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Beirut: City, Country, Location:

Imprint

Edited by A publication by Diwan* made possible by

BASIC
Beirut, Lebanon, Eastern Mediterranean Mona Fawaz, Ahmad Gharbieh and Mona Harb Prince Claus Fund for Culture and Development
Original Conception and the International Architecture Biennale Rot-
Population: Mona Fawaz terdam, IABR 2009/sub-exhibition refuge.

CITY
Municipal Beirut: 800.000 Mapping Conception and Design:
Metropolitan Beirut: 1.5 million Ahmad Gharbieh and Nadine Bekdache *Diwan is a collaborative research platform
Other contributions by: (in alphabetical order) initiated and curated by Philipp Misselwitz and

DATA
Area: Lara Deeb, Stephen Graham, Marwan Kaabour, Can Altay which brings together leading academ-
Municipal Beirut: 18 km2 Mazen Kerbaj, Nay al-Rahi, George Sidaoui, ics, practitioners and experts from the field of
Metropolitan Beirut: 67 km2 Hamed Sinno, Jana Traboulsi in addition to architecture and urban studies in Turkey and the
students enrolled in A331 Introduction to Urban Middles East. Diwan aims to provoke a critical
Theory at the American University of Beirut discourse on the current trends that are radically
in the 2007/2008 Fall class and Spring 2009: transforming cities in the region, focusing on
Yasmeen Abboud, Rudina Antoon, Michel voluntary and involuntary forms of urban exclu-
Azar, Farah Budeiri, Joanne Choueiri, Chadi sion and urban practices that confront, subvert
Dagher, Farah Fares el-Arab, Stephanie Feghali, and transgress a reality of growing spatial and
Basma Ibrahim, Ryam Idriss, Lea Nassif-Ksayer, social polarization. Through conducting new
Samidoun and others who preferred to remain field work, collecting reflections, thoughts, ideas,
anonymous and utopias, Diwan also hopes to act as a trigger
Research Assistance: and nucleus for a multitude of regional projects
Nadine Bekdache and Nancy Hamad and collaborationsand ultimately provide a
Text editing: n/a unique opportunity to generate links, networks,
Photography (in alphabetical order): and collaborations in a region that is geographi-
Fadi Asmar, Nadine Bekdache, Farah Budeiri, cally united with shared histories and numerous
Farah Fares al-Arab, Mona Fawaz, Marwan Kaa- cultural traditions, which is also dealing with
bour, Lea Nassif-Ksayer very similar challenges yet remains divided and
Interview transcriptions: Nadine Bekdache fragmented.
Translation: Theres something stalking me by
Nay el-Rahi (in Arabic) translated by Mona Harb Diwan publications include:
Graphic design: Studio Matthias Grlich IstanbulLiving in Voluntary and Involuntary
(Matthias Grlich, Charalampos Lazos Exclusion (edited by Eda nl-Ycesoy and Tan-
& Alexander Horn) sel Korkmaz with Yaar Adanal, Can Altay and
Printing: Berliner Zeitungsdruck, Germany Philipp Misselwitz)
Made possible by: BeirutMapping Security (edited by Mona
Prince Claus Fund for Culture and Development Fawaz, Ahmad Gharbieh and Mona Harb)
International Architecture Biennale Rotterdam, AmmanNeoliberal Urban Management (ed-
Mazen Kerbaj and Jana Traboulsi were IABR 2009/sub-exhibition refuge ited by Rami Farouk Daher)
invited to comment on the theme of security The American University of Beirut CairoResilience: City as Personal Practice
in Beirut. Traboulsis illustration (right) Acknowledgements: (Dina Shehyeb and Shahira Issa)
comes in response to Kerbajs. We are grateful to all contributors for their time DubaiMobility (Yasser Elsheshtawy and
and voluntary support for this project. Markus Miessen)
BEIRUT
MAPPING
Table of Contents

01Editorial map HIncome Divisions in Beirut
02Guest Editorial map IReligious Landmarks in Beirut
03Negotiating the Mapping Advantage 08Beyond Narrow Security Matters
map AVisible Security Mechanisms Income, Class, Religion, Gender and Other
in Municipal Beirut 09Trajectories and Current
04Intricacies of the Security Systems Practices in/of the City:
map BCrime & Riot Control Individualizing the Experience of Security

SECURITY
map CThe Public/Private Divide maps J110Trajectories
in Security Mechanisms 10Tariq al-Jdideh as Theme Park
05Recoding Security Systems fig. K1Curtain Flag Balconies
in the Municipal City fig. K2Surveillance Arguileh
06Living the Secure City fig. K3Leaders Monument
Student Research 11Pious Morality and New Spatialities
07Security at the Neighborhood map LPious Leisure Sites in al-Dahiya
Level Case Studies 12Samidoun
fig. DRabieh Israeli Aggression on Lebanon 2006
map EQoraytem map M1Infrastructure and Vital Sites
map FBeirut Central District map M2Locations Bombed
fig. G16In and Around Hamra

01Editorial
By Mona Fawaz,
Mona Harb and
Ahmad Gharbieh

The assassination of former Prime Minister Hariri semi-autonomous, militarized bodies. This is the
on February 14, 2005 precipitated in Lebanon, case, for example, of al-Dahiyah, Beiruts south-
and especially in Greater Beirut, a process of mil- ern suburb (the consolidated territory of Hez-
itarization and compartmentalization of space to bollah2), and of Palestinian refugee camps
an extent unseen since the end of the Lebanese throughout the country.
civil war in 1990. The sequence of assassinations Security concerns have also been emblematic of
and assassination attempts that ensued gradually the post-civil war reconstruction, especially in
legitimized the proliferation of security systems terms of the privatization of public security and

*
in order to protect a few politicians and political its deployment to protect the rich against other
institutions against a criminalized public. Since contenders to the spaces that they have declared
then, a sharp polarization of sectarian divisions as their territories. In that context, the recon-
and their degeneration into street fights in 2008 struction of Beiruts historic core in the early
also lead to the deployment of police and military 1990s by the private real-estate company Soli-
personnel in a number of locations identified as dere and its transformation into a downtown en-
hot spots where riot-control measures were tertainment area for the very rich is particularly
deemed necessary. Thus, temporary checkpoints, emblematic of the deployment of surveillance
closed roads, no parking signs, security cam- and the control of public spaces. It was indeed
eras, speed bumps, sand bags, tanks, and other there that the first comprehensive private secu-
aspects of the security deployment apparatus rity program was established to control access
have become familiar elements of the cityscape, to major public spaces in the city. Beirut down-
which almost every dweller has to navigate daily. towns project became eventually the emblem of
Banks, malls, and large department stores intro- the neoliberal urban and economic strategies that
duced screening measures such as bag searches, largely determined the citys development during
electronic detectors, and car inspections. A num- the next years, yielding a politics of marginaliza-
ber of buildings such as the main headquarters tion based on class divisions. This trend eventu-
of political parties, central police stations, public ally continued to define the development of the
agencies, and the United Nations Headquarters city that has now acquired a well-defined land-
were turned into bunkers, separated from their scape of privately secured zones where the citys
surroundings by layers of concrete barriers and upper income dwellers have established their
barbed wire. It very well seems that the milita- territories. These consist of buildings (e.g. malls,
rization of urban space increasingly denounced shopping centers, boutiques, restaurants, cafes,
by social and urban theorists1 has caught-up high-end residential towers, sea resorts) and in-
with the Lebanese capital city. frastructure systems (e.g. highway networks, air-
As impelling as it is, the recent political turmoil port, seaports) that cater to their needs. In these
cannot be decried as the sole reason behind the areas, private security systems have also deployed
proliferation of security enforcement practices their visible architecture of exclusion that pro-

* Residential Area
in the city. These practices indeed are rooted in tects the private reserves where the well-heeled Student project/intervention
the history of Lebanons civil war, when Beirut can wander undisturbed. ( mapH). This is a residential area
was fragmented into well-delineated territories, The two security regimesthe one protecting by Hamed Sinno, 2008.
each controlled by a sectarian militia. In fact, a the politician and the one protecting the high- A commentary on the proliferation
number of the current security arrangements income city dwelleroften intersect in their of security measures using the
date back to the civil war, especially so-called mechanisms of operation, as capital and politics language of the official signage.
areas of self-rule where security is handled by often collude along similar lines of interest.
01Editorial (continued) tion flee the capital to the surrounding moun- their presence to well-defined cloisters primar- Mona Fawaz is Assistant Professor in Urban

For example, the security apparatus of the tains and abroad while the city becomes a refuge ily at the outskirts ( mapsJ110). For others, Planning and Design at the American University
March 14 headquarters in the area of Koraytem for people escaping the Israeli shelling of villages however, the security system may be a source of of Beirut; her research investigates low-income
( mapE) blends private and public security and towns in South Lebanon and South Beirut. disturbance but also security against petty crime urban dwellers abilities to take part in the mak-
systems in closely coordinated ways. Security In this process, many buildings change functions and assault, as argued by this middle-income ing of the city through the production of informal
regimes also deploy a relatively unified range of (e.g. schools turned into temporary shelters) and single woman who looks at the fortification of neighborhoods and/or the negotiation of large-
architectural elements and measures: high-end new divisions are generated between areas hospi- her neighborhood with mixed feelings Oth- scale planning projects.
shoppers and political actors hide behind the table to refugees and areas that arent.5 ers still described them as understandable mea-
same type of barbed wire while each claims pro- The various security mechanisms in Beirut ulti- sures of self-defense, especially when it comes Mona Harb is Associate Professor in Urban Plan-
tection from the otherwithout, again, exclud- mately consolidate in the formation of an anx- to the supporters of a particular figure or move- ning and Policy at the American University of Bei-
ing the possibility for a same actor to move regu- ious cityscape with varying levels of intensity: hot ment. As researchers, we do not leave the scene rut; her research interests investigate the cultural
larly across categories. But, what makes Beirut's spotsthe symbolic centers of political control unscathed ourselves: visits to police stations and geography and the local governance of Lebanese
architecture of security perhaps also different where the map reflects an intense concentration private militia headquarters constitute part and Shi'a groups.
from other contexts are the blatant and invasive of security elements, and diffuse areas where parcel of our fieldwork experiences, whether it
ways in which these mechanisms have been op- the presence of the security apparel becomes is to secure permits to allow us to conduct field- Ahmad Gharbieh is Associate Creative Director
erating with no efforts to conceal and/or mini- comparatively dilutednonetheless almost al- work or in interrogation sessions after the fact, at Mind the gap agencyBeirut and a graphic de-
mize their impacts and visibility. We are hence ways present. Security is furthermore a dynamic when our presence and activities were deemed sign instructor at the American University of Bei-
far from the high-tech/relatively transparent and continuously changing concept. It operates suspicious by the authorities on the ground. The rut. He specializes in mapping theory and design.
technologies deployed in other capital cities of within temporal regimes of crisis time6 and risks also involve losing more than a research as-
the so-called developed world.3 The security normal time as well as night/day, etc. during sistant, as happened early on in the course of this
apparatus takes precedence over all other priori- which the cordoned-off areas spill over to their mapping when one of our assistants, confronted 1An early discussion of these themes can be
ties in the Lebanese capital, especially in its mu- surroundings, including in their bunkers addi- to the scrutiny of the police force, rapidly opted seen in S.Graham (ed.), Cities, War, and Terror-
nicipal area where, as illustrated in our maps, no tional streets and blocks, while additional hot to change professions! Ultimatelyresearcher or ism, (Malden: Blackwell Publishing, 2004).
neighborhood escapes the trend unscathed. The spots are created and neighborhood-level orga- noteach urban dweller develops a competence 2For a detailed history of the production of the
main exception to this visible architecture of fear nization of security patrols and surveillance are for reading and navigating the security systems, Southern Suburbs of Beirut in relation to Hez-
as a means of security in Beirut are the popular deployed. This is why the mapping we present which is added to the panoply of skills needed to bollah, see M.Harb, Deconstructing Hezbollah
and religiously homogeneous neighborhoods of should be taken with a grain of salt: we provide survive the city. and its Suburbs, Merip (242): 1217, 2007.
municipal Beirut and its suburbs where security one representation, mapped as accurately as pos- Despite severe impacts on the citys practices and 3J.Coaffee in S.Graham (2004) op cit, for ex-
is often insured by the dwellers who organize pa- sible, however valid for the time and duration of business activities, security systems have seldom ample, describes Londons Ring of Steel where
trols and surveillance rounds to protect their the actual survey. It reflects mechanisms and pro- been discussed in the local media. It is as if, public despite a number of visible elements (e.g. plas-
community, especially in times of conflict (see for cesses at a particular moment rather than a per- opinion has accepted their proliferation as a nat- tic cones), the thrust of the security deployment
instance, the case of Tariq al-Jdideh analyzed by manent reality. ural mechanism of self defense without discuss- consists of high-tech transparent elements.
M. Kaabour, 07f). Among these areas, al-Dahi- Security mechanisms affect deeply the way the ing their implications This is why the voices of 4This is when the 2006 Israeli war on Lebanon
yah (Beiruts southern suburbs) stands out for its city is practiced and lived. They redefine what the students, contributors and artists included in led to the demolition of the entire headquar-
unique and highly organized surveillance system is acceptable and what is not in the balance be- this paper are particularly important: they reflect ters of Hezbollah, once an urban fortress, in the
in the hands of Hezbollah. There, securityespe- tween infringement on individual civil liberties, some of the (only) dissent that we have encoun- neighborhood of Haret Hreik and wreaked havoc
cially since 20064relies on a set of relatively on the one hand, and acceptable levels of threat, tered in the local scene. Yet, at a critical level, we in the residential and commercial fabric of this
transparent mechanisms (such as patrolling) and on the other. They also reverse the private/pub- argue that security systems confront us with a re- area.
dwellers are integrated in the hierarchies of the lic divide, allowing private control over the use of definition of what is meant by the urban, one that 5The last large scale Israeli attack dates back to
security system and required to scrutinize and public spaces. They also establish new social hi- reverses perhaps decades or theoretical debates 2006. Prior to that, we can list by way of example
report suspicious activities. The organization erarchies defined according to users competence about the potentialities of the city and its abil- 1993 and 1996 as well as the Israeli occupation of
of neighborhood security is facilitated by a his- and the various forms of capital they can activate ity to generate innovative forms of social syner- Beirut in 1982.
tory of spatial production during the Lebanese in this new order. Hence, the implications of this gies and cultural or political action.8 Instead, 6Crisis time can be related to particular inci-
civil war which turned zones in the vicinities of security deployment varies considerably across we are faced with a formulation of the city cen- dents (street fights, a fiery political speech, etc.)
the Lebanese capital city into relatively homoge- users, depending on ones position in the local tered on fear, an anxious urbanism that strongly and/or events, such as elections. In that context,
neous religious territories. Hence most dwellers social, gender, moral, national, and class hier- recalls discourses of the early industrial era that the map of Beirut in June 2009 is particularly
in al-Daihyah are aligned with Hezbollahs politi- archies. This is why our investigation extends we thought decades of critical urban theory had relevant.
cal and social priorities and happily contribute to to document, map out, and contrast the effects buried forever. Practices of urban planning, in 7For an articulation of the position of migrant
its security system (see the case of Haret Hreik, of these security systems on individual users se- turn, shift their concerns towards the control and workers in space, A.Ong, Neoliberalism as Ex-
07e) while most dwellers in Tariq al-Jadidah lected from different social group and the way subjugation of individual bodies whereby city- ception, (NC: Duke UP, 2007).
are aligned with Hariris political orientation. each of these users negotiates them in her/his zens are reconstructed as potential threats to be 8We are here, of course, chiefly referring to the
Finally, one cannot profile security concerns in daily practices. Our findings indicate for instance curtailed rather than voices to be heard and in- work of H.Lefebvre in, for example, his manifes-
Beirut without documenting how outside threats that foreign migrant workers whose free circula- cluded. City air makes one free, argued once a to The Right to the City (1968), published in Eng-
most specifically Israeli attacks, reconfigure tion in urban space is itself constructed as suspi- Weber enthusiastically reflecting on the poten- lish in E.Kofman and E.Lebas, Writings on Cities,
the citys spaces. During those times, Lebanon cious7 experience the security system as an op- tiality of the urban.9 Beirut seems today far (MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1996), pp. 147159.
operates under a crisis status whereby, on the pressive presence which alters their movements, from actualizing this prediction. 9M.Weber, The City, (Illinois: The Free Press,
one hand, large sections of the Beiruts popula- rendering certain areas inaccessible and limiting 1958).

