Ewe Culture

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EWE CULTURE AS EXPRESSED IN GHANA WEST AFRICA
THROUGH ADZOGBO DANCE CEREMONY:
A FOUNDATION FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF
INTERACTIVE MULTIMEDIA EDUCATIONAL MATERIALS
BY
ZELMA C. M. BADU
IN THE
DEPARTMENT OF INTEGRATED STUDIES IN EDUCATION

FACULTY OF EDUCATION
MC GILL UNIVERSITY, MONTREAL
AUGUST 2002
A THESIS SUBMITTEDTO MC GILL UNIVERSITY

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DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
ZELMABADU
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11
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER TITLE PAGE
Abstract x
Dedication xu
Acknowledgement xm
Introduction: 1
Autopoesis: 1
Project Description: 8
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF RESEARCH 10
Overview of Chapter 10
Dance in African Culture Il
Ams of the StudylRationale 15
Concept and Scope ofthis Study 21
Background to the Study and Analysis of African Dance 22
African Dance as a Communication Art Form 30

African Epistemology 31
Relevant Background to the Inquiry 39
Researchers of African Culture: Past 39

Researchers of African Culture: Present 40
Research Approach 41
Research on African Cultural Art Forms 47
Methodology and Methods 48

Fieldwork 51
Context ofResearch Site 52
Roles ofResearch: Insider/Outsider Roles 54
Summary of Chapter One 57

m
CHAPTER TWO: HISTORICAL, GEOGRAPHICAL, CULTURAL,

AND SOCIAL BACKGROUND OF THE EWES 59
Historical Background 60
Notsie Settlement 64
Exodus 68
Geograprncal Background 69
The Land 69
Maps
Africa: Map 1 72
GhanaMap la 73
West Africa: MapII 74
Ewe Territory: Map III 75
Ethnic Map of Volta Region: Map III a 76
District Map of Volta Region: Map III b 77
Southeastem Volta Region: Map IV 78
Southeastem Ewe Territories: Map IV a 79
Physical Features, Vegetation and Occupation 80

Cultural Background 83
Social Background 86
The People 86
The Household 88
The Nuclear Family 89
Social Class 92
Political Structure 94
Judicial System 95
Religion 97
Summary of Chapter Two 101

lV
CHPATER THREE: DANCE, MUSIC AND OTHERRELATED

ACTNITIES OF THE EWE 102

Dance Fonn and Function 102
Dance Perfonnance Context 104
Nature and Categories ofDances 105

Dancers RoIes, Attitudes and Training 106
Dance Structure and Perfonnance Arena 110
Dance and Other Related Arts and Activities 112
Perspectives on Music 112
Relationship Between Drumming and Dance 119

Religion and Dance 120
Perspectives on Religion 120
Relationship Between Religion and Dance 122
Objects of Art and Ritual Paraphernalia 124
Summary of Chapter Three 127
CHAPTER FOUR: ADZOGBO: A RITUAL DANCE CEREMONY 128
Background of the Adzogbo Dance Ceremony 128

Origin and Historical Development 128
Mawu Li Kplimi Adzogbo Group of Aflao in Ghana 131
Photograph One: Mawu Li Kplimi Adzogbo Group 132

Photograph Two: Setsoafia Yibo 133
Photograph Three: Kpome (private rehersal space) 134
Photograph Four: Lead Adzogbo Drummer 136
Photographer Five: Lead Adzogbo Dancer 137
Fonn and Structure of the Adzogbo Ceremony 138
Mode ofPerfonnance ofthe Dance 138
Perfonnance Structure and Phases 140
Dance Arena 147
v
Chart 1 - Dance Arena 149

Chart n - Dance Arena 150
Chart ln - Dance Arena 151
Music: Instrument of the Adzogbo Ensemble 152

Photograph Six: Ewe Drum Set 155
Photograph Seven: Gankogui 156
Photograph Eight: Gankogui 157
Photograph Nine: Axatse 158
Photographer Ten: Atsimevu 159
Photograph Eleven: Kagan 160
Photograph Twelve: Kidi 161
Photograph Thirteen: Sogo 162
Adzogbo Soundscape 164

Adzogbo Costume and Other Visual Arts 166
Photograph Fourteen: Male Adzogbo Dancers 169

Photographer Fifteen: Male Adzogbo Dancers 170
Photograph Sixteen: Male Adzogbo Dancers 171
Photograph Seventeen: Lead Adzogbo Dancer, Male 172
Photograph Eighteen: Lead Adzogbo Dancer, Male 173
Photograph Nineteen: Adzogbo Dancer Costume, Male 174
Photographer Twenty: Adzogbo Dancer costume, Male 175
Photograph Twenty-One: Religious Statue 176
Photograph Twenty-Two: Adzogbo Dance Costume, Male 177
Photograph Twenty-Three: Adzogbo Dance Costume, Male 178
Photograph Twenty-Four: Adzogbo Dance Costume, Female 180
Photograph Twenty-Five: Adzogbo Dance Costume, Female 181
Photograph Twenty-Six: Adzogbo Dance Costume, Female 182
Photograph Twenty-Seven: Adzogbo Dance Costume, Female 183
Photograph Twenty-Eight: Adzogbo Dance Costume, Female 184
Photograph Twenty-Nine: Adzogbo Dance Costume, Female 185
Photograph Thirty: Adzogbo Dance Costume, Drummers 186
Summery of Chapter Four 187

vi
CHAPTER FIVE: ANALYSIS OF DANCE FORM:
The Mawu li K1imi Adzogbo Dance Group 188

Context 188
Performance Dance Structure 192

Gbefadede - The Announcement 192
Adzokpadede - The Warm-up 193
Tsifofodi - Purification 193
Kadodo - Female Dance Section 195

Atsia - Main Dance or Men Section, Section One 197
Atsia - Main Dance or Men Section, Section Two 200
The Round Off - The Finale 201

Adzogbo: Analysis of Atsia Phase 201
Mode of Analysis 202
Introductory Passage to Atsia 205
Key to Atsimevu Drom Strokes 206
Atsia One: 208

Vocal Phrase 208
Music Transcription 209
Description ofMovement 211
Interpretative Emotiona1 Response 214
General Summary of Image 215
Traditional Meaning 215
Atsia Two: 216

Vocal Phrase 216
Description of Movement 219
Interpretative Emotional Response 220
Atsia Three 222

V ocal Phrase 222
vii
AtsiaFour: 230
Vocal Phrase 230
AtsiaFive: 237
Vocal Phrase 237
Atsia Six: 246

Vocal Phrase 246
Atsia Seven: 252

Vocal Phrase 252
Atsia Eight: 258

Vocal Phrase 258
viii
Atsia Nille: 266

Vocal Phrase 266
General Summary ofImage 270
Hand Gestures 271
Atsia Ten 272

Vocal Phrase 272
General Summary ofImage 277
Rhythmic Patterns ofSupporting Instruments: Main Atsia Section 279
Key to Drum Parts of Supporting Instruments 280
Reflections of Atsia Analysis 281
Summary of Chapter Five 282
EPILOGUE: DANCE ETHNOLOGY AND INTERACTIVE

MULTIMEDIA TECHNOLOGY:
AN EDUCATIONAL TOOL
IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH 283
Overview 283
Rationale for Using Interactive Multimedia Technology 283

Multimedia Ethnography 292
Dance as a Multimedia Educational Tool:

Designing a CD-ROM/Website 297
Multimedia Ethnography as a Serious
Contribution to Anthropology 298
Reflection 302
Limitations of Interactive Multimedia 304
Summary of Epilogue 305

IX
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 306

FILM AND VIDEOGRAPHY 322
SOUND RECORDINGS 323
APPENDICES:
Appendix One: Professor Amoako Opening Cennony Speech 324
Introduction 324
Opening Ceremony Speech 330
Conclusion 330
Appendix Two: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS 331

Appendix Three: INFORMED ORAL CONSENT FORM 338
ADDENDUMI A. Script Outline 340

B. Booklet to Accompany CD-ROM - Outline 342
ADDENDUM II 1. Equipment Specifications 344
GLOSSARY OF EWE TERMS 346

x
AB S TRACT
This dissertation project is a preparation for development of a method for teaching
traditional Ewe culture to people ofWestem or non-Ewe background, using dance
ethnology as an approach to conducting research, and digital video recording as a means
for documentation. The study focuses on one of the Ewe's oidest and most powerful
religious dance and music ceremonies, Adzogbo, as It is performed by the Mawuli Kpli
Mi Adzogbo Group from the village of Aflao in Ghana, West Africa.
Adzogbo, originally from Dahomey (now Benin), was brought to Ghana in the late
19th Century, and was formally performed for the Dahomeyan war gods to transmit
pertinent information to warriors preparing for battle. It is still considered one ofthe most
complex dance and music systems, having intricate polyrhythmic texture and specifie
relationship between the master drummer and the vigorous and articulated movements of
the dancers, which are emphasized by their elaborate costume.
Presently, the dance functions as a recreational ceremony and is performed
during specifie special occasions. It is used to display mental, physical and spiritual
power and still carries sorne of its original war dance characteristics.
This project consists of a written thesis document and one hour digital video
documentary of the Adzogbo Dance Ceremony, outlining its background and importance,
form and structure, and a comparative analyses of the organization and structure ofboth
the dance and music. The text provides information on Ewe culture, including their
historical, social, and geographical background, their dance, music and related activities
and an exploration of Interactive multimedia technologies to in future develop electronic
educational material.
xi
Cette dissertation est un prlude au dveloppement d'tille mthode
d'enseignement des danses traditionelles de la culture Ewe aux gens qui ne sont pas
d'origine Ewe. Elle utilise l'ethnologie de la danse pour faire la documentation. L'tude
se concentre sur une des plus vieilles et puissantes danses religieuses et musique de
crmonies, Adzogbo, elle qu interprete par le groupe Mawuli Kpli Mi Adzogbo du
village Aflao en Ghana. Originaire de Dahomey (maintenant Benin), cette danse a t
introduite au Ghana vers la fin du XIXe sicle. Elle etait formellement danse par les
dieux de la guerre pour transmettre de l'information pertinente la preparation des
guerriers pour la bataille. Elle est encore considere une danse des plus complexes ayant
une texture polyrhythmique trs labore et une relation spcifique entre le matre joueur
du tambour et les danseurs, accentus par les costumes laborrs. Prsentment, cette
danse foncionne comme ne danse pour des clbrations caractre rcriatif, excute lors
d'occasion spcifiques et speciales. Elle est utilise pour montrer la puissance mentale,
physique et spirituelle et elle entrane encore quelques caractristiques de danse de guerre
originalles.
Ce projet comporte un document crit en plus d'une heure d'enreistrement
video digital. Il inclue l'excution de la crmonie de la danse Adzogbo, et un analyse
comparative de l' organization et structure dans la danse et musique.

xii
DEDICATION
This dissertation is dedicated to my wonderful supportive, encouraging and loving
husband Dr. Paschal Yao Younge, my inspiring and caring mother, Menilyn T. Merrick,
and to the memory of my father, Maxwell Elliott Badu; my brother who saved my life,
Jonathan K. M. Gass, and sister Ama Patience Badu; my maternaI grand parents the late
Annabelle Evans and Edmund Merrick; my friend and mentor Elizabeth Langley, my
loyal supporter, Cheryl Miller Porter, His Excellency - Victor Gbeho for introducing me
to Ghanaian Dance Forms and Abdel Salaam for introducing me to African-Modern
dance forms, my good friend and kindred soul mates Elizabeth Ramsay and Maria Ricci;
my spiritual sisters Amparo Chigui Santiago, Maria Garcia and Judy Proano and oldest
and dearest friend Eleanor Joy Hemmert.

xiii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
1 would like to express my most sincere gratitude to my wonderful husband Dr.
Paschal Yao Younge for ms encouragement, intellectual, financial, and moral support,
ms advising, the endless field research resources, and limitless love, my mother Menilyn
T. Merrick for her unconditionallove and continued beliefin my abilities both artistically
and educationally, my brother Jonathan K. M. Gass for his love, kind and supportive
words during the hard times, and for the laughter during the good times; and to Stephen
Gbolongo for ms aid during my field research. 1 am indebted to the Mawuli Kpli Mi
Adzogbo Group, and their Patrons Setsoafia Yibo and Nyadi Kofi, Group Leader
Agbomabe Seshie and lead dancer Kpeli Kobla and the town of Aflao; to Professors
Nina de Shane and Selma Odom of York University, for providing me with tools and
skills to conduct my research, West Virginia University's International Studies Program
Professor Nketia of the International Center for African Music and Dance, and late
Professor Mawere Opoku from the School ofPerforming Arts both at the University of
Ghana in Legon . 1 would also like to acknowledge my committee members, Professors
Boyd White, Mary Maguire, Elizabeth Wood, and Peggy Downey for guidance and
inspiration. Finally 1 would like to express my warmest thanks for the unwavering
moral and academic support of my good friends Cheryl Miller Porter, Elizabeth Langley,
and Maria Garcia; and my oidest and dearest friend, Eleanor Joy Hemmert.
Introduction
Autopoiesis Zelma's Education, Self-formation and Field Experience:.
The study of African dance influences and perpetuates the endless exploration of
my artistic expression and academic pursuits. With a vast cumulative experience in both
artistic and academic genre, 1 found that this study has reshaped my life in terms ofthe
CUITent personal choices 1 make, the changes in my beliefs, the choice of activities in
which 1 now engage, and the alteration of my personal perceptions and aesthetic values
about the performing arts.
As a bi-cultural individual (father from Ghana and mother from the United
States), 1 have had varied exposures to different cultures in my academic and artistic
lived experiences. Conceived in a small community called Kaneshi in the capital city of
Accra (Ghana), 1 was born in Brooklyn, New York and returned to live in Ghana, West
Africa when 1 was seven weeks old. At this time, 1 was exposed to, and completely
immersed in Ghanaian culture and lifestyle. Dancing, singing, and drumming were
integral parts ofmy daily life. 1 had no need to enrol in a specifie pro gram to enjoy it.
At two years of age, 1 lived in New York and had to adapt to a different
culture and family lifestyle. Although sUITounded by rich and divergent cultural
activities, it was necessary for me to enro! in specific programs in order to participate in
them. My interest in the arts in general, and in 'movement' in particular came naturally to
me. My mother told me that 1 could dance before 1 could walk. Noticing my aptitude for
dance, my mother enrolled me in Little Theatre School, Brooklyn, New York when 1 was
five years old. There, 1 studied tap, ballet and gymnastics.

2
At seven years old, my mother returned with me to Ghana, where 1 attended
African drum rhythms, which announced class period changes, and to African dancing
and singing, which became part of my everyday leisure activities. Returning to New York
a year later, within months, 1 moved to Canada with my mother and her new spouse, a
Canadian ofIrish and Scottish descent. There, 1 pursued my love of, and became strongly
committed to, dance and dance education.
From age five until completion of my university undergraduate studies, my main
focus had been on western dance forms, with a smattering of exposure to West African
dance styles. My step-father's heritage became a strong influence on me. While spending
summers in Nova Scotia, his home province, 1 enjoyed and therefore learned Irish and
Scottish folk songs, dances and games as though they were part of my own heritage.
Even today, people are surprised when 1 start singing the song, ''l'z the b'y that builds
the boats, l'z the b'y that sails her..." (I is the boy that builds the boat, 1 is the boy that
sails her), which 1 leamed from my step-grandfather. It was only when 1 returned to the
United States in 1978 to complete my last two years ofhigh school that 1 was again
heavily exposed to African dance forms.
In addition, because my step-father also lived for a short period in Ghana, my
home-life maintained many ofthe cultural influences of Ghana. My home was decorated
with Ghanaian artefacts; we often cooked Ghanaian food, socialized with Ghanaians and
other people who had lived in Africa, and played and danced to Ghanaian music
at home festivities.
3
Once re-connected, it was as though 1 had never left Ghana. Despite the many
years of Ballet training at the National Ballet of Canada, and at l'Academie des Grands
Ballet Canadien, African-style movements remained etched in my soul, therefore
seeming to have been my calling. This connection came to light when 1 joined a modem
dance club at Teaneck High School, Teaneck, New Jersey, which was headed by Cheryl
Miller, an African-American teacher. Having dance classes at the high school during
after-school hours, Miller often invited guest instructors to give workshops or teach
specialized dance forms. It was then that 1 met and trained under Abdel Salaam, then a
lead dancer in the Chuck Davis Dance Company, a well-known African-American
professional dance group that specializes in West African dance. 1 was able to leam sorne
African dance movements and performed them naturally and with great ease. 1 believe
the latter was the beginning of my bi-cultural approach to dance. Intellectually however,
1 was not able to adapt as easily to African-American culture. 1 experienced culture
shock, wruch was evident during early interactions with family members and
acquaintances at school. For example, 1 attended a classmate's party where the majority
ofthose socializing were African-American. 1 realized within the first fifteen minutes
that even though visually we looked similar, culturally 1 did not fit in. 1 didn't understand
many of the dialogues, attitudes and did not share many oftheir interests. It took me
several months to assimilate.
After finisrung high school in 1980, 1 retumed to Canada and attended York
University (Toronto) where 1 enrolled in the Bachelor of Fine Arts honours program,
majoring in Modem Dance. When 1 learned ofmy father's death in Ghana, 1 took a one-
year sabbatical from the University to re-evaluate my life, having realized that since
4
leaving Ghana in early 1970, 1 had maintained no real contact with my father, or other
close relatives.
Back in New York 1 studied modern, jazz, ballet, and Dunham (an African-
Caribbean based technique created by Catherine Dunham) the prestigious Alvin Ailey
American Dance Center. When 1 decided to return to my academic studies in 1983, 1
transferred to Concordia University, Montreal where 1 completed the Bachelor of Fine
Arts degree, with a major in choreography and contemporary dance. Whilst studying at
Concordia University (1983 - 1985), 1 also enjoyed a fun scholarship from the Russian
ballet academy l'Academie de Ballet du Centre Ville, where 1 studied Russian banet
techniques, character and ballet j azz. Training in West African dance was not readily
available in Montreal then as it is now (mainly due to the recent migration of West
Africans from French speaking countries). At that time, 1 relied mainly on connections in
the United States to keep abreast of activities involving West African dance.
Concordia University Contemporary Dance Department's (founded and chaired
by Elizabeth Langley) unique approach to choreography enabled and encouraged the
development of my own movement, voice and vocabulary without being strongly
influenced by Western dance forms. In addition, the strict and rigid system ofRussian
ballet helped me to develop a multi-disciplined approach to studying dance. 1 was able to
study two different forms and approaches to dance with the same intensity without
having one technique interrupting or influencing the other.
ln addition to having the virtual encouragement and support mentioned ab ove, 1
had the good fortune of meeting a long-term friend of my mother, his Excellency, Mr.
Victor Gbeho, the former Ghanaian Ambassador to the United Nations. He was the main
5
force in my decision to seriously pursue the study of African dance. During one ofmy
weekend visits to his residence in New Rochelle, New York, 1 had many opportunities to
talk at length with "Unde Victor", as 1 called him, about Ewe culture and beliefs. Unde
Victor, an Ewe ethnically, and knowing my father who had died, acted as a father to me
and shared his knowledge. Aware that 1 was studying dance at the University, Gbeho
posed the question... "When are you going to leam real dancing", referring, of course, to
Ghanaian dance. Taking me under his wing, he took me to the State University of New
York, Brockport, New York to meet Professor Opoku and to view a performance of
Ghanaian West African dancing. It was after that performance that 1 became seriously
interested in studying West Aftican and Ghanaian dance.
After completing my Undergraduate degree in 1985, Ijoined the Philadelphia
Dance Company (Philadanco), one of North America's noted Black Modem
Contemporary Dance Companies. Soon after, 1 was invited to join the Forces of Nature
Dance Theatre Company, a New York-based group (directed by Abdel Salaam) which
performed Western and fusions of Western and West African style dance forrns. This
company introduced me to a new aesthetic dance form, which has strongly influenced
that which 1 have developed over the years.
1 returned to Montreal and taught dance at Concordia University Department of
Contemporary Dance. There, 1 explored and developed a technique for teaching West
African and West African-contemporary dance. After teaching the technique for three
years, 1 felt the need to retum to Ghana to learn more about its culture. 1 therefore
decided to pursue a Master of Fine Arts degree in dance ethnology at York University,
Toronto.
6
In addition to the required course in dance ethnology, research methods,
movement analysis and Baroque dancing, Ewe culture was the foeus of my research
project. Upon completing my degree in 1992, l created choreographic works that
reflected Ewe culture specifically and Ghanaian culture in general. One choreography
Torgbewo Metrova (ancestors l have returned), was nominated for 'Outstanding
Choreography' by the Dora Mavor Moore Awards. In 1992, l also founded
a non-profit dance organization called Makpoloo Dance Initiative, Inc., an urnbrella
organization whose objective is to educate the general public (especially youth) about
diverse cultural dance forms, as weIl as to promote, and cultivate the collaboration of
other choreographers. While creating and producing new works, and teaching dance at
Makpoloo Dance Initiative' s Badu Dance Company, l maintained teaching positions in
York University's Department of Dance and Departrnent of Cultural Studies. After four
years, Makpoloo Dance Initiative/Badu Dance Company becarne one of the top dance
performance companies in Canada. It performed at national events and on the media
along with renown personalities, such as Peter Gzowski, Karen Kain, Peggy Baker, and
Margie Gillis.
At the height ofmyperformance career, l retumed to academia to pursue a
doctorate degree. Taking at first a practical approach to the degree, l enrolled in the
newly developed pro gram at the University of Quebec, Montreal, called "Etude et
Practique des Art". l soon realized that l really wanted to retum to Ghana to work as a
dance ethnologist. l therefore transferred to McGill University's Department of Culture
and Values in Education to study Ewe dance ceremony.

7
For the most part my experiences in Ghana were very positive. In 1991,1 was
guided in my research by the well-known and brilliant, Paschal Yao Y ounge of the
University of Ghana' s music department. While 1 was conducting fieldwork for my
masters degree, he freely offered help. While 1 was completing my research, he gave me
the utmost respect. He was very generous with his time, extremely supportive and
reliable as a consultant when providing guidance.
Eight years later, while conducting research for my doctorate dissertation, in a
chance meeting 1 was once again graced by the wisdom and generosity ofPaschal
y ounge, now Dr. Y ounge, who again offered his skills as an advisor and consultant in
Ewe culture (as he did and continues to do with aU those who approached him for
guidance in African culture). With his support, each phase of my research was
accomplished and 1 was able to collect more data than 1 could ever use for my study. In
fact, sorne of the data collected would never have been available to me even as a person
with Ghanaian roots. To him, 1 am completely indebted and grateful.
When 1 told Y ounge of my research goals, he was able to arrange contacts with
pertinent informants for the full three summers of my research. With his reputation
behind me, 1 was able to gain respect, trust and a higher level of communication with the
local villagers, scholars, and professional dancers. 1 also gathered ample literature and
video recordings, participated and related more as a local person, and was able to display
the utmost respect, and appreciation towards them.

8
Project Description
This project continues my ongoing investigation into the dance and music
traditions oftraditional Ewe culture, which began in 1989 when 1 first traveled as an adult
to Ghana. The reason for ehoosing the danees of the Ewe ethnie group, from the many
that exist in Ghana, is that this group represents my patemal heritage. Raised as an
African-American and living mostly in Canada, 1 had a very limited knowledge of Ewe
culture; and as a dancer trained in North America, 1 was exposed primarily to Western
dance forms. My dance training included ballet and modem techniques from such
institutions as The National Ballet of Canada, l'Academie des Grands Ballet
Canadiens, and the Department of Contemporary dance, Concordia University, both
in Canada. In addition, 1 studied in the United States at Dance Theatre of Harlem and
The Alvin Ailey American Dance Center.
Although dance plays an important role in everyday life of the Ewe people, little
has been written about it. Most of the written documentaries on Ghanaian dances are
about the Akan culture, the largest ethnic group in Ghana. It is this quest to investigate
Ewe dance and be able to critique, perform, and document on video, that led me to Ghana
in 1991, when 1 was researching for my masters thesis. My study was entitled,
Atsiagbekor: Documentation of an Ewe Dance Form. This project involved video
documentation and comparison of Atsiagbekor (a war dance) as performed by local
villagers in Dzogadze to that of the National Dance Company of Ghana at the University
of Ghana. My documentation consisted of an hour-long video and a descriptive essay
about the historical and geographical background ofthe Ewes, and the mode and
9
organization of the critic al analysis of its qualitative dance movements. The lessons and
problems that l encountered in this initial fieldwork have provided the necessary
philosophical and theoretical direction that l use in this inquiry.

10
ChapterOne
Overview of Research
Overview of Chapter
The chapter describes the importance and integral position of dance in African
culture and society. 1 focus on African dance in the community as it relates to their
members' communication with each other, social structure, creativity, spirituality,
courtship, philosophical view, intelleetual development and general communal
epistemology. 1 describe how African dance is interdisciplinary in its approach and how
this form of expression can be used as a cathartic release in the community Chapter
one 1 also describe how dance in its traditional context is viewed within the community
as a display of membership and outside the community as a form of lewd behaviour. 1
also describe how the dance is used in a more contemporary context, as when performed
by a professional group used to entertain foreigners. 1 also discuss the aim of my study
and several approaches 1 have selected to proceed with in the study of African dance,
and finally my approach to research, fieldwork, as weIl as my methodology.
Although in my discussion of African dance "Africa" is discussed as a generic,
monolithic entity, 1 would like to point out the variety of diverse cultures found in both
Maghreb and Sub Saharan Africa; and the many different ethnic groups, languages and
religions found in the continents many countries. This researeh is eentred on sub-Saharan
Afriea with foeus on Ghana as a case study.

Il
Dance in African Culture
Dance is very important in Amcan culture. To the Amcan, dance is life itself -- a
way of thinking, living and communicating. Dance forms an integral part of an important
facets of the life cycle. Amcans dance when a baby is bom and when they conduct
puberty rites. They dance during marri age and funerai celebrations, religious ceremonies,
festivals, and during recreation after a day's hard work (Bame, 1991, p. 7). Their
occupational practices are also dramatized or stylized into dance movements.
Through dance, Africans express love, pain, sorrow, joy and the experiences they
encounter in life. Dance is enjoyed for both its recreational and its aesthetic pleasures.
The dynamic form of dance functions to visually and kinaesthetically enhance and
complement the aesthetic as weIl as " ... the symbolic impact of other art forms, whether
verbal or non-verbal, bringing out their full significance and meaning (Ajayi, 1998, p. 1).
Regarded as the oldest and the mother of the arts, dance has become the focal
point of Amcan performing arts. It is the embodiment of the African artistic heritage and
combines various art disciplines. An important characteristic of dance in African cultures
is its interdisciplinary nature. Drumming, singing, stamping, or clapping are necessary
and inseparable accompaniments to dance, and when combined with appropriate body
movements are regarded as one activity, dance.
Dance is also a vital part of understanding the social structure of African culture.
Facial expression, movement dynamics and spatial preferences, body posture, which are
non-verbal interpersonal communicative expressions, are leamed at a young age.
Amcans begin exposing children "throughout infancy and adolescence, to rhythm in
many forms and graded complexities" (Opoku, 1968, p. 9).

12
Dance education is as important in the development of the child as is learning to
walk. A child acquires his/her first dance and musical knowledge from his/her mother.
The child also leams to express himselfi'herselfby participating in storytelling sessions.
"Dance is one of the attributes that defines a person and which integrates one fully as a
member ofthe society"(Ajayi, 1998, p. 4).
Africans have an holistic and positive attitude towards their bodies. They are sites
of culture, beauty, art, expression and spirituality and should be displayed in aIl these
different aspects in a positive light. If the body is used for impure purposes, there are rites
and purification activities available to cIeanse it if the person is willing. Dancers may
themselves freely express themselves through dance for spirituality or courtship.
African dance researchers have often complained about Western researchers'
ethnocentric and misguided view oftheir cultural form. Formerly, western researchers
authoritatively described their non-western dance forms as "lewd ambling," or "imitative
fornication" . African dance was considered uncivilized (Ajayi, 1998, p. 4). With
the onset of colonialism and missionary activity, Africans also began to leam and look at
dance as immoral behaviour, which eventually affected its growth and survival (Ajayi,
1998, p. 5).
Dr. Kwame Nkrumah (the first African to lead Ghana after the colonialist era),
the first president of Ghana, saw the importance of maintaining the culture and therefore
promoted the ide a ofincorporating the art form into institutions ofhigher education.
Presently, African dance and music, although included in academic programs, still carry
the sentiments of colonial and Christian influences and are seen by sorne intellectuals as
less prestigious art forms as 1 observed at the University of Ghana. However, the more
13
contemporary western and eastern researchers come to study and write about African
arts, the more natives are motivated to study and write themselves.
Africans as a whole are studying and regaining their pride and respect for their
dances in recent years. Sorne of the dance displays, however, especially in the large
cities, are commercialized, or performed by national companies and used to welcome or
entertain foreigners. African dance structures in this context are being compared to
western performances. As contexts change, spatial arrangements have also been affected,
resulting in modification of movements and music. These changes have affected the
original aesthetics of dances and altered the cultural perspective.
Dance is still a vibrant and integral part of life in the villages, despite being
exposed to outside forces. To the Africans, dance still contains or embodies pertinent
meaning. Sorne see significance in both the modem and the traditional style of
performing and as an important aspect and means of communication in the theatre.
Many accounts of African dance are more focused on the event rather than the
dance meaning and significance and often the focus is through the eyes of an
ethnomusicologist, rather than a dancer or a dance ethnographer/anthropologist. Most of
these accounts were writien by non-Africans. Radcliffe Brown and Evans-Pritchards
write that dance plays certain roles in culture, satisfies certain needs, and is a part of
specific functions (Bame, 1991, p. 32). This social, collective activity has a special effect
on social groups and individual members engaged in it. It offers individual mernbers
opportunity to display, with confidence, their dancing and expertise before other
members of the society; and it fosters admiration of onlookers, increasing a sense of self-
importance (Bame, 1991, p. 33). The state of e1ation that the feeling ofincreased self-
14
importance brings the dancer in tum engenders a feeling of geniality and good-will
towards companions (Raddcliffe-Brown, 1948, p. 251).
Dance also creates a feeling ofbelonging among members, and brings about
solidarity, and unity in the community. lndividuals constrained by costumes often
conceal their idiosyncrasies and conform to the social requirements of the dance. With
this, they develop a degree of social conformity which is needed to provide the
community with a harmonious sociallife.
In African villages, dance functions as a form of recreation and revitalizaton
since televisions and movie theatres are not readily available. Dance is also used to
celebrate funeraIs, to help evoke gods, and to lament past lives and ancestors. It is used in
traditional and non-traditional (syncretism churches) religious ceremonies. Dance helps
to communicate ideals and thoughts through symbolic gestures that communicate
meaning and messages in social settings and between social relationships. It is an
institutionalized process for canalizing sexual energies in socially harmless ways.
y ouths flirt, court, and establish sexual connections through dance, as blatant indulgences
are not socially accepted. Dance allows for expressions of ridicule, or cathartic release,
and is a psychological source ofreplenishment happiness andjoy, a way oflessening
grief and worry(Bame, 1991, p. 37).
Dance still remains as one ofthe most important activities in African villages.
Without dance, the village is considered to be non-functioning, or dead because an life
activities revolve around it. To the African, dance is life.

15
Aims of the StudylRationale
My main objectives ofthis project are:
(a) to provide the documentation essential to the future teaching oftraditional Ewe
culture to people of Western or non-Ewe background.
(b) to discuss the potential of current media technology for educational purposes.
l will use dance as the focus of my research, and digital video recording as a means of
documentation. In future, the interactive multimedia software program "Final Cut Pro,"
will be essentially used to edit and complete a digital video disc (DVD). In addition, l
will explore the use ofHTML ethnography facilitated by the software "hyperbuilder,"
with the aim of eventually creating a unique educational too1. The educational tool will
take the forrn of a Website and CD-ROM.
The DVD will include carefully edited images and information on Ghanaian
culture, Ewe dance and music in general, and Southern Ewe culture in particular. l
will then focus on the full Adzogbo Ceremony, including aU preparation and associated
activities. This will include aIl the phases of the dance, identification of rituals, costumes
and instruments, as well as a comparative study of the dance and drum language.
In the CD-ROM I will include the above-mentioned DVD in the first section and
include specifie photographs to represent different categories, a breakdown of the dance
and ritual movements and meaning, and demonstration of instruments played. I will aiso
include translation of drum language and songs, preparation of costumes and
paraphernalia, and a comparative study of the dance and drum language.

