wide

array of types of literature spanning a significant period of time but the literature has been

documented thoroughly.3 This area of background material will not be dealt with significantly in

this study.

Our second category of background material is the various Greco-Roman religions.

This second category is extremely diverse and encompasses a wide variety of religious practices

1
Acts 26:3 (NRSV).
2
J. Julius Scott Jr., Jewish Backgrounds of the New Testament (Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 1995), 17.
3
Everett Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity, 3rd ed. (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans
Publishing Company, 2003), 431-32.

1
 2

and beliefs over a significant period of time. The breadth of this can be clearly seen in a quote

from an article by D. E. Aune which states: “Thus Greco-Roman religions include not only those

public and private cults which had developed out of archaic and classical Greek and Roman

religious practices, but also the many native cults and mystery religions which had arisen on

ancient Near Eastern soil and which had subsequently spread to the major urban areas of the

Mediterranean world,”4 This is a very broad category which has individual pieces that are

possible for influences on Christian but this study will restrict itself to examining possible

connections between Christianity and the Hellenistic mystery religions.

The background of this discussion is in the context of the academic quest to identify

the “historical” Jesus because the various methods used and biases from the different approaches

to that study popup in the way that various scholars approach our topic. Before going any further

it is necessary to lay out the various quests and look at the assumptions that each have and

identify how this would affect this study.

The first quest for the “historical” Jesus coincides with the era of classical liberalism

in the 19th century. This quest was characterized by two separate but equally important

approaches to the identifying the “historical” Jesus. The first approach was a thoroughly

rationalistic approach to the life of Christ with the goal of explaining the miraculous events

recounted in the gospels with naturalistic explanations.5 The second approach was to see the

4
D. E. Aune, “Religions, Greco-Roman,” in Dictionary of Paul and His Letters, ed. Ralph P. Martin
Gerald F. Hawthorne, Daniel G. Reid (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1993), 786.
5
Gary R. Habermas, The Historical Jesus: Ancient Evidence for the Life of Christ (Joplin, MO:
College Press Publishing Company, 1996), 18-19.
 3

gospels as being primary mythological in nature and that the events recounted in the gospels

were simply depictions of religious ideas made to look like historical events.6

The second quest on the other hand argued that the mythological approach went way

too far and that a core kernel of historical truth could be discerned about the “historical” Jesus.

This quest developed criteria to use to judge the authenticity of documents that purport to

recount Jesus. The first criterion is the principle of dissimilarity. This principle postulates that for

something to authentic it must be dissimilar to both 1st century Judaism and early Christianity. A

second criterion is the principle of consistency. This principle argues that for something to

authentic it must agree with other material that has been judged to be authentic. A third criterion

is the principle of the necessity of multiple attestation. This principle states that for something to

be judged as authentic it must be able to be identified in the different sources that were used in

the gospels. A final criterion consists of linguistic and cultural tests. This by far is the most

amorphous since it really only consists of a subjective judgment that the data seems to fit with

first century Judaism in Palestine or perhaps that an Aramaic basis can be demonstrated.7 The

outcome of this type of quest is finding a Jesus and early Christianity that is dominated by

Greco-Roman culture as opposed to finding a Jesus and early Christianity that is rooted in first

century Judaism.

6
Ibid., 19.
7
N. T. Wright, “Quest for the Historical Jesus,” in Anchor Bible Dictionary, ed. David Noel Freedman,
vol. 3 (New York, NY: Doubleday, 1992), 799.
 4

The third quest for the historical Jesus in contrast to the previous two quests sees the

basis for understanding Jesus as needing to focus on the Jewish background of Jesus’ life.8 The

results of this new quest are succinctly explained in a quote from Bock’s book Studying the

Historical Jesus which states: “In general, those who participate in the third quest have tended to

see far more historicity in the gospels that either of the previous two quests, showing a general

respect for the general historical character of the Gospels.”9

In most cases scholars who postulate connections with Hellenistic mystery religions

would be coming from the perspective and perhaps inevitable conclusions of the second quest for

the “historical” Jesus. The argument of this paper is that the connections between early

Christianity and Hellenistic mystery religions do not meet the burden of proof necessary to prove

the possible links historically.

This study will proceed in the following manner. First this study will examine two

different methodologies that are used in examining potential relationships between early

Christianity and Hellenistic mystery religions. Once that examination is completed one of the

two methodologies will be used to evaluate the evidence that is presented in the remainder of this

study. Secondly this study will present the characteristics of the various Hellenistic mystery

religions from primary sources.10 Lastly this study will evaluate three examples from studies

aimed at popular audience that assert links between Hellenistic mystery religions and early

Christianity.