02Guest Editorial
The term security is crucially important be- spatial imaginaries of malign presence and threat
By Stephen Graham

often able to benefit from the ubiquity of urban lence, rape, environmental collapse, climate
cause it is at once ubiquitous and ill-defined against which the urban is reconstituted against? security discourses in a wide variety of ways. changeare systematically obfuscated within
within the contemporary transformations of And what threats and risks are systematically de- Whole varieties of resistance and social move- urban political discussion.
cities. On the one hand, Georgio Agemben has nied within such imaginations? ments can be bundled together as terrorist and In what follows, the Beirut team provides an
argued convincingly that a key feature of con- The power and threat of urban securitization radically de-legitimized at a stroke. Legal and extraordinary overview of how ubiquitous dis-
temporary shifts towards states of political ex- to truly democratic imaginations of urban life civil rights of assembly, due process and trans- courses of security become manifest in very
ception is the way the imperative of security stems from the vague, all-encompassing and self- parency, achieved through decades or centuries real, rapid and dramatic urban transforma-
now imposes itself of the basic principle of perpetuating nature of the discourses that sustain of democratic struggle, can be systematically tions. As an exemplar of the complex politics
state activity. What used to be one among it. Who, after all, is going to argue in favor of ur- denied and trampled. Political discourse can and materialities of urban securitisation, Bei-
several decisive measures of public admin- ban insecurity? Sociologists of knowledge use the be chilled. Intrusive and authoritarian poli- rut deserves our detailed scrutiny.
istration until the first half of the twentieth term interpretive flexibility to highlight the way cies and surveillance systems can be introduced
century, he continues, now becomes the sole certain terms, whilst gaining ubiquitous presence and civilian policy domains militarized. Urban Stephen Graham is a Professor of Human
criterion of political legitimation. Thus urban and complete normalization, at the same time re- landscapes can be re-engineered into militarized Geography at the University of Durham in
political and cultural spheres as diverse as ar- main ill-defined and vague as their power derives camps separated by check points and passage- the UK.
chitecture, urban design, social policy, immi- from both their endless circulation and normal- points demanding that travelers demonstrate a
gration management, transport management, ization, and the way their meaning can be imag- priori legitimacy before gaining access. Finally, Reference
infrastructure policy, spatial planning, pub- ined and interpreted in a myriad of ways. convergent complexes of surveillance, correc- Agamben,G. (2002), Security and terror,
lic health, utility management and of course As we can see from the wonderful work by Mona tions, military, defense, entertainment, architec- Theory and Event, 5:4, 2002, 12.
urban everyday life become utterly infused Fawaz and colleagues in Beirut, the critical point tural, engineering, and corrections can fuse with
in many cities with complex discourses of se- here is that the circulation of vague discourses of political elites and feed at the trough of burgeon-
curity. And yet, simultaneously, very little at- urban securitization has very real and very im- ing public monies removed from social, welfare
tention falls on what this term might actually portant political, cultural and material efects on or health domains without democratic scrutiny.
mean. What actually is urban security? Securi- cities. For example, dominant elites and power Paradoxically, as this can happen when very real
ty of what? Security from what? Where are the holders, and corporate political economies, are insecuritiesagainst car traffic, domestic vio-
03Negotiating the Mapping
Advantage
Maps conceal certain realities only in order to
By Ahmad Gharbieh

to speak about the territory and deliver the real- fostered an empty space, he explains, and ac- and challenges the necessity of spatial detail, the
make visible a set of connections otherwise un- ity we want to expose. While the guards, tanks, quired a silent appearance, one that facilitated work of Marwan Kaabour ( fig.K13) delivers
seen through the lived experience of the spaces road blocks and all the other elements are usually conduct and palliated its moral dimension. diagrammatic representations that transcend
we occupy. In this sense, maps serve specific in- justifiedequally by most city users and by those It became very clear at some point that an alter- this concern with accuracy altogether. They con-
terests, and what they hide can acquire the virtue who secure itas necessary protective measures native approach to this common power-driven struct an imagined reality that seems to equally,
of making discernible what they show. This selec- reacting to punctual political events, the map dehumanization of the territory is crucial to if not more effectively, trace the intricate pro-
tivity in the mapping process is furthermore re- delivers another reading which brings latent de- paint a valuable picture of the current militariza- cesses of security and control as they appropriate
sponsible for formulating the general interest of marcations to the surface and traces a number tion of urban space in Beirut and communicate the many lived aspects of the urban space and
the map, its theme, its purpose, and ultimately its of dimensions besides the political, exposing a the real concerns that evoked this investigation in depend on the support of the communities in-
unavoidable bias. state-capital coalition that questions the official the first place. Mapping out peoples trajectories habiting it.
In the case of mapping security measuresand nature of the secured city. The two other maps ( maps J) became a device through which rep- Perhaps the most refreshing of contributions
their corresponding experiential consequences (maps B,C) that qualify distinctions between resentations can begin to tell stories and provide in this document are the ones that are less con-
in a city witnessing a continuous rise of control site protection/riot control and public/private a reading of securing networks that emerge not cerned with the informative and more focused
mechanisms that are at once imposed on the ur- manifestations of security, emphasize these read- only as a result of the physical deployments and on the speculative, or even the introspective as
ban landscape and normalized in practice, the in- ings. The maps drop the detail in favor of more security programs presented in earlier maps, but in the case of the visual dialogue between Ma-
terest of the map could not merely be to point out analytical observationsanother proof of the also the threat status of each individual user. zen Kerbaj and Jana Traboulsi closing our paper
what is being secured, it has to also delineate the power of what is absent from the map vis--vis Another limitation of the map, especially the geo- (back cover).
ways in which sites are being secured and reflect the territory it represents. graphic one, results from its deep-rooted concern Cosgrove (1999, 12) explains that how to map
on the reasons that dictate such deployments. If But to be selective in a map is also a limitation. with an ethics of accuracy. This can be discussed is in one way or another to take the measure of
not, the representation would be limited to a vi- The most alarming observation made in the ini- as the result of a myth of scientism, a preoccupa- a world, and more than merely take it, to figure
sualization of data that la limite is more telling tial stages of the surveying and mapping work tion with objectiveness and impartiality that en- the measure so taken in such a way that it may be
when lived than when read. was the absence of the everyday user from the ables the social dimension to be denied and pass communicated between people, places or times.
It is in this sense that the choice to represent the resulting representations. Unfortunately, the hu- unnoticed. Accuracy is never the issue, only the And just as the mapping measure can equally be
observations made (the data collected) in two man element is not classically the stuff of maps. cover. As he deconstructs the agendas embedded mathematical and political, its record can also be-
distinct sets of codes becomes very important. In And experiences, rather than observations, often in mapmaking practices, Denis Wood insists: It long to the archival as much as the remembered,
map A, the most detailed and comprehensive prove to be too individually specific, too varied is not precision that is at stake, but precision with imagined or contemplatedand the world it fig-
map presented in this document, the space disci- for the generalizing methods maps depend on to respect to what? ures performed in various ways.
pline seen around the city is deciphered into (i) a be able to work. It was a great opportunity to encounter projects
qualitative reading of restrictions on access that This was a real concern. The general map car- reflecting on the theme of security in Beirut in References
begin to mark the citys security hot spots and ried an undeclared message, an assumption that parallel to this investigation but with interest- Harley, J.B. (1997) Maps, Knowledge, and
(ii) a listing of elementsa sort of inventory users experiences are uniform, and that their ingly different outcomes. Some of the samples Power, in Cosgrove, Denis and Daniels, Stephen
that documents the type of physical elements positionality does not play an active role in the of George Sidaouis project ( fig.G16) are (eds) The Iconography of Landscape: Essays on
that make the disciplining both possible and negotiation of the security measures they are based on data collected purely through experi- the Symbolic Representation, Design and use of
sustainable. being subjected to. These types of assumptions ence (walking, driving, using the phone), and past environments. Melbourne; New York: Cam-
While the two sets of information are inseparable are typical of mapmaking practices that evolved others sacrifice the geographic backdrop to con- bridge University Press.
in actuality, their clear distinction in the map al- historically as intellectual apparatus of power, struct diagrams that can quantitatively assess Wood, Denis (1992) The Power of Maps. Lon-
lows for connections to be drawn and analytical claiming and legitimizing realities with extreme- levels of security as they respond to the nature of don; New York: The Guilford Press.
readings to be made. ly serious consequences. J.B. Harley puts forward what is being secured and the threats that are be- Cosgrove, Denis (1999) Introduction: Map-
It is precisely these decisions that separate the military maps as an example of sign systems that ing defined in the process. ping Meaning, in Cosgrove, Denis (ed) Mappings.
map from the territory (the reality we sense) transformed along with the techniques of war- And when this work draws connections from in- London: Reaktion Books.
and it is also the same ones that enable the map fare from siege tactics to mobile strategies. They formation with respect to a single point of view,