16
In the Website, I will include an outline of the Ewes and the Adzogbo dance
ceremony. !ts organization will be similar to the second part of the CD-ROM, and will
include 'clickable' links, audio, moving and still images. There will also be individual
files containing Hnes oftext and Hyper Text Mark up Language (HTML) codes. The
information will be organized as described above and may include an area for comments
and questions from the readers ofthis site as weIl as a related bibliography. In this
research, I provide a video recording ofthe full ceremony followed by Ten (10) dance
phrases, which are isolated from the ceremony for analytical purposes.
I focus on the religious Ewe dance and music ceremony, Adzogbo, as it is
performed by the Ewe dance drumming group from Aflao, Ghana. The Adzogbo
ceremony involves ritualistic and highly stylized dance and music based on traditional
Ewe movement and drum language.
As a researcher, my third main objective for this project before, during, and after
fieldwork is to discover: "How do I, a Western thinker, judge, appraise and become
aware of important aspects of a culture?" Western raised and educated, my mother is an
African-American from New York and my step-father European-Canadian from Nova
Scotia. My biggest fear is that of falling into the same trap as some former and recent
researchers of African culture, who write from their own ethnocentric perspective. For
example, Mills (1997) writes that:
... even though contemporary scholars have been able to identify ethnocentric
biases in Sachs's research and in other dance literature, they continue to pervade
dance research and subsequent perceptions by dancers, scholars, and critics. For
instance, the new approach to discussing African dance by Western trained

17
dancers is as a somatic versus aesthetic experience. This approach is simply
another way of saying that African dance is a form of "ethnic dance" and not
art: as ifwhat is art is not ethnic. In light of changing attitudes toward racism
and currently exposed ethnocentric attitudes toward African dance, these labels
are used to couch a historical issue (p. 145).
Sorne ethnographie literature and films on Ewes, or Africans in general, make
statements about the dances and their forms that are inaccurate. These researchers
have applied incorrect names and structural format as weIl as inappropriate meanings to
the dance forms. For ex ample, Dance Anthropologist Williams (1994) stated in her
article, Traditional Dance Spaces: Concepts ofDeixis and the Staging of Traditional
Dance, that in the dance Agbekor, "The dancers would never ever tum their back to the
master drummer in any village 1 know of in the Volta region. Such an act in that context
would constitute an intolerable insult" (Welsh Asante, 1994, p. 12). This statement is
incorrect. There are sorne dances wherein the dancers do place themselves with their
backs to the drummers. In certain villages (such as that in which l previously studied,
called Dzogadze) the dance, Agbekor, is performed in both directions.
My main purpose ofthis inquiry is to capture the experience of "being there",
to find a way to transport this rich culture to those ofnon-African background, and
wherever possible, to correct misconceptions such as that cited above. l believe that
presenting and/or describing the ceremony as independent forms -- dance, music or art--
gives only a partial view or understanding of the "meaning" ascribed by the people.
Therefore, presenting the ceremony in its complete interdisciplinary form is a more

18
appropriate and respectful approach. Thompson (1974), argues that African visual art and
dance feed into one another and are inseparable (p. XII).
After its completion, the written dissertation and the accompanying video
documentation on Digital Video Dise will be made available to educators and other
professionals who wish to use it as a research source, or teaching aid. In future, the
written dissertation and digital documentation will be placed on CD-ROM and the World
Wide Web. 1 expect this innovative project to be a unique contribution to the field of
education due to the creative technique in using a combined dance ethnographie and
multimedia approach to teaching Ewe culture.
Working as a foreigner to Ghana, 1 believe that one has to write authentically and
specifically about what is seen, select responsible and reliable informants, and limit the
area or group studied. My approach to studying and understanding Ewe culture includes
the utmost respect for the people, their art forms, and beliefs. 1 attempted to enter their
environment with an open mind. 1 used ethnographer Lynn Hirschkind's (1991) theory,
which points out an alternative approach to fieldwork wherein ethnographers take on
locally defined roles that are relevant to the research topics. Hirschkind examines the
approach with respect to contemporary concerns regarding authority, epistemology, and
standard fieldwork procedures, and contrasts them to knowledge generated by the
ethnographer and that commonly managed by residents (p. 21). To paraphrase her
quotation of Hennigh (1981, p. 132), she points out the advantages ofthis strategy and
disadvantages of traditional fieldwork:

19
1. This strategy would enable understanding the whole system and placing the
component parts in perspective, while traditional fieldwork necessarily
fragments a culture, and misleads about the true significance of the pieces
(p. 21).
2. Integrated participation in the community would allow a person to reduce her
hypothesis to a manageable few while traditional fieldwork begins with its own
set of ideas and hypothesis and does not place one in a position to distinguish
the relevant from the irrelevant (p. 21).
3. Objectivity is favoured by responding honestly to strong social stimuli. "From
an assimilated vantage point, one may better test the reality of one's
perceptions" (p. 21). There is also the possibility ofincreased
data gathering opportunities (p. 21).
1 would like my research to oscillate between the traditional approach to
fieldwork and the assimilated approach discussed ab ove, ascribing my Ewe background
as a locally defined role. The question then is: "How do 1 define myself as a researcher?"
Am 1 an "insider" or an "outsider"? 1 would like to think of myself as moving in between
these two roles. While doing fieldwork for my Masters degree, 1 found myself straddling
both si des resulting in both a positive and negative outcome. This position gave me
extreme confidence as weIl as insecurity. On one hand, 1 was privy to a lot of information
that might not have been available to the average western researcher. On the other hand,
1 know that 1 have human behavioural patterns, i.e., speech patterns, walking, eating,
and facial expressions which identify me to the Ewes as American. For example, while
walking through Makola Market in Accra, a female vendor asked me "Madame, are you
20
from America?" 1 wanted to see in could pass as a Ghanaian, so in my best Ghanaian
accent 1 replied "No, 1 am Ghanaian." The Market lady knowing that 1 was not from
Ghana said "No, then you must be from Liberia, you walk like an American" (Liberia
having a strong American influence). 1 laughed as 1 knew that 1 could not win in this
situation and told her that 1 was from the United States.
This incident made me reflect on a similar situation that happened to my mother
in the 1960's. However, in tms case my mother asked the Ghanaian woman how she
knew she was American, the lady responded, "Americans walk like they rule the world."
Meaning that Americans walk with strength, direction and a lot of confidence.
This double identity was crystallized for me after an informant confided to me
that he had ')ust deceived" an American by giving him faise information because ofhis
arrogant and condescending attitude. 1 felt good at first in that the informant trusted me
enough to reveal this but often wondered where he drew the line with me. Although my
physicai features are typical Ewe, and my patemal heritage define me as Ewe, the Ewes
know, or quickly find out, that culturally 1 am not an Ewe. The closest that 1 have ever
come to "hiding" my American identity was in mimicking Ewe dance movement. Dance,
as a result, has been my key to the "inside" world of Ewe culture.
Researchers in foreign countries may find it difficult on their own to know what
is actually fact or fiction. 1 believe that it would take many years ofbeing fully immersed
in the culture to truly understand the thought processes of the Ewe people. Even a simple
conversation between a Westemer and an Ewe can be a complex situation. Both parties,
although sharing the same language, may converse and initially feel they understand each
other. The outcome however, may be that both had not really understood each other at an,
21
since both spoke from a culturally different context. For example, in Ghana, an Ewe
meeting a Canadian for the first time may in the course of their conversation tell the
Canadian "1 love you". In this situation, the Canadian may think that this would be too
strong a response whenjust meeting someone for the first time (especially ifboth parties
are either two heterosexual males or females). The Ewe person on the other hand sees this
expression as the closest English translation from his own language to communicate his
friendship and hospitality towards the Canadian. The Canadian maybe thinking a sexual
relationship and the Ewe, a high level of platonic friendship.
Concept and Scope of Study
1 examine West African culture through an analysis of an Ewe dance ceremony,
focusing on its aesthetics, significance, and production ofmeaning. 1 explore the West
African concept of dance and how it integrates and functions as a powerful and
communicative art form, and how the ceremony represents a microcosm of the culture.
Although there are a multitude of dance ceremonies in Africa, 1 have selected
one from the Ewe ethnic group located in Ghana. This ceremony is considered one of
the historical types in its meaning and creation. It also reflects and signifies the culture as
a whole. (Ajayi, 1998, p.8). The study reflects Ewe history, including migration,
settlements, environmental conditions, natural produces, and influences from
neighbouring cultures. 1 also describe in deta the phases of the dance, the interaction
between individuals, expected outcomes ofthe event, and how tradition is carried
forward. The idea of dance preserved or recreated over time, basic structure and
significant events that informed and created the dance, or ultimately, how the dance has
22
survived is examined. 1 also explore the presentation of dance ceremony and oral culture,
focusing on what details are important and needed to display its uniqueness as weIl as
show the dance and associated activities clearly and informatively.
Background to the Study and Analysis of African Dance
There are various ways in which to study and analyze African dance. It is
important to find an approach that maintains the integrity of the dance form being
studied. A variety of systems therefore will have to be employed in order to examine this
multifaceted art. Two studies conducted by Kariamu Welsh Asante, (1996) African
Dance: An Artistic Historical and Philosophical Inquiry, and Omofolabo S. Ajayi (1998),
Yoruba Dance: The Semiotics ofMovement and Body Attitude in a Nigerian Culture have
both formulated different approaches to studying, analyzing, as weIl as observing and
participating in African dance ceremonies.
Welsh Asante (1996) argues that the analysis of African dance with its music
should be holistic, otherwise the interpretation would be invalid. She also states that
rhythms should be the central core of any expression of African culture and that the
difficulty in analysis would be the orgaruzation of the information gathered, and
that the challenge will be in the interpretation of that information and its organization.
Kariamu (1996) suggests that this approach provides the discipline with a solid
foundation that will engender more research and documentation as weIl as support other
approaches of looking at the Africau arts (p. 207).

23
Welsh Asante (1996) provides a classic paradigm for examining and observing
African dance, which includes rhythmic text as a central part to the structure.
She emphasizes that reorganization of one's perception must happen before a true
understanding can be made. She aiso uses rhythm as a pervasive and identifying agent in
both the dance and music; and it is the rhythm that provides the framework that instructs
the choreography, performers, and the audience (p. 207-208). The dance ceremony
selected for my study fans into this framework of examination and observation. The
movements in this rituaI, dance and music activity, are closely linked to the rhythms
and the relationship between the dancer and percussionist.
Welsh Asante (1996) aiso maintains that her approach allows for optimal freedom
of expression and aiso holds the continuity of tradition and dynamics in place. It permits
both the sacred and the profane to be present at the same time and still remain identifiable
by its context and text. She states that this relationship between African movement and
rhythm are inseparable and at times indistinguishabie. l agree with the assumption that
oral traditions lend themseives to a myriad of interpretations and conclusions, and that
the confusion of those of a different cultural background comes from their uninformed
perspectives and perceptions.
Nketia (1966) supports the philosophy that every dance and music activity in the
community has a tradition that govems its mode of performance and repertoire, and that
tradition aiso govems the context in which it should be performed. Those knowledgeable
of the tradition expect to recognize the movement as part oftheir pleasure and may be
deeply disturbed ifthe performance departs from the usuai variations, since much of the
pleasure is derived from the renewal ofthe experience (p. 48).

24
It becomes evident, aceording to Welsh Asante (1996), that the goal
should not necessarily be to master aIl knowledge of a partieular topie, but rather to
understand the eontext and text (dance arrangements and steps). The researeher becomes
a real participant and is fully involved in the activity once she understands the context
and text (p. 208-209). Welsh Asante describes another dimension to the study of African
dance that involves the notion of perspective and perception. She states that:
Perception and perspective operate together, although as separate entities. One's
perspective governs one's perception; in other words, what you see is what you
think you see! The African dance is a good example in examining the relevance of
perception and perspective. If one sees movement of specifie body parts then the
vision is geared towards what value is placed not only on the movement itselfbut
the value that is placed on the specifie body parts. In Western society there is
often a tendency to equate a specific body part with a particular meaning. When
the pelvis is accentuated or articulated for instance, that movement is often
perceived as having sexual symbolism. One is then blinded by a preconceived
meaning when the only basis for the activation of that beHef is the movement of
the pelvis. Example or not, the point must be made that movement is not detached
from the value system that is placed on the instrument of movement; the body.
Which of course brings us again to the issue of rhythm, movement and the body
(p. 209).
To analyze African dance aesthetics, Welsh Asante (1996) has developed seven
sensory categories. These include: (1) Polyrhythm (relating to sound), (2) Polycentrism
(relating to movement), (3) Curvilinear (circular movement), (4) Epic Memory (memory
25
of aU those who previously danced and why), (5) Texture (or dimensionahty sense), (6)
Repetition (the intensifying of one movement, sequence or entire dance until spiritual
satisfaction is reached), and (7) Holism. She embraces Thompson's (1974) holistic view
of African culture, and looks to Ladd's (1973) supportive statement that "Aesthetic and
ethical concepts are distinct from purely descriptive, empirical concepts in that they a)
are open-textured, b) are multi-functional, c) involve criteria, d) are essentially
contestable, and e) employ persuasive definitions" (p. 217).
In order to articulate the aesthetic qualities of dance, Welsh Asante paraphrases
Sieber's (1973) devised system outline by replacing the word "dance" for "art" in the
following:
Dance is man made
Dance exhibits skill
Dance exhibits order (pattern, design)
.. Dance conveys meaning
.. Dance is the product of conscious intent
Dance is effective
Dance conveys a sense of unity
.. Response is immediate (p. 217-218).
Welsh Asante prefers Sieber (1973), and Ladd's list because ofit's non-specificity. She
explains that Sieber and Ladd's oudine pertains to aU dance and Thompson's only to
African dance, creating a wider base of analysis through comparisons to other forms of
dance by the same system. Sieber's outline conveys the basic foundation of an African
dances. She aiso points out sorne of the characteristics of African dance as being
26
collective signature and creativity, theme, and uniformity. Supporting these divisions,
she states that the senses refer to those qualities that make up the integral composition of
the dance, while characteristics refer to those qualities that the dance itself performs in
and of itself.
Ajayi (1998) talks about the use of semiotics (the science of signs in human
society) as an approach to studying body movements and other forms of verbal and non-
verbal communication activity, providing a crucial theoretical basis for analyzing and
examining the structure and production ofmeaning (p. 10). She states that "as a multi-
disciplinary science, semiotics encompasses in one breath the various branches ofhuman
communication, including expressive body behavior such as dance where the body
becomes a system of codes moving through space and time" and that "semiotics of the
body regards the human body along with its movements as body attitude sending out
signaIs, codes, and symbols which give and collect information in a communication
situation" (1998:11). Ajayi bases her own approach on Hanna's (1979) assertion that
"communication occurs through symbols; [and] a symbol is the symboi of the
conceptualization" and believes that "body signs are essentially performative where ide as
are shown" or revealed to the onlookers" (p. 11-12).
Ajayi (1998) uses semiotics as an approach to investigate the aesthetics,
significance, and the production of meaning in African dance forms through analyzing
the dancer' s body attitude in communication, and the ceremonial event surrounding it.
She examines dance as a performing art, communicating non-verbally through and with
other associated art forms, and describes how the dance functions as an extensive and
complementary vehicle for these forms.

27
Ajayi's (1998) approach is grounded in the context of African society and
highlights dance as a microcosm, a powerful art form, and as a communicative vehicle of
culture. It emphasizes integration ofthe dance and the dance-event in African aesthetics.
This idea ofreading meaning from body movements or verbal and non-verbal activity,
although an excellent approach to theoretically evaluating and describing what one sees,
may pose problems for those who are not attuned to the cultural norms. 1 agree with the
anthropologists' view pointed out by Ajayi (1998) where body movements are basically
considered "a human behavior couched in the framework of culture and society perceive
dance as crucial in giving a deeper insight into understanding human beings and their
organization"(p. 13).
Ajayi (1998) also briefly discusses the work of Rudolf Laban who approached the
study of dance in general through the analysis ofhuman movement, which was basic and
essential to daily activities as well as to the ability ofhumans to express themselves
(p. 13). His method for systematic description of qualitative change in movernent was a
major project ofhis life work, which focused on an types ofmovement in ballet, fencing,
and modem dance. His aim was to develop a univers al application to movement analysis
which was initially in the form of documentation called Labanotation, originally
combining its qualitative and quantitative aspects. When obliged to focus on just the
qualitative aspect, he developed the system called Effort. Effort focused on the quality of
one's exertion in movement, and Shape, which developed from Laban's studyof
choreutics, the study of space harmony. This system of Effort/Shape by Rudolf Laban
and his students developed into a more in-depth form ofmovement analysis (Dell, 1997,
p.5-6).
28
Laban Movement Analysis (L.M.A.) as practised today, encompasses four major
categories which are: Body, Effort, Shape, and Space (B.E.S.S). The B.E.S.S. approach
allows for methodical investigation into the intricacies ofhuman movement, both
practical and expressive. The different aspects of B.E.S.S. are as follows:
1. Body - deals with the principles such as the initiation of movements from
specifie body parts, the connection of different body parts to each other,
and the sequencing of movement between parts of the body.
2. Effort - is concerned with movement qualities and dynamics, and is
subdivided into Weight, Space, Time, and Flow factors.
3. Shape - is about the way the body interacts with its environment. There are
three Modes of Shape Change: Shapeflow (growing and shrinking, folding
and unfolding, etc.), Direetional (spoke-like and are-like) or Shaping
(molding, earving, and adapting).
4. Spaee - involves the study of moving in eonneetion with the environment
and is based on spatial patterns, pathways, and hnes of spatial tension.
Spaee Harmony acts as a framework for Space, Effort and Shape in the
form of established sc ales of movement within geometrie forms. These
scales ean be practised (much like a musician practises harmonie scales) in
order to refine and broaden one's range ofmovement. By practicing Spaee
Harmony scales, an individual's preference in movement (functional and
expressive) may be revealed (http://www.xoe.comlLisaSandlos
IIma.html).
29
The B.E.S.S. system along with the above system of description together with general
observation in narrative form the Laban Movement Analysis. Lisa Sandlos explains that
L.M.A. can be used as a tool by dancers to enhance, refine, and clarify movement, and
that "movement reflects our innermost feelings and ways ofbeing in the world"
(http://www.xoe.comlLisaSandlos/1ma.html).
After reviewing the various forms of studying and analysing movement, 1 selected
an approach that describes the African dance without altering any of its intrinsic meaning,
quality, and form. The dance movements selected for this research have their own set of
meanings that are understood and recognized within the Ewe dance community.
Therefore it would be difficult for me to then translate its meaning based solely on my
specifie dance background, training and culture. 1 elected to analyse the dance
movement in three ways.
The initial analysis includes general observation based on my initial reaction to
dance form. These reactions will be based on the following:
1. a) Interpretive Emotional Response
b) General Summary of Image (Dance Research Joumal16/1984).
2. Description of Movement: using the RE.S.S. system developed to
observe, described and notate aIl forms of movement
3. African aesthetics: borrowing from Welsh Asante sensory categories,
Polyrhythm, Epie Memory, Repetition, and Holism.
Studying and comparing the rhythms ofthe movement with that of the music and
ceremonial activities are a main factor in my approach to analysis of African dance.

30
African Dance as a Communication Art Form
When drawing on semiotics, one can clearly see how African dance is a highly
communicative art form, and that communication in African dance is layered or multi-
linear (Ajayi, 1998, p. 10). One has the movement showing specific posture, gestures,
facial expressions, gazes, and use of space. One can then add to this the music which is
said to imitate the Ewe spoken language, and is also a way to prepare performing and
non-performing participants. Songs are also used to communicate sentiments, general
information, history, and to discuss topics generally accepted in spoken words. Blacking
(1985) posits that:
To be effective in society, dance must mediate between nature and culture in
human existence and so be transcendental in context. The intelligence of feeling
should inform aU action, and the insight and intuition that are nurtured by
"artistic" experience are essential for the quality of life; but sequentiallinear
processing of information is required for many of the techniques of the living.
(p. 72).
Although Blacking is referring to Western dance forms, this quotation holds true for
African dance too. In African dances, movement and rhythmic structure are layered with
"meaning". History and life stories are recorded and interpreted. The art of dancing,
therefore becomes a language to speak, a book to read, and a mirror to see reflections and
everyday movements magnified or made smaHer for effective registration of the thoughts
transmitted (Welsh Asante, 1994, p.32).

31
African Epistemology
Anthropologist James Lassiter (1993) states that there are categories and
processes of thought that are uniquely African. The African way of organizing and
cognitively engaging the world cornes from a strongly restrictive indigenous socio-
cultural milieu. This approach to sociallife and the broader world has been negatively
affected by Western cultural influences (p. 3). Africans are a product of unique "cultural
edifices" and "cultural streams" that arise from environmental conditioning and
longstanding cultural traditions (Nyasani, 1997, p. 51-55). In addition, they are linked by
shared values that are fundamental features of African identity and culture. These values
include hospitality, friendliness, the consensus and common framework seeking
princip les, emphasis on community rather than on the individual. The above-mentioned
features typically underpin the variations of African culture and identity everywhere
(Makgoba, 1997, p. 197-198).
Sorne describe the African concepts of the individual and selfto be aImost
totally dependent on, and subordinate to, social entities and cultural processes, according
to Mbiti (1992). He puts forward that:
Whatever happens to the individual happens to the whole group, and whatever
happens to the whole group happens to the individual. The individual can only
say: '1 am, because we are; and since we are, therefore 1 am.' This is a Cardinal
point in the understanding of the African view of man (p. 109).
South African philosopher, Professor Augustine Shutte (1993) cites the Xhosa
proverb, umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu, meaning "a person is a person through persons."
He says:
32
The (proverb) is the Xhosa expression of a notion that is common to aH African
languages and traditional cultures ... (It) is concemed both with the peculiar
interdependence of persons on others for the exercise, development and fulfilment
of their powers that is recognised in African traditional thought, and also with the
understanding ofwhat it is to be a person that underlies this ... In European
philosophy ofwhatever kind, the selfis always envisaged as something "inside" a
person, or at least as a kind of container of mental properties and powers. In
African thought it is seen as "outside," subsisting in relationship to what is other,
(sic) than the natural and social environment. In fact, the sharp distinction (sic) is
between self and world, a selfthat controls and changes the world and is in sorne
sense "above" it, this distinction so characteristic of European philosophy,
disappears. Self and world are untied and intermingle in a web of reciprocal
relations (p. 46-47).
Lassiter (1999), on the other hand paraphrases Kwame Gyekye (1988):
The individual, although originating from and inextricably bound to his family
and community, nevertheless possesses a clear concept ofhimself as a distinct
person of volition. It is from this combined sense of personhood and communal
membership that the family and community expect individuals to take personally
enhancing and socially responsible decisions and actions. Although he accepts
that the dominant entity of African social order is the community (p. 4), Gyekye
believes that "it would be more correct to describe that order as amphibious, for it
manifests features ofboth communality and inmviduality... African social thought
seeks to avoid the excesses oftwo exaggerated systems, while allowing for a
33
meaningful, albeit uneasy, interaction between the individual and the society."
(http:/www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v3/v3i3al.htmI999).
Senegalese philosopher, Leopold Senghor (1966), agrees with Gyekye, and
regards traditional African society to be "based both on the community and on the person
... because it was founded on dialogue and reciprocity, the group had priority over the
individual without crushing him, but allowing him to blossom as a person" (p. 5).
African culture and its dance ceremonies place great emphasis on communal
values. This communal structure creates a sense of community that characterizes the
social relations among the individual members of their society. In contrast to the latter
epistemological framework, Africans believe that social human beings are also
individuals who have personally exercised will and identity.
Gyekye argues that the African idea is that the individual cannot develop outside
the framework of the community, but the welfare of the community, as a whole, cannot
dispense with the talents and initiatives of its individual members. "The fact that the
African people express appreciation for both communal and individualistic values means
that for them these two seemingly opposed concepts can co-exist, however precariously"
(Gyekye, 1996, p. 50). He continues by saying that "the interaction between the
individual and the community (or group) is therefore considered basic to the development
of the individual's personality as well as to the overall success and well-being of the
community" (p. 50). The goal for the African is to strike a balance between both
epistemological frameworks, having two systems of values or sets of responsibilities; the
first to oneself as an individual, and second to the group or community.

34
The community is the framework for Africans to realize their full potential.
African communal values indude "solidarity, cooperation, mutual helpfulness,
interdependence, and reciprocal obligation" (Gyekye, 1996, p. 51) whereas individualism
is recognized by individual initiative and responsibility. "Balancing the daims of
communality and individuality means both paying the necessary attention to one' s own
needs, interest, and goals and considering the needs and welfare of other members of the
community in one's thought and action" (Gyekye, 1996, p. 51).
In African culture, the entire community, induding parents, older siblings,
grandparents, dan members, neighbours, raise the children to become productive and
successful individuals, in order to have an industrious and prosperous community. The
deciding factors that bind an Ewes together are the social controls placed within the
system. These factors are custom, opinion, law, religion, morals and knowledge. Sorne of
these social controls are reflected in the songs, which also are a vehicle for cultural
accumulation and historical transmission -- especially thoughts, ideas and comments not
easily expressed in normal language (Egblewogbe, 1975, p. 42). Community values and
daily activities are expressed and leamed through movement, whether it be game playing
or dance. Dance and drurnming are also ways to express certain feelings and emotions
not easily conveyed through the spoken word.
The community is responsible for fully preparing each child for the world. The
chi Id, in turn, is obligated to share what he or she has gained to help as many others as he
or she cano If a brother has acquired education and becomes financially successful, he is
expected to help ms siblings, cousins, family, and community members. Another
example is if one lives abroad, any member of the family can visit, unannounced, staying
35
at one' s home for as long as he or she needs or wants to. Unlike Westem traditional
custom, this is a social obligation that is automatically understood.
In the dance ceremony, the performer is trained by various experts in order to
develop the needed high skills. A performer will have individual training in dance,
drumming, singing, costume making; and he/she will be taught the significance and
meanings of the rituaIs, movements, drum and spoken language used in the ceremony.
The performer is thereby able to ensure the continuity of the dance ceremony or
community's future.
In the dance ceremony, each person has his or her own individual responsibilities,
or roles to play, in order to insure proper functioning of the ceremony. At first glance,
one might conclude that within the ceremony structure there is a hierarchy. The Chief is
at the top, the observers at the bottom, and the drummer, dancers and singers in the
middle. However, delving further, one sees that in reality there is, instead, a division of
labour. Each person is an important part ofthe whole, and shares his or her special
talent(s) with the community. Each person is respected for his or her contribution.
Traditionally, Africans managed to maintain a balance between communalism
and individualism. However, during colonial rule this balance underwent sorne changes
due to African adoption ofthe more global European views. In Nyasanis' (1997)
description, the African global view became one wherein they regarded their own
cultural traditions, beliefs and behaviours to be inferior to those ofnon-Africans. This,
Nyasani (1997) says, resulted in self-loathing. He further stated that the global view of
most contemporary Africans was replaced by that of, and in many ways became
indistinguishable from, European global views (p. 97-100). Makgoba (1997) says that:
36
Knowledge about Afucan people is always political, useful in maintaining
intellectual neo-colonialism, propagates Western culture, helps generate and
perpetuate an inferiority complex (in Africans), fosters individualism amongst
Afucans, disrupts organization and unity in the (Afucan) community because
there is inherent fear of a united, organised Afro-centric community, or a
combination or an the above. In short, we are (regarded to be) a people who can
only succeed, realise our potential and destiny by being controlled, policed,
nursed and guided by Europeans. We are (therefore) incapable ofbeing masters
of our own destiny (p. 201).
Lassiter paraphrases Gyekye concerning the impact of foreign socio-economic
ideology, and argues that pre-eminent Afucan leaders such as Senghor, Nyerere and
Nkrumah, aH of whom underwent advanced Western education, incorrectly regarded
Western socialism to be compatible with traditional African communalism
(http:/www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v3/v3i3al.htm :1999). The consequences oftheir efforts to
use a Western socialist ideology as a framework for nation-building in Afuca was
devastating, he says. Gyekye (1988) argues that Afucan communalism is "essentially and
basically a socio-ethical doctrine, not economic; whereas socialism, as 1 understand it, is
primarily an economic arrangement, involving the public control of an the dynamics of
the economy... (Not) everything that can be asserted of communalism can be asserted also
for socialism, and vice-versa" (p. 24-26).
These cultural changes, which are also due to urbanization and transformation of
the pristine socio-economic situations, can be expected to affect the balance between the
two daims -- perhaps tilting it more in the favour of individualism. Ultimately, a moral
37
judgement and choice will have to be made in order to discern and maintain the amount
of communallifestyle (Gyekye, 1996, p. 51). Gyekye contends that Ewe people and
culture should resist the path of extreme individualism, which he says willlead to the rise
of lonely crowds in their societies and the fragmentation of values and, in consequence,
undermine the whole meaning and essence of a human society (p. 51).
African communities and individuals who live within, are the most important
elements of the culture. These elements fin the culture with richness and provide its
uniqueness. African communities are close, and have ties across borders, countries and
oceans. Once born into the community, one is always a member despite one's physical
location, or to whom one marries. Once bonds are created, aH are accepted. Everyone is
of equal importance and value -- no one stands alone. It is this communal sense of
belonging that defines the dance ceremony.
The traditional dance ceremony is the embodiment of African philosophical
thought and understanding. It incorporates people's religious values and rituals,
humanity, moral values and behaviour, chieftaincy and political values, ancestorship,
tradition and historical re-enactments, family and economic values, communication,
communal and emotional involvement, aesthetic values, knowledge and wisdom, and
individual training and education. AlI of these cultural values are supported by the
Africans' strong epistemological beliefin communalism and individualism. The dance
ceremony, like most African performances, is considered a participatory communal
activity -- everyone takes part and has his or her own role to play. Communalism as weIl
as individualism makes the foundation of the dance ceremony.

38
An example of this communalism and individualism in the ceremony can be
found during the purification rites. The first part of the purification rite involves the
pouring of libation traditionally performed by the group leader and intended to caU on
the gods and ancestors to preside over and bless the event. The ritual involves several
prayers and the pouring ofliquid on the ground. This important ritual takes place in front
of an the participants, which normally involves the entire village. After the libation is
poured and the blessings are given, the participants share a bottle of 'akpeteshie' (local
whisky). Participants are given a shot glass full of the akpeteshie but do not drink the full
amount. A portion left in the glass is poured on the ground for the gods or ancestors to
enjoy. This small but important section of the dance clearly demonstrates sorne of its
communal aspect, which includes participation and sharing, a common spirituality,
respect for and connection to those who have departed, and the understanding of their
social norms. The rituai also displays the importance of the 'individual' within the
community. Each individual's talent supports, enriches and is functional in the
community's social system. In this case the talent is in evoking the blessings from the
gods as performed by the group leader.
The community is an extremely important aspect in the life of the African, and the
community goes beyond that of politicaUy or geographically imposed borders. The
Family unit, the clan and the ethnic group make up a particular community and it does
not matter where those units reside, distance is not an issue. An Ewe eIder once told me
during a reunion that no matter where 1 live on this planet, the community will always
be there for me. As a member of that community, the doors will always be open to me
39
anytime and for as long as 1 live. l've tested this philosophy many times and have never
been turned away. That is how strong and vast communallife is in Africa.
Relevant Background to the Inguiry
Researchers of African Culture: Past
Before the 15th Century, much of the information on African culture had
been orally documented by African eIders, encoded in their dance and music activities or
forged on paraphernalia. Exact documented information had also been difficult to locate
due to their migratory lifestyle and the sharing nature of the people. After this time
western researchers, explorers, missionaries, historians govemment officiaIs began
traveling to and studying in Africa. Amegago (2000) lists Von Hornbostel as one of the
early researchers on Africa in the early 1900's (p. 10).
Later, during the mid-1990's, important contributors to the study of African or
Ewe culture have been Cudjoe (1953), who discusses Ewe culture and its music, and
Jones (1959), who discusses both African or Ewe music and dance with respect to its
contextual framework, construction and performance oftraditional instruments, the
African's concept oftime, and comparisons of African music. However, Amegago (2000)
mentions that Jones has been criticized for relying on second-hand information (p. 12).
The historical, social, geographical and cultural background ofthe Ewes can be
found mainly in what can be considered the bible of Ewe history, Mamattah (1976) as
weB as in other writers' work including Egblewogbe (1975), Asamoa (1986), Gyekye
(1996), and Agbodeka (1997).