8
Darrell L. Bock, Studying the Historical Jesus: A Guide to Sources and Methods (Grand Rapids, MI:
Baker Academic, 2002), 147.
9
Ibid.
10
All abbreviations in this paper conform to the SBL Handbook of Style unless otherwise noted.
 5

Methodological Considerations

There are two basic methodological approaches to potential relationships between

Christianity and Hellenistic mystery religions. The first approach is exemplified by scholars such

as Bultmann, Reitzenstein and Bousett11 and “sees the Gospels and Christianity as an adaptation

and offshoot of the cults of Dionysus, Cybele, Attis, Isis and Osiris, Mithras and others.”12 This

can be clearly seen the very first paragraph of the introduction to Rudolph Bultmann’s book

Primitive Christianity in its Contemporary Setting which states:

The cradle of primitive Christianity as [a] historical phenomenon was furnished by

late Judaism, which in turn was a development from Hebrew religion as evidenced in the
Old Testament and its writings. Yet, despite the predominance of the Old Testament and
Jewish heritage, primitive Christianity remained a complex phenomenon. At a very early
stage in its development it came into contact with Hellenistic paganism, a contact which
was to exercise a profound influence on Christianity itself. This paganism was itself
equally complex. Not only did it preserve the heritage of Greek culture; it was also
enlivened and enriched by the influx of religions from the Near East.13

This can also be seen in the first appendix of Richard Reitzenstein’s book Hellenistic

Mystery–Religions Their Basic Ideas and Significance where he lays out his approach to the

material. Reitzenstein states: “Hence in the investigation of them we shall do best to recognize

the essential features or basic perspectives of that no longer Hellenic but Hellenistic religiosity

11
Michael Patella, Lord of the Cosmos: Mithras, Paul, and the Gospel of Mark (London: T & T Clark
International, 2006), 2 n2.
12
Ibid., 2.
13
Rudolf Bultmann, Primitive Christianity in Its Contemporary Setting, trans. R. H. Fuller (Cleveland,
OH: World Publishing Company, 1956), 11.
 6

with which the greatest of all missionary religions, Christianity, struggled for centuries and by

which it was necessarily influenced in considerable measure.”14

This presupposition is based on the concept that there was a great distance and

perhaps even conflict between the basic belief systems of the the Palestinian Christian

community and the Hellenistic Christian community. This presupposition can be seen clearly in a

statement from the preface of Bousset’s book Kyrios Christos which states: “The great and

decisive turning point in the development of Christianity is marked by the transition to Gentile-

Christian territory in its very earliest beginnings.”15 This is presupposition (though tempered

somewhat by Bousset) is derived from the theory proposed by F. C. Baur in the 19th century.

Baur’s basic premise is well summarized in a statement from Craig Hill in his book Hellenists

and Hebrews Reappraising Division in the Earliest Church when he states: ““Jewish

Christianity,” led by Peter and James, was narrow and legalistic; “Gentile Christianity,” for

whom the apostle Paul was the champion was universalistic and free, proclaiming the abolition

of the law and, hence, the superseding of Judaism.”16

The problem with this methodological view is that it presupposes a conclusion that

has not been proven. The Baur hypothesis is far from having been proven and in fact Hill’s book

is an excellent counter argument directly against the Baur hypothesis. Based on the fact that the

bias towards Hellenism greatly influencing early Christianity has not been proven by these

14
Richard Reitzenstein, Hellenistic Mystery–Religions: Their Basic Ideas and Significance, trans. John
E. Steely, Pittsburgh Theological Monograph Series, ed. Dikran Y. Hadidian, vol. 15 (Eugene, OR: Pickwick Press,
1978), 111.
15
Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios Christos: A History of the Belief in Christ from the Beginnings of
Christianity to Irenaeus, trans. John E. Steely (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1970), 12.
16
Craig C. Hill, Hellenists and Hebrews: Reappraising Division within the Earliest Church
(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1992), 6.
 7

scholars but that it is simply assumed by them this methodology will not be used in this study to

evaluate the effect of Hellenistic mystery religions on early Christianity.

The second approach includes scholars such as Bruce Metzger, A. D. Nock, Günther

Wagner and A. J. M. Wedderburn.17 This approach basically would not see the Hellenistic

mystery religions as having an influence on the development of Christianity.18 Bruce Metzger

lays out the issues involved with this issue in his article “Methodology in the Study of Mystery

Religions and Early Christianity.”19 Before going any further one critical piece of data needs to

be noted. Both of these groups would agree that apparent parallels have been noted from

antiquity. In fact several early Christian writers including Justin Martyr20 and Tertullian21 noted

similarities between Christianity and the Hellenistic mystery religions.22 In addition to this

Origen cites Celsus23 as noting characteristics of Mithraism in his attack on Christianity.24

Metzger in his methodology does not assume that Christianity borrows from the Hellenistic

mystery religions when these apparent parallels appear whereas the first methodology would

most certainly assume influence on Christianity from the mysteries.