Flyover cutting through residential areas,


Nabah/Bourj Hammoud.
map AVisible Security
Mechanisms in
Municipal Beirut

AUB EIN EL MERAISSE


RAS BEIRUT BEIRUT
CENTRAL
DISTRICT

HAMRA KANTARI
MANARA JOMBLAT

SANAYEH
GARDEN

QORAYTEM
TALLET SANAYEH
BA
ED DROUZ ZARIF BAC
CEM
RAOUCHE
EIN EL TINE PATRIARCAT

BASTA
GARDEN
DAR EL
FATWA BA
HASSAN KHALED EL
GARDEN

MOUSSAITBE
BA
EL

TALET EL BORJ
RAMLET KHAYAT ABI HAIDAR
Secured landmark
EL BAIDA
Under bridge

Secured street
WATA
Checkpoint MAZRAA
Parking prohibited
Trafc ow moderated
UNESCO
Checkpoint for closed area
Street access denied
Street access narrowed
Road lane occupied

Police booth
MEDITERRANEAN SEA MALAAB
Army booth
Private security booth EL BALADI
MAR ELIAS
Tank
Military vehicle
Lift arm
Fortifying wall
Sand bags TARIQ
Heavy blocks EL JDIDE
Movable elements
Barbed wire
Road spikes
Metal detector AL-MADINA
Surveillance camera AL-RYIADIYEH

More than 3
JNAH
More than 7
04Intricacies
of the Security
Systems
(Survey conducted between February
and July 2009) Map A highlights the blatantly detectable as-
pects of the security deployment within Munici-
pal Beirut. It identifies streets and security mea-
sures in visible operation, points out the different
physical elements in use and locates the many
forms of access restrictions, such as no parking
measures or permanent checkpoints that con-
tinuously redefine public spaces in the city. The
widespread webs of security emerge as intricate
programs that are orchestrated between military,
KHODR police and private security forces, and that heav-
ily depend on a multitude of physical elements,
most of which are extremely invasive, including
JISR tanks, concrete blocks, sand bags and barbed
wire. Furthermore, the different security hubs
PORT appear to be of two types: i) elaborate systems
MAR that spread across well-defined neighborhoods,
MIKHAEL usually for securing a number of closely located
QOBAIYAT sites, and ii) deployments of a lesser intensity.
The latter are either in isolated high-end com-
REMEIL
mercial or residential locations where private
SAYFEH security is in operation, or in strategic points of
MAR intersection around the city where the army is
NQOULA JEITAOUI mostly to be seen. The coding in this map quali-
HIKME HOPITAL
fies security measures and breaks them down
ORTHODOXE
ACHOURA into physical elements and material effects on
CHOURA
METERY space, allowing for connections between the type
FURN EL of security and the intensity of deployment to be
HAYEK made. This map is the exhaustive visual record
MAR
upon which further analysis is carried out.
YESSOUEIYE MITR
GHABI
ASTA BORJ
L TAHTA HAMMOUD
CORNICHE
EN NAHR
ACHRAFIEH
ASTA
L FAWQA
NASRA SIOUFI

SIOUFI
EL RAS
GARDEN

AAMLIYE EN NABA HOTEL


DIEU
SIN EL FIL
A
PALAIS
DE JUSTICE SALOME

HIPPODROME

PARC BADARO

FURN
ECH CHEBBAK
HORJ
HIRSH BEIRUT

EIN
ER ROMMANE

JISR BACHA

CHIYAH

GHOBEIRI
05Re-coding Security Systems
in the Municipal City
The Public/Private Divide es various police forces as well as the Lebanese MapB indicates a clear separation of these vate are always less clear than they seem. It is, for
in Security Mechanisms Army that is particularlybut not exclusively systems, with the concentration of public secu- example, customary for political figures to select
The two maps propose a simplified re-coding active with riot control. Private systems include rity systems along riot lines and around particu- the members of their (public) security person-
of the material presented in mapA that an array of private security companies hired by lar areas housing politicians. It also shows that nel among their declared supporters within the
highlights specific aspects of the security de- politicians as well as private businesses (malls, the systems strongly intersect in two locations, ranks of the police and army forces.
ployment within Municipal Beirut. MapC individual stores, banks, etc.) and luxurious resi- closely associated with the current governments
stresses the existence of two types of security dential facilities. They also include private armed political headquarters: Beirut Downtown and
systems, one public and the other private. The guards hired directly by politicians to insure Qoraytem. ( maps E, F for a thicker description
public system includes all those actors who re- their own safety. of this intersection). The map however conceals
port to national state agencies and encompass- the fact that boundaries between the public/pri-

map BCrime & Riot Control

Crime
Riot Control
Crime and Riot Control its Christian and Muslim belligerent quarters. It appointments and/or other incidents, when ad-
MapB undertakes a similar simplification of indeed shows that the old demarcation lines con- ditional tanks and military deployment extend
the coding to highlight the location of two dif- tinue to play the role of hot points in some sec- the impact of riot control to a new scale.
ferent types of security threats: individual crime tions of the city while additional divisions, nota-
(whether in the form of an attack against a politi- bly those separating various (Muslim) Shiite and
cian or through petty crime, theft, etc.) vs. com- (Muslim) Sunni working class neighborhoods,
munal tensions (riot control). The map is inter- have emerged. Our limited survey doesnt how-
esting to read against the historic green line of ever allow us to account for the temporalities of
the city, the demarcation line that divided Beirut such a map which changes considerably during
during the Lebanese civil war (19751990) into crisis time, such as during elections, political

map CThe Public/Private


Divide in Security Mechanisms

Private security
Public security
Mixed public and
private security
Jal el-Bahr, Beirut/Internal street

One of the main victims of the security sys-


tem are students coming to the Grand Lycee.
The school is surrounded by the central
police station of the areaturned into a real
fortress in the cityand the private security of
the French embassy. As a result, the students
buses and cars are searched in the morning,
causing huge traffic jams and spill-overs.
Needless to say, students feel very uncomfort-
able with this.
SARAH-RITA

There are many inconveniences attached to


living in the same building with NK [a former
Minister]. If [NK] or his son is planning to
leave the building, the parking curtains (added
for his security) are shut down and building

06Living the
accesses (in and out) are blocked. If I am in
my car at the time he is leaving in the morn-
ing, I have to wait for him to arrive, watch him
being accompanied to his car by three body-

secure city
guards, and stand still until he leaves and the
curtains are opened again. The same applies
By Mona Fawaz when he or his son are expected to enter the
building in the coming minutes. I am asked to
wait for them to arrive before I am allowed en-
Student Research trance to my own building. The same happens
to visitors who are actually prohibited from
In Fall 2007/08, I assigned to a class of 29 un- hence the easy superficial denouncement of an approaching the building.
dergraduate architecture students enrolled in other. This requirement had the added advan- Inside the building, [NK] has added steel
A331 Introduction to Urban Theory at the Ameri- tage of building on their familiarity with the se- doors that block the building public stairway
can University of Beirut the task of researching curity codes in their respective neighborhoods, leading to and from his second floor apart-
security mechanisms in the city. I asked them a familiarity they needed in order to navigate ment. These doors are locked day and night.
to document security instances, looking at safely the suspicious eyes of security apparatuses. This means that all the buildings dwellers
the multiplicity of ways in which these mecha- Three foreign students were exempted from this living above the second floor cannot use
nisms operated and how they had influenced requirement, since they lived on campus and/or the staircase anymore [there is no fire exit].
their experiences and practices, be it in terms near AUB mapped instead other areas outside the In case of emergency, if we cannot use the
of restrictions and/or negotiations. I wanted class coverage. elevator, we are stuck behind his steel door.
to encourage them to think critically about the The students findings went well beyond my ex- But the inconvenience is felt daily: when the
ways in which surveillance mechanisms were pectations. I discovered that only one out of 26 electricity is cut, I cannot leave my apartment
altering their experiences of the city. Since ones Lebanese students couldnt list a relatively severe at all. Since I have no way of contacting the
perception of security mechanisms is strongly security deployment around her/his residential guards to tell them to open the door for me, I
influenced by ones political position, whether area. The fact that these students came from a go back up home and wait for the electricity to
she/he associates with the political figure being wide variety of religious and income groups and come back.
protected and/or feels threatened by an other from different sections of the city indicated that DANA
behind the riot security line, it was important the security deployment was indeed extensive
for the students to conduct this research reflex- and warranted more research. Excerpts shown
ively. I hence required each student to map the on these two pages come from 20003000 words
neighborhood and/or block in which she/he assignments and photographic essays and hardly
dwelled, thinking that in Beiruts geography give credit to the richness of the students map-
of religious and income segregation, it was ping. The surveys of Qoraytem, Rabieh and Bei-
important for each student to critique the de- rut Downtown as well as the analysis of the se-
ployed security mechanism from within ones curity mechanisms in Beiruts southern suburbs
own religious and/or income groupavoiding (al-Dahiya) are also taken from this work.
Ayn el-Mreisseh, sea-front boulevard
and entrance to the Campus of the American
University of Beirut
In January 2007, after sectarian clashes
opposed Sunni (Muslim) and Shiite (Muslim)
students in the Beirut Arab University, Tariq
el-Jdideh was assaulted by motorcyclists car-
rying wood sticks and breaking everything on
their way: car windows, shop windows, etc.
[] The neighborhood residents responded
to the invasion by throwing everything they The parking restrictions imposed to secure
could find out of their balconies: tiles, flower the house of the Minister [MP] cause a huge
pots, water pipe arguileh, etc. Young men also congestion for the Church. [] On Sundays
gathered and marched to stop the invasion. and on special occasions, the area gets over-
[] In the few hours following this event, crowded and the once joyful social gatherings
Tariq el-Jdideh turned into a highly milita- have turned into a cacophony of honking,
rized zone. [] Army trucks brought dozens screaming, threatening, etc.
of soldiers, check points were established, In the construction site nearby, scrutiny is
tanks were strategically located at hot points, unbearable: all trucks are checked, the times
and roads were blocked. [] This created an at which they are allowed to arrive and/or
ambivalent feeling of security and estrange- park are restricted, all workers are IDed and
ment among the neighborhood inhabitants checked whenever they walk in/out of the
who were neither prepared nor accustomed site (only Lebanese workers are allowed), etc.
to such procedures. In the following days, Surveillance cameras are directed towards the
the procedures varied in type and intensity: construction site. One of the residents living
road blocks were replaced by metal barriers there stated that, [MP]s men wont relax until
forcing cars to zigzag, some checkpoints were the contractor becomes one of them... They
removed, etc. want to take over everything.
FARAH FARES EL-ARAB Dwellers in the apartments directly facing the
Ministers building have complained that they
never open the windows and the curtains fac-
ing his residence due to the army of cameras
that are directed towards them 24/7. They feel
that this other who is watching them is actu-
ally staying with them in the house. Someone
stated, Its our own flat, yet we feel weve
become strangers in it because of all these
cameras watching us all the time. Bedrooms
to that side have been moved to the other
even if sometimes the layout of the house
doesnt work.
RUDINA ANTOON

I have to go through the [Ayn el-Tineh] check-


point whenever I go to AUB. Whenever I pass
through this checkpoint, I slow down and lower
the music volume. I also always notice the
large poster of N.B. in the center of the round-
about.
ABDEL HALIM

The Saha was the one and only public


space in Tariq el-Jdideh; the main gathering
space for the young men of the area. On many
occasions, such as after a football game,
celebrations used to take place in the saha.
Today any kind of gathering is forbidden.
Even religious occasions such as a mawlid The [former Ministers] security person-
are held quietly. nel harasses everybody. The area where he
BASMA IBRAHIM moved used to act as a hang-out for foreign
migrant workers looking for daily work. []
Many bridges surround my home and to avoid Now all these workers have fled the area since
the traffic that they create, the politicians tend the Ministers security personnel treated them
to take the route in front of my house as a in inhumane ways. In fact, most workers re-
shortcut to their destination since it links to fuse to come to Roumieh today because they
inner roads and out of traffic. But to take this fear the potential harassment, even if they are
road all of them have to go in the opposite coming with a one of the Lebanese dwellers in
direction of the highway. What the army tends the area to work for him. But its not only the
to do is to close the highway segment that workers, everyone is stopped. I get very often
leads to the Dbayeh Bridge by stationing a stopped and asked for an ID, and I have lived
military tank at that location and hence secure here long before the Minister became a Minis-
an exclusive passage for VIPs. All the politician ter in fact, I have lived here even before he
cars are armored and have jammers on them, moved to Roumieh.
so when the convoy passes under my house, MICHEL AZAR
all the phones are jammed and the television
screen is scrambled.
CHADI DAGHER
07Security at the
Neighborhood Level Case Studies
The neighborhood case studies present accounts upper-income residential area accustomed to a town, its status as a high-end political center Sidaouis graphic design thesis documents the
of the proliferation of security mechanisms in high level of private and municipal security to since 1990 has necessitated the prevalence of a deployment of security mechanisms in the area
Greater Beirut. Each of the cases highlights the protect wealth is faced with a new form of secu- wide private and public security deployment. of Hamra and its vicinities.
ways in which daily practices and commercial ac- rity in which the upper income families are iden- This deployment however took new forms with
tivities have been profoundly altered by the secu- tified themselves as threats to the politicians the sit-in staged by the political opposition to Mapping for Rabieh, Downtown, Qoraytem and
rity apparel. These case studies address a variety who moved in their exclusive neighborhood. the Government between 2006 and 2008. This Haret Hreik is based on student work presented
of situations, depending on the location and/or Over time, private security protecting wealth section is complemented by two longer student in 2007/2008 and 2009 in A331, Introduction to
position of the neighborhood within the Greater has dwindled as cordoned-off areas and politi- essays that describe neighborhood security pro- Urban Theory, at the American University of Bei-
City map. cal guards took over the neighborhood. A new cesses that rely on dweller involvements. Two rut. George Sidaoui and Marwan Kaabour are
The analysis shows that the position of the neigh- zoning is eventually imposed on the area, with different configurations, one centralized under presenting sections of their Final Year Graphic De-
borhood in the city prior to the deployment of the its own security logic. A similar pattern of crimi- the authority of a political party (al-Dahiya) and sign thesis. When not listed, names were withheld
security apparatus affects considerably how this nalizing dwellers is prevalent in the Qoraytem the other not (Tariq el-Jdideh) are presented in on the students request in order to protect their
apparatus is deployed and how it affects users. area and is documented through security ele- ways that reflect the position of the two students individual safety.
Rabieh, for example, which was traditionally an ments and user practices. As for Beirut Down- in their own neighborhoods. Finally, George