40
Researchers of African Culture: Present
Recent work has been conducted by ethnomusicologists such as Bebey (1975),
who discussed African music in general, and the renowned Nketia (1974), who
eompleted several books on Ghanaian music and dance focusing on the Akan ethnie
group, addressing their soeio-historical and cultural context, their forms and their
structures, techniques, and the relationship between the dancer and drummer. Lock and
Agbeli (1980), completed an ample amount ofwork on Ewe culture, discussing the
characteristics of the music and dance, its socio-cultural functions, and transcription ofits
music. Ladzekpo (1995) provides basic information on Anlo-Ewe culture, including its
history, culture, social, religious, political and economic background. He also provides
information on instruments as well as specific playing techniques. Chernoff (1979),
another who focuses on the music, also includes some information on Ewe dance with
the addition of photographs. One of the most important unpublished works has been
Younge's (1991), with his complete handbook for those interested in the musical and
dance traditions of Ghana. It describes the historical, geographical, social and cultural
perspective of four different Ghanaian ethnic groups, and lists a total of seventeen
dances.
In the field of dance we find researchers such as Adinku (1994), who discusses
African dance in Ghana as it applies to the school system, to aesthetics structure, and
who stresses the need for students of African dance to return to the traditional areas to
interact and perform with the local people; Opoku (1965), one of the first writers on
Ghanaian dance, presents a photographie book with descriptions. Kwakwa (2000) and
Hanna (1979), explore dance and its place in society, whether it be rural West Africa or
41
New York City. Hanna sets out to prove, as her title suggests, that, To Dance is Human.
Ajayi, (1998), who focuses on Yoruba culture and dance, shows how the body
movement cornrnunicates non-verbally through and with other art forms, and also how it
reflects its cultural views. Blacking (1979), who did research on initiation dances,
possession and children's dances, discusses the interest of social anthropologists in dance
and music in traditional society. Jennings (1985) describes her research in dance
anthropology from a practical point of view -- "insider" versus "dance anthropologist
without previous dance knowledge. " Merriam (1982), discusses anthropologicai
approaches to dance research; and Skiar (1991), points out how ethnography is an ideal
approach to conducting research on dance. She describes dance ethnography as "portrait
of a people" and says that the field looks to describe and understand what constitutes the
cultural knowledge ofa people. Finally, Williams (1994) is a dance anthropologist who
has researched on a wide range of cultures, including the Ewes of Ghana.
In her article Traditional Dance Spaces: Concepts ofDeixis and the Staging of
Traditional Dance, Dance Anthropologist Williams (1994) discusses Ewe traditional
dance and the transformation it makes from its original presentation in the village to that
of the stage as performed by Ghana's National Dance Company (Welsh Asante p. 12).
Research Approach
My original approach to this study was to explore various methods ofresearching
oral tradition. 1 soon realized that there was a paucity of information in Canada on this
specific topic and decided to use alternative approaches to accumulate information. 1
proceeded to find as much information, published and unpublished, on researches

42
perfonned on dance in the United States, Ghana, West Africa and other traditional
soeieties.
A substantial part of the researeh was eondueted on the World Wide Web and at
local researeh centres in Montreal and Toronto. The deeision to use the internet as a
research tool was due to my study's foeus on the use of interactive multimedia
technology as a way to teach African culture. On the World Wide Web, 1 mainly used the
search engines Ail Academie, Alta Vista, AOL Search, Excite, Blackworld, Orientation,
Digital Librarian, Encyclozine, Explore the Internet, Netscape Search, Lycos, Al! the
Web, llAA.com, Bankoi.com, Web Crawler and Yahoo. Further research was conducted
outside of Canada. For example, 1 did research in New York City at the New York Public
Library at Lincoln Center, in Atlanta at Emory University, in Morgantown, West
Virginia at West Virginia University's World Music Center. 1 also did research at the
University of Ghana's Institute of African Studies and The International Centre for
African Music and Dance at the University of Ghana. The literature in the first section of
my bibliography, entitled "References and Selected Bibliography" includes research
material that was very helpful. It clarified some of my original ideas and made me feel
more comfortable about my approach to the research project. This is especially
exemplified in Kariamu Welsh Asante's "African Dance: An Artistic, Historical and
Philosophical Inquiry."
Most methodologies gathered pertaining to Oral Traditions were derived from
philosophical, anthropological, historical and ethnological articles and/or books. These
were Kariamu Welsh Asante's (1996), African Dance: An Artistic, Historical and
Philosophicallnquiry, Charles D. Laughton's (Carlton University) articles on

43
Phenornenological Anthropology (1984), and Transpersonal Anthropology Sorne
Methodological Issues (1988), and Alexander von Gernet's (1996) of University of
Toronto, in his Research and Analysis Directorate -- Oral Narratives and Aboriginal
Pasts: An Interdisciplinary Review of the Literature on Oral Tradition and Oral
Histories.
Welsh Asante was an important model and inspiration for me regarding the
conducting ofresearch on oral African tradition from an African point ofview. Her
research on the Zimbabwean Dance Aesthetics pointed out sorne very interesting ideas
which l have used in my study. Welsh Asante (1996) points out that:
The work of ethnomusicologists, concentrating on analysis and sounds of the
rhythms, has not yet begun to explain the phenomenon of rhythm and movement
in tandem. Dance historians are more inclined to find the origins of the dance and
to place emphasis on the first documentation ofthat work as opposed to the
qualities and characteristics of the dance itself. Art historians are likely to assess
the history as weIl as the structure, line, and composition of the artwork as a
material artifact. Theologians find themselves extracting the spiritual meaning
and religious history out ofthe music, dance and art. An of these scholars,
although weU intentioned, have helped to divide and separate an entity that was
never meant to be studied in that fashion. The institutionalization ofthese
divisions have made it difficult for the necessary and inevitable reemerging of the
above mentioned. l say necessary and inevitable because scholarship is already
headed towards the examination of subjects from an internaI perspective
otherwise known as centrism (p. 210-211).

44
This type of direction in the field would bring about a more holistic approach to looking
at oral traditions. Welsh Asante (1996) goes on to say that:
As historical reservoirs, dance and music form a complex document that can be
read in many different ways. Symbols, proverbs, adages and icons aU reside in the
dance and music. One has to know what the search is for and what the results
mean. It is in the musical and movements symbols that the full rendering of the
text can be actualized. The function of treating the entire text is to keep the
connections and interrelationships as weH as the intrarelationships intact. These
elements interact in a way that is interdependent. How much or little one can
research from extracting one element from the rest is fairly clear. Fragmentation
occurs and the study ofthe parts obscures the knowledge ofthe who le. This
predisposition to truncating in order to decipher meaning and structure has created
a large body ofknowledge, that while useful, is very limited in its overall scope
(p. 211).
1 am interested in the debate between "preservation" and "conservation" in anthropology.
Bruno Nettl (1985), expressed my original feelings towards documentation in the
foUowing statement:
In the 1950's, a movement developed within the field of anthropology,
conveniently labeled "urgent anthropology." It recognized modemization's
imminent destruction of societies, cultures, and artifaets and emphasized the need
to eoncentrate anthropologie al resources on their preservation .... For a long time,
and until very reeently, mueh of ethnomusieologieal fieldwork could be placed in
this eategory -- propelled by this sense of urgency (p. 12-13).

45
However, in Welsh Asante' s (1996) Afucan Dance: An Artistic, Historical
Philosophicallnquiry, Nicholls speaks about the idea of conservation instead of
preservation in the following statement:
The trouble with preservation is that its focus has been just that "preservation"
when "conservation" is needed. Conservation implies continuity within a living
tradition, while preservation is limited by archivaI consideration. Preservation
aetivities have been discipline-based and oriented to the academic community
rather than to the indigenous art-producing community (p. 57).
The idea of conserving Afucan culture instead of preserving it presents an interesting
challenge for me as a dance ethnologist. The question that continues to enter my
consciousness is, "What and how should 1 go about documenting African culture?"
Nicholls (1996), mentions that:
research demonstrating the inter-relationship of dance, music and the visual arts is
needed. Ideally, a set of criteria to examine Afucan performance as an integrated
approach could be established. Cinematography has yet to emerge as a vehicle for
serious ethnographie study but eould be an important medium for doeumenting
African danee in the traditional eontext (p. 57).
Another challenge would be to tal einematography or video to the level of an
ethnographie medium, by including interactive multimedia technology by way of a digital
video.
Nicholls quotes Koetting's statement that ethnomusicologists spend too much
time "spinning out theories about what we see in our transcriptions, and we spend too
Uttle time digging beneath the surface to discover what the Afucan carriers oftradition
46
conceptualize and hear" (Welsh Asante, 1996, p. 57). Nettl is then quoted as agreeing
that "We must find ways to preserve and record the conceptions of music and musical
behavior." Nicholls says that:
this in fact is more urgent ethnomusicology than the continuing preservation of
the musical artifact alone. The urgency that Nettl conveys is fuelled by the
realization that in the process of degeneration the first causality is the original
context of the music and dance performance (Welsh Asante, 1996, p. 57-58).
Nichons goes on to quote Nettl and Bebey who state that:
Of the various components ofmusical culture, the music itself -- sound -- changes
the least rapidly; behavior changes more quickly, and the concept of music -- of
what music is and what it do es ... changes perhaps most rapidly, or at least before
the other components (Welsh Asante, 1996, p. 58).
African music will have no future ifwe ignore the musicians who create it. The
musician needs to be constantly reminded that his music is essential ... The
musician has an extremely important coordinating role to play, not only as far as
production and evolution are concemed, but also in the use ofhis art and its
integration into modem African life (Welsh Asante, 1996, p.58).
Cameroonian ethnomusicologist Bebey (1975), states that "as far as music is concemed,
the preservation of ancestral forms is meaningless unless it is part of a genuine
development pro gram" (p. 138). The above information, although referring to music, also
relates to dance, dance ethnology as well as traditional African performance.

47
Research on African Cultural Art Fonns
The next section of the bibliography focuses on the arts of Ghana, or West Africa
in general. Art historian, Robert Farris Thompson argues that African visual art and
dance feed into one another and are inseparable. Most ofthe artefacts presented in the
books chosen were associated in some way with the dance. For example, textiles are used
to drape around the dancer's body as a costume; sculptures are used as masks or symbolic
representations frozen in motion; jewellery is worn as a personal adomment.
In Ghana, music is also an integral part of dance. It is rare to see the two
perfonned separately. The literature gives ample confinnation of this fact. However,
ethnomusicologists rarely went into great detail about dance and its fonn independently
of the music. l found that only two ofthe books l read came close to doing so -- one by
Nketia (1974), The Music ofAfrica, and the other by Younge (1991), Musical Traditions
of Ghana: A Handbookfor Music Teachers and Instructors of West African Drumming.
Albert Opoku's African Dance, was the only published book l was able to find
concentrating solely on Ghanaian dance. Some of the literature gave step-by-step, "how
to dance," guides, while others merely displayed photographs. Mills states that
" ... scholars nonnally ignore it or subsume African dance under music, theater and art,"
and that west African dance is multidisciplinary in nature " ... especially when discussed
in Western intellectual discourse" (Welsh Asante, 1996, p. 223). "African intellectual
discourse does not include discussion of the dance in research except when they focus on
dance or the arts in particular," hence, the difficulty in researching African dance (Welsh
Asante, 1996, p. 223-224).

48
The dance section of the bibliography is very disappointing, but material gathered
on the Internet, unpublished works, annotated bibliographies on African dance, and
Encyclopaedias on African Culture were very helpful. Alice J. Adamezyk's (1989), Black
Dance: An annotated Bibliography; E.Y. Amedkey's (1970), The Culture of Ghana: A
Bibliography; B.A. Aning's (1967), An Annotated Bibliography ofMusic and Dance in
English Speaking Africa; Dariuos Thieme's From African Music: A Briefely Annotated
Bibliography and an unknown author's "The Beat Goes On," A Selected Guide to
Resources on Africa Music and Dance. Other Bibliographies referred by Glendola
Yhema Mills are Margaret Thompson Drewal and Glorine Jackson's Sources on African
and African-Related Dance, Herert O. Emizi's A bibliography ofAfrican Music and
Dance: The Nigerian Experience; Fred R. Forbe Jr.'s Dance: An Annotated Bibliography,
1965-1982; and L. P. J. Gaskin'sA Selected Bibliography ofMusic in Africa. The above-
mentioned resources, although very limited, helped to give me my initial direction in the
area of African dance; and also provided a broad collection of information on African
dance in general.
Methodology & Methods
As a dance ethnologist, 1 believe that the most effective way to carry out research
is through dance ethnography. As Skiar (1991) explains, "the term 'ethnography'
literally means 'portrait of a people' ", and that the goal of " ... an ethnographer seeks
not only to describe but to understand what constitutes a people's cultural knowledge" (p.
6). She further states that "cultural knowledge includes 'a people's ethos -- the tone,
character, and quality of their life, its moral and aesthetic style and mood -- and their
49
world view -- the picture they have of the way things in sheer actuality are, their most
comprehensive ideas of order" (p. 6). The goal of ethnographers, SkIar concludes,
should be to find out how a group of people determine or specifically make meaning
from their perspective (p. 6).
My methodology will be derived from the ethnographie view by Sklar that
cultural knowledge is embodied in dance's rughly stylized and codified movement
structures, and that these structures are not just somatic but involve elements of the
emotional and mental (1991, p. 6). Skiar says that dance ethnography encompasses
"local contextual information about social values, religious beliefs, symbolic codes, and
historical constructions of a dance event, " ... an of which refer to socially negotiated
conventions (p. 6). Geertz (1970) describes this as "truck," meaning, that it "takes us into
the heart ofthat ofwruch it is an interpretation" (p.18). Sklar (1991) concludes that:
Dance ethnography is unique among other kinds of ethnography because it is
necessarily grounded in the body and the body's experience rather than in texts,
(written material) artifacts, or abstractions. Whatever methods one uses for
gathering data -- including Labanotation (a form of notation movement created by
Rudulfvon Laban), qualitative description or videotaping -- and whatever
theoretical frameworks for analyzing that data, an paths lead from and back to
people moving (p. 6).
This premise is the trajectory ofmy research as it offers the best opportunity to
examine various phenomena ofthe Ewe people. Dance ethnography is the ideal tool for
me to describe, analyze and interpret the social expressions as displayed in their dance
ceremony, Adzogbo.
50
In Ewe dances, movement and rhythmic structure are layered with 'meaning';
history and life stories are recorded and interpreted. The art of dancing, therefore,
beeomes a language to speak, a book to read, and a mirror to see reflections and everyday
movements magnified or made smaller for effective registration of the thoughts
transmitted (Welsh Asante, 1994, p. 32).
1 used ethnographie methods of participant observations which included
observing dance events, engaging in conversation with participants, and conducting open-
ended interviews. 1 digitally video recorded the Adzogbo dance ceremoney, collected and
reviewed documents such as articles by Avorbedor and Locke, research papers by Awaku
and historical texts by Mamattah, examined and described the setting, the dance
sequence, patterns and content, and the musical transcriptions and texts of songs when
available. 1 also looked at the aesthetic and emotional component, emergent qualities, the
system of symbols encoded in the dance movements, music, and paraphernalia (costume
and drums), and the norms of performance within its context.
The theoretical framework for analyzing the dance was based on Rudulf
Laban's Method of Movement Analysis. Laban Movement Analysis is a to01 for
observing movement and understanding the preferences for body use. Movement can
be observed in the field, in photographs, and on videotape (I trained in Laban Movement
Analysis under Professor Dianne L. Woodruffat York University in 1991). It has its own
vocabulary for movement description which explores a wide range of energy and spatial
experiences (Woodruff, 1991, p. 1). To support this analysis, 1 have made a video
recording of the ceremony. It includes the full Adzogbo ceremony as it is performed in
the village of Aflao, and ten (10) selected movements to that are analyzed.
51
Exploration of the multimedia aspects of my documentation is based on
the system developed by Chris Tennant, a Harvard Anthropology and Law doctoral
student. Los Loros ethnoweb, is a multimedia ethnography of a Mayan community in
Guatemala. Ethnoweb, now caUed Hyperbuilder, is an HTML authoring program or
editor that enables the writer to create richly interlinked multimedia webs of unlimited
slze.
Fieldwork
My investigation began in September 1997, with the collection of relevant
information on Ghanaian culture from pertinent books, literature, films and videos at nine
institutions in three countries as follows:
McGill University, Canada Emory University, United States
York University, Canada Spelman University, United States
Concordia University, Canada West Virginia University, United States
University of Quebec, Canada University of Pittsburgh, United States
University of Ghana, Ghana
In addition, interviews were conducted with art, music, and multimedia
professionals and scholars. Sorne of the professionals and scholars interviewed included:
Dr. Paschal Yao Y ounge, a Professor and Director of the W orld Music Center, African
Studies and African Ensemble at West Virginia University (rus expertise includes the
theory and practice of African Music and Dance and culture); Nina de Shane, a professor
of Dance, Music and Cultural Studies at York University who has expertise in Dance
Ethnology and World Dance; Dina Davida, a dance researcher at the University of
52
Quebec and the dance curator at Tangente, an organization that presents contemporary
dance; Maria Garcia, a dance ethnologist with expertise in North African Dance forms;
Dr. Selma Odom, a dance researcher and historian from York University; Dr. Barbara
Soren, with expertise in Arts Education; Wanda K. W. Ebright, formerly Dance
Coordinator and an educator at DeKalb School of the Performing Arts, and presently
Professor of Dance at Coker College; Simon Pierre Gourde from University of Quebec;
Don Sinclair from York University, and Frank Mastrogiacomo from DeKalb School of
the Arts, are an experts in Multimedia Technology. The initial data collected from the
above-mentioned people, places and documents provided me with the important
background 1 needed before going to Ghana to conduct my fieldwork.
Context of Research Site
Fieldwork for this research was conducted over three summers, from 1999-2001,
for a total of approximately six months. 1 resided in the town of Ho (located
approximately 120 miles North East of Accra), the capital city ofthe Volta Region and
home ofthe Ewes (Northern Ewes) in Ghana. 1 also traveled extensively to various parts
of the region, focusing on the village of Aflao in South Eastern Ghana (located south east
of Ho, bordering the Republic of Togo), where 1 participated in, and observed traditional
Ewe cultural activities.
During this period, 1 concentrated on studying and documenting the Ewe
language under the guidance of Ms. Ama Badu, an Ewe language instructor, and Stephen
Gbolonyo, to learn pertinent aspects of the ceremonial dance/music, Adzogbo, and other
related cultural activities in Aflao. 1 also explored various methods Ewes and other
53
Ghanaians use to teach Ewe culture to non-Ewes, as demonstrated in Dr. Paschal Yao
Younge's (an Ewe) Annual Summer Course in African Music & Dance. My participation
and observation during these summer courses enabled me to study the Ewes in different
ceremonies, cultural activities, and at other music and dance events. 1 also attended
various lectures with such professors as Fiagbedzi and Anku, of the University of Ghana;
Amoako, Director of the National Theater of Ghana and an ethnomusicologist, lecturing
at California State University at San Marcos; and took practical classes with Kwakwa, of
the University of Ghana.
While in Ghana, 1 sought the guidance of the well-known Ghanaian scholars
and researchers, Professors J.H. Nketia, a renowned Ethnomusicologist, and A.M. Opoku
(a scholar of Julliard School of Music, New York), a renowned visual artist, dancer, and
choreographer. Professors Nketia and Opoku are co-founders ofthe University of
Ghana's Institute of African Studies, and of Ghana's National Dance Company. Other
valuable information was gathered from the University of Ghana's Institute of African
Studies, the School ofPerforming Arts, and the International Center for African Music
and Dance.
On my return to North America, 1 explored the various ways of compiling the
research data coHected. This entailed collating, reviewing, and editing the written and
videotaped materials, which included performances and interviews. In future, 1 will
implement the interactive multimedia documentary (CD-ROM and Website) discussed in
this dissertation project.

54
Roles ofResearcher: Insider/Outsider Roles
While conducting research for this study, 1 retumed to Ghana on three separate
occasions. Each visit provided new and interesting experiences. Conducting field work
in Ghana was initially not an easy task. Difficulty came about on several different levels:
as a woman, as an African-American, as a Ghanaian, an AmericaniCanadian, and as a
dancer. As a woman, doing research in a very male dominated society, 1 found that 1 was
not taken seriously -- many of my inquiries were dismissed. 1 would often be the focus of
gossip. Since 1 had to meet with different research contacts (an males) for varying lengths
oftime, 1 was accused ofbeing physically involved with each. For example, one male
individual approached me and in an angered way asked me "why don't you just pick one"
referring to one of the three (3) gentlemen 1 worked with at University of Ghana. 1 think
he believed this because ofhis perception of Western social mores and his own
traditional code of moral ethics, and knowledge of Ghanaian behaviour. 1 found that the
respect given me was less than that rendered to my European male counterparts. Being
an African-American gave me less leverage in dealing with them on a professionallevel.
Perhaps, this was due to negative images portrayed by the American media or previous
negative personal experiences. Also, as a North American 1 was asked many questions
about my culture which gave me insight into how sorne Ghanaians view the America.
One taxi driver asked me if it were true that when an American is bom he or she is given
250 thousand dollars to start their life, and do people get paid to stay at home (I assume
they were referring to welfare in this case).
1 was well respected as a talented dancer, a role perhaps considered more
acceptable for a woman. Also, when 1 revealed that my father was a Ghanaian, 1 was
55
treated with more respect and was offered more opportunities. For example, in the past
when I set up meetings with the renowned Professor Opoku, he would never showup. I
mentioned it to other professors and they would respond by laughing as if they
understood what happened but would not explained. Several weeks later I re-approached
Professor Opoku, (who knew only my tirst name) and mentioned my last name to him to
see if that would make a difference. Right away 1 noticed his mood and treatment
changed towards me. 1 was given discounted dance and drum lessons, invited to meet his
family, offered copies ofhis articles and given any assistance from him or his staff. He
was pleased that I was Ghanaian and explained why he had a lack of trust westerners.
Formally a western woman borrowed one ofhis articles he had written on dance. She in
turn returned to North America and published the exact article under her name.
Having Ghanaian roots also had mixed blessings in that other's expectations of
me were higher than those normally allotted to non-Ghanaians. There were greater
expectations that 1 would know and follow local ethnie rituals, as weIl as fully understand
the Ewe culture, language and lifestyle. There was also the expectation that I would be in
a position to bear others' tinancial responsibilities, or at least help them out when
necessary. Many times I was asked by various family members to pay for their child's
University fees room and board in and transportation to the United States. In Ewe
tradition, the eldest or the one who has the means is expected to tinancially support his
siblings or others in need within the family, such as paying for their education. Even
though 1 was only a student, my family's perception of North Americans led them to
believe that 1 was rich. Also, mentioning my Ghanaian (Ewe) ethnic background could
render me vulnerable when there is local ethnie rivalry (such as ethnie groups feuding
56
amongst each other during political upheaval). Ewes have the reputation for "sticking
together" and supporting their own, which causes friction with other ethnic groups.
Traveling around the city alone with expensive equipment was also quite risky.
1 became a target for thieves on various occasions. Somehow during each episode, 1 was
able to protect my gear and myselfby outsmarting the perpetrators. Traveling around
using local transportation left me stranded several times, as the vebicle would sometimes
break down, and there was no replacement. 1 often had to use my wits to complete many
joumeys, and since 1 often did not understand the language spoken (there are over fort y-
six languages in the country) it was difficult to communicate. There was aiso the
problem of travelling into dangerous territory.
Once 1 felt my life was threatened, but it tumed out to be a faise alarm. The
incident happened when 1 traveled to a village called Tsito (my biological father's home
town) in the Volta Region. 1 heard that there had been feuding between Tsito and a
neighbouring village, called Peki. It was an ongoing feud over land that rested at the top
of a hill, dividing the two villages. However, because it was an ongoing situation, 1
thought nothing of it when the news media said the feud had flared up.
During the course of my trip to tbis location, 1 changed vebicles and the driver,
concemed with my safety, asked if it would be wise traveling alone to Tsito and
asked if 1 knew people there. He then mentioned that he heard that someone had
recently been decapitated. 1 continued on the trip, but as we drew nearer to Tsito, a
woman with a large cutlass (a relatively short, sword-like weapon) in her hand mounted
the vehicle. She stared at me for a long time and just before reaching my stop she
accosted me with the cutlass. At this point 1 thought it was aH over for me and
57
jumped back in fear. However, as it turned out, she had recognized me from a previous
visit. She was actually a relative and guided me safdy to tOWll. 1 quickly realized that
warnings should not be taken lightly, and that as a woman travelling alone 1 could
become a prime target for unlawful activities. Finally, 1 was easily recognized as an
outsider because ofmy demeanour, and may not have the same degree ofpersonal
protection accorded to me when in North America.
Other situations occurred after the previously-mentioned incident wherein my
life might have been in serious danger. This was due to required rituals not being
properly performed by the responsible party in our traveling group. However, retribution
was made and those involved not only let us go free, but we became their special guests. 1
then realized the importance of carrying out aIl necessary ritualistic activities needed to
appease the gods, chiefs, and eIders. It does not matter how trivial others may think they
are. These rituais are similar to laws. Ifyou break them ... you are in trouble.
Summary
In this chapter 1 explored the place of dance in African culture, as well as my aim
and approach to the study and analysis of the art form and its culture. African dance is a
communicative art form that reveals the African's epistemological ideals in life while
tightening their communal bonds with those on earth and those from the spirit world.
African lifestyle revolves around dance and its related activities. To them, it is life itself.
Every gesture reveals episodes from the past, experiences from the present and
information for the future. Within this chapter 1 reviewed various works written by
researchers of African culture and history from the present and the past, and have applied
58
specifie methodologies to develop my own approach to research. My aim in the research
was to develop a to01 for teaching traditional Ewe culture to people ofWestem or non-
Ewe background.
59
ChapterTwo
Historical, Geographical, Cultural, And Social Background Of The Ewes
Overview of Chapter
In this chapter I present a brief history of the Ewe nation starting from Benin and
tracing their migration to Ghana where this research is focused. 1 look at their
geographical make-up along the above-mentioned areas and give a detailed description
of Ewe culturallifestyle, their social and economical structure, as weIl as their religious
beliefs.
Ewe history is long, complex and difficult to trace. Early writings on the Gold
Coast (now Ghana) do not include much in the way ofhistorical facts on the Ewes.
Dzathor (1998) said this was so because:
the French who becarne the rulers ofthe majority ofthe Ewe - in Togo and
Benin - did not care about the Ewe story. They were not interested in glorifying
their "subjects" through their history. They were rather interested in turning them
into French citizens (ix).
The Ewe 's cultural, social and religious background is very rich and fiUed with ritual,
communal support and creative activity.

60
Historical Background
The task of studying the history of the Ewe is very complex. Historical
documents about these people, as writien by early exp10rers, missionaries and
ambassadors ofIslam, are often misleading. This is mainly due to the latter's mis-
interpretation of the syntax of Ewe lifestyles and rituais. An arguably more consistent and
informed approach used to study Ewe history is to use alternative sources, such as oral
tradition, legends, folktales, song texts, riddles, and poetry. This data can be reinforced
by reference to linguistic data (tracing the changes and influences of the Ewe language),
ethnological and archaeological findings supported by documents written by Ellis Burdon
(1890 and 1893), J.D. Fage (in his book, An Atlas ofAfrican History), D. Westermann,
E. Parrinder (1956), and J. Spieth (1906), and other writers of African history and/or
culture (Younge, 1989, p. 5).
Historical accounts of the origin 0 f the Ewes vary from source to source. Y ounge
(1989) states, "... one tradition has the Ewes together with the Ibos, Hausas, Gas,
Adangbes, Akans and other West African people, crossing the Sahara from the East to set
up the mighty Sudanese Empires ofhistory"(p. 5). Their migration, which historians
attributed to po1itical upheavais as well as to population pressure, further took the Ewes,
together with the Dahomeans (Beninoirs -- Dahomey lS now called Benin.) and the
Yoruba of Nigeria, to Oyo (Ayo in Nigeria, and later Ketu in Benin (Younge, 1989,
p. 5). Agbodeka (1997) states that:
Sorne students of Ewe history have tried to push this supposed point of origin
further back to Belebele which is in tum identified with the "Babel" of the Bible.
61
Others have suggested Mesopotamia, Egypt, etc., as their point of origin. There is,
however, no scientific basis for aH these claims (p. 14).
Sorne researchers traced the Ewe origin to Ketu, a Yoruba town located in the
southeastem part of the Republic of Benin. Asamoa (1986) states in ms book, The Ewe
of South-Eastern Ghana and Togo: On The Eve OfColonialism, that" Westermann
daims that the Ewe, Ga-Adangbe, the Yoruba and the Fon of Dahomey onced lived
together in Ketu which was a city state and political sub-unit ofthe powerful Oyo
Empire"(p.3).
There are not very many archaeological material and mstorical documents
on Ketu's eady political development. Asamoa (1986) notes, African historian
"Parrinder attributes the founding of the Ketu city politY to King Ede from Ife," a Yoruba
cmef in the 10th Century (p. 3). Parrinder aIso concurs that "the present eIders at Ketu
believe that the aborigines were Fon people, the people of the later Dahomey kingdom,
related to the Ewe, who for centuries were neighbours and finally destroyers ofKetu"
(p. 3).
Other historians believe that Ketu was inhabited by 'Ewe-stock' which included
the Adja, the Fon, and the Ewe before the arrivaI of King Ede in the lOth Century. In his
later writings, Parrinder (1956), states that traces of ancient dwellings in the region of
Ketu (old graves, mounds, cistems, ruined fortifications, fragments of pottery, and old
villages) made mm condude that the Ewes were not part of the Yoruba group that
founded Ketu in the 10th Century; they may have arrived several hundred years before
the Yoruba intrusion, he said. The latter, Parrinder believed, may have then forced the
migration of the Ewe to Western Benin and Togo (p. 16).

62
Historian, Bertho (1949), believes that the Ewes came from Ife, with Ketu being
one oftheir resting places as they travelled towards the West (p. 121-123). According to
Asamoa (1986), the current ruler of Notsie (Nuatja) in the Republic of Togo, King
Agokoli III, confirms Bertho's daim (p. 4). From Lofi the story continues, the Ewes
migrated to Oyo, and then continued to Ketu. From the latter location they eventually
went to Wla in Lower Benin, and then to Tado and Notsie in southern Togo (p. 4). Bertho
(1949) and other researchers suspect that Lofi and Ife are the same place, but insist that
even ifthey are the names oftwo different locations in Yoruba country, one could
condude that the Ewe-stock was originally Yoruba (p. 121-123). Ifso, then based on the
latter theory one questions the broad difference in the Yoruba and Ewe-stock spoken
language today. Speculation is that the Ewe language perhaps developed after the
migration of the Ewes from Ketu; or the Ewe language may have been that of a secret
society of Ife origin, which played an important role in the religious life of the Ketu Ewe.
The latter being the case, one then questions whether or not the group of Ketu Ewe that
migrated westward was dominated by the secret society, a situation wmch could have
diminished the importance ofthe Yoruba languages (Asamoa, 1986, p. 4).
The above paragraph explains two very distinct possibilities as to how today' s
Ewes have come to be. For the purpose of this research, 1 will assume, as per Asamoa
(based on Parrinder's research) that " ... the Ewe-stock (the Ewe, the Adj a and the Fon)
have never been Yoruba proper and ... that they were once a minority group in the
Yoruba-dominated Western Nigeria" (1986, p. 5).

63
There is no clearly demarcated time in history as to when the Ewe emigrated from
Ketu. However, Ewe oral tradition clearly describes the important routes of the migration.
A graduaI westward expansion ofthe Yoruba forced the Ewes to leave the city. Beahen
(1966), suggests that the Ewe might have left Ketu in the 15th century along with the Ga
who hadjoined them from the East (p. 64). Other accounts estimate that the movements
from Oyo through Ketu to Notsie took place between the I1th and 12th centuries
(Asamoa, 1986, p. 5). This migration westward took over two hundred and fifty years.
Most of the uninhabited land through wmch the Ewe traveled became temporary
homesteads wherein they paused to hunt, farm, harvest and bear children before
continuing their journey.
During these treks, the Ewe met with danger from wildlife and other inhabitants.
Mamattah (1976) says that " ... bows and arrows, shields and black magic were their
principal weapons ofwar" (p. 45). Living in the open, they did not have adequate
clothing or shelter. They ate virtually raw meat and vegetables. Mamattah goes on to say
that " ... they were hefty and large and taU of stature, the women were devoted and faithful
to their husbands and loved their children and family dearly" (p. 45). In those days,
women were bold warriors. They carried the dzowekevi (a food bag containing a mixture
of corn, flour, groundnuts, and beans, roasted and shaped into a baIl) to battle for their
male warriors. The food in the dzowekevi sustained them during battles (Mamattah,
1976, p. 46).
According to Agbodeka (1997), oral tradition also confirms that the Ewes " ...
left Ketu in two major groups as a result of constant wars and raids in the area" (p. 15).
Asamoa (1986) cites Spieth, who daims that the groups were originaUy two numerically
64
strong sibs. One sib inhabited two areas in what is now southeastem Togo, namely Tado
along the Mono River and Notsie between the Haho and Zio rivers. The other group that
had also moved in a westerly direction finally chose Adele as the new home territory
with Dogbonyigbo as their most important settlement. The Anlo, Be and the Fon were
sub-groups ofthe Dogbonyigbo. The Fon left them after serious conflicts and built a new
township called Wla (Allada), dating to about 1575. Later, the Anlo and Be aiso left and
joined their kin in Notsie (p. 5).
Notsie Settlement
The history of the Ewe becomes clearer with their settlement in Notsie.
They sent out hunters from their location in Benin in search of a new location, a place
where there was fertile land uninhabited by others. The Ewes were in search of peace and
security. Eventually, one chiefhunter and elder, named Togbui Noe, led a team to find a
new home. When Togbui Noe found a location, he sent warriors back to tell others, and
to guide them to the new settlement. While waiting, Togbui Noe established ms adekpoe
(hunting kraal or hut) and went hunting (Fianu, 1986, p. 5).
Upon receiving the above good news, the Ewes reacted quickly. Fianu (1986),
describes this in an Ewe proverb: 'Amegaxi le du dim hafi wobe loxoa Je gbo tso ka, '
literally meaning 'the leopard, anxious to fUll, jumps at the sudden news of the mother-in-
law's fleeting goat' (p. 5). When the Ewes arrived at the new location, they only found
Togbui's remains. Through divination, the spirits told the settlers that Togbui Noe
sacrificed his life to the gods for the good (or prosperity) of the people. The Ewes
established their home around his remaining bones and called their new seUlement 'Noe
65
fe Tsiefe' or 'Noetsie,' meaning Noe's place ofrest, or Noe's place ofthe dead (Fianu,
1986, p. 5). Notsie ends up being their major seulement before the historie exodus to their
present locations. Notsie is also referred to as Hogbe, Glime, or Agbogome. Various
historians say that the Ewes migrated to Notsie in 1670 AD. However, Fianu points out
that ", .. the Ewe of Ghana had been where they are now when the Portuguese set foot on
the Gold coast, now Ghana, in 1471" (Fianu, 1986, p. 15).
Notsie was a walled city with small scattered settlements beyond its walls. The
wans were truck and tan and were used as a fortress to guard against invasions, slave
raiders and traders. During these raids or times of war, the group living beyond the walls
sought refuge within the seUlement. A divine mler who maintained absolute power over
rus people led the city. This mIer, referred to as king or chief, was considered the highest
political authority. The Ewes, along with other ethnic groups, lived in Notsie under one
King in three separate divisions -- Tado, Dogbonyigbo and Notsie (Younge, 1989, p. 6).
The King, during any particular period, mled with love and ingenuity, doing what he
deemed right for the community. In retum, his subjects respected and regarded him as
Supreme Being, never questioning his authority.
The Ewes were loyal and dedieated to their King and did whatever was neeessary
to provide resourees for his revenue. Fianu, on sorne ofthe sources of royal revenue,
writes:
1. The Fiaga ofNotsie "owned the whole land" and let it out to the various clans
(dukowo) who paid yearly tributes for settlement.
2. The citizenry freely cultivated the royal farmland for the Fiago, proceeds from
whieh were traded for revenue (cowries).