17
Patella, Lord of the Cosmos, 2 n3.
18
Ibid., 2.
19
Bruce M. Metzger, “Methodology in the Study of Mystery Religions and Early Christianity,” in
Historical and Literary Studies; Pagan, Jewish, and Christian, ed. Bruce M. Metzger (Grand Rapids, MI: William
B. Eerdmans, 1968), 8-11.
20
Justin Martyr 1 Apol. 66 and Dial. 70.
21
Tertullian Cor. 15 and Praescr. 40.
22
Metzger, “Methodology in the Study of Mystery Religions and Early Christianity,” 8 n2.
23
Origen Cels. 6.22.
24
Metzger, “Methodology in the Study of Mystery Religions and Early Christianity,” 8 n3.
 8

Metzger lays out three considerations that need to be dealt with when evaluating

potential parallels in order to be able to judge whether these parallels were caused by influence

from the Hellenistic mystery religions. The first consideration that Metzger proposes is that the

potential parallel needs to be examined for its actual validity. Metzger makes an important point

when he states: “Some of the supposed parallels are the result of modern scholar’s amalgamation

of quite heterogeneous elements drawn from various sources.”25 Metzger goes on to point out

that some scholars reconstructions of the beliefs and practices of the mystery cults consist of a

great deal of speculation that fills in gaps in a way that provides connections to Christian belief

or practice.26 The second consideration is that just because a parallel is shown to be valid does

not mean that there is any causality. Metzger again makes this clear when he states: “one must

inquire whether the similarities have arisen from more or less equal religious experience, due to

equality of what may be called psychic pitch and equality of outward conditions, or whether they

are due to borrowing one from another.”27 The third consideration is that even if borrowing can

be shown to have occurred a scholar cannot assume that Christianity borrowed from the

Hellenistic mystery religions. It is quite possible that reverse happened and that various mystery

cults borrowed beliefs or practices from Christianity which was winning over their members.28

Based on the evaluation of the fact that Metzger does not make assumptions based on

a bias about the nature of the early church as opposed to the first methodology, it is the position

25
Ibid., 9.
26
Ibid.
27
Ibid.
28
Ibid., 11.
 9

of this study that the second methodology should be used to evaluate potential parallels between

Christianity and the Hellenistic mystery religions.

Characteristics of Mystery Religions

General Characteristics

One of the most significant problems in attempting to identify the characteristics of

mystery religions is their very nature. Initiates of the mysteries were expected to not divulge the

nature of the rituals or beliefs of the group therefore the amount of evidence that we have

concerning them is restricted.29 In fact because of this much the literary evidence for their

practices comes from their opponents such as the early Christian apologists.30 This is problematic

since it is always preferable to hear a description of the beliefs and practices of a religious

system from the adherents of that religious system rather than from the opponents.

Hans-Josef Klauck sums this up quite nicely when he states: “It may sound a rather

simple point, but the first thing to be said about mysteries is that they were secret cults. This sets

them in a relationship to something else, viz. to the public cult in the city state, but also to the

daily domestic ritual which was not secret. Mystery cults are averse to openness; they take place

in secret, often at night. They are not universally accessible, but are reserved to a particular

group of initiates.”31 One important point thing to note is these cults were a not a completely

separate system from the remainder of Greco-Roman polytheism. Burkert sums this up nicely

29
S. Angus, The Mystery-Religions and Christianity: A Study in the Religious Background of Early
Christianity, 2nd ed. (New York: Scribner, 1925; reprint, New York: Dover, 1975), 39.
30
Hans-Josef Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity: A Guide to Graeco-Roman
Religions, Fortress Press ed. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2003), 87-88.
31
Ibid., 86.
 10

when he states: “Mystery initiations were an optional activity within polytheistic religion,

comparable to, say, a pilgrimage to Santiago di Compostela within the Christian system”32

The mysteries seem to have been tapping into a need for an inward personal

experience in religion that was not present in the public cult. This idea can be seen in Marvin

Meyer’s article on mystery religions in the Anchor Bible Dictionary when he states “Unlike

official, public religions, in which people were expected to show outward allegiance to the gods

and goddesses of the polis, or state, the mystery religions stressed an inwardness and privacy of

worship within groups that were frequently close-knit and egalitarian.”33

Klauck argues that this reveals a deep seated need for intimacy in religion when he

states: “This contrast suggests the conclusion that there existed in the religious sphere a need for

intimacy which the large-scale celebrations could not satisfy, as well as a need for something

extraordinary that could not be found in the routine of daily life.”34

Even with the problem of secrecy we do have evidence that there seems to have been

three component parts to the practice of the mysteries as seen in Plutarch’s35 discussion of the

cult of Isis. The first component consisted of things that that were done. The second component

consisted of things that were displayed. The last component consisted of things that were spoken,

which was probably not extended teaching.36

32
Walter Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), 10.
33
Marvin W. Meyer, “Mystery Religions,” in Anchor Bible Dictionary, ed. David N. Freedman, vol. 4
(New York: Doubleday, 1996), 941.
34
Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, 86.
35
Plutarch Is. Os. 68.
36
Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, 87.
 11