07aCriminalizing the Rich


on their Own Turf
Rabieh is a high-end exclusive suburban neigh- mechanisms associated especially with protec- foundly affected local practices: The neighbor- The table and images in this case study build
borhood situated in the North-East of Greater tion against theft. hood playground is now squatted by army tents on the student work of Yasmeen Abboud,
Beirut. The neighborhood was historically de- Since 2005, Rabieh has been divided into several and walking paths and vehicular networks have Joanne Choueiri, Lea Nassif-Ksayer and
veloped along the lines of a typical American zones where several systems of protection (mu- been adapted and modified, sometimes closed Stephanie Feghali in A331, An Introduction to
suburban housing model, designed as a safe nicipal, military and private) cater to the needs off. Ironically, private security has dwindled with Urban Theory (Fall 200708).
haven for middle and upper income Lebanese of the political figures who have established resi- these measures as many residents have decided
families. During the Lebanese civil war, the dence in this area. These include intensive mu- not to renew the contracts they maintained until
neighborhood also became a retreat for promi- nicipal patrols, car identification slips and park- then with private security firms. The now empty
nent Lebanese figures and the location of many ing permits for residents and visitors, closed off booths that used to house trained private secu-
embassies. As such, it relied on private security areas, etc. These security mechanisms have pro- rity guards are indicative of this change.

Security measures post 2005


Zone Aprominent political figures (PF) Zone B,Cpolitical figures/Ambassadors (A)
Location Around PF property Closed Off Area Street Around PF/A property Street
Measures Camera; Police guard; 2 army guards at every Army checkpoint Army checkpoint Increase in municipal
Personal guard gate checking cars and patrol; Distribution of
questioning visitors; resident cards and 5
Jamming mobile phone visitors cards to each
network resident household
Against Car explosion and criminal attacks Car explosion and criminal attacks

Security measures Prior to 2005

Location Within property Around Property Street


fig DRabieh
Zone A,B,C: A,Bindividual villas/houses; Csingle apt. in 5 storey bldgs.
Area
Measures Camera linked to Private security booth; Municipal Patrol Landscaping
home television High-fences; Dogs;
Mechanically
Against Worker (gardener, Trespasser/Burglar Unsolicited person The Gaze
driver, housekeeper...) (vendor, beggar,
scavengers...)

07bTheres something
stalking me
Its a deadly feeling that seeps like thick fingers
By Nay al-Rahi

though this choking is not restricted to Rabieh street. But today, I dont dare. I am in a constant sorts dispersed all along the Lebanese coast ()?
wrapping around the neck. A feeling similar to but extends beyond it, precedes it and follows state of fear over my ideas and my imagination These that promise you a different beach experi-
choking. Resulting from numerous factors. Lets it, to the point of becoming one of the countrys from their creepy looks. I used to walk in the ence, in a luxurious classy flavor, only a few can
start from Rabieh () [where there is] a scary in- main characteristics. street and be proud that its mine and for all its afford? They promise you an experience you nev-
crease in construction sites (). It is the cameras and the security checkpoints passers-by. I see today the streets being robbed er lived, of course, on the public beaches, and you
You wake up in the morning to the sound of steel in all places, visible and concealed ones, in all from its pedestrians. Security besieges them. will never live.
pounding into the ground. The noise stops and streets and suburbs. What is this astonishing Cameras stalk them. Stalk them, and stalk me, as You can only live this experience in those places
turns into different sounds from the second con- phenomenon? A phenomenon that is no more if I am a video-clip hero, playing the role of the decorated with blinding colors and lights, where
struction site, where a heavy machine gobbles up restricted to the security islands surrounding terrified who is forbidden to stroll or to watch you meet the peoples elite, its exclusive custom-
the greenery next to your home... () the homes of politicians, each one of them, but some place or someone for a while. ers. These people who can spend two-thirds of
You come back in the early evening. You think that extends over to the city center, to the vi- I want to stand for an hour in a section of the the income of a Lebanese family to enjoy the sun
that youre outsmarting the construction sites, cinities of banks, large institutions, universities, street, waiting for somebody, without feeling that in one of these resorts () from which ordinary
you run to bed, you want to rest from the loud- and schools sometimes it has reached a point the guy wearing blue or green is chasing me with people only get a blocked horizon.
ness of Beirut and its own construction sites (). where we are unable to walk on the street without his looks. And without him coming to ask me to
But you discover that the third construction site being watched. Something like a nationwide Star confess the identity of who is it I am waiting for, Published on July 8, 2009 in Arabic in As-Safir,
has not ended its day yet. The workers are still Academy () armed with the power of his authority. And the daily Lebanese newspaper, reprinted by permis-
pounding the steel into the ground. Fixing the And if cameras do not take up the job of watching countrys security. sion of the author, translation by Mona Harb.
foundations of the thing that will block the sea you arrogantly the security man will, public Okay then, lets escape to the beach, someone
view from your balcony. () or private, it doesnt matter. Previously, I could might say. But there, too, I feel besieged. Dont
In Rabieh too, another siege is in operation look into their eyes, while I am walking on some you feel besieged by these luxurious tourist re-
map EQoraytem
LEON STREET

LEON STREET

LEBANESE AMERICAN
UNIVERSITY (LAU)

SAUDI
ARABIAN DAR EL FATWA
EMBASSY QORAYTEM
PALACE
FUTURE T.V.

COLLEGE
PROTESTANT
FRANAIS
QO
RA
YT
EM
HIG

COLLEGE WAY
HIGH
HW

PROTESTANT
YTEM
ORA
AY

FRANAIS Q

07cfrom residential
neighborhood to
political headquarters
Car circulation allowed
Car circulation restricted
Parking prohibited

The security area was first established in Security cameras were eventually introduced Collaboration between the Saudi Embas-
Qoraytem when its most prominent resident, to the area. They took longer to be installed, sys security and the Hariri security can best be
Rafiq Hariri, was appointed Prime Minister in since wiring and other technical issues is time noticed when the Saudi ambassador prays on Fri-
1992. After Hariris assassination in 2005, the Se- consuming. At first, these cameras demarcated days in the Qoraytem mosque. In those times,
curity Area was considerably tightened, blocking the boundaries of the security area. Later, cam- car access to the secure area is strictly restricted
traffic away from the Prime Ministers residence. eras were also installed outside the security area, to local residents and visitors are not tolerated.
At that time, questionnaires were distributed to tracking movements in nearby zones. Embassy cars and guards line up on the street in
all residents of Qoraytem, requiring them to de- front of the mosque. When the ambassador en-
clare details about the composition of the house- A recent addition to the security deployment ters the mosque, several embassy guards enter
hold (age, numbers, etc.), car ownership, as well in Qoraytem are concrete cylinders (CC). CCs with him and take their positions, ready to pro-
as political affiliation, possession of weapons, were installed following the May 7th 2008 events tect him from any threat even inside the mosque.
and whether they overlooked the Hariri Palace in Beirut, when Hezbollah took the streets and
from their houses. forced out private security actors aligned/fund- [Experiencing the security area]
ed with the Hariri political movement. CCs can People living in the area express different feel-
[Securing Mechanisms/Elements] be described as an advanced defensive system ings vis--vis the security mechanisms. Some feel
At the vehicular checkpoint, a guard checks against any future military events. The CCs are shocked, harassed, and/or profoundly disturbed
for explosives underneath cars with a mirror 2.5m high hollow concrete cylinders that have by the security deployments. Others feel safe by
while another looks in the trunk. When large an approximate 1.2m diameter and a thickness of the provided security and some have even devel-
vehicles such as gas pick-up trucks need to go 30cm. They have openings at eye level, directed in oped a good relationship with the guards. To the
through the area, trained dogs are brought in and particular directions: in the context of each sin- latter group, car permits and vehicular check-
they inspect the scene before access is granted. gle cylinder, the openings are located to face the points offer good protection against potential
streets ends, or strategic corners. They also in- bombs or petty crimes and limited vehicular cir-
Steel barriers were the first security el- clude small holes from which the guard can shoot culation provides safe streets and open spaces for
ements to be placed in the area: they blocked the approaching enemies. children to play.
passage and marked the checkpoints. Parking
permits were distributed for dwellers, tagging Additional barriers were recently installed in Bike and walk routes
every car that was allowed to enter the secure front of the Saudi Embassy, blocking one of the Because the bike is perceived suspiciously
area. These permits, however, do not secure per- two main directions through which traffic flows by many security guards, biking through the se-
manent street parking. When important visitors around Qoraytem. Instead, the heavy two lane curity area is not always an easy task. When I ride
are expected in the area, police patrols start circulation is now forced to merge in one point my bike to AUB, I am forced to go around the se-
circling the neighborhood and its surroundings, in front of the Saudi Embassy, exacerbating an curity area: I head to Pain DOr through Snoubra,
calling for all residents to remove cars immedi- already horrible congestionespecially when the reach Leon Street and then take a direct path to
ately or get towed away. This has caused several nearby school is in session. AUB crossing the main Hamra Street.
incidents since some exacerbated residents react
sometimes violentlyespecially if it is at three in [Public/Private] Commercial practices
the morning! Public and private security Commercial activities have suffered enormously
One can easily guess that both public and from the establishment of the security zone.
Visitors need special permissions and could be private security guards are present in the area, Since 2005, many shops have closed because
allowed in if they can demonstrate that they are though the ratio of one to the other is not obvi- clients are reluctant to expose themselves to se-
visiting specific individuals in the area. This, of ous. Secure Plus is a private company that pro- curity checks.
course, is negotiable and many people use the vides guards to work in this area and other loca-
name of a friend and/or family member in order tions in Lebanon. It is unclear, however, if Secure The map and text are based on anonymous
to gain passage to the area. Plus is the exclusive private company in this area. student work in A331, An Introduction to Urban
Theory (Fall 2007/08 and Spring 2009).
map FBeirut
1 ESCWA fortication wall
5m high in 2005

Central District 2 Fortied district: 4 access points


surrounded by barbed wires

3 Camping site for


March 14 protestors
Mar. 2005 Jun. 2005
WAY
GA ND S
BAB IDRISS TREE
FAKHREDDINE STREET

T 4 Pedestrian area with security


UJ
MI L 4 measures at each access point
IA BO
D
WA CDR

ET
TRE

ET
Parliament

STRE
KS S
3
Place de
5 Blocked streets
Camping site for

BAN

Y
Serail Letoile

are
HOUR
opposition protestors

s Squ
Burial site Dec. 2006Dec. 2007

RA K
Murr Raq Hariri

r
Marty
Tower

BCHA
2

AL A Concrete barriers in front of


Military ESCWA MIR BASHIR STREET
the United Nations Building
FO
Camp 1
UA
DC
HE
HA
BS 5
TR 5
EE Azar
T
ieh
Riad el So
lh

07dPolitical
Stand-off
The Beirut Central District is a business and en- In December 2006, the parties in opposition to main pedestrian access point to the fortified dis-
tertainment area that was developed in the post- the national government called for a sit-in in or- trict is located next to the Murr Tower. To access
Lebanese civil war era as a main landmark of the der to protest state policies and force the govern- one of the embassies, visitors have to park around
citys reconstruction. The area also houses a hub ments resignation. They eventually established Fakhreddine Street and walk for several minutes
of public institutions, most notably the Serail tents in Riad El Solh and Azarieh squares and after receiving clearance at the checkpoint. Pri-
the Prime Minister seatand the national par- camped in these public spaces for 18 months. vate shuttles were also provided for those trying
liament. It also includes the regional United-Na- During those months, security measures were se- to reach commercial and recreational facilities
tions headquarters, the seat of the highest public verely heightened, restricting vehicular access to within this area by Solidere, the company devel-
planning authority in the country (CDR), bank many streets in/around the camp. Although the oping the Business District.
headquarters and several embassies (British, camp was dismantled in May 2008, the security
Australian, Japanese). The BCD is also the burial apparatus remains strongly in place around the The map and tables in this section document the
grounds of Rafic Hariris, in a site close to Mar- main hub of public institutions which has turned zone at the time of the sit-in. Based on the student
tyrs square regularly visited by locals and for- into a fortified enclave of some 50m radius, sur- work of Farah Budeiri and Ryam Idriss in A331,
eigners, that is heavily protected. rounded by 3m high walls and barbed wire. The Introduction to Urban Theory (Fall 2007/08).