66
3. Every farmer had to cultivate part of "his land" for the chief; the proceeds
from wmch were sent to the Fiaga or sold out for the royal revenue.
4. The Fiaga was the "actual owner" of an animals reared by the household and
aU "custodians" had to remit to him a third of the fee of any animal sold. He
could order any "custodian" to send to ms palace a number of cattle needed by
the Stool and the Ancestors (see glossary).
5. He extracted (sic) or took market tolls on any goods brought into the market
or bought from the market to be re-traded.
6. Every household paid a yearly rent for building on the royal land.
7. An clan chiefs paid yearly tributes to the Fiago.

8. Offenders were fined animaIs, cowries or engaged for royal labour
commensurate with the offence or fine (ifhe could not pay).
9. Hunters paid for rights to use royal hunting grounds; medicine men sought
"permission" to practice; and weavers/potter's paid income taxes.
10. Merchants coming to and traveling across Notsie with their goods were
levied or taxed.
Il. Any timber or palm tree felled attracted a fee for the Stool (but 2 of such had
to be planted in place of every one felled).
12. The Royal Visit ofthe Fiaga's entourage had to be rewarded with "gifts" to
the Stool from the people thus honoured.
13. An able-bodied men availed themselves for the erection of the walls from
quarter to quarter according to the clans.

67
14. Above aU others, the Fiaga reserved the right to levy any fee for emergencies
such as for fortification rituals, etc. He could sen into slavery
"amemadzeduawo" or deviant people (Fianu 1986: 8-9).
Peace and prosperity prevailed among the Ewes in Notsie until a new King
Agokoli came to power. Considered an evil mler by the people, King Agokoli led the
people with iron fists. He disrespected and disregarded the council of royal eIders, many
ofwhom were exterminated. The only survivor ofthese pursuits was an elderly man from
Dayi ancestry, named Togbui Tegli, who, with his son Kelemu, escaped by hiding in
what was disguised as a fetish hut. An of King Agokoli's eIders or advisors were
replaced by young men who were uneducated and untrained like himself. Other warriors,
or hunters whom he felt to be disloyal, or those he felt an affront to his position as King,
were sent to war fronts (wars which he instigated) so that they might die (Fianu, 1986,
p.7).
Many people disappeared mysteriously during Agokoli' s reign. As a cover-up,
Agokoli ordered that a wall be built around the whole city. Although many believed the
existing wall around the city was to prevent slave traders before he came to power,
Agokoli made the people add to the existing walls. Fianu laid out sorne of the following
atrocities recorded and attributed to Agokoli during the construction of the walls:
1. In the mud pits, Agokoli ordered people to use blood squeezed from the bodies
of his enemies (the aged), in place ofwater in order to build the great wall.
2. He had slaughtered an old and young men by whom he felt threatened.
3. Others who were not working on the walls (due to the high population at the
site) were punished for idling by fetching water in baskets.

68
4. The bodies ofhis enemies (dead) were used in laying the foundation of the
great wall in certain sections for ritual purposes.
5. Those who did not have containers for carrying bricks were made to carry the
bricks on their heads, wruch were split (Fianu, 1986, p. 10).
The Exodus
The people grew tired and dissatisfied with Agokoli's harsh and tyrannical rule
and therefore decided to escape. Outwitted and not sure what Agokoli would do next, the
people of Notsie began to leave the city in large numbers. This mass migration was
planned for a fairly long time. Women were assigned the task of soaking selected are as of
the great wall daily with waste water. At these soaked areas, openings were made and
used as escape exits (Asamoa 1986:8). An explanation of the events leading to the exodus
itselfis clearly described by Fianu (1986), as follows:
A secret meeting was arranged in the "fetish grove" of Kelemu wherein lay
hidden Amega Tegli who now had been imbued with the spirit of the ancestors in
his advanced age. It was agreed as could be found in one of the folk songs of the
Ewe that "Agokoli Je nutasese sia ya va glo ..." i.e. this wickedness of Agokoli
surpasseth everything or is unequalled. The exodus was earmarked for the night
of the following day (p. 13).
On the date of escape, men played the drums in the aftemoon and the secret
password -- HOGBE-- was sent to each clan warning them to prepare for their departure.
The women were ordered to secretly prepare aU their Iuggage in the house. AlI groups
were to meet with their bags at a pre-arranged drumming and dancing event called the
69
misego (tighten your waist) for that night. This was done to mislead Agokoli, as these
sessions were common in the Ewe community. Just before mid-night, old Tegli grabbed
his sword and ran to the weakened wall and said a prayer. After completing the prayer,
he called out "Oh God, open for us" and with an his might he struck open the weakened
wall. The women and children were led out first, then the elderly, young men and leaders.
The leaders came out walking backwards to disguise their tracks (Pianu, 1986, p. 13-14).
They traveled in three groups and later populated the northem, central and
southem areas oftheir new-found homes. Those who moved southwards founded Wheta,
Anlo, Klikor, Ave, Afife, Aflao, Dzodze, Mafi, Agave, Tavie, Tokoe, and Tanyigbe etc.
(Agbodeka ,1997, p.lS). The Anlo and other southem settlements belong to the Dogbe
group who traveled under an eIder called Wenya. These people presently occupy the
southeastem part of Ghana. Another sub-group of the Dogbe, founded Be, Kpalime,
Noefe and other Ewe settlements in present Togo (Agbodeka, 1986, p. 16). Today, the
Ewes exp and across four different West African countries, which include principally
Ghana and Togo, with small pocket settlements in Benin and Nigeria.
Geographical Background
The Land
Presently, the Ewe can be found along the southem corner of the lower Volta in
Ghana, southem half of Togo and Benin up to Latitude 8 degrees North. They live in
southeastem Ghana, the southem parts ofthe Republics of Togo and Benin and the
southwestem portion of Nigeria in the fishing settlement ofBadagri (formally part of
Benin). The easterly neighbours ofthe Ewes (in southeastem Ghana and southem
70
Togo) are the Fon, who are still regarded as part of the Ewe-stock. These two groups are
divided by the River Mono. On the western boundary of Ghana, the Volta divides the
Ewes from the Ga-Adangbe, Ga and the Akan. And the north separates the territory by
the Akposo, the Kebu, Boasu and Buem (Younge, 1989, p. 3).
Even though their land is quite large and extensive, the people are bound together
by their cultural unit y, common origin and language. Even with this high degree of
communality, the area is not completely homogeneous. Fianu (1986) reveals that they
have a great diversity of dialects, which vary from one sub-tribe to another (p. 3). For
example, Ewes from the southeastern part of Ghana and Togo have difficulty
understanding the dialects spoken in the eastern part of Benin and Western Nigeria. This
situation can be attributed to their migration patterns, and the political conveniences of
colonists creating artificial borders (Younge, 1989, p. 3).
The focus ofthis research, the southeastern Ewe, namely Togo and Ghana are
one culturally knit group with autonomous ethnic ties. Younge states that the present
demarcation of towns and villages perpetuated incidents in history and commemorated
the gallantry and exemplary leadership oftheir forebearers. Mentioned earlier, another
reason for their geographical division was for purely administrative convenience under
European rule. Hence, over the years areas have either been tom or broken away or
seceded from their parent land, and have each elected to caU itself a separate,
autonomous, independent state. This was quite contrary to the establishment intent and
practice of the founding fathers (Younge, 1989, p. 3).

71
On the following eight (8) pages one can see the divisions found in the continent
of Africa. Map I shows the divisions made in present day Africa and Map lais divided
into two sections. The :tirst section is West Africa dated before the 1800's, showing its
divisions during that time, and the second section shows West Africa during the 19th
Century with its new names, boundaries and distribution of ethnic groups. Map II shows
present day Ghana with hs divisions of regions and districts; and Map III shows the
division of the Ewe territory in both Ghana and Togo, Map III (a) shows the ethnie
division of Ghana in the Volta Region and Map III (b) the division of districts founded by
the Ewes and neighbouring ethnic groups in the Volta Region of Ghana. Map IV displays
the Southeastem part of the Volta Region in Ghana (the study are a) listing sorne ofthe
districts, while Map IV (a) lists the southem Ewe territories, the research town and
important areas documented in this research.

72
Africa: Map 1
Presen t-day divisions
73
)perton 1822-23 Main 19th century

centres
lpertoo..lander1825-27 _. - Barth 1850-55 &undaries of
li 1827-28 _0_ Baikie 1854 __=::-:-_~~tI1_<:.!~~!Y ~!!,~~,
West Africa: Map 1 a

Before 1800 (above), and the 19th Century (below).
74
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Present-day Ghana, wth ifs divisions of regions and districts.
75
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Ewe Territory - Ghana and Togo: Map UI

76
NORTHERN
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Ethnie Map of Volta Region: Map III a

77
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District Map ofthe Volta Region: Map ID b

78
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Southeastem Volta Region: Map IV

79
1
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- - International Boundary
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Southeastem Ewe Territories: Map IV a

80
Physical Features, Vegetation and Occupation
There are two main physical features that characterize the area: The Coastal Strip
and the Central Plains (see map III). The coastal strip stretches from the Mono estuary (in
the east) to the Volta estuary (in the west), covers a five to twelve kilometre-wide
sandbank, and has the so-called Accra-Togoland dry, coastal climate. Three large
lagoons, the Keta Lagoon, Togo Lagoon (see map IV), and the Anexo Lagoon separate
the sand strip from the Central Plains (Asamoa, 1986, p. 1). This is the most densely
populated area. Important commercial towns and cities Keta, Lome, Anexo, Denu, Aflao
sit on the sandbank. One reason for the high population in this coastal area is the rich
natural resources. The sea, the lagoons, and the fertile plots of sandy land near them make
the development of a complex economy possible--fishing, salt, industry, agriculture and
trade. Intensive cultivation of maize, onion and coconut are lucrative on the coast.
The Central Plains extend to about two hundred and fort Y kilometres upland in the
East, and no more than fort Y to fort y-five kilometres to the West. The vegetation of the
Central Plains is wet savannah. Its woodland has widely-spaced short trees, and lush
grass spreads out continuously across the terrain; " ... baobab, fan and oil palms mainly
constitute the flora" (Asamoa, 1986, p. 1). The food crops found in this area are various
species ofyam, maize, banana, plantain, ground nut and beans. Asamoa continues:
Further up-country, the vegetation becomes richer especially in the vicinities of
the rivers Todzie, Haho, and Tsawe. The banks ofthese rivers are clothed in thick
deciduous forests, while stretches of land not far away from them and other rivers
and brooks are covered with gallery forests (p. 1-2).

81
The population is low in this area because of constant water shortage. In the beginning
of the 20th Century there were said to be only seventeen settlements (duwo), while in the
Coastal Strip it was congested with fifty. The population density increases gradually from
southwest to northeast (Asamoa, 1986, p. 2).
Y ounge (1989) explains that rainfall and the various topographical features give
rise to differences in vegetation in southeastem Ewe territories. Along the coastal belts,
where the rainfall is approximately five hundred and thirty-two millimetres yearly, one
can find thorny, creeper species oftall grass, called "afla or be", which is used for
roofing. Coconut trees are found in abundance in the coastal belt and around the lagoon,
"amuti" and gbekle" constitute the typical vegetation. The names oftowns and villages in
these areas echo the naturallandscape of the beautiful and endowed states; for example,
Keta, means "the head of the sand", and Denu means "the beginning ofpalms." Inland,
where the average rainfall varies from eight hundred and ten millimetres to one thousand-
two hundred and seventy millimetres yearly, the vegetation are scrubs, grass, palms and
baobab trees, which are located aH the way down to Dzodze and Akatsi (p. 4).
The southeastem Ewe 's geographic location along the coast created insecurity in
the past due to its proximity to the ocean. It offered no safety from the frequent raids for
slaves by European slave traders. At that time, sorne relocated to Anyako (located near a
lagoon), whose shallow waters were not easily navigated by large slave ships, and
therefore created a buffer. This site also provided economic security. The sea and lagoon
provided food through its marine life, trade opportunity, and exploration of different
locations by hunters and craft makers. Ladzekpo (1995) describes their local activities
this way:
82
Development of small-scale marine commercial activities for sustenance began
immediately. These activities included the construction of cano es for fishermen
who navigated the lagoon for usable fishing sites and cane landings. Hunters used
the canoes to explore other island and the inlands north of the lagoon for game,
drinking water, farmlands and new settlement sites. Farmers shuttled by the
canoes between the island and the fertile inlands to cultivate crops. The canoe
shuttle became an important tradition and a major means by which commodities
and information flowed freely between the settlements (p. 2).
My research concems Ewe culture situated in the Republic of Ghana, which in
tum, is located in the middle of the Guinea Coast. It borders Cote d'Ivoire (see map nto
the West, Togo to the East, Burkina Faso to the north, and the Gulf of Guinea to the
south. The land covers an area of238, 537 square kilometres. The distance from the
coast to the northem border is approximately 672 kilometres, and from the east to west is
536 kilometres, equalling the size of West Germany or the United Kingdom.
Nukunya (1997) states that, in terms ofphysical features and geography, the
southeastem part of Ghana can be divided into two sections. One section comprises
present Keta district and the southem halves of Ketu, Akatsi, and South Tongu districts;
and the northem parts of these same districts, together with the North Tongu district form
the second. He states that of the two sections, the former designated as the south, is much
more complex than the latter, the north (p. 9). In this particular context, what Nukunya
describes as "north" still refers to the southeastem Ewes in general. They will be my
main study for the dance ceremony. Major administrative settlements in this area inc1ude:
83
... villages and towns of Anlo coastal settlements - Futatowo, such as Keta
(meaning" the head of the sand"), Anloga, Vodza, and Dzelukorfe, Hinter land
settlements- Vego, sueh as Anlo Afiadenyigba, Anyako, Abor, Atiavi, Agudzawo
or Someawo- sueh as Blekusu, Agavedzi, Denu (meaning the beginning ofpalms,
Adina, Xedzranawo, Flawu- Avoeme, Viefo, Wudoaba, Afife- Tadzewu, Ohawu,
Veta- Exi, Hueve, Avalavi, Klikor- Kpoglu, Amedzikorpe, Peny- Akanu,
Akpatoeme, Dzodze- Kuli, Tonu, Avlikorge, Avenor or Fiegbiawo- Avenorpeme
Avenorfedo, Akatsi, Dzogadze, Tove ... (Younge, 1989, p. 3).
Cultural Background
A child bom into an Ewe community lives in an environment of dance and music.
A child hears songs and musical instruments, sees and feels rhythms articulated through
movement from the mother (child is supported on mother's back by doth) as she does her
chores and a sibling beating out rhythms while singing and dancing during games. When
mobile on his/her own, the child also plays these rhythmic games and responds
enthusiastically to socially educative stories told by eIders through dancing and singing.
Children watch, leam, and often participate in recreational dance styles from the
perimeter ofthe dance ring, as when the social dance Agbadza is performed, or
participate in the vigorous training found in the more strict ceremonial dance forms like
Adzogbo.
Recreational activities are a much-needed past-time amongst the Ewes after a hard
day' s work. Drumming, dancing and, singing are sorne of the most common activities
and involve two forms -- the first for non-planned events (as in after work) and the
84
second for planned events. The first type is performed for lei sure and is often
recreational, catering to pleasure, entertainment or artistic experience as an end in itself.
The second category is that seen as part of a traditional ceremony, a ritual or a special
event in which they are required to participate in as members of the community, such as
" ... political activities, funerary rites, rites de passage, religious activities, and
occupational activities" (Younge, 1989, p. 6). Other recreational activities include
storytelling by youths and/or the elderly for the purpose of entertainment and to teach
values of the culture. Fables and riddles are performed in 'call and response' pattern.
There are narrative puzzles wherein a problem is posed to the audience.
Festivals function as a meaningful part of the Ewe society. They are used to
commemorate and remember important events in the history of the people. It is a time to
recreate the past and transmit their traditional culture and values to each generation. The
festivals help unite and build confidence in the people and develop loyalty to their chiefs.
Today, festivals are used as occasions to raise funds, for organizing people for
development projects and to share their rich and unique culture. Festivals are often
organized around lineage stools, clan gods, town or village deities, and can commemorate
both secular and religious events. One of the major festivals for this region is
Hogbetsotso, an annual Yam Festival of Anlo, which is rooted in history, tradition and
culture.
In Ewe culture, dance-drumming is considered one ofthe most prestigious
of public performances that encourage interaction among participants. Dance and music
are integral part of Ewe social identity; "life without music and dance is like death", says
His Excellency Mr. Victor Gbeho, an Ewe and a former Ghanaian Ambassador to the
85
United Nations. Opoku, (recently deceased), Co-founder and Artistic Director of The
Ghana Dance Ensemble and Senior Lecturer at University of Ghana's Institute of African
Studies and the School ofPerforming Arts, made the following general statement about
dance in Ghana in his speech at the FormaI Inauguration of the Ghana Dance Ensemble:
To us, life with its rhythms and cycles is dance. The dance is life expressed in
dramatic terms. The most important events in the community have special dances
to enhance their meaning and significance. To us the dance is a language, a mode
or expression, which addresses itself to the mind, through the heart, using related,
relevant and significant movement which have their basic counterparts in our
everyday activities, to express special and realhfe experiences in rhythmic
sequences to music and poetic stimuli. We the people, accept the dancers' special
role as the centre of our life--in his subtle flexion ofhands and fingers, our
prayers; in his thrusting arms--our thanksgiving; in his stamp and pause--our
indignation; in his leap and tums our frivolity-our foolishness; in his tensed
frame--our defiance; in his bow--our allegiance; his halting steps-our reverence.
Thus he dances, not alone but with us and we with him. We are not spectators, but
co-creators and participants in the drarna of the African way oflife (Opoku, 1962,
p. 13- 16).
Although he spoke about dance in Ghana as a who le, the Ewes of Ghana carry the same
sentiment about dance. For them, dance reflects who they are as a group and as
individuals in the community, the country and the world.

86
Social Background
The People
Ewes are a very loving, closely-knit community. Everyone works together to
create a positive, productive environment. One can clearly see the meaning behind the
African adage, "It takes a village to raise a child". The Ewes believe in the sharing of
food, money, and unique traditional greetings with nearby families and with their friends.
They show a high levei of respect to eIders, regardless ofwhether the eIder is a parent, a
sibling, a friend or co-worker. In addition, they show unusual expressions oflove and
friendship, as is evident when two heterosexual men affectionately walk holding hands
(Badu, 1992, p. 15). 1 have found from my own experience in dealing with Ewes over the
past twelve years, 1 have found that they are modest, wann, generous and friendly. They
place a high level of importance on education, and are extremely proud of their rich
culture. Fianu (1986) describes them as a mysterious group of people who are " ... able to
subdue nature and tap the elements to their benefit" (p. 2). In the past, this mystical
quality had many people of different ethnic groups, especially neighbouring ones, treat
them with scom or fear.
The Ewes of Ghana are one of fort y-six ethnic groups, representing
approximately thirteen percent of the twenty million inhabitants. They are divided into
two distinct sociocultural groups. The first group comprises central, northem, or interior
Ewes, called 'Evemeawo' or 'Evedomeawo' (valley dwellers), who have their traditional
areas in Ho, Hohoe, Awudome, Kpando and Peki (Badu, 1990, p. 19). The second group,
the Southeastem Ewes, are organized into five different administrative units -- Anlo,
Ketu-Denu, Akatsi-Avenor and part of North and South Tongu. These political districts
87
have traditional areas in AnIo, Ave, Avenor, Klikor, Sorne, Aflao, Dzodze, Wheta, Abor,
Anyako and Afiadenygba (Younge, 1989, p. 2).
Ewes in Ghana identify themselves by their social and cultural activities, their
values, their religious and traditional beliefs and, most importantly, their dance and music
traditions. The northem and southem Ewes travelled with one of the groups migrating
from Notsie, and still share old costumes, rituals, festivals, dance, and language (which is
also called Ewe) as one people. However, the adaptation to new geograpbic locations,
traveling along different routes and settling down or sharing the borders with different
ethnic groups has created differences in sorne of their dance displays and musical types.
Dance styles tend to be lyricai and more subtle in quality among the northem
Ewes because of the protected, very lush and cooler physical environment in the valley.
The southeastem Ewes, to whom 1 will refer as Ewe in subsequent chapters of tbis thesis,
are located mostly along the coast. Their exposure to the ocean, swamp land, and their
having less protection from the sun, causes their dance styles to be more percussive, and
rapid and seeming to be influenced by war-type movements. Bach group is influenced by
their environment. In the northem region, dancers move relatively slow and "cool", and
in the southem region where it is hot, dancers move fast like fire. Aiso in the past,
northem Ewes (located inland) were better protected from foreign invaders who came to
fight along the coast. The northem Ewes had less need to prepare themselves for battle
against the yevu (foreigners) with their advanced weapontry as did the southemers.
88
The Household
The Ewe are of patrilineal descent, and base their clan and hneage through these
hnes. They believe in division of labour, with each person playing an important role in
the socio-economic development of their community. The people support themselves
through petty trading, hunting, fishing in both the sea and lagoon, animal husbandry,
farming, the salt industry, handicrafts (including basket weaving), kente weaving and
pottery.
Traditionally, men build their homes before marriage. "Marriage among the Ewes
is virilocal" (Egblewogbe, 1975, p. 17). These homes are rectangular in shape and are
built from what they call "swish" (clay), bricks and lor concrete blocks. The homes have
roofs made of thatch or of corrugated iron sheets. They are often built as one room
partitioned into two units by a wall (including a door) to create a chamber, and a hall (to
divide the two rooms). The interior room is used for sleeping and keeping personal items;
the second, an "ante-room" called akpata or agbolime, is used for entertaining. Young
children often stay in the ante-room, or may have their own room. If the family expands,
so does the home. Cement blocks are just added to the main section of the same home.
The kitchen, situated exterior to the main building, is usually a one-room hut
located within yards of the main structure. Food supplies, pots, pans and other cooking
utensils are kept in the kitchen. Meals are usually prepared in the kitchen; however, in
good weather, the cook may decide to prepare the meal outdoors. For this purpose, a
cooking hearth (which can be portable or not), protected by a small shed (aiso used for
drying maize and cassava slices), is maintained at a convenient location on the
compound. Most homes have their own bathroom and toilet area which are usually built
89
in one corner of the compound, exterior to the main building. They are cleaned out every
evening by a 'night soii carrier'. Typically, most compounds are surrounded by a fence
made of either bamboo or reed matting. The fencing have either one or two gateways
which are shut at night to keep domestic animaIs inside.
The Nuclear Family
Among the Ewes the basic social unit includes husband, wife and children.
Traditionally, the normal famiIy unit consists of the husband, wife (or wives) and
children. Polygamy still exists today but most cannot afford to have more than one wife,
and those who are Christian normally do not participate in this type of arrangement. The
above-mentioned unit may aiso include step-children, adopted children and, in the past,
"those bought or taken as pawns" (Egblewogbe, 1975), P. 18). Ifa woman separates from
her husband, she normally retums to her father's house with her children. AIso, it is
traditionally acceptable for a young man to marry and live in his father's home until he is
able to build a home for his family.
Although the ideal unit would be the husband, wife and unmarried children, in
reality one might find the domestic family extended to include the "head's siblings and
their children; head's parents, head's children's children, and affines" (EgbIewogbe,
1975, p. 17). Polygamy developed over time among the Ewes because of the following
situations documented by J. Spi eth, cited in Asamoa (1986):
1. Uneasiness ofhusbands about bodily, intellectual and spiritual defects of
their first wives.
2. Superstitious ideas about menstruation.

90
3. The desire to have many children.
4. Inability ofhis first wife to do farm work.
5. Barrenness of the first wife.
6. The wish of many women to regularly stay with their parents and stay with
them for some time especially when they were expecting a baby.
7. Sexual dissatisfaction (p. 23).
Ewe couples become married after they pass through approved customary
procedures. Both persons are subject to aIl the duties, obligations, rights and
responsibilities expected ofthem. Marriage is important and everyone, (unless a person
has a mental or physical disability) is expected to enter into this union. Those individuals
who do not are subject to insults and derision (Agbodeka, 1986, p. 55). Marriage
involves payment of a bride priee, parental involvement in selecting the spouse's
"betrothal, preference for certain categories ofkin as marnage partners, prohibition of
other categories, polygamy, and conferment of certain duties, obligations and
responsibilities on the spouses and their kin groups" (Agbodeka, 1986, p. 55).
In marriage, the man has absolute rights over sexual and domestic services; and
the wife is entitled to financial support and general protection. Absence of any ofthese
services can cause divorce. If for some reason the parents are divorced, the father may
insist on having custody of the children (except babies and those children too young to be
apart from the mother). The children who are taken from the mother may stay with their
father' s sister and in some cases with their patemal grandmothers until the father
remarries. In some cases, however, the child follows the mother even if she does leave
home. The latter is usually by an amicable agreement. The ideal wife is expected to be
91
dutiful, submissive, loyal and economically active, whereas the husband is expected to be
kind, loving and supportive (Agbodeka, 1986, p. 57).
Both mother and father are responsible for the children' s welfare. They both
dothe, feed, and look after the health of their children. It is also important for them to
teach the children basic traditional knowledge and modes ofbehaviour in the
community (Egblewogbe, 1975, p.18). Both parents are responsible for formaI
education in public or private schools.
Lineage among the Ewes comprises an persons, male and female, who are able to
trace relationship by a series of acceptable genealogical steps through the male line to a
known or putative male ancestor. They have a patriarchal kinship system. The general
genealogical depth would be eight to ten generations (Egblewogbe, 1975, p.19). The
lineage groups are named after their founding fathers. They have common ancestral farm
and shrine land usually headed by the oidest male member ofthe group who arbitrates in
times of problems. His consent is sought during marri age and divorce, and he also
officiates at the ancestral shrine and other ceremonies that involve whole or part of the
lineage. Egblewogbe (1975) explains that in addition, the oidest male member:
... is also answerable for his 'children' when they become involved in sorne
social offence ... The members of a lineage form a corporate group, which
concerns itself with the welfare of its members and with the preservation of
ancestral property and farm lands (p. 19. )
Members of the same lineage may build their homes in the same section of the town or
village. This corporation or collective acts as a support system for those who belong to
the lineage.
92
Egblewogbe (1975) explains that the clan can be considered a large corporate
group of severallineages produced through friendship and mutual help. Egblewogbe
states that "A clan member has the duty of co-operating with and providing help
substantial or otherwise, to other members" (p. 20). This bond within a clan provides
support and protection for the whole area. The clan usuaUy shares one god and is led by
one eIder, (usually the eldest of the lineage heads). The chief and clan heads are both
responsible to the village. Strangers may be accepted into a clan as members after they
have settled in the area for a long time. They are provided with land to cultivate, and may
be invited to attend public deliberations and in retum are expected to contribute to the
welfare of the clan. Villages or towns are made-up of several clans and the people are
united in situations that concem the whole village. The members of the village support
and guard each other against outside intruders. "Politically the people owe allegiance
directly to the village chief and in a remote sort of way to the Paramount Chief of the
sub-tribe chiefdom" (Egblewogbe, 1975, p. 20).
Social Class
Asamoa (1986) identifies four main social classes in pre-colonial Ewe-Society, in
Westermann's (1937) book. They are "(a) the nobility, i.e. chiefs and their elders, (b) the
free citizens, (c) bondsmen and (d) slaves (p. 24). The nobility and professionals enjoyed
(even today) the acquisition of important means of life such as private property. The
latter included cattle, boats, and nets which strengthened their already high social
position. The nobility status hinged primarily on birth. The free citizen could be
93
materially rich or po or. He enjoyed "... the right ofusufruct in terms oflineage land as
the most important means of production" (p. 24).
Bondsmen were aliens who were given the right to use land. They were obliged to
give money yearly to the local chief (or to an indigenous person who himselfwas placed
under the protection of a local chief), to protect against vendetta or because of
indebtedness. A bondsman could also be a free citizen who was unable to pay his debts in
cash but instead paid his creditor in labour. The alien bondsmen and their immediate
descendants were given native status only after several generations had past.
Slaves were usually considered aliens, and were mainly acquired through
purchase, or war capture. Sorne natives were sold into slavery in response to their anti-
social behaviour. Slaves were allowed to marry the natives. However, ifthe mother was
the free subject then the children would be born as slaves. If the father was a free man,
the children were also considered free due to the patrilinial system. Asomoa (1986) cites
Westermann (1937) who says that slaves had to work four days a week for their owners.
Traders who owned slaves usually gave them "capital," enabling them to eventually free
themselves by paying a sum equivalent to the price of two slaves. The slaves normally
worked on plantations, in the fisheries, did handicrafts, tapped for palm wine, reared
cattle, among other chores. Traditionalists say that in most areas slaves were allowed to
go free when they got married (p.25). Today, one can identify only the first three
classes -- nobility, free citizens and bondsmen. The nobility and the free citizens make up
the majority.
94
Politica1 Structure
The settlement or du is considered the largest political unit of the Ewes. It has
clearly defined territories with traditions of common origins dating back to Notsie. Du
consists of several villages caUed dutawo or gbotawo (Asamoa, 1986, p. 25). The capital,
fiadu, is the village wherein the Paramount Chief resides. Du is administered by an
executive council of eIders who are headed by the dufiaga, paramount chief. Sub-
chiefs assist the council of eIders and also govem the smaller towns and villages
(Asamoa, 1986, p. 25).
The position of dufiaga is occupied through inheritance. The selection
process begins with a nomination by the zikpuito, the stool father orthe royallineage
(Asamoa, 1986, p. 26). The candidate selection pro cess is kept extremely confidential
with only a few members of the council (dumegawo) being told. The candidate must
meet the following conditions:
1. He should not be left-handed. It was unbecoming for an Ewe chiefto
gesticulate with his left hand while speaking.
2. The candidate, in the words ofManoukian, "Should be at least pre-possessing
enough not to be laughing stock to neighbouring sub-tribes".
3. He must be intelligent and morally strong (Asamoa, 1986, p. 26).
Once approved, the candidate is 'grabbed' and installed. Selection ofsub-chiefs also
follow the above-mentioned process.