The mysteries of Eleusis

Unlike some of the other mysteries the mysteries of Eleusis were a localized cult

centered at Eleusis, which is between 12 to 18 miles west of Athens.37 Before looking at any of

the practices of the Eleusian mysteries it is important to note that the foundational myth has been

preserved in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter.38 Marvin Meyers in his article on mystery religions

lays out the basic thrust of the hymn when he states: “The dramatic story of Demeter and her

dying and rising daughter Kore, as told in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, narrates a mythic tale

of the rape of Kore by Hades (or Plouton, “Wealthy One”), the grief of Demeter and her quest

for Kore, and the subsequent founding of the Eleusinian mysteries by Demeter herself.”39

One particularly important passage40 seems to give some veiled insights into the

practice of the Eleusian mysteries.41 From this passage there seem to be four key pieces of

information. The first piece of information is that the participants sit on stools with their heads

veiled. The second piece of information is that fasting seems to have been a component of the

ritual. The third piece of information is that jokes and mockery were used to lighten an otherwise

somber setting. The last piece of information was that a special drink (κῠκεών) was used by the

37
Ibid., 91.
38
Ibid.
39
Meyer, “Mystery Religions,” 4:942.
40
Hom. Hymn Dem. 192–211.
41
Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, 92.
 12

participants.42 The general nature of the κῠκεών is that was a barley drink mixed with various

other ingredients such as cheese, water and perhaps wine.43

The first two components seen in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter are also supported

by a quote from Clement of Alexandria44 which states: “I fasted; I drank the draught; I took from

the chest; having done my task, I placed in the basket, and from the basket into the chest.”45 This

clearly seems to support the idea that fasting and drinking a special drink were a part of the

ceremonies.

In addition to this it seems there also seems to have been a sacred object that was

shown during the mysteries. This sacred object according to the early Christian writer

Hyppolytus46 was an ear of corn.47 One last consideration is that at its core the base myth related

in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter is about the crop cycle. Kore descends into Hades for four

months of the year and then ascends back bringing fertility for crops.48

It seems that based on this fragmentary evidence, especially the κῠκεών barley drink

and the presentation of a freshly cut ear of corn that this mystery cult was primarily based around

agrarian myths. Any attempt to associate this cult with Christianity must be rejected on that basis

because Christianity is not an agrarian based religion.

42
Ibid., 92-93.
43
Henry George Liddell et al., A Greek-English Lexicon, 9th ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996),
1006.
44
Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, 95.
45
Clement Prot. 2.18.
46
Hyppolytus Haer. 5.8.39f.
47
Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, 101.
48
Hom. Hymn Dem. 385-400.
 13

The cult and mysteries of Dionysus

The foundation of this cult is the god Dionysus. According to John Dillon’s article

about Dionysus, Dionysus was “the Greek god of wine and ecstatic experience generally, and to

some extent also of vegetation, and of death and rebirth. He was also remarkable as being subject

to birth (from a mortal woman), death, and resurrection.”49 Before looking at the content of the

mysteries it is important to note that the cult of Dionysus was at times highly favored and

influential among the political elites. There are two examples that are significant. The first

example is the political patronage of Ptolemy IV Philopater. He was so committed to the

Dionysian cult that he issued a decree to attempt to force the Jews of Alexandria to participate in

the Dionysiac mysteries.50 This can be seen in a passage from 3 Maccabees which states:
27
He proposed to inflict public disgrace on the Jewish community, and he set up a stone
on the tower in the courtyard with this inscription: 28 “None of those who do not sacrifice
shall enter their sanctuaries, and all Jews shall be subjected to a registration involving
poll tax and to the status of slaves. Those who object to this are to be taken by force and
put to death; 29 those who are registered are also to be branded on their bodies by fire with
the ivy-leaf symbol of Dionysus, and they shall also be reduced to their former limited
status.” 30 In order that he might not appear to be an enemy of all, he inscribed below:
“But if any of them prefer to join those who have been initiated into the mysteries, they
shall have equal citizenship with the Alexandrians.”51

On the other hand the practices of the Dionysian cult were so scandalous to the

sensibilities of the Roman Republic that in 186 B.C. the public practice of the sect was

49
John M. Dillon, “Dionysus,” in Anchor Bible Dictionary, ed. David N. Freedman, vol. 2 (New York:
Doubleday, 1996), 201.
50
Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, 112-13.
51
3 Macc 2:27-30.
 14

suppressed in Rome.52 An account of this event is recorded by the Roman historian Livy53 in his

book The History of Rome from its Foundation.54

There are five pieces of information that can be gleaned from primary sources

concerning the rituals of the Dionysiac cult.55 The first piece of information from Livy56 is that

there seems to have been a time of sexual continence before the initiation.57 The second piece of

information from Tacitus58 seems to one person was dressed as Dionysus and others were dressed

in skins.59 The dressing as Dionysus seems to also be supported a wall painting on the wall of a

villa in Pompeii. 60 The third piece of information is from Livy61 and indicates that there was an

oath of loyalty to Dionysus.62 The fourth piece of information from the Pompeii villa wall

painting is that the general focus of the mysteries of Dionysus was on love and sexuality.63 The

last piece of information is that the idea of resurrection is seen on sarcophagi associated with the