Security guards

Army Fawj el Mughaweer Police Serail Police Private Security Guards Hezbollah Guards
Intensity around 300 Unknown around 300 Unknown around 300 Unknown
FUnction Main military protects the Serail observes and collects coordinates with the protects monitors the areas
authority from attacks and information deemed Serail army to ensure infrastructure, surrounding
/prevents percieves threats necessary to maintain order within the Serail public property the camping site
attacks order in the area /ensures cleaniness /questions
/observes the area intruders
Employer Government Government Government Government/Serail Solidere/Owners The Islamic
of private buildings Resistance Party
Possession Yes Yes Yes Yes no unknown
of Weapons

Barbed wire, Beirut Central District


07eal-Dahiya and the Hezbollah
Security Apparatus
Al-Dahiya is a term that triggers a reaction in sis of a territorialized body politic that gave the
Student Work (Anonymous)A331 Urbanism, 2007/08

periences and personal assessments through dai- defined, multi-layered, networked and highly
every Lebanese, which widely varies from non- neighborhood a powerful political identity. ly practice what is acceptable and what is not for hierarchical mechanism controlled by Hezbollah
negotiable paranoia to extreme pride, depending The security apparatus of Hezbollah, although Hezbollahs security. I am able to identify when I that cannot be fully detailed here due to the sen-
on ones religious belonging, political orienta- extremely present, is almost undetectable. There am getting into trouble. sitivity of the information. Suffice to say that it
tions and experiences in/around Beirut. Al-Da- are no physical manifestations of it: no roads In Hezbollahs world, there is no specific law includes an indirect level of control operated by
hiya refers to the socially constructed territory of closed, no guards in front of houses, no fixed hung on the wall, but there is some sort of code ordinary dwellers who feel a sense of responsibil-
the southern suburb of Beirut, one that merges checkpoints, no restricted parking, no parking that has been constructed through everyday ity towards enforcing these restrictions, in addi-
its neighborhoods into a single label affiliated to permits, no hidden cameras, etc. Homes of par- practice and daily decisions that security officials tion to a direct level of control operated by differ-
a religious and political identity: specifically, al- liament members, ministers of Hezbollah, and made and that dwellers in the area know well. ent levels of the partys security apparatus. This
Dahiya refers to the Shia area that houses Hez- even leaders, are not protected or sealed off by This code is updated regularly based on changing mechanism contributes to the creation of a sense
bollahs headquarters since the 1980s. This essay barricades, bumps, zigzags, or show-off security. practices, so if someone left the place and came that Hezbollah is always there even if you dont
builds on my experience as a long-term dweller What we see is an ordinary life based on the con- back few years later, s/he would have missed a see it, which has a deterring aspect that plays a
of al-Dahiya as well as on selected meetings with cepts of stealth and keeping a low profile. lot. One learns/understands the code by testing significant role in making people feel protected.
Hezbollahs officials. It analyzes how Hezbollahs Hence as an ordinary dweller of al-Dahiya, I can it through practices. Knowledge of the code de- The invisibility of this protection is also positive
security apparatus is deployed in space, and how access all streets with no interruptions. I see Indi- pends on lived experiences, on how long people for non-supporters of the party who do not feel
people interact with its mechanisms through its bat men [Hezbollahs police] with their outfits or- have dwelled in al-Dahiya and how close they its harassment or violence. In a sense, this se-
various codes. ganize traffic on street corners and municipality are to Hezbollah. The code contains restrictions, curity apparatus performs better than the pub-
Since, the deployment of their security apparatus officers on other corners along with policemen. I such as: i) not taking pictures whatsoever, except lic security system as it has no rivalry within it
in Haret Hreik, Hezbollah also developed social might see cars with tinted glass silently passing for private photography; ii) no youth gathering and operates much more efficiently. In addition,
services to improve the living conditions of the by, but I cannot identify who is inside. I do feel that can cause harassment; iii) no immoral be- this apparatus relies widely on trust and secrecy
dwellers. Some sort of exchange was established secure, especially if I am pro-Hezbollah. If I am havior according to Hezbollahs religious code of amongst its members, who are selected based on
between Hezbollah and the community which not, I still am able to behave as I would like, no conduct, i.e. no alcohol and no intimate behavior their strong religious background, and between
progressively developed into a strong political one will interrupt my way; maybe some people in public space, and no loud parties; iv) no walk- members and dwellers
support that widened the acceptable margin of might perceive some acts as violations to privacy ing around with a map in hand.
the partys control over the place, forming the ba- but this is exceptional. I know from previous ex- These restrictions are enforced through a well-

Military barracks in Tariq al-Jdideh

07fTariq el-Jdideh as
Political Territory
Beirut can be seen as divided into sectarian en- ever, there are areas which are considered more
BY Marwan KaabourGraphic Design Final Year Thesis, 2009

torcycles carrying flags and shouting slogans of its power. Visual changes in the urban space
claves characterized by a mutually exclusive sense sensitive than others and where you cannot go. In this latter case, flags and posters become in a give new meanings to the built environment
of loyalty and allegiance to a political author- Afterwards I was asked to meet with a neighbor- state of motion, as they move with the convoy. In and hence, reproduce urban space. Visual lan-
ity. In times of political stability, enclaves have hood leader, who is not a Mustaqbal employee specific political moments, the need to display guage becomes a dialogue between the we, and
blurred boundaries. In times of conflict, people, but works under its authority, who inquired temporarily power throughout the neighborhood the they, all in the context of the city. Tarik El-
fuelled by an intensified sense of togetherness, about my research and asked me to come back and across its boundaries becomes a dire necessi- Jdideh transforms into a place where boundaries
can retreat into an esprit de corps, i.e. a common tomorrow. The next day, I was escorted by one of ty. The use of the motorcycle and the human body hold something of additional value. By distancing
spirit of comradeship, enthusiasm, and devotion the young men, who usually gather on street cor- allows to demarcate larger surface areas and to themselves from their opponents, by materializ-
to a cause among the members of a group. This ners, on his motorcycle around Tarik el-Jdideh. claim power over other spaces in the city. ing their esprit de corps through a set of visual el-
coalescence reinforces the enclave where people He was very helpful and seemed to have authority When the government banned the public dis- ements in their public spaces, residents empower
claim the space as their territory and demarcate as residents did not ask why I was taking photos play of posters in the citys streets, the use of vi- themselves and close up the boundaries of their
it in various ways. while I was him. sual elements in Tariq el-Jdideh was put to a halt. territory, rendering it pure and unscathed by the
My work deals with Tarik el-Jdideh, a rather con- After the assassination of ex-Prime Minister Raf- However, it was merely a symbolic removal of the enemy. Thus, Tariq el-Jdideh is no longer part of
servative Sunni neighborhood of Beirut, allied ic Hariri in February 2005, the Sunni community physical manifestation of territoriality which re- the larger city, it becomes the city by itself where
with Hariri and its Mustaqbal movement, inves- felt threatened and a heightened sense of sectar- mained strongly rooted in its residents and their the spatial translation of belonging results in a
tigating how it operates as a territorial enclave. ian belonging flared among the citys residents. spaces. On the last week of December 2008, I feeling of felicity: the sheer joy of knowing who
I encountered several obstacles while doing my This was mirrored in Tarik el-Jdideh. The process was in Tariq el-Jdideh at a relatives house. Saad you are, bluntly. Furthermore, the classic notions
fieldwork. As a young man walking in Tarik el- of territoriality progressively materialized by Hariri was passing by the area. We heard some of visual language, i.e. the poster, banner, and
Jdideh with a notebook and a camera, I was a demarcating further its boundaries against the commotion, and out of the blue, the entire street flag are renegotiated. The way the residents and
cause of intrigue and annoyance. I had to stop re- other/they (the Shii enemy) and delineating came to life and, in one voice, everyone chanted, supporters re-appropriate these elements of de-
peatedly and explain to people what I am doing further sectarian identities inside the neighbor- from their balconies, from the street, from the marcation by adding sound, mobility and spatial-
and why. I systematically needed to mention my hood, i.e. inside what constitutes the we. Several rooftops: Allah, Hariri, Tariq el-Jdideh!con- ity change their form and function. The way these
name, who my father is, the fact that I am origi- mechanisms contributed to this territorialization firming that the disappearance of posters and elements expand beyond their medium and their
nally from the area and used to live there, as well process. One of these mechanisms is the use of banners in the neighborhoods streets did not flat surface transforms the urban space which is
as show my identity card. For photos, I had to be visual language elements in public space: the dis- affect its esprit de corps and its ability to express the product of the various interactions between
coached by Mustaqbals coordinator who said: play of flags, posters and banners, the position- itself. people, territory and symbol, all of which con-
It is preferable that we send a couple of men ing of military tanks at border lines, the marking Visual language within the urban space of a po- tribute to construct the spaces identity.
[guards] from the party to escort you (). How- of main spaces and the periodic convoys of mo- litical enclave participates to the reproduction
07gIn & Around Hamra
Living/Experiencing Security Systems by George Sidaoui
Graphic Design Final Year Thesis, 2009
The mapping work of George Sidaoui targets a between the driver and the pedestrian experience tensities are measured at the different locations.
well-defined network of streets in Beirut and, at different times of the day. The obstructive im- The hierarchy between the different secured lo-
using different types of diagrams, meticulously pact of the security measures is clear in the exam- cations is the subject of the third diagram shown

T
records the mechanisms deployed for their secu- ple of Clemenceau Street shown here, where the here; it measures the intensity of the security

REE T
RD S
rity. The base map on which the different secured physical objects have a notable material effect on programs as they respond to a series of threats

RI FO
locations are plotted shows a wide variety and a everyday circulation, imposing deviations on the such as a camera, a bag, different vehicles and

HEN
high density of secured places (governmental route and changing the street configuration sig- of course, the mobile phone, the threat of which
institutions, army bases, embassies, hospitals, nificantly. The diagram also shows how certain is an indicator of an increased level of security RAS BEIRUT
schools, banks and government officials resi- obstacles are temporal, appearing only at night found at locations where the measures are espe-
dences among others)a common phenomenon for example, which reveals the dynamic nature cially intense.
in several other security hubs around the city. of the security processes. A less visible security
EET
MANARA STR
One type of diagram records the effects of these measure, airspace security, is mapped out in an- Illustrations by George Sidaoui
mechanisms on navigation: every street is repre- other diagram where variations in the blocking
sented separately and comparisons can be made of frequency signals are deciphered and their in-
MANARA

QALAA
STREET

Hamra Street: Banner reads Lebanon First,

EET
one of the slogans that circulated in Beirut

E STR
CHKIY
after the assassination of Prime Minister Hariri

DEMA
in 2005.