95
The Paramount Chief so installed becomes the highest political authority in the
du. He mIes over the councils offiahawo and dumegawo and over the Supreme Court
ofthe settlement. He is considered a representative of the ancestors and the living subject
of the du. His responsibilities are to mediate between the former and the latter, as weIl as
to supervise and organize important festivals and rituals. One of the most important jobs
ofthe Paramount Chief is to periodically make a sacrifice to the fiazikpui (the stool of
the chief) and, with the help ofthe sub-chiefs and lineage elders organize communal
labour. The Paramount Chiefreceives royalties in the form of certain animal parts
(leopard, lion and elephant) that are hunted. Subjects will also volunteer work or give
regular tributes to the Paramount Chief.
The commoners council, sohewo assist and safeguard those who are ranked below
the level offiahawo. Thefiahawo and severallineage eIders from an the gbotawo and
sohewo combined are considered the highest administrative organ, but not necessarily the
largest or economically the most important. Each gbota in the du has its own chief,
executive council and dumegawo ofwhich the gbota branch of the sohewo forms a part.
These organs function mostly on the gbota level and are closely watched by "the
executive council ofthe Dumegawo on the Du level" (Asamoa, 1986, p.26-27).
Judicial System
Pre-colonial Ewe-law was not codified; it was instituted as a form of "social
control" through systematic application of force in a politically organized society
comprised of coundl of elders, headed by a chief. Ewes differentiated crimes from civil
offences. For example, "murder, manslaughter, bodily harm, robbery, sorcery,

96
witchcraft, character assassination, and extortion, were regarded as serious crimes"
(Asamoa, 1986, p. 30). They were punishable in various ways. "Capital punishment was
imposed on aU those who were found guilty ofmurder or treason" (Asamoa, 1986, p. 30).
Spiritual murderers, (those who killed by spiritual means or power) were exiled in sorne
settlements, whereas capital punishment was used in others. In sorne areas, robbers were
chained and beaten up for several months. Fines were imposed for crimes such as
embezz1ement of public funds, extortion and assault, adultery, insults, and hooliganism.
"AlI circumstances leading to the commission of suicide were subject to a thorough
investigation and anybody whose actions directly or indirectly contributed to the incident
was heavily fined" (Asamoa, 1986, p. 30).
"Traditional Ewe society allows monogamous and polygymous forms of
marriage. Polyandry (having more than one husband at the same time), levirate and
sororate marriages are not practised" (Asamoa, 1986, p. 30-31). Brideprice, the money
and gifts given to the bride's family in order to release the bride to the husband and pay
for family's expenses as a result ofraising the daughter, is allowed and indispensable.
Adultery, as mentioned before, is punishable by a fine and divorce is permitted. If the
wife is guilty in a divorce case she has to pay back the total of aIl money the husband
spent for the duration of their marriage. If vice versa, the man has to pay the woman
whatever the court decides. "The position of the woman in marriage is subordinate to that
ofher husband. In coastal areas, wives have to kneel down when handing out things to
their husbands. Ewe women however enjoy economic independence, which is legaUy and
morally sanctioned by tradition" (Asamoa, 1986, p. 31). In a polygamous family, the
woman who marries first is considered the senior wife irrespective of age. However, if
97
one of the junior wives give birth to a son first, that son becomes sole heir ofthe father,
irrespective of the senior wife's position.
Religion
Religious 'beliefs and sanctions,' help define the ''worldview'' of the Ewe people.
Ewe religious structure includes three groups of gods and two categories of magical art.
Their beliefs include ancestral worship as weIl as activities found in secret societies such
as the yeve cult. The first two groups of gods (sky and earthly gods) are headed by
mawu, the most senior sky god and creator of the universe and mankind.
Ewes believe that in the past they mawu retreated completely and became out of
touch. He now takes a human form and is clothed in a 'sparkling white robe.' mawu is
the creator of all that is positive and good, and helps them survive economically by
providing rains to the earth for cultivating crops of an kinds.
lived in close proximity with mawu; but because humans became polluted with sin,
They also believe that mawu 's children, sogble (daughter) and sodza (eldest son)
are always close by and are sent by their father to tms earth in the form of violent thunder
and lightening (son) and mild thunder and lightening (daughter) to punish wrong doers.
"Whenever sodza roars and threatens to strike she (sogble) intervenes pleading for
clemency." (Asamoa, 1986, p. 32). Earthly gods or trowo are mountains, rocky slopes,
gullies, caves, big trees, rivers, and fountains. Trowo are the intermediaries between man
and mawu. They too may punish wrong doers in the form ofviolent storms, droughts and
diseases.
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These punishments are believed to be either ordered by mawu or invoked by any
individual to kill an offender. miano who is considered the wife of mawu, is the goddess
in charge of the earthly gods. She is the source of nourishment for allliving things and
plays a decisive role in the creation ofplants, animaIs and other earthly gods. The third
category of gods are the tutelary gods, who the Ewe believe shape the destiny of every
human being. These gods live in amedzofe, the home ofthe spirits, but are always in the
company ofhuman beings. They direct the activities of every person in the prescribed
destiny or gbetsi. The three spirits, dzogbe, kpegbonola, aklama are tutelary and, with
the above-listed is used to protect the people from non-predestine death.
Magic is divided into two different categories -- those performed in private life
and those practiced in the social arena. In private life, the practice is considered self-
defense against witchcraft, sorcery, and other evil spirits. In the social arena, it is used
mostly to settle disputes in cases where the normal trial procedures cannot be used due to
insufficient evidence. The latter is described as "trial by ordeal." An ex ample of the
magic performed is described by Asamoa (1986):
The aka (ordeal) magician pours boiling oil into the palms ofthe candidates
assembled for trial. He then asks them to drink the boiling oil. The hand or mouth
of the guilty person will bum terribly. It is said that innocent candidates normally
go through the same ordeal unharmed. During another type oftrial by ordeal, the
accused persons, each holding high a healthy chicken, are asked one by one to let
go of the chicken. Each accused is asked to say that his/her chicken should die on
the spot ifhe/she is guilty ofthe offense or crime they are accused of After this
99
pronouncement, it is said, the chicken of the guilty dies immediately, while those
ofthe innocentjust walk off." (p. 33).
Ewes also believe in ancestral worship and life-after-death. This is a very
important factor in their religious life. They believe that they are always c10sely
connected with the spirits of their ancestors who control their activities and protect them
from evil spirits, accidents, and major calamities. Sacrifices made through worsmp are
therefore given to the ancestors and gods to appease them and to ask for their support and
guidance.
The ritual ofworship in southern Eweland of Ghana demands a conscious
preparation from an serious participants. The preparation is both long-term and short-
term. The former being a permanent part of everyday life for aIl adherents, and the latter
necessary only when the individual wishes to take part in worsmp. Once worship is
organized in a formaI sacred place, be it communal, individual, public or private, it
requires both types of preparation. But when the worship is a spontaneous appeal to
one's object ofworship for deliverance from a sudden danger, the short-term preparation
is waived (Agbedeka, 1997, p. 85).
The worshiping is an important aspect of Ewe sociallife. They prepare for
worship by observing certain social norms and values. In order to maintain a divine
status, certain prohibitions are followed. These may inc1ude special diets, general
behaviour patterns and the performing ofvarious sacrifices. When all steps are followed
the believer is then qualified to invoke the divine presence.

100
Agbodeka (1997) describes two types of sacrifices, dza and nuxe. Dza sacrifices
include gifts to the sacred as in "votive" (a vow to offer something substantial when a
supplicant's wishes are met), "thank" (when a worshiper brings a gift before his object
ofworship in appreciation for a favour he has received), and 'meal offering' or drink (a
kindly gesture towards his object ofworship). It takes place during the day at the
shrine. Nuxe sacrifice is used when a person wants to remove a life-negating
manifestation of the sacred from human affairs, in order to restore communion with the
object ofworship so that human conditions can be full oflife-affirming experience. This
sacrifice usual1y takes place at night, outside the shrine (unless it is intended to cleanse
the shrine), and preferably at the outskirts of the village, at crossroads or near a legba (a
deity, representing the gate to aH other deities). In order to communicate with other
specifie deities one must pass through legba statue (Agbodeka, 1997, p. 90-91).
Different items are used in a sacrifice. Selection of the sacrificial food depends on
the appetite of the 'sacred manifestation'. Most sacrificial rituals include Dzatsi, which is
co Id water mixed with corn flour, alcohol and palm oil. Castrated animaIs, unless
specifically requested by a particular rituaI, are not acceptable because it does not
promote life, which is the main objective in worship. A typical drarna of sacrifice consists
ofthree major acts:
Presentation: ofthe object to be sacrificed,
Invocation: the petition to a specifie deity, and
Immolation: the actual slaughtering or giving of animal or object
(Agbodeka, 1997, p. 92).

101
Possession and trance invocation are also part of and important in many religious
rituals, especially those found in shrines (secret societies). In a shrine called koku,
members who are in trance are able to cut themselves with short knives without shedding
blood, or are buried alive without being harmed (Agbodeka, 1997, p. 286).
Summary
The history of the Ewes is very rich and complex. From their origins to their
exodus from Notsie, the Ewes have trekked across land that spans four different
countries in West Africa: Benin, Togo, Nigeria and Ghana. In Ghana, the Ewes live in
two physically different geographic locations. In the northem part of the Volta Region,
the land is lush and climate is much cooler than that of the coastal section ofthe region.
The type ofwork done, food eaten and dances performed are influenced by these
features. The Ewes have their own form of socialization, and ways of conducting their
households. The community, led by the Paramount chief is organized and identified by
the family, a system of social class, political structure, judicial system, and religion. The
Ewe community is very strong and the strength oftheir bond reaches past pre-established
geographicai boarders.
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Chapter Three
Dance, Music And Other Related Activities Of The Ewe
Overview of Chapter
In this chapter 1 describe the structure and function of dance as it is performed in
the Ewe society. 1 illustrate how dance is an integral part of every important community
activity and how it unites the people as a who le. Dance, in Ewe culture, is movement that
communicates, expresses emotions, and creates an atmosphere ofharmony. This
movement, according to the Ewe, includes the action of dancing, the playing of
instruments, the singing of songs, and the creation of accompanying paraphemalia. If one
ofthe afore-mentioned activities is not included, it is not considered dance; and if an Ewe
community is without dance, it is considered dead. To the Ewe, dance is life.
Dance Forms and Function

Dance is life to the Ewe people, and is regarded as one of the most important
activities in the community. Amoako, a director of Ghana's National Theatre and part-
time ethnomusicology professor at Califomia State University at San Marcos, states in
his speech during an "opening ceremony" (which took place during West Virginia
University's Afiican Music and Dance summer course in Ho, Ghana, on June 29,2000 in
the Volta region of Ghana) that the Ewe artist uses this medium in the community to
entertain, and to interpret the philosophy and world view of the people (June, 2000).
Dance is used to educate, communicate, and express the feelings and sentiments of the
103
people. Through dance they share the places they've been, their hopes, wishes, and
aspirations. Dance is a medium through which the Ewe community articulate and
interpret their philosophy of life augmented by songs, drums and related paraphemalia.
As stated by K wakwa, a professor and senior dance instructor at University of
Ghana's School ofPerforming Arts, cited in Ruth M. Stone's book (2000), The Gar/and
Handbook ofAfrican Music, dance is used in various life-cycle events (p. 44). The birth
of a child, the initiation ofteen-ager into adulthood and marri age, are aIl occasions where
dance is used to welcome, introduce, honour, or incorporate individuals into the
community. K wakwa also says that sorne dances "provide a socially sanctioned medium
for behaviour that under normal circumstances would be unacceptable"
(Stone, 2000, p. 45).
Dance, as perceived by the Ewes, includes movement, music (drumming, singing)
"mime, costume, rituaI, ceremonial objects, official insignia and regalia, and makeup"
(Stone, 2000, p. 45). It is the one art form that combines the cultural, historie al, and social
aspects oftheir life. The traditional dances found throughout "Eweland", as mentioned in
Chapter Two, may have stylistic differences when performed -- different migratory routes
resulting in different experiences. Therefore, different interpretations are found in both
the music and dance; however, the " ... mode of performance, organization and structural
framework" ofthe choreographies remain basically the same (Younge, 1989, p. 7).
Dance encompasses, and is usually enjoyed only when it includes of all of the above-
mentioned forms, regardless ofwhether or not it is ritually, ceremonially, sociallyor
recreationally oriented. Each stage ofthe Ewe life-cycle determines the type of dance, its
function and emphasis.

104
Dance Performance Context
There are two types of dance performance among the Ewe, 'free' and 'strict'.
Free dances are performed for lei sure or recreational occasions where participants share
in the artistic experience as members and performers, and perform for personal
entertainment or pleasure. These dances are usually seen at festivals, funerals, or any
social event not connected to a specific ceremony, ritual or special occasion. Examples of
these type of dances are Agbadza, Gota and Gahu. The performances may be placed
within a structure format as in a ceremony but the dance remain a 'free' form.
Strict dances, more serious in nature, are connected to a special person,
or specific traditional ritual, ceremony or extraordinary event within the community.
Younge (1991) explains that dances are seen as part of the above-mentioned activities
and are performed at specific times as a prelude, interlude or postlude (p. 6). He aiso
says that they are connected to political activities, funerary rites, religious activities, rites
of passage, and occupational activities (p. 6).
The Atsiagbekor dance, which fans under "occupational activities", is one of the
oldest traditional dance forms. It is a highly-stylized war dance performed only by
warriors retuming from the battlefield. This dance, mimetic and extremely vigorous, re-
enacts for the community events that took place while in combat and displays the
warrior's bravery, strength and fearlessness. Another dance, Yevevu, is part ofa
religious event and is reserved for and performed by members of a secret and sacred
society. Its ritual activity, movement and music are privately carried out at a designated
place and specified time.

105
Nature and Categories ofDances
There are two categories of dances; 'free' and 'strict' dance styles. Free dances
like Agbadza, Gota, and Yevevu (within its membership), are simpler in technique and
movement, thus making them easily accessible for everyone to leam and jon in. Strict
dance movements are more complex, require a high level of technical skill, and a long
period of training and comprehensive understanding before they can be performed.
In dances like Atisagbekor, or Gahu, one can not easily join in without previous
rehearsal or knowledge. These dances are organized in specifie dance bands, and the
band mainly focuses, or becomes an expert on one particular musical type. These dance
bands identify themselves by the dance and music type, and incorporate the name of the
dance in the group's name. For example, Mawuli Kpli Mi Adzogbo Group is known
within the community as an Adzogbo performance group. Free dance forms are not
associated with a particular dance band and are more spontaneous in performance.
In either category, the dance formation, structure and movement depends on its
type, performance space available, the relationship between dancers and musicians,
dancers and observers, and even costumes and other paraphemalia. Strict-styled
Atsiagbekor, a linear dance, reflects its military origin by lining up in battle formation. It
may be performed in single file or in two or more columns, providing introduction of
individual solos or short displays by small groups oftwo to four dancers. Dancers are
positioned in front of the drummers, awaiting specifie rhythms to exeeute specifie
movements. The observers take the role of spectator and ereate a dance ring by eneircling
the performers. In the circle seated behind the drummers are royalty, patrons and special
guests. Military attire and weapons add to the full aestheties ofthe dance.
106
In the 'free' dance Agbadza, there is no specific "known" formation and the
dancers moves around the arena singly, or in small and large groups as they wish, with or
without regard to other participants. It is performed within a circular arena similar to that
of the strict dance; however, in this case the observers are not just audience, but actual
participants in the dance, whether seated or standing. Kwakwa states that:
... an onlooker may spontaneously step into a dance ring. Such a person may be a
performer who lacks a role assigned for the occasion, a novice who wishes to test
his or her skills, or a visitor from a neighbouring community. A performer might
step out of the ring to relax for a while -- to instruct an inadequate performer, to
appraise the event, or to make room for others to perform" (Stone, 2000, p. 45).
Other formations created witmn the above-mentioned dance ring are circular (one of the
most popular), semicircular, or serpentine, dancing abreast, face to face. It also inc1udes
specially arranged spatial designs by a group or individual performer, while still falling
within the range of the established patterns of the dance.
Dancers RoIes, Attitudes and Training
There are specifie roles for individuals in the community in association with the
dance performance. These roles depend on a person's "age, sex, occupation, socio-
political status, affiliation with (or membership in) a religious group cult, the context and
function of the dance, and the distinctive feature, character, or nature of the dance"
(Stone, 2000, p. 45). Dance participation by the community may be limited to specific
demograpmc groupings: " ... youths, adult males or females, girls, newly initiated men,
107
newly married women, bachelors, mothers, farmers, warriors, blacksmiths, hunters,
royalty, cultists" (p. 45-46).
One's physical ability, talent and availability are also factors in the roles one plays
as a dancer, and the type of dance one performs. Physically disabled people are included
in these activities and are not discriminated against because of their limitations. In
Dzodze, one of the most exciting dancers that 1 saw was disabled (her legs remained in a
squatting position). One of the most important features in African dance for the person
executing movement is to enjoy themselves and let that feeling be reflected through the
movement. Good dancers must develop a high level of discipline in order to articulate
their bodies to the rhythms played by the musicians, and develop a large vocabulary of
facial expressions in order to dramatize beliefs, values and special cultural nuances. A
dancer should also be able to clearly and precisely replicate movements, in order to
convey important historie al facts, and should have a high regard for decorum and rituals.
In the village, there are many opportunities to learn dance vocabulary, style and
its established choreographies during 'free' dances. However, with the "strict" dances,
one requires discipline and time to develop technical skill that results only from vigorous
and detailed training. Performers training for these types of dances are especially
burdened with perfecting body gestures, as most of these dances communicate oral
history, local philosophical thought, meaning and tradition.
Another important factor to being a good dancer is attitude. Good dancers do
not perform merely to 'show off their ability, or to entertain an audience. Nketia (1974)
states that there are certain expectations that dancers must fulfill, and certain things that
they must not do. He says that " ... they must not throw glances at people white dancing,
108
for good dancers must be deeply engrossed in what they are doing, and doing it weIl, that
people will notice it without the dancers ... having to catch their eyes" (p. 32). One
dances to express personal feelings, communicate a message, display solidarity and
respect in the community, and to socialize. Dance is also a means ofphysical fitness.
In Ewe culture, it is understood that men assume the role of drummers.
They are either selected by early detection oftalent by the community or family (father to
son kinship) or through their own personal strong desire to learn. The master drummer is
considered the leader of each dance. He controls the rhythms the dancers perform to, and
is also versed in the culture's oralliterature and traditional history.
There are other specifie roles played by different individuals in a band or
community in general. 1 quote Younge when he explains that "Specifie roles are
taken by important personalities for effective and high standard performance and
discipline" (Younge, 1991, p. 6). Traditionally these accepted roles are as follows:
a) Hakpla, the composer
b) Heno, the lead singer or cantor
c) Hatsola, the special assistant to the Heno
d) Hatsovi, usually two, who are assistants to the Heno and Hatsola
e) Azaguno, the master drummer
f) Azagunokpewo, the players ofthe supporting instruments
g) Vumega, the male patron or president of any musical association
h) Vudada, the queen-mother of any musical association
i) Kponkuitowo, special assistants to the Vumega and the Vudada
j) Atinua or Kadaa, the sole disciplinarian at any performance (p. 6-7).

109
The hakpala 's (composer) role is to develop musical variations for the dance
styles ofhis particular town or village. The heno, (lead singer) role is normally
performed by the lead male dancers and the eldest or best female singer. The two
individuals lead the songs that are sung during the performance. Y ounge says that the
vumega (president) and vudada (que en mother) are responsible for the welfare of aU
members of the group, and if a problem or dispute arises, it is referred to these people for
a solution (Badu, 1992, p. 28).
The spectators or audience role in the performance 1S multifaceted. They may
participate in the performance to be supportive of relations, friends, neighbours and
associates; or it could be out of curiosity, being attracted to the sound, or just feeling the
need to be socially involved in the community. Audience are expected to show outward
expression of elation and appreciation by shouting when a move, melody or rhythmic
pattern strikes them. Nketia (1974) says that the audience's conduct can show that the
performance satisfies or makes manifest a social value, or that it satisfies a moral need,
or it can be negative at anytime showing disapproval or displeasure (p. 32). While
observers often enter the dance arena to dance themselves, they may also give moral
support or praise to the main dancers by placing coins or paper money on their foreheads,
wiping their faces with a handkerchief, or placing cloth around their necks or on the
ground to step on. The audience has a strong influence on the animation of the
performance and can push the performers to a high or drop them to a low level of
production. If the performers are so stimulated they may be more spontaneous, fully
110
energized and have longer stamina. The energy around the dance arena is usually
very animated as its informaI arrangement gives observers the freedom to move around,
or come and go as they please.
Dance Structure and Performance Arena
The physical setting of the dance performance usually takes place in the village's
town meeting area, located outside in the open (see plate 23). However, sorne special
events may be placed inside as in the case of a wake (Ewes describe as wake-keeping).
The size of a performance area should be suitable for collective activity (for that
commuruty' s population) and provide sorne form of protection or shade from the sun.
Audience naturally encircle the performers, creating the outer rim of the dance
arena. The performance arena is arranged so that the instruments of a particular
ensemble are lined up within the audience's circle, and the master drum stands behind the
supporting drums. Patrons, eIders, chiefs and special guests usually sit behind the
drummers, and the rest of the audience, including children, circle around the remaining
sides of the dancers to complete the ring. The male and female dancers stand within the
audience's circle in their prescribed formation according to gender or theme, and the
cantors are located within the inner circle or amongst the audience members. The dance
area or arena is found within the circular formation of the audience. The arrangement of
the dancers inside the circle depends on the specific dance and its function.
A typical Ewe recreational dance-drumming begins a:fter the village chief and
elders perform a ritual of pouring libation on the ground. This rituai is performed before
every important event that takes place in the proposed performance area. The eIder of the
111
village takes a bottle of schnapps or akpeteshie and "pours libation" or makes a prayer to
their ancestors, especially those who might have fought for them during their early
migrations (Badu, 1992, p. 24).
A dance-drumming is often performed in different sections. As Atsiagbekor,
there are three sections: vulolo, processional section, adzo/adzokpo, introduction to the
music and dance section, and vutsotso, the main music and dance section which is
sometimes integrated with adzokpo. The vulolo starts from the outskirt of the town. As it
moves toward the dance arena, villagers descend from their homes in order to participate
in the action. In other dances there are warm-up rhythms played early in the day instead
of a procession to announce the dance event. This drumming may be repeated several
times during the day as a reminder.
The procession flows into the dance arena preparing for the adzo section of the
dance. Here, special songs or caUs are performed to little or no instrumental
accompaniment. These songs pay homage to gods, ancestors or warriors. Song texts in
general are usually about divinities and gods, historical facts, social comments or
behaviours, topical issues, philosophical ideas, cultural values, and human issues. This
section flows directly into the main dance or full ensemble section of the performance,
vutsotso. The adzo section may continue for long periods oftime, depending on the
drummer and dan cers need for rest or change. One change to this section may be what
Fiagbedzi (a senior lecturer in Music at the University of Ghana), caUs in Agbodeka's
(1997) A Handbook of Eweland: The Ewes of Southeastern Ghana, hatsyatsyawo, where
a series ofsongs are accompanied bybells and handclapping (p. 165).

112
In "free" dance, Fiagbedzi states that hatsyatsyawo is considered one of the high
points of the perfonnance and is followed by the full ensemble perfonnance (Agbodeka,
1997, p. 165). This section may be alternated with the vutsotso several times and
interspersed with the adzo section for variety. This is by no means the only perfonnance
structure used by the Ewe ethnic group, nevertheless it demonstfates a fundamental
arrangement.
Dance and Other Related Arts and Activities
Perspectives on Music
Ewes refer to music, dance, drarna, and possibly the art of storytelling, miming,
and acrobaties as perfonning arts. Their tenn for perfonning arts in general is, nukpokpo.
Fiagbedzi (1997) states that the tenn is " ... used in the sense of a public spectacle, and
refers to any perfonnance or production... whether it is music, dance, drama or
combinations thereof" (p. 153). It is understood to be an activity and the particular art-
fonn resulting therefrom, as in the words H du yu (dance or to dance), yedudu (the act
of dancing), fe fefe (play or to play), fefefe (the act ofplaying), to gli (tell or to tell as
story), glitoto (the ad oftelling a story), where ye (dance), fefe (a play), and gli (a story)
each stand for the individual art-fonn"(p. 153).
Fiagbedzi also explains that in music, the word ha means song or vocal music in
general. An exarnple is the expression dzi ha, which means to sing or give birth to a song.
D is the activity and ha is the art-fonn itself. When speaking about instrumental music,
however, there is a difference. Fiagbedzi points out that in this case instead ofnarning the
"object" perfonned or the activity producing it, " ... the Ewe syntax signaIs the activity
113
producing the music as weIl as the musical instrument towards which the activity is
directed" (p. 153). This can he exemplified in the word "fo vu (play or to play a drum)
and vufofo (the act of playing a drum). The verb, fo, signaIs the activity of playing, while
the nominal, vu, denotes the drum played and not the art-form of drum music"
(p. 153-154).
Ewe scholars such as Y ounge, state, that in the Ewe language there is no word for
music as comprehended in Western culture (Summer course, Ho, Ghana, 1999).
Fiagbedzi supports this notion by saying that there is no aU-inclusive Ewe term
describing the instrumental form of music, and that "The notion of music may thus only
be inferred from a group of terms and practices that may Iegitimately be subsumed under
it"(p. 154). He aiso states that:
... aU the terms, concepts and traditional musical instruments individually or
collectively suggest the types of sounds considered suitable in Ewe terms for
making music. And that these sounds embrace aIl forms of gbedidi (literaUy,
audible sound or voice) produced by the human vocal organ or instruments
(p. 154).
Sound quality is aiso an important factor when deciding what is appropriate for
musical purposes. Fiagbedzi relays that:
The Ewe word descrihing this intangible material is: gbe, meaning voice. The
word enters into various combinations that colour its meaning, which suggests
that the word could stand for the sound of any description depending on the
context in which it is used. Thus the expression gbe hohio (coarse voice) is
inadmissible for music use. So aiso is gbe vi or gbe lEe (thin voice). Rather,
114
musical sound must be as sweet and pleasant (i.e. vivi or dze to) as the voice of a
sparrow (aloe) or parrot (ako), two birds generally recognized as having good
singing voice. Without bordering on vli or noise, it must be strong and have such
carrying power as would make it clearly audible in the midst of full ensemble
drumming. Within this general specification, sounds ofvarious qualities,
intensities and pitch levels are admissible; and both open, ringing as well as
muted and sharply percussive sounds are the stuff from which the Ewe makes his
music (p. 154).
Fiagbedzi explains further that straight instrumental music, as performed in a
western orchestra is not common in Eweland. In most cases instrumental music is used
for accompanying dance, singing or both (p. 155). These instrumental sounds are an
important aspect and motivating force for a dancer and may be considered an extension
or adjunct to vocal music (p. 155). Traditionally, it is unusual for an Ewe to accept to
view a drumming spectacle that is isolated from any type of movement or vocal sound.
This would be a disappointment or judged as a poor performance, as the expectation and
pleasure ofthe spectacle comes from aIl its aspects and qualities. Ladzekpo and
Pantaleoni (1970) state that vocal sounds are the most outstanding feature of a dancing
club's performance because by its songs a club's individuality and quality are most
clearly established (p. 7).
Music for dance involves a varied soundscape. It includes drumming, singing,
caUs, clapping, bells, rattles and other general sounds in the village. AH these sounds are
part of, and are considered the accompanying music, and are important to the enjoyment
of the onlooker. Fiagbedzi (1997) lists two categories ofmusical instruments that Ewes
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use to produce sound. First, those regarded as traditionally Ewe, and second, those
borrowed from other Ghanaian cultures or from Western European civilization (p. 155).
Traditional Ewe instruments include idiophones, membraneophones and
areophones. Idiophones include gankogui (double bell), and Axatse (rartle);
membraneophones include drums such as the atsimevu, sogo, kidi, and kagan, and
areophones such as kpe and ladzo.
Making music witmn Ewe society involves a set of musical activities, collective
participation, and is a lengthy process. Fiagbedzi describes dance-drumming as one of
the most prestigious of public music making among the Ewes (p. 160). Creating music
begins with the integration of an the previously described art forms -- dance, dance-
drumming and song. Fiagbedzi explains that the activities start with "... a series of
composing sessions (havoluwo) where the master song-makers (hakpalawo), masters
drummer-choreographers (azagunowo) and bell players (gakoguifolawo) outline the
performance," and that "... only the musicians with proven ability participate
in tms first section (p. 160).
He also explains that the song-maker usually starts off the session rehearsing
songs already composed for the performance and/or creates something new on the spot.
Fiagbedzi states that:
Often the text and tune may be created in one compositional process, although
one could equally begin with a hne or Hnes oftext wmch as nyagbe or speech
utterance expressing a complete thought sets up witmn its own poetic structure
rhythmic patterns oflong and short syllables; ofhigh, low and middle speech
tones; and of verbal phrase-lengths ofvarious sizes including strategically-placed

116
units of other kinds, -- aU or sorne of which could be used in trying out and
ultimately fully generating suitable melodies"(Agbodeka, 1997, p. 160-161).
The composer first creates the choral section ofthe song, selecting specifie entry
points where the soloist cornes in, and leads the chorus in a caU and response pattern.
The soloist may sing the entire song first as an introduction, while the chorus
responds by repeating the song immediately after, sometimes breaking into harmonic
parts. Fiagbedzi (1997) says that additional melodies may or may not be created to be
sung simultaneously with the original melody, making it possible for the singers to sing
in polyphony (p. 161). He aiso says that the haxeewo who learn and sing the songs may
add or branch out into other melodies, singing simultaneously ether ab ove or below the
original melody, producing sounds pleasant to the listener (p. 161). The haxeewo must
be rnaster singers in their own right in order to create their own melody, depicting what
Fiagbedzi caUs the "phenomenon of part relationships or part singing in Ewe vocal
music" (p. 161). "The preferred part relationships usuaUy vertical intervals of fourths and
fifths give distinctive character to Ewe polyphony ... " (p. 161). Men and women sing
together in parallel octaves.
Song-makers compose with gankogui accompaniment and teach the designated
ben players a variety of rhythmic patterns which they would like to accompany
the new songs. In this session, " ... the bell rhythms serve as the regulating link between
the gait or temporal flow of the songs on the one hand and on the other the rhythms of the
new dance drumming types and dance movements and steps to be composed" (Fiagbedzi,
1997, p. 161). To concide with dance functions, there are two main types ofbell patterns
with which a bell player must be familiar: "Free rhythm" type, to accompany 'free' dance
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forms; and "strict time", used for accompanying 'strict' dance forms
(Fiagbedzi, 1997, p. 161).
A respected composer creates songs that can convey a message to hold a listener' s
attention. He must be able to evoke a certain feeling, mood and understanding in the
performers and observers in regards to the individual, human and social experience
reflected in the songs. It is aiso important that the composer, and the performing group as
a who le, reflect an:
... individuality of style, a felicitous and intriguing combination of language and
melody such as will not only readily evoke the admiration of spectators but allow
for the improvisation from the internaI structure ofverse and/or melody further
stylistic elaboration or transformation (Agbodeka, 1997, p. 161).
While the song-maker is composing the new works, expert and non-expert cantors
gather around and freely offer their critical opinions, hoping to heip guide in the song-
maker's creative process. They leam and repeatedly sing the songs, hoping to help the
song-maker by having him hear the songs, and aiso benefiting the group by helping them
to learn the songs. During this time, the master drummer-choreographer listens to these
songs (accompanied by bells) and starts selecting various movements to create the dance.
Additionally, he composes the drum pieces to match the dance movements and songs. At
this time, the musicians collectively develop a process of artistic criticism, and
commence integrating the three art-forms into the public performance.