52
Robert Turcan, The Cults of the Roman Empire, trans. Antonia Nevill (Malden, MA: Blackwell
Publishers, 1996), 308.
53
Livy History of Rome 39.8-19.
54
The Ancient Mysteries: A Sourcebook: Sacred Texts of the Mystery Religions of the Ancient
Mediterranean World, ed. Marvin W. Meyer, 1st ed. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987), 81.
55
Turcan, The Cults of the Roman Empire, 308-12.
56
Livy History of Rome 39.9.
57
Turcan, The Cults of the Roman Empire, 308.
58
Tacitus Ann. 9.31.
59
Turcan, The Cults of the Roman Empire, 308.
60
The Ancient Mysteries: A Sourcebook, 64.
61
Livy History of Rome 39.18.
62
Turcan, The Cults of the Roman Empire, 308.
63
The Ancient Mysteries: A Sourcebook, 64.
 15

cult of Dionysus. This type resurrection seems to be based on the annual cycle of nature.64 Based

again on the agrarian based cycle and the sexualized content of the wall painting in the Pompeii

villa it seems very unlikely that the cult of Dionysus would have influenced Christianity.

The cult of Attis

There are two significant characteristics of the cult of Attis that need to be brought

out. The first significant characteristic of the cult of Attis was that its priests castrated themselves

in a frenzied form of worship.65 A poem by the poet Catallus66 provides a clear description of

this.67 The early Christian writer Tertullian68 testifies to having seen this practice in person.69 The

second significant characteristic of the cult of Attis is the taurobolium (the immersion in the

blood of a bull).70 This was done for the consecration of the chief-priest of the cult.71 An account

of this can be found in two sources. The first source is the early Christian writer Prudentius72 who

recounts a taurobolium. The second source is an inscription that records a taurobolium held on

April 15 367 A.D. which states “The most potent lord Sextilius Agesilaus Aedesius…father of

the unconquered sun god Mithras, hierophant of Hecate, chief shepherd of Dionysus, reborn

64
Turcan, The Cults of the Roman Empire, 313.
65
Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, 122-23.
66
Catullus Carm. 63.
67
Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, 123.
68
Tertullian Apol. 15.5.
69
Turcan, The Cults of the Roman Empire, 47.
70
Ibid., 51.
71
Ibid.
72
Prudentius Peristephanon 10.1011-50.
 16

forever through sacrifices of bulls and rams.”73 This inscription gives us two important pieces of

information about mystery religions. The first is that mystery religions were not exclusive. The

second is that at least in the year A.D. 367 the taurobolium had taken on a sacramental nature.

The castration of the priest of this cult would seem to have no connection whatsoever

to Christianity and would in fact go against the idea of the spirit controlled life found throughout

the New Testament because it came about during uncontrolled worship. The taurobolium has at

least a superficial resemblance to Christian baptism but because the recipient is showered with

blood and not water it seems best to not see any borrowing on the part of Christianity. It seems

much more likely that this was assimilation by the mystery of two distinct Christian beliefs (the

sacrifice of Christ to gain eternal life and Christian baptism) into one action rather than the other

way around.74 This is especially true since the first evidence for a taurobolium comes from the

2nd century.75

The cult of Isis

Plutarch76 is the primary source we have for the central myth of the cult of Isis.77

Ferguson sums up the myth very well when he states:

According to the myth, Osiris, after ruling over the Egyptians in a beneficial manner,
was plotted against by his brother Set (Gk. Typhon). The latter made a chest and at a
banquet promised to give it to anyone who exactly fit into it. As had been planned, when
Osiris entered the chest, Set’s men closed the chest and threw it into the Nile. Isis set out
on a search for the chest and her brother-husband. She found it at Byblos on the coast of

73
Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, 128.
74
Ibid.
75
Turcan, The Cults of the Roman Empire, 49.
76
Plutarch Is. Os. 21-27.
77
Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity, 270.
 17

Phoenicia and brought it back to Egypt. Typhon succeeded in getting possession of the
body and cut it up into fourteen parts, which were scattered about Egypt. Isis then went
through the country collecting the parts. She recovered all but the genitals, which she
placed replaced by a gold image that was carried in procession. (This seems to combine
two different traditions of the death of Osiris – that he was drowned and that he was
murdered and dismembered.) Osiris became king of the underworld and helped his son
Horus to gain victory over Typhon. Osiris did not return to this world or experience a
resurrection properly speaking; his continued existence was in the netherworld.78