BADR
Q

fig G2NAVIGATION/CIRCULATION BY CAR ALO CLEMENCEAU STREET

population transience
street widens
morning/mid-day = am/pm street narrows down right deviation left deviation

cars/hour
travel time

population transience
street widens
mid-day/afternoon = pm/pm street narrows down right deviation left deviation

cars/hour
travel time

population transience
street widens
afternoon/evening = pm/am street narrows down right deviation left deviation

cars/hour
travel time
MEDITERRANEAN SEA
government official's residence

map G1
/ office
governmental institution
BEIRUT
civil defense force base

army base

JAMAA embassy/council

AIN EL MREISSEH
hospital
JOHN
KENN
EDY S
ET TREE
ISS STRE
BL
T
school
OMA
R EL
DAO
UK S university
REET

TRE
ET
CLEMENCEAU
AZIZ ST

SIDANI STREET

CLEMEN
guest house
CEAU ST
ABD EL

REET
STREET

religious monument

FAKHREDDINE STREET
D'ARC

ET
commercial center
RE
JOUNBLAT
JEANNE

HAMRA
ST
MAKDISS
MA
I STREET
EET

RO
SADAT STR

bank
KANTARI

SANAYEH perpendicular street/crossing


SNOUBRA
sidewalk
EL HUSS
EIN STRE
ET
parking lane

car travel lane/navigational route

travel direction

QORAYTEM security zone perimeter

LONG STREET
security hub buffer zone

slow speed

moderate speed

high speed

with respect to walking path


Bliss Street

100 cars/hour

1 minute

metal barrier/obstacleon street


street narrows down

metal barrier/obstacleon street

metal barrier/obstacle
on street/sidewalk

booth/obstacle
on street/sidewalk

incoming frequency signal


in operation

incoming call in operation


street narrows down

outgoing call in operation

call in process in operation

incoming call blocked

outgoing call blocked

street narrows down call in process blocked

proceedings in operation

proceedings blocked

airspace security
/ frequency signal breaker
SADAT/EL HUSSEIN/BADR DEMACHKIYE STREET

fig G3AIRSPACE SECURITY ALONG STREET

throughout the day

entry exit

fig G4NAVIGATION/CIRCULATION ON FOOT A


CLEMENCEAU STREET

street widens
morning/mid-day = 6am/12pm street narrows down right deviation left deviation

street widens
mid-day/afternoon = 12pm/6pm street narrows down right deviation left deviation

street widens
afternoon/evening = 6pm/12am street narrows down right deviation left deviation
government official's residence
/ office
governmental institution

civil defense force base

army base

embassy/council

hospital

school

university

guest house

religious monument

commercial center

bank

entry exit
perpendicular street/crossing

sidewalk

parking lane

car travel lane/navigational route

travel direction

security zone perimeter

security hub buffer zone

ALONG STREETAT SECURITY ZONE


slow speed

moderate speed

high speed

walking path

with respect to
Bliss Street 100 cars/hour

1 minute

metal barrier/obstacleon street

street narrows down


metal barrier/obstacleon street

metal barrier/obstacle
on street/sidewalk

booth/obstacle
on street/sidewalk

incoming frequency signal


in operation

incoming call in operation

street narrows down


outgoing call in operation

call in process in operation

incoming call blocked

outgoing call blocked

call in process blocked

street narrows down


proceedings in operation

proceedings blocked

airspace security
/ frequency signal breaker
fig G5INTENSITY OF SECURITY MEASURES
TAKEN AT THE DIFFERENT SECURITY HUBS

increased
15 15

14

13

12 12

11

high 10

9 9 9 9
moderate
intensity of security measures
reduced

security hub

FAKHREDDINE/OMAR EL DAOUK/JOHN KENNEDY


CLEMENCEAU
BLISS/MANARA
HENRY FORD
SIDANI/MAKDISSI
SADAT/EL HUSSEIN/BADR DEMACHKIYE

fig G6INTENSITY OF OBJECTS OF THREAT


FOR THE DIFFERENT SECURITY HUBS
increased

6 6

5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5
high
moderate
intensity of threat
low

security hub

FAKHREDDINE/OMAR EL DAOUK/JOHN KENNEDY


CLEMENCEAU
BLISS/MANARA
HENRY FORD
SIDANI/MAKDISSI
SADAT/EL HUSSEIN/BADR DEMACHKIYE
17
government official's
residence/office
governmental institution

civil defense force base


15 15
army base

embassy/council

13
cctv camera

walkie talkie
12 12
machine gun

tank

satellite radar

9 mirror

police car
8
road spikes

concrete block

metal barrier

guard wall

metal bar

4 4 4 barrel

barbed wire

metal barrier

tire

metal barrier

road bumps

booth

road bar

army personnel

civil defense force personnel

8 8 private defense force personnel

body guard

6
parked truck

5 5 parked bus

parked car
4 4
taxi pick-up

motorcycle

2 camera

bag
1 1 1
mobile phone
08Beyond Narrow Security Matters
Income, Class, Religion, Gender and Other Individual Identifiers
These maps introduce to our analysis a wid- to highlight, without, nonetheless, pretend- ist from the airport to the city center, with that have taken over the citys public spaces
er definition of the notion of security, one ing that actual lines can be drawn for class minimal entrances and exits and a carefully and privatized them to the benefit of a few
that thickens the reading of riot control and/or religious divisions. planned tunnel design avoiding physically endowed actors. The map finally points out
lines and the private security of politicians Map H provides a reading of income divi- and visually the adjacent southern suburbs. the location of a number of public institu-
to include class, religious, national and sions in Beirut, presented by highlighting The map also indicates areas in the city where tions and agencies (ministries and universi-
other individual positions that consider- land prices, privatized public spaces, and the land prices are highestareas pointed out by ties), pointing to the possibility of publicly
ably influence the way one reads and experi- transportation infrastructure that serves the high-end developers as prime investment accessible, inclusive spaces.
ences these security mechanisms. Recogniz- needs of the rich (highway networks, airport, zonesand areas where affordable hous-
ing the difficulties of drawing boundaries and port). The map highlights in particular ing is located (refugee camps and informal The mapping for income divisions is based
and defining clear-cut areas, we have relied the highway connecting the Airport to Bei- settlements). It also indicates the locations on previous research conducted by Nadine
for this mapping on a number of indicators ruts Central District, built in the late 1990s, of exclusive shopping and entertainment fa- Bekdache and Mona Fawaz.
that can express the patterns we are looking to take directly the investor and/or the tour- cilities (e.g. beach resorts), especially those

map HIncome Divisions in Beirut


Highway connecting the Beirut
Central District to the Airport

AUB beach St. George


Mina
Riviera La Plage el Hosn
Corniche PORT Mar Khodr
AUB Ain el Mreisseh Mikhael City Mall
Ras Beirut
Beirut Central Rmeil
Military Kantari District Gemmayzeh Jeitawi
Hamra Zalka
Beach Manara
Saint- Al
Nicolas Hikmeh
Long Beach Snoubra
Azarif
Sanayeh Patriarcat Al Yassou-
Sporting iyeh Mar Mitr
Bachoura Bourj
Qoreitem Furn el Hayek Ghabeh Hammoud
Basta
el Tahta Karm el Roway-
Raoushe Ain Ashrafieh Zeitoun Baoushriyeh ssat
Movenpick el Tineh Verdun Mossaitbeh Basta Nasra Nabaa Jdeidet
Sioufi
el Faouka
Tallet
el Khayat Borj Ras el
Htel Dieu
Abi Haidar Nabeh
Palace
Mazraa
Unesco Wata of Justice
Ramlet el Baida
public beach Malaab Park
Sin el Fil Zaaytriyeh
Furn Fanar
al Shubbak
Dikwaneh
Tarik el Al-Horj Deir Mar Roukoz
Mar Elias Jedideh

Kempinski
Sheraton Coral Beach Chatila
Sabra

Ghobeyri Chiyah

Jnah
Golf Hazmiyeh
Horsh Mkalles
Club el
Qateel Haret Hreik

Bourj al
Barajneh
camp
District /Municipality Ouzaii Bourj
al Barajneh Baabda
Informal settlement Raml
Hadath
Palestinian refugee camp
Tehouita /
Premium land Mreijeh
Aaraiya

Seaside corniche Hayy el Selloum


Wadi
Boutchay Kahhaleh
Highway network AIRPORT
Chahrour
el Aoul
Wadi Chahrour
AirportBeirut Central District highway el Soufla
Choueifat
Kfar Shima
Mall/Hotel/Resort
Bsous

Beach resortprivatized coastline


Houmal
Blaybel
Public garden Bdadoun
Bsaba Baabda
MapI highlights religious landmarks in they may be confusing given forced popu- religious strongholds of the city, the his-
municipal Beirut, specifically mosques lation displacements during the civil war toric green line (the dividing line between
and churches, showing a wide area of ho- (19751990). Hence, the density of churches Christian East Beirut and Muslim West Bei-
mogenous religious groups and a relative- in Ras Beirut should not be interpreted as rut) during the civil war was also drawn on
ly mixed zone around the American Uni- an indication of a high presence of Christian the map.
versity of Beirut (popularly known as Ras families but rather as a testimony of a his-
Beirut). Although these landmarks are toric religious mixity that was severely com- Maps H and I provide important back-
significant and indeed continue to point promised by the civil war. In order to stress ground patterns for reading the individual
out actual patterns of dwelling in the city, the point and help the readers identify the trajectories laid out on the following pages.

map IReligious Landmarks in Beirut

Mosque
Church
Dividing Line during
Libanese Civil War
09aPolitical Affiliation There is no inconvenience with the security
around Qoraytem [Security area around the
& The Experience residential compound of the Prime Minister,
07c]. When we visit relatives who live in this
of Security Systems area, we only go through the tent checkpoint
and inform the security guard about our des-
tination. Besides, everyone can park her/his
car around and access the shops located in the
Place de
letoile security area.
Before 1975 The security around Ayn-el Tineh is different,
Furn el Hayek it is provocative. I have trouble accessing the
Qoreitem
Burial site of bank located within this zone. NB [the Head
late Prime of the Parliament who lives in the area] has
Verdun
Minister
his pictures marking the limits of the area. []
Rafiq El Hariri
Ras el When the municipality forced all politicians to
Nabeh
remove their pictures, he had to comply. He
has however left the big frames just in case!
We visit al Dahiya (Beiruts Shiite southern
suburb, 07e) only once a year, to conduct
Mar Elias Tarik el
Jedideh the official car inspection.

Omar and Aysha are a retired, Lebanese

map j1
middle-income couple whose religious and
political affiliations coincide with the Prime
Ministers/March 14 Movement.

Tariq al Jdideh, the inter


section of daily practices
with military architecture

Hamra Gemmayzeh

Verdun Ashraeh
Siou
Mathaf
Mazra

map J2
a

09bLiving behind
Sin El Fil
15 min
highway route

the Police Base


I buy almost everything I need from Ashrafieh a state that is getting organized. Had it been I went to Carmel Saint Joseph School, a Chris-
just because I am so used to the area and the a militia, it would have bothered me. Besides tian school [located in the Verdun area/Muslim
behavior of people. We lived in Sioufi before they are more informed than I am about the ne- West Beirut during the war] where students
the war and in 1978 went back to Bikfaya, cessity of such measures. During exceptional from different religions attended. There were
where I am originally from. I came back to events, if [French President] Sarkozy is visiting no highways at the time. The trip used to take
live in Beirut 10 years ago, but only recently for example, the security becomes a hassle over an hour. People always asked my dad:
did it occur to me that I live on the demarca- since the Internal Police Forces base is behind Why do you send your children to this school
tion line. After the May 7, 2008 events [during my house. This was also the case after the May and have them cross everyday in front of the
which Hezbollah and the Lebanese Political 7 events when the police arrested many people. Palestinians in Mazraa? [] As children, we
Opposition took over the streets and forced the They asked residents not to park on the inner used to look out of the window searching the
governments resignation], my friends started streets as to leave space for police cars that buildings in the area, to see what the Palestin-
asking me when I will move houses. I would had to work extra shifts. They also banned cars ian looked like.
reply naively: why would I move? I live next to from parking in the available open lots in the
the French embassy. area for 2 days. [] Every now and then, we Rawiyah is a Lebanese, middle-age, married
The extensive security around my house have to bear the sight of police cars and extra woman. She claims no political affiliations but
doesnt bother me in principle: we finally have tanks for a couple of days. puts her faith in the State.

09Trajectories and Current


Practices in/of the City
Individualizing the experience of Security
Security mechanisms do not affect all city dwell- terviews with members of different social groups, these maps show the extent to which ones sense respond/talk back to the security system or to
ers equally. Neither is threat perceived, assessed, asking them to detail their daily practices in the of safety depends on individual positionality. avoid it. Since our own social positions and ex-
and tolerated similarly. To the contrary, our con- city and reflect on what constituted, in their eyes, They also clearly indicate that ones tolerance of periences have naturally influenced our selec-
versations with members of different religious, potential threats and safety zones. threat as a daily necessity varies from one indi- tion/reading of security, we chose to include our
income and national groups highlight the diversi- vidual to another, depending especially on ones trajectories as authorshoping to provide read-
ty of ways in which city dwellers define, interpret, The maps on the following pages lay out some of income group and hence ones ability to balance ers with important clues about some of the biases
and negotiate the threats they perceive in the the most interesting trajectories we unraveled. safety needs with other needs, mainly earning that inevitably mark this work ( maps J710).
city. Things also look differently to and are per- Overlaid on the previous maps, especially those a living. The comments that each of the respon- These maps should not however be taken as rep-
ceived variably by men and women. As a result, describing security instances ( map A), class dents stated vis--vis security are also helpful resentative of particular groups, they are rather
we developed more thorough and systematic in- ( map H) and religious ( map I) divisions, in unraveling the possibilities that each has to only indicative of the ways in which ones social
Ein el Meraisseh

10 Informal Regularly
visited area
settlement
Patriarcat
Palestinian Travel
refugee camp between areas
Mossaitbeh
Selim Slam

Residence by night
Berbir

Workplace by day
Visited

map J3 Jnah
Sabra Hirsh
landmark
Past
residence
Past
with stroller

daily
Tabet
Workplace on Sundays
S
Souq movie theatre
Commercial
street S flat sharing

Ouzaii
road to Mall V volunteer work
airport

Supermarket F field work

COOP
Cooperation Megastore

Hayy el Selloum Church community


chance encounter/
walking around

09cMemory Caf/Restaurant

as Place Marker House visit


Whenever I pass by the Police Station in Ver-
dun, I remember the time an officer slapped me Beach resort
after the police wrongfully associated me to a
group of burglars. It hurts me and I really hate Neighbour visit
passing by this area so I try to avoid it.
I have a lot of work here and I am making good
Hubble Bubble
money since I decided to work for myself and
not as a live-in, as I did for the first ten years in
Dancing
Beirut. I pay my sponsor all the expenses nec-
Museum area, essary for my papers to be legal in addition to
Singing
barbed wire a small fee and I earn my freedom and live the
way I want. I am searching for a good person
to act as a sponsor for my husband so he can
move from Bangladesh and come to work here
with me.