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The master musicians are in charge of creating and making sure that there is a
variety of dance styles, drum rhythmic phrases and songs for an the sections of the
performance. For example, the master drummer is responsible for the composition,
choreograpmng and lyrics performed by the community music group. He does not
specialize in one particular medium as in western cultures. He must make sure that the
overall production ofthe performance is creative, varied and entertaining, In the first few
months of creating, Fiagbedzi says that there should be songs, drum music and songs,
and drum music and dance (or movement steps for processions (vulolo). There should
also be special homage/rhythm presentation pieces wmch willlead into the main dance
drumming (vustustu) section characterizing the dance club's style. He also says that the
master musicians should be prepared for "song-cycle singing," a section where a series of
songs are sung to ben accompaniment and which accompany special style dancing
(p. 162).
The period oftime wherein other members of the dance/drum group leam the
dance is called hakpa. This session takes place in the evening and involves highly skilled
and competent artists perfecting the newly leamed rhythms, movements and songs for the
performance. The rehearsal is done in secret and is removed from the community at large.
The hakpa shapes the fun performance. During tms time the production is still subjected
to careful scrutiny and is open to modification. The latter process continues throughout
an preparatory stages prior to public presentation. After the hakpa is satisfactorily
finished, master musicians and highly placed members of the community are invited to
lsten to the songs and ben accompaniment to discem the potential popularity and
acceptability ofthe songs ofthis "new club." Ifthere are no objections after trus stage,
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the group provides a series offull-Iength perfonnances for extra rehearsal and to test
public reaction (Fiagbedzi, 1997, p. 164).
When the above-mentioned section is completed, the first full perfonnance,
called vuhehedeagbonu (literarily, bringing the drum into the open), in full costume, is
conducted during the day. Fiagbedzi says that this phase of the perfonnance is nonnally
expected to draw a large crowd, depending on the success of the private viewings
(p. 164). If successful, the dance club will present a public show for three to four hours
duration every day for one or two weeks. The latter completes the entire process of music
making.
Relationsrup Between Drumming and Dance
The relationship between drumming and dance involves highly structured drum
rhythms rigidly followed by a dancer who perfonns choreographed dance steps that have
been thoroughly rehearsed and mastered over several months, or free structured fonns
not necessarily requiring strict adherence to detail.
In the strict fonn, the master drummer has full control over, and closely directs
every step and movement the dancer makes through the rhythms he plays from beginning
to end. The dancer memorizes each prescribed dance phrase for each rhythmic phrase
developed for the particular dance style, leaving very little room for individual
improvisation. In this strict style, it is important for the dancer to be in tune with the
master drummer when foHowing the choreography, and with the gankogui (beU) player
for the tempo. The dancer has to be ready to execute any phrase at any time because the
flow of rhythms may not, and often do not, have a prescribed order (unlike standard
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choreography in Western culture). If the dancer is not paying attention, he or she may
disgrace himlherselfby missing the steps. These dance situations do not give the dancer
freedom to select the order of the movements, the tempo or express personal feelings.
However, it is important for the master drummer, musicians and dancers to know the
basic structure of the dance before performing for clear transitions. The master drummer,
while playing for the dancers, also has freedom to explore rhythmic variations in between
dance phrases while keeping with the style and structure of the dance.
In the free style, the master drummer stillleads the dance, but there is more
flexibility. The master drummer plays a basic pattern, known to the community. This
allows both the master drummer and dancers more flexibility in the structure and freedom
in performance. The dancers, while following the basic pattern, will feel free to decide
when or if they will dance, how they will express themselves and perform the movement,
as well as the length oftime they will perform. The dances are more easily learned and
the rhythms much easier to follow. The general relationship in this style is much more
loose and spontaneous.
Religion and Dance
Perspectives on Religion
Ewes have a strong be!ief in the existence of an ultimate "supreme being" who
has created and sustained the universe; and their constant tie with this being influences
their thoughts and actions in a comprehensive way (Gyekye, 1996, p. 3). It enters into aIl
aspects oftheir lives, including their moral behaviour and traditional heritage. The typical
Ewe person's life lies in a religious universe. AU their actions and thoughts have religious
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meaning and they are inspired or influenced by a religious point ofview. This view is not
distinguished :from the non-religious life. Gyekye (1996) states that " ... in aH
undertakings as in cultivating, sowing, harvesting, eating, traveling religion is at work"
(p. 4).
An Ewe is therefore born into a society wherein the culture is " intensely and
pervasively religious, requiring participation in the religious be!iefs and rituals of the
community (Gyekye, 1996, p. 4). Gyekye observes that it 1S impossible to remove oneself
from this aspect ofthe community, because to do so would result in isolation :from the
group, disturbing one's sense of communal membership and security, as weIl as losing
much of the meaning oflife (p. 4).
There are no atheists or agnostics in Ewe traditional society. Religion is not an
individual ideology, but rather a communal affair woven into the Ewe culture. Each
community has its own religious beliefs and practices. Gyekye also clarifies that A:frican
Traditional Religion, in general, is not a revealed religion (where divine truth is thought
to be exposed to a person who becomes a prophet that reveals this truth to others) as in
Christianity or Islam. hl the latter, the "truth" is believed to have been revealed to an
individual who becomes a founder (p. 5). "A:frican religion is the history of the people
who practice that religion" (p. 5).
hl Ewe culture, priests (men/women) communicate with spiritual beings and
act as intennediaries between God and human beings, by receiving messages :frorn
deities for specifie individuals, for groups of individuals, or for an entire community. The
communication is only an aspect ofreligious practice, not the foundation. The use of
mystical power 1S cornrnon, but is only one feature of their traditional religious beliefs
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and worldview. In Ewe culture, it is believed that unseen mystical forces found in the
universe can be tapped by specialists in the community, and its powers can be used for
either good or m.
In religious practices, God is regarded as The Supreme Being, but cannot be
worshiped directly. Although worship is directed to things in nature it is not considered
'nature worship.' It is understood that objects ofnature are inhabited by spiritual beings
or deities not visible to the human eye. They exist as intermediaries between God and
humans. This beliefbrings about a high level ofrespect for nature, as in the prayer which
is offered to a tree before cutting it down to make a drum. Religious activity is used as a
means of fulfilling important human needs, interests and happiness; and prayers are used
to communicate them.
Relationship Between Religion and Dance
An important part of Ewe worship is dance, with its specifie movement,
supporting music and song. The dance forms require a high standard of performance and
demand long periods of training. In Ewe culture, dance in a religious context is used to
express joyful feelings during and after ritualistic events, to moum a departed soul, and
to praise, show respect, and identify ancestors, deities, and ultimately, God. Dance
livens up and beautifies the event, displaying the Ewe 's religious magic and power. For
example, in the dance Korku, the performers uses knives to puncture their skin. However,
because of special powers or herbaI mixtures rubbed on their bodies the knife does not
penetrate. The performance is loaded with ritualistic activity, including prayers, the
pouring of libation to the ancestors and deities, and hand gestures. Songs reflect a
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religious tone and create a spiritual atmosphere. Sacred instruments (ritual drums)
reserved only for religious ceremonies are used; and the costumes reflect a person's
everyday dress (or white is wom for purity). African doth is normally wrapped around
the waist before entering the dance arena.
In religious worship, spiritual possession is an imperative activity as it enables the
connection between humans and deities. In the Ewe religion brekete, following the
"pouring of libation" and prayers, parishioners engage in serious and continuous
drumming and dancing in order to entice the deities. Ewe people believe that dance
accompanied by chants, songs and drumming, is a vehide to induce spiritual possession.
In the brekete religion, several of the parishioners will become possessed after
continuously dancing and singing religious songs. When possessed by the spirit, the
individual caUs out or screams, alerting the other followers to the fact that the spirit has
arrived.
The possessed individuals start to contort their bodies by tilting their heads to the
side, and bending forward while shaking rapidly. The back oftheir hands are placed
on either side ofthe hip, with elbows reaching out to the side. Other parishioners help
the possessed persons by removing their j ewellery (or a baby, if carried on a woman' s
back) and pouring water on their feet. The possessed individuals then start to whirl
around dock-wise. Body movement slowly changes, reflecting the specifie qualities of
the masculine or feminine spirit. The possessed make their way over to a holy water
fountain which is placed outside the group's shrine. They then enter the shrine to change
into new clothing. Then they exit the shrine dressed in a manner suitable to the deity, and
make their way to the dance arena to greet the priestlpriestess and congregation. At this
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point, communication can be made between the humans and deities. If the performance is
unable to attract the deities, the priest or priestess will dance.
Priests are required to train as dancers as weIl as in divination, healing,
singing, psychology, acting, and human relations. They are expected to dance weIl. When
under possession, the priests are known to perform amazing, dangerous, and difficult
acrobatic movements they would normally not be able to execute. The priests' strong
faith in the deities and God shields them from any fear of dizziness or injury during this
activity. Non-initiates are not permitted to join in, and are forbidden to observe certain
rituals and the related arts.
Obiects of Art and Ritual Paraphernalia
A performance of music and dance is not complete without sorne form of visual
display. The display may take the form of body make-up or paint, clothing, jewellery,
masks, hair styles or ornaments. Younge (1999) points out that:
... during the alafia ofthe southeastern Ewes ... the possessed or rituai attendants
are besmeared with white clay or powder to show a sign of purity, virtue and
victory for the gods. Stylistic paintings, geometric designs on the face and chest
and body are aiso used for beautification (p. 6).
Visual display also includes carved figurines that may represent a special
character, an ancestral spirit or a god. Younge (1994) notes that during an Ewe twin rites
celebration in Dzodze, Ghana, replicas oftwo humans carved from wood (anatomically
representing the sexes of the twins) are seen in the arena during performance. AIso, Anlo
Ewe dance clubs (in Ghana) have specifie emblems which are displayed as sculptured
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objects during their performances (p. 4-6). Drums may also be specially engraved, have
attachments or be carved as geometric or sculptured figures. In some cases, one may find
cloth or other material, such as leaves or palms branches attached to musical instruments.
Such paraphemalia as swords, bells, horse tails, and mirrors, are aU part of this
category. AH have deep philosoprucal and symbolic meaning. Some of the sound-
making paraphemalia is used to accompany the music played by the musicians, Y ounge
(1999) says. They emphasize the rhythmic framework of the performance (p. 4-5). AU
of the above art objects are symbolic expressions to the Ewe and cannot be omitted or
misused in any dance performance.
The form of visual display used may depend on the type of music, the character of
the dance, the amount of dramatic enactment needed for the event, or on the socio-
economical ability of the community or individual. These visual displays also help
identify the social (clans) and musical (bands) groups.
AH dance performances have specifie costumes for an expected visuallook.
Costumes may be made from natural (cotton) materials wruch have been tie-dyed or
batik, raffia (straw-like), fibre, animal rudes, or from other textile materials. The
costumes are used to enhance, add flair to, and create visual excitement for the
onlooker -- such as in Atsiagbekor, where the dancer wears military-styled clothing,
pouch and swords; or in a Adevu (a hunters dance), where the hunter performs in
hunter's clothing, accentuated with a rifle, bushes, animal replicas, and knives. Costumes
can also be as simple as in Agbadza, where the dancers wear long cloths wrapped around
their waists. Younge (1999) says that " ... costumes can also function as a means of
identification or for creating a message through the symbolism of colours, shape

126
details or design" (p. 5). Costumes may aiso be used to identify gender, clans, family
membership and wealth.
Costumes enable dancers to accentuate the body. If the dances are vigorous,
costumes should be light enough to enable the dancer to move quickly to execute the
sweeping and bold movements. For graceful dances, free flowing attire may
be required. The performer should be able to do vibrative movements, stomps, leaps,
jumps, turns, and subtle movements in an enjoyable manner. The costumes should imitate
the required flow of movement for the dances. The level of diversity in African dances,
therefore, require specifie costumes for the effective realization of the movements.
The costumes are conceived as integral parts ofthe dance. They are extensions of
the movements being performed, accentuating the various qualities expected from the
performer and displaying the aesthetcs of the community or ethnic group" (Younge,
1999, p. 3-4). Younge (1999) states that " ... music and dance are perceived as a cultural
behaviour which is used to teach and reinforce cultural pattems-- psychological,
economic, communicative behaviours and not only for entertainment, hence, the need for
varied costumes" (p. 3).
Ewe dances, being contextual organizations in close relation to the authentic
traditional practices of the people, can never be understood fully without consideration of
other art forms. Objects of art, therefore, though not as dynamic as the dance and music,
are nonetheless significant as meaningful symbols (Nketia, 1986).
Every culture has its specifie symbols. Thus an dances cannot be seen through the
eyes of one individual culture. There can be no univers al symbolism ascribed to the many
dance traditions in the world. Rather, symbolic levels should operate within the
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framework of individual cultures and styles (Merri am, 1971). This chapter has examined
the specifie nature of that which contributes to Ewe dance.
Summary
This chapter has discussed the function of dance in the Ewe community. It has
described the form, the reasons for dance, and the different types and styles of dance
performed. Dance performance context, the roles performed by the dancers, their
training, attitudes and accepted audience norms are specifie and understood by the Ewe
community. Ewe dance structures, performance arenas, and related activities, and
paraphernalia are an important and necessary aspects of the dance performance. Ewe
dance, has a special relationship with drumming specifically and/or with music in
general. Communication among members of the community is important and dance
enables the dancer to communicate on many different levels. In religious dance types,
possessed dancers are able to communicate with ancestors for support, information, needs
or wishes when needed.

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Chapter Four:
Adzogbo: A Ritual Dance Ceremony
Overview of Chapter
This chapter focuses on the Ewe rituai dance ceremony Adzogbo and its historical
and geographical background. The Aflao performance group, Mawu Li Kplimi Adzogbo
Group is featured, describing its form and structure, mode of performance, the structure
and phases and dance arena. The Adzogbo music, instruments used, soundscape,
costumes and other paraphemalia are also described.
Background of the Adzogbo Dance Ceremony
Origin and Historical Development
Adzogbo, the dance ceremony chosen for this particular research is unique music,
and dance form which is steeped in Ewe history, rituai and culture. The dance is
considered to be one of the oidest religious forms brought to Ghana in the late 19th
century. According to Y ounge (Summer course, Ho, Ghana, 2000), the dance was
popular during the reign of Togbui Kundo, the last great King of ancient Benin. Y ounge
(2000) also explains during an African music and dance course held in Ghana, that
Adzogbo is a dance of the war spirit, which is considered one of the most powerfully
spiritual dances and music of the Ewes.

129
Originally from Benin, the dance ceremony's full meaning " ... concems a tug of
war between an elephant and a crocodile." The crocodile represents the water beings and
the elephant, land-dwellers. (Hartigan, 1986, p. 713). In the Fon language, it literally
means "song" or "interlude." Freeman says that the tug ofwar can represent conflicts
between beings who live on the land and in water. He reveals that the Fons believe in the
existence of people in Benin who secretly live underwater, but who occasionally emerge
and mingle with people on land, at the market and on other social occasions (p. 713).
Originally, Adzogbo was a performance through which Beninoir (hailing from)
war gods communicate pertinent information to warriors who were about to go to battle.
Before an encounter, young adolescent boys were taken to seclusion in the forest, where
they were prepared to become spirit mediums. "They were treated with herbs, kept apart
from women, and trained in the esoteric lore of the war gods associated with the dance"
(Younge, 1999, p. 1). Locke and Agbeli (1980) said that the gods were believed to have
dictated the dance movements as weIl as the choreography that the young men should
execute (p. 32).
On the day of the performance, the young men were brought from the forest to
perform for the warriors. Sorne of the dancers would become possessed with the spirit of
the war god, and the lead warrior would interpret their dance movements to foreteIl the
course of an ensuing battle. The warriors then sought out ideas from deities on how to
protect themselves while at battle. The legendary war commander, King Togbui Kundo,
was noted for being an intermediary for these young men ofthe azo (war) shrine.
There are three historie al development stages for the Adzogbo dance.
The first was "dzovu", the original religious or ritual dance; the second was caUed
130
"ahiavu", a love or courtship dance where the young men displayed their dzoka or
jujuJcharms, and used their "love eharms" to seduce women. !ts current and last stage is
"modzakadevu", an entertainment or recreational dance performed in Ghana.
Dancers consider Adzogbo to be one of the most complex dances, having intricate
polyrhythmic texture and a specifie relationship between the rhythms played by the
master drummer and the vigorous and artieulated movements ofthe dancers. The song
lyrics are about sociallife, ridicule, and topical issues. One of the most unique features
of Adzogbo is the important position of the drum language in relation to the dance: " ...
every sequence of dance movements is introduced by a spoken or sung text which is then
aImost exactly reproduced in the rhythms of the master drum." (Locke, 1980, p. 32). Both
men and women perform the dance in their specifie traditionally accepted social groups,
and like other Ewe dance groups, have officers, and by-laws.
Even though 'the esoteric' is not featured today, the Adzogbo performance still
has strong supematural connections, with deities still being assoeiated with the dance.
Rituals as weIl as sacrifices are still performed by specifie group members in special
smines for the gods. A libation is also poured for the gods before each performance in a
plea to help and protect the dancers.
Since the 19th Century, Adzogbo has functioned as a recreational dance type. It is
performed for entertainment during festivals (state and harvest) New Years celebration,
and other social occasions. Examples of such occasions are when a group member dies,
when the group is hired or wants to display their art form in the community, at funeraIs,
for an important holiday, or just for recreation. Adzogbo is used to display mental,
physical spiritual power -- still carrying some ofthe original war dance characteristics.
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Mawu li Kplimi Adzogbo Group of Aflao in Ghana
As mentioned earlier, Adzogbo was originally a religious dance for warriors but
is presently a recreational type enjoyed by the Fon and Ewe people of southem Benin,
Togo and Ghana. For tms research, 1 have chosen the performance of the Mawu li
Kplimi Adzogbo Group (God is/lives with us) of Aflao in Ghana for my study. Aflao is a
village located in the Ketu District, bordering the Gulf of Guinea to the south, Togo to the
north, the capital city of Lome in Togo to the east, and the Ghanaian town of Denu to the
west.
Mawu li Kplimi Adzogbo group (see photograph one) was founded in 1989 by the
two eIders, Setsoafia Yibo (see photograph two) and Nyadi Kofi, and functions as a
modzakadevu or recreational club. The two eIders and patrons of the band saw Adzogbo
being performed by three groups located in Denu (district capital), Avoeme and
Gokpame (located in the suburb of Aflao), and decided to introduce it to their own
village. The eIders met with their youths ofthe community and presented their idea of
starting the band. The youths responded positively to this plan and proceeded to create an
enclosure made of mat (created with coconut) called kpome (see photograph three). The
youths trained in seclusion (at night) in the kpome for two years leaming the dance,
drumming, and singing of the ceremony before having its "outdooring" or first
performance in 1991. The group, both male and female, ranged from 18 to 31 years of
age and is presently the only Adzogbo band in the district ofKetu.
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Photograph One: The Mawu Li Kplimi Adzogbo Group.

Ho, Ghana (Volta Region)
133
Photograph Two: Setsoafia Yibo, Co-Founder of the Mawu Li Kplimi Adzogbo Group.
Aflao, Ghana (Volta Region)
134
Photograph Three: Kpome (private rehearsal space).

Aflao, Ghana (VoIta Region)
135
The eIders, knowing that the group from A voeme was trained by an eIder from
Benin, invited one ofits leaders, Togbogli Sosu, then teaching at Avoeme Roman
Catholic School, to provide the training. Sosu started the training sessions by teaching
songs to aH the members, followed by the women' s dance phase, and then finally that of
the men -- the main phase of the dance. During the training process, the instructor spent
more hours with the group's leader in order to teach the very complex drum patterns. The
leader (see photographfour) ofthe Mawu li Kplimi Adzogbo group is a 30 year old
Agbomabe Sesme, (learned drumming from his grandfather at three years oId, by rote)
who has also been the master drummer (who learns his parts before everyone eIse) since
the band's inception. The lead dancer (see photographfive) Kpleli Kobla, can, with
Seshie, execute 30 dance and music styles. In a typical performance however, only 16
styles are used.
The group was formed for the following reasons:
1. For personal and community enjoyment as weIl as for creating opportunity
for the youths to entertain themselves.
2. To create a band that could be used for funerai celebrations as weIl as
when a band member is bereaved or a band member dies.
3. For special occasions such as birthdays, weddings and other traditional
festivals.
The Mawu Li Kplimi Adzogbo Group, being the only surviving group in the
district, is caUed upon to perform in different communities. They perform an average of
eight times a year.

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Photograph Four: Mawu Li Kplimi Adzogbo Group.

Leader and Master Drummer: Agbomabe Seshie
137
Photograph Five: Mawu Li Kplimi Adzogbo Group.

Lead dancer: Kpleli Kobla.
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Form and Structure of the Adzogbo Ceremony
Mode of Performance of the Dance
Any Adzogbo ceremony starts early in the moming at dawn, followed by the
main phase of the dance in the aftemoon from about 2:00 to 6:00 in the evening.
However, the particular occasion will determine the actual duration of the performance. If
the ceremony takes place during a funeraI, the performance williast longer, with
allowances for breaks when needed.
A "modzakadevu" entertainment or recreational dance type, Adzogbo is
considered a context-free celebration and may be performed at anytime when there is
sufficient space for movement, instruments, and an audience. Audience participation is
not restricted unless the ceremony is organized to celebrate a private wedding, funeral or
festival. In this case, the performance will only be for those associated with the wedding
or funeral, or for those taking part in the festival. Also, restrictions will be placed on the
event itself, not the ceremony. Audiences cannot participate in the main dance
section. However, they canjoin in during the final portion ofthe ceremony, performing
free dance styles or movements from the women's phase. Through participating in this
ceremony the audience (adults and childen) gains a renewed sense of solidarity to the
community. They are able to reflect on their history, hear political, and social concems
and express themselves through movement and song.
Dancers must be weIl trained to execute the dance movements. If a dancer fans
or takes a wrong step during a performance, he may be ridiculed by observers. Such a
mishap is also considered an insult to the deities. Male dancers, therefore, need the
139
utmost concentration in order to execute the complex movements. EIders do not dance
per se but participate by observing from their designated place bemnd the drummers.
Since the ceremony traditionally originated as a warrior's event, in absence of
wars, men still dominate fuis dance to demonstrate their physical power and stamina as
weIl as their strength and courage in meeting modem life struggles. Although not
traditionally a norm in Adzogbo, the Mawu Li Kplimi have permitted women to
participate in the atsia or main phase of the dance. At present, the women who leamed
the atsia section in 1991 have either become pregnant or had babies, lost interest in, or
lack the stamina to do the dance. They therefore do not perform with the men, even
though it is aUowed by the group. These women may only perform the portions of the
ceremony designated for women -- supporting and motivating the men, and dancing in
their phase of the celebration.
A unique feature of Adzogbo is the important position of drum language in the
dance; every sequence of dance movement is introduced by spoken or sung text dictated
by the "lega" (le - movement, ga-leader) or lead dancer, wmch is then almost exactly
reproduced in the rhythms ofthe master drum" (Locke 1980:32). Seshie, Mawu Li
Kplimi 's master drummer states that the dancers control the show, showing off
their styles and skills. He aiso says that he and the lega 'speak the same voice'. In
Adzogbo, the master drummer has the unique position offollowing the lead dancer's
selected rhythmic phrases. He therefore makes sure he is able to perform the rhythms
weIl for the lega and then for the 'legbasiwo' (other dancers) response. The lead dancer
always determines the length and sequence of each movement.

140
Other features of Mawu Li Kplimi 's Adzogbo performance include special rituals
and praises to ancestors, deities and god, purification of the dance arena, clown miming
and acrobatie display. Adzogbo is a very exciting ceremony in the Aflao community and
provides opportunity for socialization, remembrance of ancestors, cultural education,
exercise and entertainment. It also allows for expression of creativity by the performers,
fun for the children, and a sense of continuation of tradition for the eIders.
Performance Structure and Phases
The Adzogbo Dance Ceremony is performed in phases:
1. Gbefadede - the Announcement
2. Adzokpadede - the Warm-up
3. Tsifofodi - Purification
4. Kadodo/ Atsokla - Female Dance Section
5. Atsia - Main Dance or Men Section
6 "The Round off' The Finale
PHASE ONE: Gbefadede - The Announcement
At dawn, on a particular day selected by Seshie (group leader) for the Adzogbo
ceremony, a brief performance by the instrumentalists caUed "tuning of the drums" is
conducted. This performance is to inform an group members of the forthcoming event,
and to ensure the good condition of the instruments.

141
PHASE TWO: Adzokpadede - The Warm Up
The warm-up is conducted at the pre-arranged time for the performance. At this
time instrumentalists assemble to play. This activity may start with the apprentice
drummers who arrange and set the ensemble, and is laier taken over by the master
musicians. This phase of the ceremony is used to help prepare and set the mood for the
dancers and other participants.
PHASE THREE: Tsifofodi - The Purification Rites
After the warm-up and other preparations of the dance are a, purification rites are
performed. This ceremonial ritual has two distinct components, tsifofodi -- the libation
and amawuwu -- the sprinkling of spiritual herbs. Traditionally, the first part is performed
by the vumega, the group president or representative there of. The tsifofodi part of the
ritual is intended to caU on their main God, mawu, the lessor gods, and ancestors (or if
the event is a funeral, the spirit of the deceased) to be present and to bless the celebration.
Ewes believe that ancestors still participate in the ceremony; therefore, food and drink
should be provided. The rituai begins with mixing water and corn flour (representing the
food for the gods) in a calabash. A series ofprayers are said by Yibo (one ofthe founding
eIders) and the mixture is poured to the ground to feed the gods and ancestors. This ritual
may be conducted using ,akpeteshi' (a local gin) or schnapps.
The amawuwu section of the ritual is performed by a 'possessed' (temporarily
possessed by ancestral spirits) member ofthe group who can invoke the names of the
ancestors. Customarily, this person is the spiritual head or medicine man called
'agbazo'. Younge, an Ewe Roman Catholic, says that the ritual is similar to 'the
Asperges me' that initiates the Catholic Mass -- the sprinkling of Holy water (2000). The
142
spiritual head may be dressed as a clown in order to camouflage from the spectators the
ritual he is conducting. Even though the ritual is a serious observation, the clown
character disguises its nature by making the rituallook humorous in order to keep a
light-hearted and fearless atmosphere. This section uplifts and inspires the audience for
the performance. Seshie states that the spiritual aspect ofthe dance is not known to most
spectators. Much ofthe religious aspect ofthe dance have been lost; presently many of
the traditional rites are not being foHowed. The ritual is performed with a traditional pot
which has been filled with medicinal herbs and water, called 'amaze.' The latter is
sprinkled throughout the dance arena to purify the grounds from aU evil spirits. Formerly,
the pot was filled with herbs carried by a virgin who sprinkled the herbs around the
dancing arena. She would continue tbis process during the duration ofthe dance
ceremony to keep the arena pure after the initial purification. This action is also an
invitation for the' leshiwo -- male and the legashiwo -- female dancers to prepare to
dance. The purification rites may be performed throughout the actual performance as a
fortification rituai.
PHASE FOUR: KadodolAtsokla - Female Dance Section
After the purification rites, the dance arena is then ready for the female dancers'
performance. The women dance in a semi-circle, holding a 'hand' mirror. Considered a
'show-off dance, the women gaze into and admire themselves in the mirrors to "bluff' or
tease the male spectators. Male dancers may join in on tbis initial section without the
IlliITOrs.
143
The section starts with the dancers fonning a semi-circle in front of the drummers.
The women sing songs unaccompanied in a free rhythm style until the lead female singer
sings in a more "strict" fonn as a signal to the drummers. Using a basic side-to-side step,
the dancers can move with graceful and fluid movements as weIl as with exciting and
vigorous movements. The basic side-to-side movement alternates with other specialized
movements that are linked to specific master drum patterns.
Singing continues throughout the perfonnance, especially while performing the
more fluid movement gesture. The dancers, while executing their basic moves, are also
free to display individual expressions. The entire section can last as long as one hour,
with occasional breaks. Before the latter section ends, sorne women will exit the dance
arena to help dress the male dancers. The lead female dancer as in Fatuma Setsoafia
from the Mawu Li Kplimi Adzogbo Group of Aflao then sings a song to cue the
male dancers. The women who have gone to dress the male dancers respond to show
their readiness. The lead singer sings another song which the master drummer echoes,
rhythmically inviting the male dancers to the dance ring. The main role ofthe women in
the kadodo section is to motivate the male perfonners and to excite and entice onlookers.
The main responsibility for Fatuma Setsoafia (the lead female dancer) is to caU songs
during the perfonnance, and also to make sure that both men and women are dressed
properly and appropriately. She also serves as the disciplinarian throughout the whole
celebration.
144
PHASE FIVE - Atsia - Main Section
The main dance is a theatrical display of drama, play, and the virtuosity of the
male dancers. The female dancers, usually two lead cantors/dancers, will sing an
invitational song echoed by the other female dancers who are with the male dancers. This
"call and response" exchange is repeated until the lebiala, lega, atsiayola or atsiadoto
lead dancer (male) cornes out to perform several movements, and then returns. The lead
dancer returns to the arena with an assistant and both perform another round of
movements. The two dancers retreat and then retum immediately to the dance area with
the remaining group of male dancers.
The dance movements in tms section, are very comp1ex and elaborate. The
sequences mainly depict war, but also recent social and religious events. The movements,
also called atsia (style or display), are traditional rhythm and movement compositions in
wmch the choreography is carefully timed and organized to fit the rhythms ofthe master
dmm. The lead dancer directs and decides the dance sequence. He introduces each
movement by a spoken text which contains the theme expressed in the subsequent dance
sequence.
The' le' is then followed by specifie drum rhythms performed by the mas ter
drummer that are based on the text. The lead dancer demonstrates the movement. The
master drummer' s strokes are carefully chosen to represent the speech tone patterns of
the text -- he speaks the meaning ofthe movement (Locke 1980:35). When the lead
dancer finishes his sequence or presents the "preview of the movements", the rest of the
dancers jon in when he repeats the movement. Locke and Agbeli describe this encounter
as follows:
145
Songs sung by the entire group introduce the first 'styles' in the Atsia.... Having
completed these opemng 'styles' the male dancers form a semi-circle at any point
in the dance ring. The dance leader now dramatically chants the text of any 'style'
of his choice. As he speaks the last phrase of the text the bell st arts and the master
drummer leads the drummers in their rhythmic representation of the spoken text.
The drum language is performed twice: firs! for the dance leader to demonstrate
the movement sequence and again for aU the men to dance. After each 'style' the
dancers then rest for a while, moving freely around the ring, perhaps using the
towels and drinking water to refresh themselves. When the dance leader starts
another dance segment the other dancers re-form the semi-circle and prepare for
action. The position ofthe dancers' semi-circle in the ring is always shifting,
giving the entire audience a chance to see weIl. The atsia section may continue in
this way until the male dancers get tired. When the dancers are fully exhausted,
the lead dancer recites a special text. The master drummer responds with his
rhythmic pattern, and lead dancer directs the men from the performance space
(Locke, 1980, p. 35).
Lead dancer Kpeli Kobla is responsible for calling the movements, which he then
performs by mmselfwhen the master drummer immediately plays the corresponding
rhythms. After completing the movements, the legbasiwo join in as the master drummer
plays for a second time. Before performing each "style" the dancers must bend down and
touch the ground. This informs the gods that another movement is being performed, and
it allows the dancers to gain balance enough to spring into the next movement.
146
The number of 'atsias' performed by a group depends on the strength of the
dancers, or the time allotted or is available for the performance. Ordinarily, the' atsia'
may incorporate ten to sixte en "styles" and may last about one hour. Kadodo may resume
briefly after this section when the male dancers retum to their "dressing rooms." One
significant part of the dance is to charm the women -- to see how many women they can
charm during the performance (with theirjuju).
PHASE SIX: "The Round Off' - The Finale
During this section, the men may retum from their hidden area for the "round off'
dance. This dance section has the same organizational structure as that in phase five.
However, this final phase may also allow for "free" dancing. The audience can also
perform movements from the kadodo section or do such simple recreational dances as
Agbadza.
In a typical traditional Adzogbo structure, as practiced in Benin, the 'leshiwo'
male dancers have to pass through many rituais to purify themselves before a
performance. However, in Kedzi, Aflao, Anloga, Dzodze and other areas of Ghana
where the dance is performed, purification rites are not rigorously observed. This
relaxation of the above mentioned ritual has occurred because of the discontinuation of
the ceremony's original purpose. Male dancers are now no longer warriors and do not
have to make special preparation as they did when they fought wars.
147
Dance Arena
The dance arena is arranged such that aH percussionists perfonning for the
dancers are in place in one of the three designated (see Charts 1, II, III) spatial
arrangements. "A table with several towels and a large container of drinking water is
placed in the centre of the dancing ring" (Locke, 1980, p. 34). The audience fonns around
the dancers in a circular shape, leaving the middle area for the dancers. Often, the whole
village is involved in observing the perfonnance and therefore an officer is required to
keep the audience under control and also to keep the dancing ring in an operative shape
and size.
The Aflao group uses aH three arrangements depending on the occasion.
The audience take the same fonnations, surrounding the perfonnance activity thereby
creating a dance arena. The first arrangement (see chart 1) is created by the drummers
lining up, usually under a large tree, for shade. The master drummer 1S nonnally placed
on the right side. As stated by Sesrne, it is important that the drummers play to the wind.
They should be seated facing the direction of the wind so that the sound can carry to the
dancers. The women stand on either side creating a semi-circle, the drummers being
placed in the middle, and finally the male dancers, when they join in, are placed
throughout the centre ofthis semi-circle.
In the second fonnation (see chart II), the drummers take the same position near a
tree, however, the dancers create a semi-circle facing away from the drummers. The male
dancers are placed within the semi-circle created by the women.

148
In the third arrangement (see chart III), the drummers are placed the same as in
formations one and two, however, the women in this formation are lined up
perpendicularly to the drummers on either end. The male dancers are placed in the centre
ofthe U-shaped design.

149
Audience
XXXXXXXX Drummers
o 0
o 0
Audience Dancers (F) 0 M M M 0 Dancers (F) Audience
MM
Dancers (M)
MLead
Audience
Chart 1 Dance Arena One

150
Audience
XXXXXXXX Drummers
Dancers (F)
o
o o
o o
o M o
Audience Dancers (M) Audience
Audience
Chart II Dance Arena Two

151
Audience
XXXXXXXX Drummers
o 0
Audience o M o Audience
o o Dancers (F)
Dancer(M)
Audience
Chart III Dance Arena Three

152
Music: Instruments of the Adzogbo Ensemble
There are six instruments that make-up the Adzogbo music ensemble. These
include: gankogui, axatse, atsimevu, kagan, kidi, and sogo (see photograph six).
Gankogui or double ben (see photographs seven and eight) forged from iron into
a distinct traditional shape. The ben carries two pitches, low and high, and is permanently
attached with the higher pitch (small bell) stacked above the lower pitch (large beU).
Lazekpo (1995) caUs it gankogui, gakpevi or the forged iron carrying a child; the larger
forged iron is considered the parent and the smaller ben the child who rests in the bosom
ofthe parent (<http://www.cnmat. berkeley.edu/~ladzekpo/Intro.html#History. The
gankogui is the fundamental instrument of the Ewe ensemble, and functions as a guide
for both musicians and dancers, by establishing the basic pulse for any performance.
y ounge (1999) says that the gankogui plays the timeline (p. 4). Sound is produced by
striking the ben with a wooden stick at the mouth section of the structure. Different
sounds may be created by muting the mouth or base of the instrument.
The axatse (also known as go), or rattle (see photograph nine), is made from
gourd which has been hollowed out by removing the seeds. The gourd is covered with a
net woven with similar sized beads or seeds. A rattle sound 1S created by striking the
gourd lightly on one's palm or thigh. The axatse, Younge (1999) says, supports the
gankogui by reinforcmg the timeline (p. 4).
The Atsimevu is the master or lead drum (see photograph ten). It stands at five
feet and has a carved cylindrical shaped body which widens at a diameter of
approximately 15 inches in the centre, between the top and bottom. The top, or head, is
nine inches in diameter. It is covered with antelope or deer skin, and 1S held in place by
153
wooden pegs inserted around and below the rim. The base, which is left open to release
the rhythmic vibrations, measures approximately eight roches and is kept exposed during
playing mode. Lazekpo (1995) states that the name atsimevu was derived from the
description of the drum's positioning when being played. The drum is tilted, and leaned
against a stand caUed vudetsi. One or two drums are used during the performance,
depending on the group's needs (<http://www. cnrnat. berkeley.edu/~ladzekpo/ mtro.
html#History. Two playing techniques are employed on the atsimevu -- "stick and
hand" technique and "stick" technique. With the stick and hand technique, the drummer
strikes the drum alternating between one bare hand and one hand holding the stick (two
sticks are held in the same hand but only one is used to strike the drum). However, with
the stick technique, the drummer uses two sticks to generate sounds on the drum
(Younge, 1989, p. 37). When manipulating the above-mentioned techniques the drummer
can create high, medium and low pitched sounds.
The kagan or kadanu is the first supporting drum (see phatagraph eleven). It
plays basic ostinato patterns. It plays a steady rhythm which enriches the polyrhythmic
nexus of the whole ensemble. The kagan is the smallest drum of the group, with a
structure measuring 55 centirnetres in height, 17 centimetres around the top, 69
centimetres around the middle, and 12 centimetres around the base, (which is left opened
(Younge, 1989, p. 41)). The kagan is tilted and held between the drummer's legs when
played. He employs the two-stick technique.
The kidi, kpetsi, vuvi or asivui is the second supporting drum (see photograph
twelve) which doubles for the sogo part. It has the same features of saga, except for size
and timbre. Its height is 52 centirnetres, the top measures 24 centimetres, middle 107
154
centimetres and base 27 centimetres. The base is enclosed (Younge, 1989, p. 40). The
two-stick technique is the oruy playing style employed on the kidi for this dance.
The sogo, agbobli or kpetsigo is the trurd supporting drum (see photograph
thirteen). It plays in dialogue with the master drum. Similar in shape to the kidi, the sogo
stands 66 centimetres with a diameter of26 centimetres at the top, 129 centimetres at the
middle, and 34 centimetres at the base wruch is also covered (Younge, 1989, p. 36). Sogo
and kidi support the master drum and provide complements to what the lead drummer
plays. Lazekpo indicates that the sogo drum is similar in shape to, and is named after a
large gourd calabash commonly used in sacrificial offerings to "so," the God of Thunder.
The sogo produces the same pitches as the master drum (atsimevu) but at a higher level
due to its size. The playing technique for sogo is the same as that of the kidi.
Traditionally, drums were carved from the efo and logo trees by a process called
vutoto. These drums were sm aller and lighter than present day drums due to wars that
required the instruments to be moved around (Younge 1989: 32). Presently, the vu toto
technique is not used because of the length of time it takes to complete each drum, and
also both the efQ and logo wood are difficult to find, especially along the coastal towns
(Younge, 1989, p. 33).