Apuleius79 is our most important account of the ceremonies and in particular the

initiations of the cult of Isis.80 Ferguson brings out the nature of the spring festival found in

Apuleius when he states: “They had the air of a costume parade, but consisted of religious

personnel, as follows: women crowned with flowers along the way; other women and a mixed

company carrying lamps, torches and candles; musicians playing pipes and a boys’ chorus

singing a hymn about the procession; the initiates wearing white linen and carrying sistra (the

men’s head were clean shaven); priests carrying various emblems of the goddess; and men

dressed as various Egyptian deities.”81 In addition to this Nock argues that a person would have

seen penitents sitting in front of the temple chanting for forgiveness from the goddess.82

Ferguson summarizes the data from Apuleius concerning initiation into eighth distinct

characteristics. The first characteristic is that initiate had to be chosen directly by Isis. The

second characteristic is that there was purification bath along with prayers. The third

characteristic of the initiation was that there was a ten day fast from meat and wine. The fourth

78
Ibid., 271.
79
Apuleius Metam. 11.
80
Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity, 271, 73-74.
81
Ibid., 271-72.
82
A. D. Nock, Conversion: The Old and the New in Religion from Alexander the Great to Augustine of
Hippo (London: Oxford University Press, 1933; reprint, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 80.
 18

characteristic of the initiation was that on the night of the initiation that the initiate was clothed

in a line robe and led into the temple. The fifth characteristic was that the initiation ended at

dawn. The sixth characteristic was that the initiate came out of the temple wearing twelve stoles

and carrying a torch in his right hand. The seventh characteristic was that the initiate was

presented to the crowd. The last characteristic was that there was a three day banquet to celebrate

his rebirth through his initiation.83

The idea of rebirth might seem similar to Christian conversion in some way but in

reality the concept is very different. Ferguson again sums this up very well when he states: “the

initiation into Isis freed him from the control of fate and magic.”84 This is very different from the

Christian conception of new birth as becoming a new creation in Christ Jesus.

The mysteries of Mithras

Before going any further it is important to note that no literary evidences have

survived (if they every existed) from the followers of the mysteries of Mithras.85 The primary

evidence that we have is from archaeological evidence. There are two significant related pieces

of archaeological evidence. The first piece of archaeological evidence is that many mithraic

centers of worship, known as mithraeum, have been found. 86 The second piece of archaeological

83
Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity, 274-75.
84
Ibid.
85
Manfred Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras: The God and His Mysteries, trans. Richard Gordon
(New York: Routledge, 2001), 169.
86
R. Merkelbach, “Mithras, Mithraism,” in Anchor Bible Dictionary, ed. David N. Freedman, vol. 4
(New York: Doubleday, 1996), 877-78.
 19

evidence is that within these mithraeum a distinct cultic icon, known as a tauroctony, has been

found. The tauroctony shows Mithras slaying a bull. 87

There are two basic approaches to the development of Mithraism. The first approach

was proposed by Franz Cumont argued in the late 19th century that the mysteries of Mithras are

directly connected to ancient Zoroastrianism.88 This approach was critiqued in a paper that R. L.

Gordon presented at the First International Congress of Mithraic Studies in 1971. Gordon argued

convincingly that the links that Cumont made between Zoroastrianism and the mysteries of

Mithras were incorrect.89 This article caused scholarship to look in a different direction for the

origin of the mysteries of Mithras and freed mithraic studies from the assumption of a Persian

origin. This change of focus allowed for a new approach to the origin of Mithraism that proposed

that the mysteries of Mithras actually developed within the Roman Empire.90

This section dealing with the mysteries of Mithras will be divided into three parts.

The first part of this section will consist of examining the origins of Mithraism with special

emphasis on the dating of the evidence. The second part of this section will examine possible

connections between Mithraism and astrology. The last part of this section will consist of an

attempt to reconstruct the rituals of Mithraism for extant primary sources.

87
Aune, “Religions, Greco-Roman,” 793.
88
Franz Cumont, The Mysteries of Mithra, trans. Thomas J. McCormack (New York: Dover
Publications, 1956; reprint, New York: Cosimo, 2007), 1-32.
89
R. L. Gordon, “Franz Cumont and the Doctrines of Mithraism,” in Mithraic Studies: Proceedings of
the First International Congress of Mithraic Studies, ed. John R. Hinnells, vol. 1 (Manchester, England: Manchester
University Press, 1975), 217-18.
90
David Ulansey, The Origins of the Mithraic Mysteries: Cosmology and Salvation in the Ancient
World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 12-14.
 20

The examination of the evidence for the origin of the mysteries of Mithras consists of

two pieces of primary source evidence. The first piece of evidence is the testimony of the Roman

author Plutarch in his account of the life of the Roman general Pompey.91 Plutarch recounts the

suppression of the Cilician pirates in the first century B.C. who were terrorizing the