Roohie is a 33 year old Bangladeshi woman


who works as a house helper. She is religiously
observant and wears the veil.

New construction in
Ayn el-Mreisseh

J1 j2 j3
position in the local class, gendered, and national tions (e.g. helpers, nannies, workers, relatives, their assessment of safety/threat in each of these large number of the 350,000 officially registered
hierarchies influences ones understanding and etc.), whom we asked to detail daily practices in contexts. Palestinian refugees (actual number exceed this
experience of security. the city and reflect on what constituted, in their one by several folds) continue to live in poverty
eyes, potential threats and safety zones. In se- In analyzing the trajectories of migrant workers whereby their income and literacy levels as well
Selecting and Profiling Respondents lecting respondents, we located actors who share and Palestinian refugees, it is important to ac- as their life expectancy are well below national
We attempted to include in our trajectory sam- our work spaces but occupy different positions count for the fact that these population groups averages. Palestinians also face harsh discrimina-
ples several population groups, accounting for in their social hierarchies. Our intention was to are among the most disadvantaged groups in tion in Lebanon where, for example, employment
gender, national and racial belonging, political highlight how the different positions of these the city. Although they have been in Lebanon in many professions is almost inaccessible and
status (e.g. refugees), and income groups. Re- actors actually influence their experiences and for several decades and have closely integrated access to property ownership legally banned.
spondents were selected among our direct rela- representations of those same places and hence the countrys social and economic networks, a
AUB

Dora

Bourj
Hammoud

Ashraeh

map j4
Nabaa

Malaab

09dForging a
We are foreigners, we have to take care for on the streets in this tone: You! Come here!.
ourselves. I feel comfortable in my house, at Sometimes they also stop the bus as early as

Safe Haven in
the church, and when we go on excursions 6am to check our papers, I always have mine
around Lebanon with the church community. on me. I dont like Sabra, it is very dirty, I go to

the Face of Harsh


A friend of mine and I caught a kid who was Qarantina to buy my meat.
calling us names, throwing stones and spitting

Discrimination
at us, and went to his parents. It was a big Comfort is a 32 year old, married Nigeria
fight. Diggy diggy 1 dollar is a name I often woman who works as a house helper
hear. The police sometimes call us from far

Flyover near residential areas,


Nabah/Bourj Hammoud

09eAligning
with Local Politics
When I go to Syria, I long for Beirut. I am very
organized here: I cook and eat at the same
time daily and I do my own laundry. I am here
for my future and not my present. I dont have

map j5
a work contract, but my employer treats me
like his son and I get official holidays.
I like Barbour because no one meddles with
you. In general, I dont go to areas in East
Beirut and I prefer Shiite areas. I am a big
supporter of the resistance and feel that the
Sunnis are not good hearted.
Hamra
The building in which I live is located opposite
S to my work and is mostly inhabited by Syrians,
so I spend most of my free time there. My
employer helped me get this residence after I
complained that my salary was spent on trans-
COOP

portation. When I hear how often my friends


M Barbour
are stopped and interrogated, especially when
Berbir passing near Hariris house [Qoraytem area,
seat of the Prime Minister, 7e], I hope it
never happens to me. So far, it has not.
Dikwaneh
Mohammad is a 22 year old Syrian worker.

j4 j5 j6
As for migrant workers, they are generally that not only limits their work opportunities but Center/Periphery knew came daily to the city for their work activi-
divided in strict racial and income groups in Leb- also confines them in precarious and subdued A striking difference between the map J se- ties, we learned that their relation to work places
anon. Those coming from the nearby Middle-East positions vis--vis their employers. They also ries on these pages is the difference in the an- were often punctual, connected to their areas of
or from other countries in the South are gener- face the hostility of many members of the host chorage of the trajectories that are concentrated residence and/or spaces of comfort through pub-
ally confined in a relatively strict racial hierarchy nation and are regularly verbally and/or physi- within the citys municipal boundaries for the lic transportation networks in linear form. Both
that defines the sectors of employment that they cally aggressed when they are identified through authors ( maps J710) and clearly outside it migrant workers and the Palestinian refugees
can access (e.g. Syrians in construction works, their accents, color, or other physical distinctive for migrant workers ( maps J36). This is per- felt threatened in most areas of the city: their ac-
Sri-Lankan, Nigerian, and Filipino in cleaning features. haps one of the best illustrations of the ways in cents, habits, and appearances were clearly more
jobs, etc.). These two groups also face severe legal which one persons security is anothers threat: tolerated and/or integrated in the citys periph-
discrimination, especially with employment laws although we deliberately selected actors who we eries. Yet, migrant workers identified exceptional
Informal Regularly
settlement visited area
AUB

Palestinian Travel
refugee camp between areas

Bourj
Hammoud
Residence by night

Workplace by day

map j6
Visited
landmark with stroller
Past
residence daily
Tarik el
COOP

Jedideh Past
Workplace on Sundays

Sabra
Souq movie theatre
Commercial
street S flat sharing

09fWhen Speaking Mall V volunteer work

Becomes Difficult: Supermarket F field work

Avoiding the Other M

COOP
Cooperation Megastore
I never go to public places or sit in a restau- Hospital, I dont even go into a grocery store.
rant alone. When I speak, I attract attention. If I I fear for my son from the police, if anything Church community
go into shops in Verdun or Hamra, I am always happens to him, there is no one to claim him. chance encounter/
asked where I am from and when I reply that walking around
I am from [the] Chatila [Palestinian Refugee Nadia is a 39 year old Palestinian refugee who
Camp], people step back. In other markets, no works as a nanny. Caf/Restaurant
one asks me this question. If I happen to be in She is a mother of three.
East Beirut, like when my father entered Rizk House visit

Beach resort

Neighbour visit

Hubble Bubble

Dancing

Singing

Headquarters of the National Security


Offices, seen from nearby residences

areas in the city notably its sea-front corniche shared housing arrangements are available to and other daily practices occur. All of us main- ery divide. For example, the regular visits that
(widely celebrated as the main public space in the most. These two areas constitute spaces of excep- tain nonetheless relations to the peripheries, conservative Sunni families regularly pay to the
city) where catching up with a friend for a walk, tion within the municipal city. As attested by the whether in the form of individual visits, research, Hariri burial site in Beirut downtown (mapJ1)
smoking an arguileh water pipe, or sipping a cup maps, the main zones of comfort for non-Leba- or others. This is however where our own trajec- and the multiplicity of social networks that con-
of coffee is possible for almost everyone. Anoth- nese working class nationals are confined to the tories become more punctual and linear and the nect them to other families within the city even if
er shared space in the city is the migrant work- peripheries. end point clearly targeted. At one level, these dif- their own homes are not in the city core provides
ers hubs in Hamra where a number of buildings ferences could be explained by class. The compar- a sense of ownership and/or identification for
and/or areas abandoned during the civil war In contrast, our own trajectories ( maps J710) ison with the two trajectories of modest Lebanese these groups, which many others do not have.
have been turned into affordable spaces where are clearly anchored within the city proper where households ( maps J12) necessitates however
specialized commercial activities and affordable our homes, workspaces, entertainment areas, additional explanations for the center/periph-
AUB
09gSpeaking Back I
For the last few years, the neighborhood I which I said: You know, I was living here way
Hamra live in has been sealed off for car access and before you!. He answered me: No, we were
constantly secured by security guards, as it here before you!, with sectarian undertones
Furn el Hayek houses the Speaker of Parliaments residence. in which he assumed hes speaking to a Sunni
The security mechanisms force residents and (living in a predominantly Sunni neighborhood)
Ein el
Tineh Verdun Ashraeh city dwellers to make big detours to reach their who was addressing him as a Shia (being the
destinations in the city, causing huge traffic security guard protecting the Shia Speaker of
Mathaf
jams in my street which is open for vehicular Parliament) who is a new comer to Beirut.
Ramlet
el Baida access during the day, but only accessible to
residents and their guests during night time. It Mona Harb is author of this document.
annoys me that I have to constantly negotiate
access to my house and to deal with the secu-
rity guards, who are regularly changed and do
not recognize residents or their cars. They ask
me who I am, where do I live and sometimes

map j7
deny that theres a building by this name in the
street. I get angry and answer them they could
do the basic homework of at least knowing the
Jnah names of the people living in that darn street
Gulf Club Haret Hreik
theyre securing. One day, in broad daylight,
while I was getting into my car, a security
guard walked to me and asked where I was
going. I told him he had no business asking
me this personal question. We got into a row in

AUB

Hamra Gemmayzeh
09hSpeaking back II
Qoreitem I have lived in this neighborhood since I was
born. I feel very safe in my area. Residents usu- The sea-front corniche:
Verdun Nabaa ally recognize each other easily and a level of A public space in Beirut
interaction between them on the streets is vis-
ible. The car bombing that targeted Prime Min-
ister Rafic Hariri took place on the street that
leads directly to my house. Access through
the bombing site stayed restricted for almost
3 years, and the street was only cleared about
a year ago. Since the Phoenicia Hotel (also on
the sea front next to my house) became a tem-
Chatila
porary residence for many politicians, tanks,
V Ghobeyri
army cars and wandering soldiers make regular
Manara

appearances in my neighborhood. It often


provokes me and I make it a point to ask the
soldiers for the reasons they surround the resi-
Jnah
Gulf Club Haret Hreik dents by tanks. Sometimes when they refuse
to answer claiming security reasons, I insist
F by saying I have the right to know precisely
because they think there is a risk on my life.

Nadine Bekdache is author of this document.


map j10
map j8 Hayy el Selloum

Deployment, spread, etc. indicates that ones sense of security, once more, torical movement of those among us who had Monot) are also visited by members of all reli-
Deployment and/or spread of ones imprint is very much the outcome of ones capital, be it fi- to leave their areas of residence during the civil gious groupseven if, as residential areas, they
in the city parallels the center/periphery divi- nancial and/or symbolic. war. It continues to be detectable in the area of continue to act as relatively homogenous zones.
sion, betraying how ones sense of safety and/or residence, which is generally still in line with Other areas, however, maintain a sharp religious
comfort in the city influences ones footprint in Christian/Muslim ones religious belonging. Here too, however, the belonging and are neither dwelled nor visited by
the city. Again, the contrast between the spread Read against the background of mapI, the dividing lines arent sharp and several areas in members of other religious groups.
of maps J36 where trajectories are confined Christian/Muslim divide that has marked Bei- the city especially those located along the green Interestingly enough, while migrant workers so-
to particular, well-targeted safety zones and rut since the Lebanese civil war (19751990) is line-, are becoming once again religiously mixed. cial status is sharply distinguished from the Leb-
maps J710 that move trespass across reli- betrayed by almost all trajectories. Among the Shopping and entertainment landmarks (e.g. anese, their religious belonging seems to strongly
gious and center/periphery divides is telling. It Lebanese nationals, it is visible in the forced his- the ABC Mall) and/or districts (e.g. Gemayzeh, affect their residential and entertainment prac-
map j9 F Informal
settlement

Palestinian
Regularly
visited area

Travel
refugee camp between areas

AUB Ein el Meraisseh

Hamra Residence by night


Manara

Sanayeh Workplace by day


Visited
landmark with stroller
Siou
Jisr Past
Wati residence daily
Past
Workplace on Sundays

Souq movie theatre


Commercial
street S flat sharing
Sabra
Mall V volunteer work

Supermarket F field work

COOP
Cooperation Megastore

Ouzaii Church community

09iI Feel Safe chance encounter/


walking around
One of the things I cherish most about living The security deployment is of course not what
in Beirut is the sense of safety I have in the makes me feel safeto the contrary, I experi- Caf/Restaurant
city. I walk back home late at night and I never ence it as a continuous harassment, a source
feel threatened. I also often rely on people in of traffic congestion, and as an additional daily House visit
the supermarkets and/or stores to care for my negotiation that I could easily do without. Its
children if I have to grab something quickly. easier to face it walking then in the car, so I rely Beach resort
This is a main difference with the time I lived in more on the stroller and try to avoid driving
the United-States, when I was always scared if anytime I can. Neighbour visit
I came back home a little late and I could never
leave my children for a second. Mona Fawaz is author of this document. Hubble Bubble

Dancing

Singing
09jMoving in and out
The short way from where I live to my primary
place of work goes through one of the most
heavily secured streets in the city. Along the
way, I pass by the National Security Headquar-
ters, The French Embassy, three Universit
Saint Joseph campuses, a police station and
two intersections where military tanks have
AUB become permanent fixtures anticipating a clash
Kantari
between adjacent Shiite, Sunni and Christian
Hamra Gemmayzeh
Saint Al communities. The most obvious consequence
Nicholas Hikmeh
of the security deployments protecting these
sites is an outrageous increase in traffic con-
gestion. And since this happens on my regular
Nasra Ashrafieh
route to and from work, it daily leaves me
angry at what I can only see as an unnecessary
obstruction to my ability to get to work on time.
Badaro After all, proximity to the workplace was one of
the main reasons I moved to this location. Be-
fore that, I used to live in one of the relatively
security-less areas in the east of the city, and
I moved out in search for a less homogeneous

j7 j9
and livelier neighborhoodcharacteristics that
seem to come with a certain price.