155
Photograph Six: From (l to r) Atsimevu, Sogo, Kidi, Kagan.

Also shown below are Gankogui, Axatse
156
Photograph Seven: Gankogui, (front view).

157
Photograph Eight: Gankogui, (side view).

158
Photograph Nine: Two Axatses.

159
Photograph Ten: Atsimevu.

160
Photograph Eleven: Kagan.

161
Photograph Twelve: Kidi.

162
Photograph Thirteen: Sogo.

163
y ounge explains that there is a belief among the Ewes that trees, especially
"logo" and "elo, " possess spirits. Therefore, sacrifices are made to pacify them before
they are felled for drum construction. His informants, Azagunoga of Apetepe ofDzodze,
Denyo Seku and Dasoshi Vifa Seku of Agbozume say that before a tree is felled, dzatsi is
prepared. After prayers are offered to the gods ofthe forest in general, to the spirit of
the tree, and to aIl the ancestors' drummers, one to seven cowries are offered with the
dzatsi at the base of the tree. Secondly, the buyer of the tree must offer approximately a
quarter bottle of a local gin, called akpeteshie, to the drum maker. The drum maker then
pours libation with the gin before the drums are allowed to be moved from his shop
(Younge, 1989, p. 34).
A new technique, vublabla, has been developed to provide another choice in drum
making. !ts construction is easier, even though it requires a high-priced carpenter to make
it. With this latest technique, the drums are constructed with "staves of odum" wood
which are kept in place with large iron rings (similar to a wooden barrel
(Younge, 1989, p. 33)).

164
Adzogbo Soundscape
Soundscape is an important way of communicating during the dance perfonnance.
The percussion and vocal sounds create an intoxicating atmosphere, allowing the
perfonners and observers to be emotionally and intellectually involved and open to
spiritual connection. These sounds are also a vehicle for communication between the
gods and the ancestors. Amoako states that:
whatever is that sound element that you are producing, whether it is vocal or
whether it is instrumental or whatever fonn it may take, becomes a wave1ength
... for effective communication between the visible and the invisible ... The artist
has the responsibility to use his art, whether it is verbal or non-verbal, as a
wavelength for effective communication between the visible and invisible. You
sing a song because you believe that the text of that song reflects a thinking, a
philosophical thinking, that song may carry a message, a message that may
transcend the physical world you see; now our emphasis on the inter-relationship
between the physical and the spirit world is based on the belief that we believe
strongly that the physical world is a representation of the spirit world; in other
words, the spirit world is just as the physical world ... We believe that sound is
potent (2000, appendix 1, p.313).
Adzogbo songs are sung in a liturgie al language which combines Ewe, Fon and
even English, and is often difficult to understand. The topics usually include: love,
history, war, topical issues, values and moraIs, ridicule and philosophy. One example of
an Adzogbo song about morality is:

165
Lyrics in Ewe Translation to English
Ya wo nye 10, ya wo nye They are it's true, they are
FiafitQ amebada ya wo nye Thieves are very bad people
Ne wo fifi ha, wo mu lQ na gbe de 0 Even when they steal, they lie about it
Ne wo wu ame ha wo mu IQ na gbe de 0 Even when they commit murder, they lie
about it
Xoxo me Ioa ya devi ya va Ioa? If adults will not tell the truth, why should
the chi Id do?
Wo kata amedeka wonye Because they are aIl the same
Ge me tua xo ne adaba 0 The bear cannot advise the eye brow
Daba li xoxo ge va do Eyebrow is there before the bear came
FiafitQ ya ku tsi agban ngQ The thief is dead on a mat
Bo bo bo bo bo, ku tsi agba ngQ Yes yes yes yes, dead on a mat
Devi ya ha ku tsi agban ngo Child is also dead on the mat
Bo bo bo bo bo ku tsi agba ng.Q.. Yes yes yes yes, dead on a mat
This song talks about the ills of society, specifically stealing, and the punishments
that will be given if one performs the act. The number of songs sung during a
performance depend on the duration of the celebration.

166
Adzogbo Costume and Other Visual Arts
Adzagba dance has elaborate costuming, especially for the men (see phatagraphs
faurteen ta sixteen). Locke (1980) states that the costume:
... offers the chance for almost unlimited display of finery and wealth ... the most
conspicuous part of the costume is the vast number of cloths arranged on cords
and tied around a dancer' s waist and abdomen in such a way that the foids of
cloth stand out thickly from his body (p. 33).
He also says that the " ... women' s costume is gaily printed cloth wom in the usual West
African fashion although no head kerchiefis used" (Locke, 1980, p.33).
The most important part of the men' s costume is known as avlaya, a type of skirt
made up of severallayers of cloth (with different designs). Due to the large number of
cloth pieces involved, the skirt attains a volume which allows the wearer' s arms to rest on
top ofthe skirt, at an angle of almost 90 degrees with the body. A cloth is folded over a
cord and tied around the dancer's waist and abdomen in such a way that the cloth gathers
and stands out like a 'tutu' (Avorgbedor, 1987, p. 12).
A male dancer can wear as many as twenty pairs of the above-mentioned cloths
which measure approximately six yards in length. The amount of cloth a dancer chooses
to wear depends on rus wealth and his ability to move quickly and precisely with extra
bulk and weight. The different layers of cloth, when set in motion, emphasize the
movement and the richness ofthe dance styles (see phatagraphs seventeen ta nineteen).
The layers of cloth become an extension of the movement which involves a lot of mid-
torso rotation. Being one of the original parts of the rituai attire from Benin, the dancer' s
spiritual powers are hidden in the clotho The Aflao group members' avlaya is made using
167
12 to 13 pairs of colourful cloth (originally they an used the same cloth on top to create a
uniform look) measuring two yards each.
Under the avlaya the dancers wear what the Ewes caU atsaka, or special knee
(see photograph twenty) height dancing shorts. From the knee down, they wear a
protective bandage over which they tie small rattles/bells or televi, made of gourd (or
shells filled with seeds) to enhance the rhythmic foot work, acting as secondary
instruments.
Leg-length raffia, called ala, and also referred to as 'skirts', are tied around
each knee to further dramatize the movement. These raffia skirts, which were also part of
the original spiritual dance, are stored in the Adzogbo shrine where it is protected by the
deity.
The statue (see photograph twenty-one) representing the deity cannot be taken
outside the shrine. Therefore the raffia skirts are considered representative of the deity
during the actual performance. The deity's purpose is to protect dancers from evil spirits
and also direct them through their movements. Lost pieces from the raffia skirt are picked
up during the vigorous dance sections by an assigned person to avoid invoking and
provoking negative supernatural forces. The lead dancer uses a soshi - horsetail (see
photograph twenty-two), and sometimes a plain stick to emphasize the text he sings or
articulates during ms demonstrations. A soshi is also used to display one's power -- it is
a symbol of power. The power which is embedded in the tail, also helps the leader to
remember movements.
168
Perfonnance accessories are shawls (see photograph twenty-three) or scarves,
called taku, ofvarious colours. These are wrapped around the upper torso and around
both anns, creating a dazzling effect when the daneers spin. The taku around the anns
originally represented the perfonners' talisman, and was part oftheir protective gear to
show spiritual strength, and to proteet against the enemy. Today it is wom for
beautification.
Jewellery is wom around the neck, a floppy (see photograph twenty-three) cotton
hat (see photograph twenty-three) on the head, and white talcum powder spread over the
body to enhanee their moyements. The hat, called kuku or togbenya, was typically used
by Ewes of old to coyer their ears so one would not hear anything, or as Seshi explains,
"the ear has rejected the message." The hat was traditionally used for protection from
enemies' words.
A smaller scarf or towel, called mafi, is placed around the neck and is used as
decoration, as weIl as to wipe away perspiration. The men wear no shirt, since the taku is
large enough to coyer their torso. The men require thirty minutes to get nto their
costumes.
169
Photograph Fourteen: Adzogbo Dancers Miming a Fight Scene.

170
Photograph Fifteen: Adzogbo Dancers Miming a Fight Scene.

171
Photograph Sixteen: Adzogbo Dancers Miming a Fight Scene.

172
..~
ffffII## 'l
~
1&11 iBp ~
Photograph Seventeen: Lead Adzogbo Dancer Perfonning Basic Steps.

173
Photograph Eighteen: Lead Adzogbo Dancer Perfonning Basic Steps.

174
Photograph Nineteen: Adzogbo Dance Costumes.

Lead Azdogbo Dancer and Partner Performing Basic Steps
175
Photograph Twenty: Adzogbo Dance Costume.

Atsaka Knickers
176
Photograph Twenty-One: Religious Statue.

177
Photograph Twenty-Two: Adzogbo Dance Costume.

Dancers Posing (lead dancer holding soshi in right hand)
178
Photograph Twenty-Three: Adzogbo Dance Costume.

Lead Dancer Wearing Taku and Kuku
179
Women use colourful materials for their costumes (see photograph twenty-four
and twenty-five); however, the design is not as elaborate as that ofthe men. They use one
two-yard strip of cloth which is tied under their arm pHs and wrapped around their body;
and another around the waist hanging to knee level. This is their typical traditional dress
without the head scarf. Each dancer selects and provides her own clotho The richness of
the cloth is dependent on the pride and wealth ofthe family. Jewellery is optional, and
usually consist ofbeads worn on their knee, wrist, and elbows.
An women (see photograph twenty-six) carry and dance with decorative hand
mirrors (a fan is sometimes use instead) to admire their own beauty. White body and
face makeup (see photograph twenty-seven) is applied in special design for
beautification, and to show purity to the gods. For added beautification they wear taku
around their necks or diagonally across their bodies, and may braid their hair (see
photograph twenty-eight and twenty-nine) into different designs.
Drummers (see photograph thirty) can wear their 'everyday' clothing but must
wear African cloth (they may select the colour) around the waist while perfonning the
Adzogbo ceremony. The eIder or priest may also dress in his everyday clothing, but is
required to wear white cloth wrapped around their waist for purity. He uses a glass, a
bottle of liquor and calabash with which to mix his water and cornmeal.
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Photograph Twenty-Four: Adzogbo Dance Costume.

Lead Female Dancer and Partner Dancing
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Photograph Twenty-Five: Adzogbo Dance Costume.

Female Dancers, Dancing with Mirrors
Ho, Ghana 01olta Region)
182
Photograph Twenty-Six: Adzogbo Dance Costume.

Female Dancer Posing with Mirror
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Photograph Twenty-Seven: Adzogbo Dance Costume.

Female Dancer Posing in Full Dress
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~
IJ -
Photograph Twenty-Eight: Adzogbo Dance Costume.

Female Dancer Displaying Har Style
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Photograph Twenty-Nine: Adzogbo Dance Costume.

Female Dancer Displaying Har Style
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Photograph Thirty: Adzogbo Dance Costume.

Drummers in Full Dress
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The clown character cames a calabash filled with water and special herbs. Raffia
is placed around his legs, waist and around the calabash itself. He wears atsaka, under the
raffia togbenya on his head -- his torso and feet remaining bare. Additionally, he applies
white rnake-up to his eyebrows, around his upper Hp and on his chin. The second tirne
he appears in the dance arena he rernoves the raffia. The calabash is then replaced by an
ernpty basin for the acrobatie displays.
Surnrnary
This chapter outlined the Adzogbo dance cerernony, as performed by the Mawu li
Kplimi Adzogbo Group of Aflao. The ritual dance cerernony's historical, geographical
and cultural background was discussed along with its performance activities, structure
and paraphemalia.
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Chapter Five
Analysis of Dance Form: The Mawu li Klimi Adzogbo Dance Group
Overview of Chapter
In this chapter l analyse the Mawu li Klimi Adzogbo Dance Group 's performance
of Adzogbo in its traditional context. The performance structure, the dance structure
with its six different phases, will be described. The mode of analysis will be clarified
before the in-depth analysis is made. This analysis will be made on the atsia or main
portion of the dance, focusing on ten specific movements. Aiso in this section l compare
the music (drum rhythm) and dance steps, including a key to the drum language and
specifie drum strokes and techniques. The accompanying video recording of the Adzogbo
dance ceremony should be viewed before or after reading the following information for
further educational support. Through viewing the video recording the reader will be able
comprehend this cultural event, visually and aurally, as weIl as have a deeper
understanding intellectually.
Context
The purification ceremony or rituai is a very significant process within the whole
dance ceremony. l am intrigued by the way it reveals so much of the Ewes' socio-cultural
identity. Section One: There is strong symbolism within the ceremony: Water,
symbolizing purity, sustainer oflife, cleanser of impurities corn flour, symbolizing the
sacrifice of food material that they themselves use to make many of their main dishes
and an invitation to the gods to come and bless the ceremony.

189
Traditionally, when a person enters the home of an Ewe, he or she is welcomed
with 'woezo' by the host family. The host family will then offer drinking water to the
visitor, after which he/she explains the reason for the visit. The person is then welcomed
again and fed. In the dance ceremony, prayers are offered to the gods before the meal.
Mixed corn flour and water is poured on the ground (like grace in Christian religion).
Pouring the meal on the earth symbolizes the feeding ofthose who are deceased and have
spiritually retumed to the earth. The symbol combines a physical action and idea of
nourishing the earth, or giving back to the earth after it has given to them ... that which
brings forth nutrition. The colour of the mixture, white, also depicts purity. With this in
mind, it is interesting how this process is used to contact the gods, ancestors, and other
important spirits. The calabash from which the ri tuaI is performed reflects the circle ...
life cycle, shape ofthe dance arena, and shapes the dancers arrange themselves in the
choreographies during the performance. The idea ofwelcoming and offering water and
food is an important philosophy in Ewe culture.
In the second part of this rituaI, water and special spiritual herbs are sprinkled in
and around the dance arena. The medicinal herb is poured throughout the dancing arena
to purify the grounds and to keep evil spirits from intervening in the ceremony. This must
be done before the dancers start to move across the dance grounds. This process functions
as a cue for the male and female dancers to prepare for their performance, and because it
is repeated throughout the event, it shows the importance ofits enactment and ofkeeping
the dancing arena as a very spiritually protected area. Both of these rituals display the
deep religious aspect (African traditional religion) of the dance, the social ideals, norms,
and functions within culture, and importance of dance as a whole in the community.
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The kadodo or second phase (women section) ofthe dance clearly shows the
social position ofwomen in the community. The Ewes believe in division oflabour -- the
women have their work and the men have theirs. The men take care of the house
(financial) and the women take care ofthe home (domestic). The women support the
men. In the dance, the women also have the supporting role. They start the dancing and
the singing, preparing and entertaining the onlookers while the men are preparing
themselves in a hidden area. The women, in a way, warmup the audience, bluffing and
flirting with the surrounding men by gazing adoringly at their beauty in their mirrors and
vibrating their gluteus maximus (buttocks) very rapidly in a crouched position. In Ewe
culture, the buttock is considered a woman's best feature. This performance heightens
the interest of the male onlookers and drummers. From this one would gather that men
are the main focus of the dance. When the male performers are ready to dance, the
women remove themselves from the main part of the dance area and stand behind the
drummers (an men). They support the men with songs and simple movements, making
way for the main part of the dance, the atsia section. The theme of the dance, the
preparation before war, also depicts the women's place in society, as women do not
traditionally fight during wars, but rather stay and take care of the home.
As mentioned above, this phase of the dance clearly shows an aspect of the
traditional Ewe woman's role in society. In more formaI dances, women and men are
divided into separate groups and the importance of either gender in the dance depends on
the theme. For example, if the dance is performed for a man to select a bride as in the
dance Tokwoe, the woman is highlighted, each movement performed showing her best
features. In freer social dances, the men dance with the women. However, the purpose of
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the dance is to socialize with each other. Therefore, dance becomes an avenue to solidify
communal ties, provides exercise, and creates an environment for socialization. Dance
also teaches social values, the Ideal aesthetics, musicality, rituals and the dance itseif. To
eIders, it 1S a time to reflect on life, to remember the past and ancestors, to watch the
youth, and to connect with the divine force.
Atsia is the main section of the dance. It shows the power (spiritual and
otherwise), strength, agilityand control of Ewe men, as weIl as their position in the
social structure of the community. The men perform more movements than the women,
mimicking war events, and displaying their 'juju' (meaning spiritual powers)
powers.
What makes this section unique 1S the relationship the lead dancer has with the
master drummer and the rest ofthe male dancers. Instead of the lead dancer waiting with
his group of dancers for the master drummer to perform a selection ofrhythms, the lead
dancer decides the rhythm to which singing or dictating a specific text or drum language
should play. The master drummer then articulates this language on his drum for
the lead dancers to perform their accompanying movements.
The above is a unique feature in Ewe dance because the master drummer, as
performed in the kadodo section, 1S normally the leader ofboth the drummers and the
dancers. This dance is unique because ofthe communication between the lead dancer and
drummer, in that specifie movements correspond to the rhythmic patterns pIayed by the
drummer. This section in totality reflects Ewe history, spirituality/religion, and the role of
the man in social context.

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Perfonnance Dance Structure
Gbe[adede - the Announcement
The ceremony is first announced by Agbomabe Seshie - the master drummer, at
dawn. The announcement alerting the town's people ofthe ceremony being perfonned
that day allows for an special preparations and scheduling to be arranged before the
event. The announcement is made outside in a courtyard and perfonned on the atsimevu,
master drum. The master drummer approaches the drum which is lying on its si de beside
a large plastic bowl containing water. He kneels down to the sand and places a couple of
hand scoops of the sand into the bowl ofwater (soil may be used instead of sand,
however Aflao is located along the coast and therefore the earth is sand instead of soil).
He then pours the water and sand mixture into the base of the drum and rotates the
whole drum counter-clockwise, tilting it towards the base side once. He then sets the
drum on an incline and props it up with a stand. Seshie, standing by the left side ofthe
drum, taps in the pegs along the rim, and then tests (while testing the drum he reviews the
rhythms he will play for the upcoming perfonnance) the drum by hitting with his right
hand. Then employing stick and hand and stick technique, he plays the announcement for
the community. There are no accompanying instruments during this perfonnance. This
solo perfonnance lasts approximately three minutes. When finished, Seshie stands the
drum upright, lifts it to his shoulder and carries it to the perfonnance arena.
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Adzokpadede - the Warm-up
In the aftemoon, the youths enter the dance arena carrying aIl the instruments to
be used during the performance and set them up under the shade of a large tree. After
they have set up the instruments, they test the drums by playing different rhythms. The
youths are eventually replaced by the more experienced group of drummers, who enter
the performance arena at staggered times to perform the main part of the warm-up phase,
which includes the entire ensemble. The group performs, stopping at various times to
tune the instruments. They also take tums altemating/rotating their instruments.
The group swells in size as more performers, male and female, enter the
performance arena to either watch or play additional supporting instruments. The men are
dressed in shirts with either shorts or a cloth wrapped around their waist, and the women
are already dressed in their costumes. The warm-up drumming also reminds the
community of the ceremony and informs them that it is about to begin.
Tsifofodi - Purification
After the warm-up is completed, the group prepares for the purification ritual by
performing the 'pouring of libation ' to have permission granted from the ancestors and
gods to proceed with the ceremony. Group patron and co-founder, Setsoafia Yibo (the
eIder) performs this rituai at the performance site.
Yibo removes his sandals and then clears an area on the ground in front with his
cane. At the same time, Seshie places a calabash filled with commeal and water on the
ground. With the help of Seshie and another assistant, Yibo opens a bottle of schnapps
and throws some of its contents on the cleared area. Seshie takes the bottle of schnapps
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from Yibo and an empty glass from the other assistant, and places them on the ground.
Seshie then hands Yibo the calabash. The EIder speaks a few words, and immediately
afterwards Seshie and his assistant pour the schnapps into the glass and place the glass on
the ground to the right of the oid man. Then Yibo, while saying the special prayers, pours
out sorne ofthe water and commeal mixture behind himself, to rus right side, and then in
front ofhim. He continues the prayers, holding the calabash in front while others look on.
Yibo then speaks with Sesrue, and Seshie responds, he begins stirring the mixture
counter-clockwise with his right hand. When finished, he holds the calabash with
both hands again, bends forward, blows on each hand, and then pours most of the
contents on the ground in front. The calabash is then placed on the ground and the
glass of schnapps picked up.
Yibo brings the glass of schnapps to his mouth and then bends and holds the glass
close to the ground. He continues the prayer while pouring out the schnapps, little by
little, a total of three times. Afterwards the calabash contents are mixed again and poured
completely onto the ground, tilting the calabash forward when expelling the contents and
tilting it back when empty.
Standing up, Yibo then announces that everything is fine and that the gods have
granted approval for the ceremony to take place and to begin. The EIder takes his place
and the purification ritual begins. The Masier Drummer plays a specifie rhythm, to
invite the agbazo (spiritual head) white the support drummers tune their drums. After the
special rhythm is played twice, a clown-like character enters the arena from the
courtyard.
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A perfonnance is done by a clown or acrobat, called agbazo to lighten up the
atmosphere by 'making fun' (an important aspect) during the religious dance ritual.
Moving around the space with bent knees, the clown weaves back and forth as ifhe were
about to faU down, while shrugging his shoulders up and down. Continuing in this
fasruon, he starts to sing unaccompanied, as he comically moves around the perfonnance
arena, bumping into wans, and finding any means to make the audience laugh.
After the clown finishes singing rus phrase, the female dancers, who are located
behind the drummers, respond in song. They are bent forward, with their torsos parallel
to the ground and their anns dropped forward, as they swing their hand holding a mirror
from side to side. After the women's' last response, the clown quickly sprinkles a special
herb and water over the entire perfonnance arena, using a leaf. He rapidly hops up and
down with both feet, slightly moving his elbows out to the side. The clown then repeats
his original clown-like behaviour as he exits the perfonnance space. The women then
make their way onto the perfonnance space in a line, and begin the kadodo phase of the
ceremony.
Kadodo/ Atsokla - Female Dance Section
The women, lined up in pairs, dance towards the perfonnance space, in front of
the drummers. They dance towards the drummers with their bodies facing inward
towards the centre of the arena. As they pass the drummers, the dancers split with
one hne going to either side ofthe drummers. The kadodo section is the time for women
to show off, bluff or snub the men. Both male and female dancers may participate but the
men will not be dressed in their costumes. The lead dancer will come from the courtyard
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to the arena alone to do sorne movements then return with other male dancers. At this
point they get dressed for their section. Fourteen dancers travel with their tors os
bent forward from the hip, stepping twice with the right foot, and then immediately twice
with the left, continuously in a shuffling fashion. With bent arms and hands slightly
forwards, the women swing their arms backwards and forwards in opposition to each
other.
After settling into two semi-circles, the dance movement is changed mto the basic
kadodo one, a side-to-side movement which travels from right-left-right, and then left-
right-left, moving rhythmically with the drums. While in place, the dancers continue to
sing, clapping at will, thereby motivating both the male dancers who are hidden in the
court yard and those who are watching. At certain moments, the music changes, cuing
the dancers to change their movements.
When the first movement variation is played, two dancers move to the centre of
the arena with a fast-paced shuffling walk, stepping twice with the right foot, and then
twice with the left. A second variation signais the dancers to execute their 'show off
style. They bend their bodies down lower and rapidly raise and drop their heels. With the
torso leaning forward, it is vibrated rapidly by quickly pushing the scapula tightly
downwards towards the spine and then releasing it (the chest automatically rises when the
scapula is pushed downward). As the torso arches slightly, the pelvis is released and the
arms, still in position from the previous movement, swings backwards and forward at half
the speed of the torso movement, hands swinging back in a relaxed manner. The music
and speed of the foot (heel) movement is the same as that of the torso. The dancers may
rotate towards or away from each other as they wish. The basic movement and
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subsequent movements mentioned ab ove are repeated by an the dancers, before
retuming to their originallines. Pre-selected pairs of dancers move at random, one at a
time, to dance in the centre of the ring until the music stops.
Two female dancers then walk towards the entrance of the courtyard, and another
enters the door to the courtyard to help the men with their costumes. One of the dancers,
the lead singer (soloist), who is positioned near to and facing the entrance, sings to the
men unaccompanied (a call to find out their readiness). She is thenjoined by a second
female dancer. The men then respond in song, accompanied by the two females dancers
who are helping them. There is another exchange of songs between the first soloist and
the men with the other women. At one point, the men and singers pick up the pace,
adding clapping, and finishing the song by the soloist with a call. The soloist then turns
towards the audience to sing again. The ensemble begins to play. The soloist makes her
way back to her original dance position in the hne. Afterwards, the two female dancers
who enter the courtyard lead the male dancers to the dance arena. The atsia phase now
begins. In the atsia phase the women stay in their respective positions, singing and
dancing while the men perform.
Atsia - Main Dance or Men Section
Section One:
1. The men enter into the dance arena in the same formation, using the same
steps as that ofthe female dancers, but with a more bold and vigorous execution. The
music changes and they switch to the movements the females performed in the centre
of the arena (men's basic movement).

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2. With a signal from the lead dancer, who raises his right hand, the men take two
steps backwards in hne, in preparation for a jump that tums in the air. They then quickly
step forward with their left foot, immediately followed by their right foot, which begins
the tum and jump. When landing from the jump, they place the left and then the right foot
on the ground.
3. After tuming, they clap their hands in a prayer position, standing erect and
looking up. They quickly tum in the opposite direction, by stepping forward with the
right foot using the left foot to tum, and repeating the prayer position.
4. The dancers then retum to their second movement, circling around themselves
while traveling sideways. On eue, the dancers step forward with their right foot, bending
deep and leaning forward by reaching their right hand down. The dancers immediately
pull back their right foot and hand, quickly transferring their weight on that foot.
Stepping quickly with the left foot to turn, they make the tum by stepping down on the
right foot. While tuming with the left shoulder going backwards they land on the left and
then right foot. The latter movement is foHowed by the prayer movement. The second
tum going in the same direction is not as accentuated. It again ends with the prayer
movement.
5. The ensemble stops playing. The dancers walk around the arena in a circle. The
soloist continues to sing, and when another female dancer caUs out, the drummers resume
to playing. As the drumming starts, the dancers, jumping up in the air and shaking their
skirts, travel around in the circle facing towards the centre of the arena.
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6. Raising his right anus, the lead dancer indicates to the others to change
movement. They take two steps forward, starting with their left foot, then reach forward
with the right hand while stepping forward with their right foot. They step back with the
right foot and perform the basic step twice. Afterwards, they immediately lift and drop
their left foot in order to step out to the right side with the right foot. They bring the left
foot towards the right foot and cross the right foot over the le ft, stepping out to the left
side with the left foot. They tum counter-clockwise, and keeping their 'S' -shape posture
with the pelvis released toward the sky, lower their heads to the ground with their hands.
This movement is repeated and when completed the music stops, allowing the lead singer
to begin again.
7. Slowly circling the arena, the drumming begins and the dancers repeat the phrase
described in movement number five. They repeat the tum described in movement
number six. However, in this phrase the circle is smaller. They mm left first, moving
counter-clockwise in their circle. When they mm right, every second dancer crouches to
the ground while the dancer in front ofhim clears over the crouched dancer's head with
his right leg, and then mms. Then, aIl the dancers crouch to the ground, tapping the
ground with their right hands while bouncing up and down six-to-seven times. This
movement is repeated twice. Then the music stops.
While the dancers are moving around the space, the lead dancer takes a stick from
one ofthe musicians, which starts the next section of the phase.
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Section Two:
This section begins with the lead dancer calling or speaking (using nonsensical
words) the movements he wants the master drummer to play, singing songs or
communicating information through words. The lead dancer will recite the music
without accompaniment, and emphasize his rhythmic phrase by pointing a stick (which
is held in his right hand at face level) at the audience (as if a waming is being given).
The master drummer plays the spoken rhythms on his atsimevu directly after, or
just before the lead dancer has fini shed speaking or singing. There is often an overlapping
ofthe caU and response with the master drummer. While the master drummer and his
ensemble play, the lead dancer performs the steps that specifically pertain to the
rhythms. During this period, the other dancers rotate in a circle, facing towards the centre,
studying the rhythms and movements before they perform.
The master drummer repeats the phrase, and without delay the group, including
the lead dancer, perform the same movements. If two dancers are needed to complete
the move, the leader picks a dancer from the group for the demonstration, before the rest
of the group pair up to execute the move.
This portion of the atsia continues until the dancers complete aIl the styles
the lead dancer chooses. The dancers circle the arena again with decorative
mirrors they collect from the women. They wave to the audience and position themselves
for the exiting dance movement. At this point, the dancers squat on the ground, creating a
formation that resembles a boat. They strongly strike each side oftheir bodies with the
mirrors as if manipulating paddles to move the boat. The lead dancer positions himself
behind the other dancers, and holding a long stick in hand, rigidly moves it back and
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forth, mimicking the actions used to navigate a boat. He directs the group by blowing a
wmstle and waving ms arrns forward. This style continues until they exit the arena.
The Round Off - The Finale
As soon as the men leave the arena, the musicians change the music to a fast-
paced tempo. The women, still in their same position, continue to sing as the clown
returns to the arena, spinning a basin on his finger as is done with a basketball. In this
section, the clown does acrobatics and gyrnnastic-type stretches and exercises. He is then
joined by another character who contorts ms body into unusual positions. The
contortionist soon folds his body into a ball-like shape. Two men then lift him up and
place him in a basin, leaving only his arrns free. The clown fimshes ms acrobaties and,
with the help ofthree other men, lifts up the basin and places it on ms head. Balancing
the contortiomst in the basin on ms head, the clown walks around the arena, holding onto
the basin with one or two hands. The crowd laughs as the clown leaves the area.
iAdzogbo: Analysis of Atsia Phase
The analysis will be based on movements from the atsia phase of the ceremony,
as perforrned by the lega, the azaganu, the ben player, and one of the legbasiowo. To
clearly see, hear, and understand the relationship between the lead dancer and the
musician, l will change the nonnal structure by dividing the style into four sections. The
division will be as follows:
1. Introductory drum pattern: which precedes each style
2. Lega calling the drum pattern, text or song for drummer

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3. Azaganu playing the drum pattern called with bell player
4. Azaganu and ben player repeats the pattern as Lega dances
The relationsbip between the lead dancer and the drummer usually consists of only three
ofthe above-listed sections, numbers one, two, and four. However, for the purpose of
tbis analysis l have isolated the lead drummer's performance, calling it number three.
Mode of Analysis
The analysis will be divided into four sections: Description of Movement,
Interpretive Emotional Response, General Summary of Image, Traditional Meaning. The
description of movement will utilize the Labannotation Body, Effort, Shape, and Space
(RE.S.S) system. Aspects of Effort in movement are the dancer's change in the quality
of tension or flow of movement, change in quality of weight, change in timing, or change
in his or her focus in space. The "qualitative change concentrated in each factor occurs in
a range between two opposites extremes. Each of the extremes is called an element or
quality" (Dell, 1977, p. Il). The factors in Effort are present in movement as
quantities -- "any movement always involves a certain amount of tension and a quantity
of weight; it takes time and travels in or occupies a certain amount of space" (p. 12).
There are eight effort qualities that one observes when one changes the quality of the
above-mentioned factors. They will be described between two polarities. For example,
when a dancer changes the flow of tension in a movement, it will be described as free
and bound; when he or she changes the quality of weight it will be described as light or
stronglforceful; the quality oftime is described as sustained or quick; and the dancer's
use of space is described as indirect or direct. These elements of qualities will be

203
described in terrns of the dancer's attitude toward the above-mentioned Effort factors
(p. 12).
Laban created eight everyday 'action terrns', caUed "Basic Effort Actions" or
"full efforts" which are: Float: indirect, light, and sustained; Wring: indirect, strong,
and sustained; Press: direct, strong, and sustained; Glide: direct, light, and sustained;
Dab: direct, light, and quick; Flick: indirect, light, and quick; Slash: indirect, strong, and
quick; Punch: direct, strong, and quick (Dell, 1977, p. 37). In general, there are six
different ways in which Effort factors can be combined in groups oftwo. They are
concentrated in space and time, weight and flow, space and flow, weight and time,
space and weight, or time and flow. Laban described aU of these combinations (in the
same order as above) as awake, dreamlike, remote, near, stable, and mobile (p. 39).
When describing shape, three kinds of change in the forrn of movement will be
made:
1) shape flow -- where the forrn results only from changes within the body parts;
2) directional movement -- where the forrn results from a clear path going in a
direction in space;
3) shaping movement -- where the forrn results from the body clearly
moulding itself in relation to the shape of the space, whether it creates the
shape of the space, as in dance, or adapts to it, as in many work movements
(Dell, 1977, p. 44).
The body's movement through space is described as "Shape Flow." This can be seen
from the perspective oftotal body or torso emphasis or limbs. Torso movements are said
to grow or shrink, and movement ofthe limbs is described as folding or closing (toward
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the centre of the body), or unfolding or opening out (from the centre of the body).
Another concept within the area of shape flow that is incorporated is reach space,
measuring the space within which the movement is made. "The concept of reach space
distinguishes how close to or far away from the body movement takes place"(Dell, 1977,
p. 47). Movement in space will also be described in terms ofits direction in space or
"directional movement." The movement term for this concept is directional spoke-like (as
in a basketball player passing or pushing a ball away from his chest to another player) or
directional arc-like (as in jumping jacks performed in physical fitness exercises) -- words
used to described or link the bodies place in space. "Spoke-like movement often involves
the unfolding of many body parts into a direction, arc-like movement is more likely to be
active in only one joint, as for instance the whole arm moving as a unit from the shoulder
joint" (p. 50-51). The last concept about space used in this analysis will be called
shaping. Shaping involves "the body's creating or adapting to contour -- to two and
three dimensional forms in space. The concepts are described as gathering (shaping
toward the body) and scattering (shaping away from the body), respectively (p. 56).
Analyses for this research are described with words and not notative symbols,
which are available in Labanotation's Effort/Shape system. My reasons for this decision
are that although 1 have a background in the study of labanotation (undergraduate and
graduate studies), 1 am not a certified analyst and do not feel qualified to carry out my
analysis to that extent. In addition, 1 feel it is important that this research be made
available to those who are not in the field of dance. This approach will be suitable for the
general public.
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Introductory Passage to Atsia
Every new movement or sequence of movements enacted during the Atsia section
or phase of the performance is usually introduced by a calI from the lega to the master
drummer. This is meant to gain the attention ofthe master drummer and other
dancers/singers so as to alert them to listen for the upcoming sequence. There should be
absolute silence when this activity is going on.
Lega (CaU) -AgidzatQ de mQa?
- Has the master drummer given permission? This is a
literai translation which actually means, fils the master
drummer ready?
(Agidzato) is another name for the master drummer.
Lega's calI is performed in free rhythm.
Azaguno (Response) Tegitegi, te te to (vocables (mnemonics) for drum strokes).
- Yes, 1 am ready.
This sequence is performed in free rhythm.