Mediterranean Sea.92 In reference to Mithraism Plutarch states in reference to the Cilician pirates

that they “celebrated there certain secret rites, among which those of Mithras continue to the

present time, having been first instituted by them”93 Apart from this the next available evidences

comes from around 90 A.D. This evidence is summarized nicely by Manfred Clauss when he

states:

The earliest securely dated evidence for the cult of Mithras does not stem from Italy but
from the provinces; in each case, however, in connection with people originally from
Italy. An important example is the dedication of a centurion of the cohors XXXII
voluntariorum civium Romanorum from Nida, behind the Wetterau-limes in Germania
Superior (Heddernheim/Franfort am Main), that is, a unit recruited, unlike most auxiliary
units, from among Roman citizens – primarily Italians at this period ( V 1098). The
cohort was stationed in Nida ony until the end of the first century AD, when it was
transferred to Ober-Florstadt, a little further to the North-East. The inscription is thus
probably dated before about 90.94

The second part of this section deals with two different astrological interpretations of

the mithraeum and the taurotony. The first interpretation was proposed by Roger Beck and it is

based on the idea that the mithraeum was designed to display to the initiates of the mysteries of

91
Cumont, The Mysteries of Mithra, 36-37.
92
Plutarch Pomp. 24.1-5.
93
Plutarch Pomp. 24.5
94
Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras, 21.
 21

Mithras the ascent and descent of souls through the known cosmos.95 He bases this idea on a

passage from Porphyry which states:

Likewise the Persian mystagogues initiate their candidate by explaining to him the
downward journeys of the souls and their subsequent return, and they call the place
where this occurs a “cave.” First of all, according to Eubulus, Zoroaster consecrated a
natural cave in the mountains near Persia, a flowery cave with springs, to the honor of
Mithras, the creator and father of the universe, since the cave was for him an image of the
cosmos that Mithras created. The objects arranged symmetrically within the cave were
symbols of the elements and regions of the cosmos. Later, he continues, after Zoroaster,
the custom of performing the mysteries in caves and grottoes, whether natural or artificial
caught on among others as well.96

A second very different astrological interpretation of the tauroctony is by David Ulansey.

Ulansey proposes that:

To summarize briefly, a group of Stoicizing intellectuals in the Cilician capital of Tarsus

interested in the traditional Stoic concerns of astrology, astral religion, and astronomical
cycles learned of Hipparchus’ discovery of the precession of the equinoxes. They
hypothesized the existence of a new divinity responsible for the new cosmic
phenomenon, a divinity capable of moving the structure of the entire cosmos, and thus a
divinity of immense power. In typical Stoic fashion, they then personified this new
cosmic being in the form of their own native god, Perseus, the hero both of Tarsus and of
the heavens (owing to his being also a constellation). The fact that a highly appropriate
symbol for the precession would be the death of the bull (because the last constellation
the spring equinox had been in, according t Hipparchus’ discovery, was Taurus the bull)
was then combined with the fact that the constellation Perseus lay directly above Tarsus,
producing the image of the bull being killed by the hero directly above him. The image
signified that god’s tremendous power, which enabled him to end the Age of the Bull by
moving the entire universe in such a way that the spring equinox moved out of the
constellation Taurus.97

The last part of this section will examine the sacred meal of the cult of Mithras from

evidence that can be gleaned from several early Christian authors. The first author that speaks of

95
Roger Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered
Sun (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 16-17.
96
Porphyry Antr. nymph. 6.
97
Ulansey, The Origins of the Mithraic Mysteries, 93.
 22

this meal is Justin Martyr.98 Justin Martyr saw similarities, which he thought were satanically

inspired, between the Lord’s Supper and the analogous mithraic ritual but more significantly he

also states that the mithraic meal consisted of bread and water.99 Tertullian100 also alludes to the

sacrifice of bread as being part of mithraic practices but with no mention of the use of wine.101

In addition to the meal we have a small amount of information concerning the

initiation of Roman Mithraism from several sources. The first piece of information, from

Tertullian102, is that the initiate was crowned with a crown at the point of a sword.103 The second

piece of information, Firmicus Maternus104, is that the initiation concluded with a handshake.105

Summary

In summary we have seen from looking at the characteristics of several mystery cults

that there is no clear evidence of influence on Christianity. In the case of both the mithraic cultic

meal and the taurobolium of the cult of Attis it has been shown that they are very different from

similar New Testament practices. Now that we have examined the practices and beliefs of

various mystery cults this study will examine three examples in works targeted for a popular

audience of assertions that Christianity is influenced by various mystery religions.