Ahmad Gharbieh is author of this document.

tices in the city. This is especially the case when able among members of ones religious groups
visible religious markers (e.g. a veil map J3) ( map L).
and/or active membership in ones church group
( map J4) anchor the practices of a community
in one or another religious zone in the city.
In the absence of actual Christian/Muslim com-
munal violence for twenty years, religious divi-

j8 j10
sions and their impacts on trajectories and ur-
ban imprints provide an additional dimension
to the notion of safety, that of feeling comfort-
10Tariq al Jdideh
as Theme Park
Marwan Kaabours thesis project presents a hy-
BY Marwan KaabourGraphic Design Final Year Thesis, 2009

primary purpose of assembly is to act as neigh-


pothetical situation in Tariq al- Jdideh where a borhood watchers, partaking in the dominant
program initiated by Al-Mustaqbal Movement security system. This practice is seen in many
introduces exaggerated security mechanisms in areas that have this similar kind of autonomous
the area, and orchestrates different acts of sup- control, especially in times of conflict. The Tariq
port for the movement by the inhabitants of this al-Jdideh Theme Park also includes more elab-
predominantly Sunni neighborhood. As imag- orate readings of the neighborhoods spaces, like
ined as they may be, each of the components of the monument proposed to be erected in the cen-
this scenario responds to a real event or situa- tral square that turns into a safe platform for the
tion. The Lebanese flag curtain on the balconies Sunni leader Saad Hariri to deliver speeches in
is an attempt at intensifying and permanently in- times of public congregation, and an escape route
tegrating a practice that has been common since in times of conflict.
2007 when, in a national televised address, Prime The significance of Kaabours work lies in its abil-
Minister Fouad Siniora called on the Lebanese to ity to bring together the mechanisms of security
raise the flag on their balconies in support for the and the active performance by the community in
government. Similarly, the surveillance arguil one well-negotiated framework. The new realm
is an interpretation of the street corner meeting of the theme park is at once that of simulations
points of men from the neighborhood, whose and that of regulation and control.

fig K1
The flag balcony curtaina sign of the areas
identity and the loyalty of its inhabitants.
In times of unrest, it is recommended that the
curtain is closed for full impact.
Main speakerpicks up general sounds
from the vicinity.

fig K2 Video camerasrotate covering a range


of 360 degrees.

Security arguil station.

Tiny microphonespick up conversations


within a close perimeter.

Circular public seating area.

Additional arguils, either fixed or brought in


by people.

SCENARIO 1:
The main goal for the construction of the tunnel is probably Shiekh Saad or other Tayyar Mustaqbal
to organize demonstrations in the Mala'ab Baladi personalities. The platform is raise above ground level

fig K3 Square. Therefore, the monument serves as a central


focal point for congregation. As shown in the opening
mechanism, the platform would raise the speaker,
for security purposes, and would be equipped with
protective glass.

SCENARIO 2:
In the situation when the area is under attack.
The Tayyar Mustaqbal coordinators would
contact the HQ to arrange the opening of the
tunnel to be used as an escape route lead-
ing to Qoraitem. Qoraitem Palace has been
equipped with a large secured underground
area to accommodate a large number of people
who would escape Tarik El Jdide. However we
should emphasize that this the absolute final
resort.
map L
Pious Leisure Sites in Before 2000 2000 2006 2006 2008

al-Dahiya
20 seats 1700 seats Major city Airport

Small town Runway


Bvd Maz
raa

Highway Port

Primary road Electric plant


BVD CHEIKH SABAH AL SALEM AL SABAH

MUNICIPAL BEIRUT Vital plant


Secondary road
Hafiz al Asad Bvd

or factory

Bridge destroyed Lighthouse


Hassan Kanj-Asaad Asaad
St
Road cut Media Antenna

Gas station

Chevrolet-G
Adel Arslan St
CHIYAH
per disrict
Aaref Naamani St
al Jnah St

Old
Sa
ida
GHUBEYRI

allery Semaan
Ro
al Khanssa St
MOUSSA AL-

ad
SADER BVD
Had

map M1
hube yri Samawar
Bvd al-G Verda
y

St Sweet
Nas

wi Cafe Family
sa
us
ra

House

Road
Bir el Abed St

lM
llah
Bvd al Ouzai

e WoodysMouawad St al Chaa
m Main
b as Road
Bvd

b-Ab HARET
way

ha HREIK Dome X5

Old
e Coda Cafe
Ch
High

ri Le Marche Refresh

Said
en

Transport & Vital Sites Bombed


H Fakih Cafe Shoura St
Highway
irport

Pizza Laguna Airport-Hazmiyeh


a Ro
Sobh w Masa Cease C@fe
Sobh w Masa
ad
Old A

Fantasy World
Moody Cafe
Cafe Yet Lembi
Cafe
Bvd al Ouzai

Airport Al aareed St
-Hazm
iyeh H Qaser el Diwan Pizza El Ponte
ighway Plus
Terrace

Camille Chamoun
Ga

Abdelno
Main St

ur St
ll

Bab el
Hafiz al Asad Bvd

er

Cafe 33 Berkayel
yS

Hara
em
Brajneh

aa
n
Bv

El A
nna Terbol
d

n St Sweet Tea Cafe


d St

Al Saha
Burj el

Cafe TRIPOLI
Road

Fiori Cafe El Fouar


Jade

Borj el BURJ EL
Bvd al Ouzai

Hady Nasra

Barajne
h Rd BRAJNEH
s al

ZGHARTA
mou
al Ja
llah Bvd

Bqarsouna
Roueiss Main St
ighway
port H

Jam
ir
Old A

i el
Ara
bS
t
AMIOUN BCHARREH
CHOUEIFAT
BATROUN

Al Qarya Mediterranean Sea


El Forno Les
Amis
El Laqlouq
Don Vito
Snack@ JBEIL
argile.net

Afqa

11Pious Morality
Beirut International Airport
JOUNIEH Taraya
Aayoun elSimane

Sannine

and New
Dhour el Choueir
BEIRUT JDAIDEH
by Mona Harb & Lara Deeb
ZAHLEH
Beirut

Spatialities
International
Airport Dahr el Baidar Chtaura
ALEY
Khaldeh El Mdairej

Naameh
Deir Znoun
This map shows the location size, and date of es- promoting the concept of conservative tourism Damour
BEITEDDINE El Masnaa
tablishment of cafs and restaurants that abide (siyaha muhafiza) in the framework of family El Barouk
by acceptable piety and morality rules in the entertainment. In 2001, the charitable organi- Jiyeh
Kefraya
southern neighborhoods of Beirut, labeled al- zation, al-Mabarrat, run by Sayyid Mohammad
JEBB JANNINE
Dahiya (the suburb)a derogatory term refer- Hussein Fadlallah, a key Shii religious figure, Rmeileh
Saghbin
Yanta
ring to the territory extending south of the mu- established al-Saha Traditional Village, a res-
nicipal boundary of the capital until the Airport, taurant complex including shops, a motel and a x5 SAIDA JEZZINE Ain Arab
Machghara
and east towards Hadath and Choueifat, hous- museum. Both projects attracted a large middle- El Zahrani Kfar Qouq

ing a majority of Shii population, and where class clientele who appreciated their piety and RACHAYA
Hezbollah dominates. Acceptable piety and morality standards while enjoying their leisurely
Sarafand
morality rules refer to the lack of alcohol and atmosphere. Es-Saksakieh
El Bablyeh Arab Salim
non-halal meat in these places, in addition to the These pious leisure places indicate how the no- Adloun
NABATIYEH x4 HASBAYA
abidance by behavior that is deemed controlled tion of urban refuge incorporates morality. In- MARJAAYOUN
(madbuta). These places have been multiplying deed, city spaces are formed and practiced in El Zraryeh Jebchit Rashaya
Qasmieh
Arzai
Abba el Fukhar Chebaa
in al-Dahiya, in the aftermath of the liberation Kfar Tebnit
relation to ones class, religion, gender and race Borj Rahal Kfar Shouba
Tair Flaiseh El Khyam
of South Lebanon in 2000, and especially after as we have seen in previous maps ( maps E,F), Abbasieh
TYRE Maachouq Qantara
the Israeli war on Lebanon in 2006, responding but also depend on individual and collective Ghandouriyeh Syria
to an increasing market demand of a pious clien- moral norms and values. Beliefs in particular Jouaya Adaisseh
Ain Baal
tele, wary of a particular moral lifestyle, but also types of social and moral behavior impact spatial El Qlaile Qana
interested in consumerism and spending good production and lifestyles in the city, and translate El Biyyadah
El Mansouri Tibnine

leisurely time amongst their peers. They are run physically and functionally into distinct types of Majedel Zoun Hadata
x4
primarily by private Shii entrepreneurs, many places, where some practices are legitimized and Tair Harfa Marwahin BINT JBEIL
of whom are returning migrants who invest their others criticizedalthough categories are not Ain Ebel
Aita el Chaab
Rmaysh
savings in this profitable market. This pious lei- fixed and are the subject of spatial and temporal
sure phenomenon was instigated by two major negotiations that transform boundaries. Occupied Palestine
stakeholders. In 1998, al-Inmaa groupa major
real-estate developer in al-Dahiyaestablished
Fantasy World, a large-scale amusement park,
ISRAELI ASSAULT ON LEBANON
12Samidoun by Ahmad Gharbieh Major city
Small town

Israeli Agression on Lebanon 2006 Highway

Shortly after the start of the Israeli assault on tive stands as the first in a number of other ac- examples, in the aftermath of the 2006 assault, Road
Lebanon in the summer of 2006, a group of activ- tivism projects that were conducted by the grass- include how the control of the southern suburbs Strikes on August 13th
ists, designers and other concerned individuals roots network in similar situations of urgency by Hezbollah drastically changed from being a
spontaneously got together and formed Samid- ( www.kharita.wordpress.com). blatant enforcement of armed security to a more 15 Strikes
oun. They were driven by a shared need to doc- The decision to include their work from 2006 in invisible operation relying almost exclusively on
ument the extent of the calculated assault and this document is not only to show an example of surveillance. Also in the southern suburb, as the
provide information that traditional media chan- mapping as a tool for change, but also to consider ongoing research of Mona Harb and Lara Deeb 615 Strikes
nels were not making available. A mapping of the the Israeli outside threat as a major contribu- shows, these events can be seen in direct relation
assault was carried out and daily updates of the tor to the constant lack of a real sense of safety to the pattern with which a very particular enter-
maps were regularly posted online and dissemi- in Lebanon. It is important to note that the dif- tainment and leisure industry is emerging, one
1630 Strikes
nated by e-mail to and by a network of people ferent episodes of the post-civil-war Lebanese- that is defined by religious conformity and moral
that was growing by the day. The maps achieved Israeli tensionsthe Grapes of Wrath Operation codes of conduct. These examples are only some
considerable exposure and quickly became pri- in 1996, the Liberation of the South in 2000 and of the observations that can be made regarding
mary reference documents, appearing in news the latest 2006 warhave direct consequences the effects of the continuous Israeli threat, some
programs on TV and in the hands of politicians on and provoke specific spatial renegotiations in of which are less direct but are of equal signifi- >30 Strikes
during press conferences. The success of this al- certain areas, of which the most obvious is the cance.
ternative media device fuelled the enthusiasm of transformation of certain sections of Lebanese
the group even further. Today, the 2006 initia- cities into refuge sites for the displaced. Other

map m2
Aandaqt

Deir Janine Koubayat


Locations Bombed HALBA
Akroum
HALBA

TRIPOLI
EL HERMEL EL HERMEL
ZGHARTA

AMIOUN

BCHARREH
BATROUN

Ainata Ersal
Mediterranean Sea
Deir el Ahmar
JBEIL

Chlifa

x4 BAALBECK
BAALBECK JOUNIEH
Liban Lait
milk & dairy
Britel

BEIRUT
Sarrein El Khraibeh
El Nabi Chit Maaraboun
BAABDA

ALEY

BEITEDDINE

JEBB JENNINE

SAIDA JEZZINE

RACHAYA

HASBAIYA
NABATIYEH

MARJAAYOUN

TYRE
Syria

BINT JBEIL

Occupied Palestine

ISRAELI ASSAULT ON LEBANON

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