98
Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras, 108.
99
Justin Martyr 1 Apol. 66.
100
Tertullian Praescr. 40.
101
Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras, 108-09.
102
Tertullian Cor. 15.
103
Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras, 103.
104
Firmicus Maternus Err. Prof. Rel. 5.2.
105
Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras, 105.
 23

Examples of Popular Assertions

The first example of popular assertion is found in an article by Shmuel Golding

contained in an article in a book with the shocking title, The Book Your Church Doesn’t Want

You to Read. Before looking at the argument of the article it is important to note that the article

completely lacks any citations of sources. The basic argument of the article is that Paul was

influenced by Mithraism because he was from Tarsus and because supposedly Paul used mithraic

like phrases. One key argument he makes is that there Paul borrowed the idea of Christ being the

rock which followed Israel in the wilderness in 1 Cor 10:4 from Mithraism. 106 Because he does

not cite a source for this it is hard really to tell what he is talking about but he seems to be

attempting to connect the inscriptional evidence for Mithras shooting a rock with an arrow and

water coming forth, known as the water miracle, to 1 Cor 10:4.107 The major problem with this is

that the allusion is unquestionably referring to a Jewish tradition that developed concerning the

events of Moses getting water from rocks in the wilderness in Exod 17:6 and Num 20:7–13.108 It

seems that by the time of Christ these actions by Moses had been interpreted allegorically in

Jewish circles. This can be seen in Philo109 where he associates the rock with the wisdom of

106
Shmuel Golding, “Paul: First Christian Heretic,” in The Book Your Church Doesn't Want You to
Read, ed. Tim C. Leedom (San Diego: Truth Seeker, 1993), 203.
107
Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras, 71-74.
108
Anthony C. Thiselton, The First Epistle to the Corinthians: A Commentary on the Greek Text, New
International Greek Testament Commentary, ed. I. Howard Marshall (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans
Publishing Company, 2000), 726.
109
Philo Leg. 2.82.
 24

God.110 Since the interpretation is based on an event that was recorded significantly before the

first evidence of Mithraism in the first century B.C. this argument should be rejected.

The second example of a popular assertion for a link is found in a book by Acharya S.

The book is actually a much broader attack on all of Christianity. The evaluation of this book

could probably in and of itself be a complete study. With reference to the mystery religions the

book has the following passage which states “The Christians form of the Eucharist is highly

similar to the ritual practiced as part of the Eleusinian Mysteries, in detail, as was unhappily

admitted by Christians from the beginning. The Eleusinian Eucharist honored by Ceres, goddess

of wheat and Bacchus/Dionysus, god of wine.”111 The first problem with this statement is that

the author asserts incorrectly that the Dionysus was a part of the mysteries of Eleusis. The

second issue is that the author is incorrect concerning the nature of the cultic practices at Eleusis.

It seems the author thinks that early Christian references to the cultic meal of Roman Mithraism

are actually references to the mysteries of Eleusis. The last issue is that the author simply states

the assertion without giving any supporting documentation.

The last example of a popular assertion for a link is found in a book by Payam Nabarz

about Mithraism. Nabarz points out several influences he sees Mithraism as having on

Christianity. This study will deal with only two which deal directly with potential influence on

the apostle Paul. First he argues that when Rom 1:23 speaks of the changing the image of the

invisible God into images of men and animals is a reference to animal masks possibly used in the

110
Hans Conzelmann, 1 Corinthians: A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians, trans.
James W. Leitch, Hermeneia, ed. George W. MacRae (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987), 166.
111
Acharya S, The Christ Conspiracy: The Greatest Story Ever Sold (Kempton, IL: Adventures
Unlimited Press, 1999), 200.
 25

mithraic initiation.112 There are two problems with this assertion. The first problem is that he does

not provide any evidence for the existence of the masks let alone evidence for a connection. The

second problem is that the most natural contextual reading of this text is that Paul is simply

referring to the generic idolatry rampant in Greco-Roman culture. The second argument for a

connection between Paul and Mithraism is that the armor of God passage in Ephesians 6 was

influenced the presence of warriors for Mithras in Tarsus while Paul was growing up.113 This

argument might hold much more weight if it were not for the fact that Paul was writing to the

province of Asia and not to Tarsus and even then nothing in the context of the passage hints at

this. Also Nabarz asserts that what Paul is saying is violent and contradicts what Jesus taught.114

The problem with this is that the violence is clearly spiritual and directed towards the devil.

Conclusion

It is the conclusion of this study that there is no conclusive evidence for any mystery

cult influence on the foundation of Christianity. In fact if anything it seems that a much more

likely and profitable type of inquiry would be looking for polemical attacks in the New

Testament against the various mystery cults. In looking at the examples presented in this study of

examples of assertions contained in works targeted at a popular audience it is obvious that they

generally do not understand nature and evidence for mystery cults. In fact it seems that they are

simply using random evidence and assertions to attack Christianity.

112
Payam Nabarz, The Mysteries of Mithras: The Pagan Belief That Shaped the Christian World
(Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, 2005), 47.
113
Ibid.
114
Ibid.
 26

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