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Key To Atsimevu Drum Strokes
The master drummer in this performance uses eleven basic and complementary
strokes, which are leamed and recognized by traditional vocables. These vocables or
mnemonics representative of the strokes may vary from master drummer to master
drummer in Ewe culture. The syllables adopted for this transcription were those
identified by Seshie in his presentation. These are:
ga: a bouncing stroke with the palm of the hand in the centre of the drum head.
te, re, he or de: a bouncing stroke with the stick in the centre of the drum head.
gi: a bouncing stroke with the fingers at the rim of the drum head.
dzi: a mutedlpressed stroke with the fingers at the rim of the drum head.
to: a bouncing stroke with a stick at the centre of the drum. Strike the head before
you press the head.
ta: a bouncing stroke with a stick at the centre ofthe drum head while pressing
the head at the same time.
dza: simultaneous striking with the palm in the centre of the drum and at the same
time strike the side (wooded sheU of the drum) with a stick.
kre: te, re he, or de sounded and followed immediately by gi.

207
Western rhythm notations are used in my transcription. The atsimevu patterns are
written on a single line with a corresponding gankagui rhythmic pattern shown ab ove
each atsia (dance sequence). Basic patterns of supporting instruments in the main dance
section are also provided as a reference to the foundation ofthis section of the
performance. Gankagui and axatse play steady rhythmic patterns that guide the entire
ensemble. Kagan perform basic ostinato pattern while kidi and saga, apart from their
basic parts, occasionally will play in dialogue with the atsimevu.

208
Atsia One
Vocal Phrase
Lega //:- Dzadza, dzadza, dzadza (introductory drum strokes)
- Dzadza, dzadza, dzadza
- Asi ma SQ gogo ma SQ ze kpe tsa://
(spoken text in Fon and Ewe languages).
- l will use my hands to defeat the enemy.
-Azekpe tsa go hua na.
- Defeat the enemy when the pot drum sounds.
- De d de d kTe be dzi ta (drum strokes- mnemonics)
- Kre dzi, d dzi (drum strokes- mnemonics)
- Ga re be dzi, dzi dzi dzi (drum strokes-mnemonics)
- Dza dza dzi dzi dzi (drum strokes- mnemonics)
- Gi ta ga te gi ten (drum strokes- mnemonics)
- Kre be d ta (drum strokes- mnemonics)
- Kre be zia, Kre to to to (drum strokes- mnemonics)
Refer to pages 209- 210 for master drum interpretations with ben pattern.
209
Arlzogbo Atsia One
Transcribed by
P.lscahl Y00 Younge
J.= 160 Mardi 2002
,........... l _l, 1"""""""
.
1 i
Gmkogui
I!!III I!!III
Atsimevu
. ."
Dza <ha $:a dza dza to to Du
,.....
l l
I!!III
- . L 1 1 l
,.,-'.
dza dza dza dza dza te gt te gt te gi te gi te ge de

".
,.............. Ilz 1.. l
..
J 1
I!!III IIJ
..
ga to to Dza te f te gt te ge de ga ga te ge de
- l l
I!!III
1
- 1. 1 1 l
ga gi de ga te gj te gt te ge de gi ta te ge de
210
1 ,.............. l 1. ,..............
Gankogui
.... ....
Atsimevu
gi te te
1
1 ,....-.., l 1 , l ~
ffIII ffIII
gi gi gi te ~ te gi te gi te ge de
- 1. l
1!111
- 1. 1 1.
.
at te ge de gt de to to to
211
Description of Movement:
Movement One
Effort: Dancer points with his index finger in a dabbing action, accenting
downward toward the earth in rhythm as he caUs out dza, dza, dza, dza, dza, dza.
During the following phrases of the rhythmic caU, the dancer dabs but at times
slashes as he turns his hand upward.
Shape: The whole body maintains a relaxed stance wmle the right ann, supported
in a bent position, grows or opens out from the centre orthe body, and the hands
gestures in a spoke-like manner, also moving away from the body. The left ann
and hand gather towards the torso.
Movement Two
Effort: The body is positioned with legs bent and torso leaned forward. The hips
twist forward and backward in a free, light and indirect fashion as the feet strike
the ground with a dabbing, combined with flicking attack. The torso and arms
perfonn with the same effort as the hips.
Shape: Both torso and legs, with their different effort, fluctuate between growing
and shrinking. However, the torso moves arc-like and the legs move in a spoke-
like fashion.
Movement Three
Effort: Dancer repeatedly dabs both hands on ms thigh, altemating the hands in a
rhythmic fasmon. While performing tms action the dancer maintains a position
wherein his torso leans forward over his legs. His two hands then glide toward
his dance partner's two hands, and the two complete the movement by hitting
212
their hands together in a dabbing manner. The rest of the body maintains a relaxed
up-right stance.
Shape: The dancer's torso movement shrinks as he pats his legs and then grows as
he reaches for the other dancer's hands. This extreme change in quality also
occurs in their directional movement wherein the dancer moves arc-like when
patting his thighs and then spoke-like when clapping the other dancer's hands.
Movement Four
Effort/Shape: This next move is a repetition ofmovement number two.
Movement Five
Effort/Shape: This next move is a repetition of movement number tbree.
Movement Six
Effort: The dancer flicks his feet against the ground as he hops to the right side
and then the left, and continues with a rotation in the air, turning towards the left.
The torso is relaxed and held freely over the hips, and the arms are held in a free
fashion close to the body.
Shape: The dancer' s body moves his legs in a growing fashion, as he hops and
turns his body through space. His torso and arms maintain a shrinking shape. His
legs move through space in a spoke-like manner, as his feet move arc-like on the
ground.
Movement Seven
Effort: The dancer glides his hips towards the ground into a crouched position,
and dabs the fingers ofhis right hand (which are drawn together at the tips) to the
ground, his head, sternum, to his left shoulder, and then to his right shoulder. The
213
torso and legs are relaxed in a free position close to the ground.
Shape: The full body shrinks and gathers into a ball-like shape positioned near the
ground, while the fingers initiate movement in a spoke-like fashion away from the
torso towards the ground and towards the torso in the direction of the head,
sternum, and shoulders.
Movement Eight
Effort: The dancer's hips glide upward until the legs are straight, and the torso
glides up after hips are in place, with the movement initiating from the head
which extends slightly bemnd the shoulders. The two hands glide, extending out
to either side of the body. The hands clap together using a dabbing quality, as the
head, led by the chin, follows by falling forward, also with a dabbing approach.
Shape: The mps, head and hand movements independently grow up towards the
sky, an using a spoke-like quality. Then immediately after the head followed by
the hand shrinks in slightly towards the centre of the body.
Movement Nine
Effort: The dancer lifts ms right foot, and steps down with a slight punch- like
attack. The latter movement is continued with the dancer repeating the move with
his left foot. Then quickly, he steps to the right with the right foot and then
crosses over it with the left foot, moving in the right direction. The torso is held
freely, and is leaned forward as the arms, positioned in a ninety-degree angle,
altemate as they slash through the space.

214
Shape: The torso shrinks inward, whereas the legs alternate between growing and
shrinking. The arms move in a spoke-like manner while the legs alternate between
spoke-like and arc-like, respectively.
Movement Ten
Effort/Shape: The dancer completes the phrase with hops and spins, repeating the
same free and flicking quality as that in movement six.
Interpretive Emotional Response:
The phrase begins with the lead dancer calling out nonsensical words and proper
expressions in two different languages. The dancer is pointing with a stick as he
caBs the rhythm. There is a is very serious look on his face. The expression is
what one employs when conveying important information or scolding a chi Id.
After the dancer caUs the patterns, the drummer plays what seems to be an
introduction to the called rhythms, using the two drumming techniques previously
described. The drummer then begins to play the actual rhythm called by the lead
dancer. The first style requires two dancers for it to be executed properly -
creating a duet. While the drummer is playing the introductory part of the rhythm,
the dancers move with the bell. Their bodies articulate the rhythmic pattern in an
offbeat fashion, creating a separate rhythm unto itself, as if there were another
instrument in the music's multi-linear structure.
When the dancers start to perform the next section, they are in sync with the
rhythms the master drummer is playing. Each rhythm represents a specifie step.
This feamre pertains to an the styles.

215
General Summary of Image:
The general image ofthis section is perceived as being informative, powerful,
humble and confident.
Traditional Meaning:
The introductory movement is a form of prayer. When the dancer touches the
head, either side of the shoulder and then the ground, he is giving praise to the
spirit world, the human world, and to mother earth. Since there is belief in the
blessed trinity, the dancer does a prayer movement to begin the dance. Time is
also taken to pay respect to drummers as well as to the eIders in the audience.
216
Atsia Two
Vocal Phrase
Lega - Dzadza dzadza dzadza (introductory drum strokes)
- Gizia, gizia, gizia
- Kre gi di zia, re be gi di zia (drum strokes- mnemonics)
//:- Gizia, gizia, gizia://
- Kre gi di zia, re be gi di zia
- Kre gi di zia, re be gi di zia
//:- Ga re be zia ga re be ne te to://
- Ta te to, ta ge ge
- Ta te to, ta ga ge
- Kre gi di zia, re be gi di zia (ho)
Refer to pages 217 - 218 for master drum interpretations with bell pattern.
217
Adzogbo Atsia Two
Trascribed by
Paschal. Yao Younge
J=160 Mardl2002 .
i"I l 1 1 l i"I
Gmkogui
Atsimevu
.
Dza dza dza dza dza to to Gi
zia gi ZIa zia te ge gI ga gi de gI
1 r"'1 L 1 1 L J f""""'
ga Gi ZIa gi ZIa Gi
l
., l 1 1 l l
ZIa gt ZIa ZIa te ge ga gI de gi

218
ga te ~ gi ga gI de gI ga Ga te ~ de
1 1 l I 1 l-
--
. .
ga gI de gt te ta ga t ~ de gt de gI
1 r""'i lI. 1 ri .. l
--. .
l"""""""
. .
l'''''!''''''''
. .
1"""""""
. .
te ta Ta te to ta ~ ~ ta te to ta
1 .ri l 1 _L
. . .
te ~ gi ga gi de gI ga
219
Description ofMovement
Movement One
Effort/Shape: A repeat of movement two in the tirst Atsia Movement Phrase
(to be called introduction step A).
Movement Two
Effort: With torso held vertically, the dancer prepares his body to jump in the air
by freely bending his legs and pulling back his bent arms by the elbows.
Swinging his arms forward, the dancer quickly extends his legs to take flight,
using a dabbing quality. He quickly lands with legs bent and torso leaning
forward towards the ground. Legs opened, with feet more than shoulder distance
apart, the right leg, semi-straight, glides undemeath the left foot. On completing
the jump, the body retums to a vertical stance. The dancer repeats the above
movement with the torso in a vertical stance and with the foot movements lifting
higher off the ground, as in skipping (to be called Introduction Step B). This
time the jump and leg sweep movement is repeated twice.
Shape: The body grows as the dancer jumps into the air. It then shrinks as it lands
on the ground in a concave gathering shape. When the dancer jumps, he pushes
his body through space spoke-like and while on the ground sweeps his legs
around in an arc-like manner.
Movement Three
Effort/Shape: The dancer repeats movement six, starting from the tirst phrase of
the atsia movement, wherein the latter rotates in the air. In this section, the tum is
tirst made towards the left and then to the right.

220
Movement Four
Effort: The dancer turns his body to the side, perpendicular to his original
position, and punches his feet into the ground twice, the second step being
stronger than the first. His body is now more rigid or bound compared to previous
movements. He glides ms right hand upwards into a saiute to the right side ofhis
head while ms body stands vertically erect.
His hands press outward horizontally from the side of the body. As the hands
move upward, the arm bends at the elbow, and then the wrist, until the finger tips
reach the side of the dancer' s face, at the temple. On the return downward, the
arm, led by the quality of the hands change into a slashing motion.
Shape: The dancer' s right leg shrinks inward toward the body as the foot rises;
then it takes on a growing flow of movement as the foot stomps down. The arm
shrinks as it lifts to salute, and grows on its return to the side of the body. The
stomping has a strong spoke-like quality whereas the arms takes on a more
indirect arc-like quality.
Movement Five
Effort/Shape: The dancer finishes the phrase with movement three, to be called
Transition Step, tuming only to the left side.
The lead dancer starts by calling a rhythmic pattern similar to that of the previous
style with sorne variation. The dancer performs a move in sync with the
drummer's preparatory rhythmic pattern. He then continues with what appears to
be a basic move wmch is a repeat ofthe first Atsia movement. The movement
221
forces the dancer to jump up in the air and down close to the ground and whirls
around. The style continues with abrupt movements and very direct hand signaIs.
After the initial preparatory movements, the dance incorporates spins, acrobatie,
and then military-type movements.
Spinning around, touching the ground is showing off the dancers agilityand
costumes. The salute is performed to greet the eIders. It is used (copying the
Western Military Regime of France and German in Benin) to pay homage to the
chief or eIders, and recognize their presence.

222
Atsia Three
Vocal Phrase
Gizia, gizia, gizia
Il: - Ya wo nye 10, ya wo nye (song text in Ewe language)
- They are it's true, they are
- FiafitQ amebada ya wo nye:11
- Thieves are very bad people
- Ne wo fifi ha, wo mu lQ na gbe de 0
- Even when they steal, they lie about it
- Ne wo wu ame ha wo mu lQ na gbe de 0
- Even when they commit murder, they lie about it
- Xoxo me loa ya devi ya va loa?
- If adults will not tell the truth, why should the child do it?
- Wo kata amedeka wonye
- Because they are aIl the same
Il: - Ge me tua xo ne adaba 0
- The bear cannot advice the eye brow

223
- Daba li xoxo ge va do ://
- Eyebrow is there before the bear came
- FiafitQ ya ku tsi agban ngQ
- The thief is dead on a mat
- Bo bo bo bo bo, ku tsi agba ngQ
- Yes yes yes yes, dead on a mat
- Devi ya ha ku tsi agban ngo
- Child is also dead on the mat
- Bo bo bo bo bo ku tsi agba ngQ
- Yes yes yes yes, dead on a mat
Refer to pages 224 - 226 for master drum interpretations with song and ben pattern.
224
Adzogbo Atsia Three
Transcribed by
Pascahl Yao Younge
J=160 March2002
1 ~ l l~ l 1" ~
Gankogui
iIIIi' iIIIi'
Atsimevu
. -
Dza dza dza dza to to ai
l l 1 l""""""" l 1 1 l
'-'"
iIIIi'
gi zia to to to to
...
- i l
iIIIi'
~
to te gt ta to to to
1. 1 1 l.
iIIIi'
1
- !. J 1.
to to to to te gt ta gi de to
225
Gankogui
!IV
-- l l
!IV
---
Atsimevu:
to te gt gi te gt te gi te ge de gt to ten
-
.~. 1 1 l
4111'
1
-- .1. 1 1 \.
te gt te gi te ge de gi to to to te gt te gt te gi
...
-- l
!IV
-
ga to to to de to to Ga
l 1 1 ~ ~ 1.. 1 1 l
-- 4111'
te gt te gi te ge de gt de gt to to to te to
1 1""""""" !. 1 ,\ !. J f"""""""
4111' 4111'
to Ga te gi te gt te ge de ga ga
226
Gankogui .......,
l '-
. - ~
Atsimevu
to to to te to to gi de gi ta te gl ga
.
~ 1>. 1>.
.. -
. . . .
gi gi gi de ga ga de gl ta
l 1 l
...
- l
. . . .
de ga ga gi gl de ga ga
227
Description ofMovement:
Movement One
Effort/Shape: Introduction Step.
Movement Two
Effort: The movement begins with Introduction Step B and continues with one
more extra step with the left and right foot. As the right foot touches down, the
lrnees bend. Simultaneously, the head and torso dab down towards the ground, the
arms and hands involuntarily following through. Immediately after bowing
forward, the dancer mms the body full circle to the left, using a wringing quality.
This movement is repeated.
Shape: The dancers shrink into a concave shape after falling forward in a spoke-
like fashion. This shape is held in an arc-like style until the dancer completes the
mm. The movement repeats.
Movement Three
Effort: The dancer performs the transition step, tums starting from the left side,
to the right side and then left again. The previous falling step from movement two
is repeated once, followed immediately by the transition move, which is
performed once to the right side. This transitional move progresses from a
dabbing hop on the right side to a floating leap on the left side.
Shape: Both hop and leap movement grow through space in an arc-like fashion.
Movement Four
Effort: Facing perpendicular to his original position, the dancer, with his torso
leaning forward dabs his hand towards his mouth and to his head, executing it in
228
time to the music. He then slashes his hand down towards the ground. He repeats
the turn as in Movement Two. These two movements are repeated in the
same order.
Shape: The first two hand gestures shrink in the direction of the mouth and head,
and the last one grows outward away from the body. Each gesture takes on
spoke-like direction.
Movement Five
Effort: Transitional Movement to the left side ending with the floating leap.
The above step is immediately followed by the dancer leaning forward and
clapping seven times with a dabbing action while keeping time with the drum's
rhythm. He performs the transitional move turning towards the right, repeats the
clapping, and then completes the move by standing vertically in a free and relaxed
stance.
Shape: The stance ofthe body takes on a shrinking-like shape, and the clapping
an arc-like direction in space.
This style begins with a similar introductory rhythmic phrase followed by a song.
The Atsia style seems to be much longer than the first, and the rhythm more
complex. When the master drum responds, it replicates the tone and pitch of the
Ewe language. When the drummer plays, the dancer skips the drummer' s
introductory phrase and waits for the rhythm to which he performs his basic
movement. The dancer then skips in place, drops forward, and tums around. He
229
spins around, bends forward, makes a gesture with his hand to his face, and turns
around again, adding claps to end the phrase. Each phrase is repeated twice.
This movement seems more playfui with its bending, spinning, skipping and
clapping. The dancer seems to be commurucating sometmng in a secretive or
covert manner when gesturing with his hand.
Depicts moral behaviour, and how to correct social deviance in society. It is
about those who steal, pilfer, and murder. It's talking about thieves and
murderers being bad. It's a commentary on an who are bad -- aIl the ills of
society.
Hand to Face:
A man cannot tell a story about ms grandfather to his father for he was not there
when it happened. The story could be an advice or a proverb. Never question the
words of an eIder.
Hand Claps:
In Ewe society, when a murderer or thief is caught, an members of society
scom that character (Clap is equal to shame or scorn). It implies that the person
has done something shameful. The movements comment on the ills of society.
Oral traditions:
OIder people should pass on information. A son cannot recount the history of the
area or ancient history. Such information must pass from father to son and not
ViCe versa.
230
AtsiaFour
Vocal Phrase
- AmenQvi na dzo gbe (spoken text in Ewe)
- A relative has come to the ceremony
- Agi zia, (drum strokes- mnemonics)
- Gizia, gizia, gizia (introductory drum strokes)
//:- AmenQvi na dzo gbe (spoken text in Ewe)
- A relative has come to the ceremony.
- Dzogbo metQ metQ (me)
- The (Adzogbo is for us, for us.
- Azia metQ metQ me://
- Love is for us, for us.
- AmenQvi na dzo gbe.
- Ta te ta, kre be zia (drum strokes- mnemonics)
- Ga te to, kre be zia
- Te te kre be zia
231
- Ga te to, kre be zia
//:- Ta ta te, ta ta te://
- Gi te ga te gi te, kre be dzi ta
- Kre be zia
- AmenQvi na dzo gbe (spoken text in Ewe)
Refer to pages 232 - 233 for master drum interpretations with ben pattern.
232
Adzogbo Atsia Four
Transcribed by
PaschaJ. Yao Younge
-
March2002
J.= 160
1 l''''''''''!''' k 1 k
Gankogui
4111' 4111'
Atsimevu .
Du dza to to Gi
1 J t.. 1 1. 1 1 l
4111'
Gi de gr ~ te ~ te ~
...
- ~ ~
...
-
Gi gi Gi te gr gi
1"""-""'" !.
" " 1 l
4111'
te gi te gr gr de gr de ga Ga te gr te gi de
233
Gankogui
'IIi'
- l l
'IIi'
-
Atsimevu
ga Gi te gt gi te gi te gt gi de gi de ga
!. J 1 k 1 -,..........., k t 1 l
4111'
Ga te gi te gt de ga Gi te gt gi te gt Ta
,.............. ~ 1 1 l 1
!III 4111'
. . . . . . .
te ta te gt ga Gi ga
l. 1 1 \.. 1 !.. 1 1 !..
.,
. . . . . . .
ga ga de te de ge ga Gi ga
1 1""""""" ~ 1. ~ ~ 1 1 l
.., ..,
. .
ga ga te ri ga te gt te gt te ge de ga gt de gi gt te gi
234
Movement One
Effort: The dancer glides forward with ms right foot in a bent position. He
presses his right hand forward, diagonally, towards the ground (this step
completes the introductory move). He repeats the same move in the opposite
direction, and then begins the Introductory Step.
Shape: The dancer shrinks into a concave shape and, when pulling back, takes a
spoke-like path.
Movement Two
Effort/ Shape: The dancer repeats the 'drop forward and then tum' move from
Atisa Movement Phrase Three, number two. Then facing to the side, he performs
the Introduction B step, followed by the side-stepping from movement nine of
Atsia phrase number one. The transitional movement is performed tuming toward
the left.
Movement Three
Effort: The dancer continues the transitional movement traveling towards the
right, and ending with a flick-like leap. The dancer claps ms hands once in a
punch-like fashion. When the tum is completed, the dancer drops ms mps,
slasmng into a crouched position. The arms float involuntarily with the body.
This movement is repeated.
Shape: The body shrinks as it spins in the air and lands in the crouched position
on the ground. The dancer's body travels through space in the air and to the
ground in an arc-like direction.

235
Movement Four
Effort: The transitional movement is repeated turning toward the left. The dancer
with ms body leaned forward slashes his hands together with a downward
emphasis. He reverses, tuming to the right and repeats the same hand gesture. The
latter movement is repeated again followed by the transitional movement which is
repeated three times, turning first to the left.
Shape: The hands and arms both grow and shrink in an arc-like direction.
Movement Five
Effort/Shape: The dancer completes the phrase by performing the second
movement of Atsia Phrase Three movement -- the drop forward and tum. He
dances the transitional move with the leap, turning to the left once and finishing
up with the body at rest.
In this style, the dancer begins with the same rhythmic pattern introduction and
then veers off tms rhythm with text. The lead dancer then begins to sing the
rhythmic patterns. The dancer performs at the drummer' s introductory beat. He
then wmrls as he jumps around, drops to the ground, changes directions, claps,
and then performs quick foot movements.
In style four, the dancer appears to be showing offhis agility, speed, and dancing
skiUs. The costume is displayed in full during this section. As the dancer waits for
the drummer to play the pattern for the first time, he shakes his skirt almost as
though it were a preparation for his next style.

236
Shaking ofthe skirt -- show off. This song advises members of the Adzogbo group
that they should protect and preserve the ceremony. It advises that drumming and
dancing is a skiH that has been given to or acquired by them, and that it should be
kept alive. It talks of the importance of the dance ceremony in that it should not
die out. Let the tradition continue because it embodies the history and physical
movement and spirituality of the people.

237
Atsia Five
Vocal Phrase
Lega -Dzo tso nsu vedubo, asi ne da woe (spoken text in Fon and Ewe)
- There is trouble with the warriors, will they be captured?
- Odzadza dzi, dzadza dzi (drum strokes- mnemonics)
- Dzo tso nsu vedubo, asi ne da woe (spoken text in Fon and Ewe)
- There is trouble with the warriors, will they be captured?
- Akpa XQ nu bu ge wo legba
- Let's consult our Gods for advice.
- Agbo ye nye hubonQ
- The Sheep is the chief priest.
Il: - Nye koe de so de me:11
- l am the only one left.
- Ataku viwo de so de me
- The spiritual ones are left.
- Miawo le to wo mQ si tsele
- We have survived the enemy.

238
- Nye ngba la tsa do me
- Our Gods have protected us.
- Agidza nto mu fo ada na mi
- Let the master drummer beat the drums for us.
Refer to pages 239 - 240 for master drum interpretations with ben pattern.
239
Adzogbo Atsia Five
Transcri~ by
Gankogui
J= 160
iIII'
-- l f
iIII'
Pascahl Yao Younge
Marcb2002
i
--
Atsimevu
.
dza dza dza
-
Dza to to Dza
l . 1. ~ ~
...........
iIII'
dzz dza dza dza To te gi gi te gI ta te gi
4111'
,.............. l l
...
--
.
ga Ga ga gi ga ga To te gi gi
l 1 ! l 1 J""""""" l- l
............
4111'
. .
te gI ta te gi de ga Ta ta te ta te
240
Gankogui
..,
~ l l
fI1I1
-
Atsimevu
ga gi ta ta te gi de Ga to to
te ga te gi di Ga te gi te gI. te ge de
.,
~.1 ~ l f _1 1-
.,
-- 1. 1 f !.
. .
~
.
te gi ga de gI. ga ga te g} de ga
241
Movement One
Effort/Shape: Fun Introductory movement.
Movement Two
Effort: The dancer performs the movement from Atsia Phrase Three, movement
number two -- the drop forward and the turn. However, this time it glides into a
crouched position towards the ground and then rebounds up white turning to the
left. The dancer then quickly dabs his right foot on the ground in time with the
drum's rhythm, turning in a circle to the left. These two movements are repeated.
Shape: The dancer shrinks into the crouched position in a spoke-like manner,
while his tum takes on an arc-like direction.
Movement Three
Effort/Shape: Transitional move is perfonued turning towards the left and then
right side.
Movement Four
Effort: Standing vertically, the dancer jumps in the air with a floating action. His
right arm punches across his chest as he ascends, and floats back while
descending. This movement is repeated twice.
Shape: The dancer's body grows as he ascends into the air in a spoke-like
direction. It still grows as it rebounds from the jump. His anus shrink inward
towards mm as he jumps, and grows as he descends.

242
Movement Five
Effort: Standing perpendicular to his original position, the dancer dabs his feet on
the ground as he hops from side-to-side, starting with the left foot and moving
first to the left side.
Shape: Moving through space in a spoke-like path, the dancer's body grows as he
begins the shift in weight, and shrinks when he fimshes it.
Movement Six
Effort/Shape: Transitional movement to the left. The dancer continues the
transitional movement traveling towards the right, performing the third movement
of Atsia Phrase Four.
Movement Seven
Effort: One dancer stays on the ground and in a bound manner, supports his body
when off the ground, with his hands pressing against the ground and arms held
strong. The dancer holds his right leg off the ground, shaking with a flick quality.
The second dancer hops around the space and around the first dancer, dabbing his
feet into the ground. Before completing his travels, he dabs the first dancer in the
head with his fingertips. His torso, reacting to the dabbing quality ofhis steps,
moves freely over his hips.
Shape: The first dancer shrinks into a concave shape with legs moving through its
immediate space in an arc-like direction. The second dancer also uses arc-like
pathways as he moves through the dance space.

243
Movement Eight
Effort: The first dancer continues to perform movement seven, and the second
dancer, standing, begins to perform the Introduction Movement A and then stops.
The second dancer then bends his legs deeply and leans his torso forward, while
his arms are held back in a ninety-degree angle. In this position, the dancer taps
his heels quickly on the ground, dabbing them up and down. As this movement
continues the pelvis lifts forward and releases back, or drops, in the same dabbing
manner. At the same time, the dancer's arms, led by ms elbows, slashing back
and forth.
Shape: The body shrinks into an ~ shape and the arms swing back and forth
taking an arc-like path.
Movement Nine
Effort: The first dancer stands by pressing off with the right hand and reacmng
with the left. He then bows forward to raise his hips. He then lifts ms head. The
first dancer joins the second one and they bolli press their hips down in order to
deeply bend their legs. Their torso leans forward with their arms freely held at a
ninety- degree angle. Led by the elbows, the dancers punch their elbows forward
and backwards as their sternum presses forward and releases. The pelvis presses
forward and then releases. Their feet lift and punch into the ground.
Shape: As in movement eight, their bodies shrink into an ~ shape. Their elbows,
sternum, and pelvis shrink inward towards the body, and grow away from the
body in an arc-like fashion. The legs shrink inward towards the body and grow,
as they punch to the ground in a spoke-like fashion.

244
This style starts offwith mostly spoken text from beginning to end. There is only
one section wherein the dancer speaks the rhythm. The lead dancer perfonns this
style as a duet and is assisted by a legbasi (legbasiwo is plural and Legbasi is
singular). This section is longer than the previous one and includes the dancers
moving to the drummer' s introductory rhythm and basic movement. The dancers
then continue with the style, performing tums, side to side movement, high jumps,
bends, and dropping to the ground, an perfonned simultaneously. The legbasi
remains on the ground, shaking his leg as if something is wrong with it; and the
lega stands up and continues to dance, circling the legbasi. The lega then
proceeds to display a movement from the kadodo phase in front ofhim. The
legbasi gets up and joins the lega, and they both perfonn the basic movement
from the recreational dance, Agbadza (Agbadza is a popular free-styled social
dance among the Ewe).
The fifth style looks like a mimed story where the two dancers are dancing
strongly together. One dancer drops out, as ifhe were hurt, and the other dances
around him as iftrying to heal the fallen dancer. The style ends with the fallen
dancer getting up as ifhe is now weIl enough to leave. They both perfonn the
light-hearted recreational dance to fmish as if at a celebration.
The translation of the song is: We are here to see who is more powerful - - the
master drummer or the dancer. We come to perfonn -- to find out who is better.
245
Shaking of the leg on the ground connotes that the dancer (one) has given up and
will no longer perfonn.
Tapping of the head:
When two dancers challenge the drummer, one drops to the ground and shakes his
leg to give up. The second dancer taps the first on the head to encourage him to
continue. However, if one dancer goes down, the dancer has 10st the contest and
the drummer wins the challenge. When the drummer wins the challenge, he
encourages the dancers to dance again with a simpler movement such as
Agbadza. The standing dancer does the Kadodo movement to encourage the
dancer on the ground. The challenge section is between the dancer and drummer.
246
Atsia Six
Vocal Phrase
- Gizia, gia, gizia
- Ma foe, nye nuto ede (spoken text in Ewe)
- l'Il beat her because 1 married her.
- Aflao nyonua woe, nye nuto e de
- 1 have married the woman from Aflao
- Dzada dzi dzadza dzi (drum strokes- mnemonics)
- Ma foe, nye nuto ede (spoken text in Ewe)
- l'Il beat her because 1 married her.
- Aflao nyonua woe, nye nuto e de
- 1 have married the woman from Aflao.
- Go hua na
- The pot drum
- De dzi, de dzi kre be d ta (drum strokes- mnemonics)
- Go hua na (spoken text in Ewe)
- The pot drum

247
- De dzi, de dzi kre be d (drum strokes- mnemonics)
//:- Ga ze to to ken to://
//:Ga ze kre be d:://
- Ga te kre be dzi
- Ga ze gi te gi
- Gaze gi te gi
Ma foe, nye nuto ede (spoken text in Ewe)
- 1'11 beat her because 1 married her.
Refer to pages 248 - 249 for master drum Interpretations with bell pattern.
248
Adzogbo Atsia Six
Transcrobed by
J.= 160 Pasahl Yao Younge
Gankogni
.,
........... l 1 t
.,
Mardl2002
-
Atsimevu .
ID ID Gi
l ~ ~ l L
ga gi ga ga To ga to
~ ~ 1- ---"'
... ...
.
ga gi de ID te gi ID
l l 1 ~ l 1 1 l.
- .,
dza dza To 10
249
Gankogui
...
- l l
...
.~
AtSimeVll
ga gi de to te gi to ga gi de ga
l ! l 1
,............., l l.
........ S'
. .
te gI te gi te ge de ta gi de ga te gi te gi te ge de
1 ~ 1. 1 1. ~
v v
. .
gi gi de to to gi de gi
1 1 1. 1 1""""""'1 l 1 ! ~ 1 ~
V 4111'
gi de to to gi de ga te ge de gi ga te ge de gi ga to te
.....,
l l ~ L ! 1 l
.
S' S'
.
gi te gi te gi to ga
250
Movement One
Effort /Shape: Full Introductory Movement.
Movement Two
Effort/Shape: Dancers perform movement from Atsia Phrase Five, movement
number two. However, in this section the first tum is repeated twice before the
foot tapping move is made.
Movement Three
Effort/Shape: They perform the transitional move, tuming towards the left and
then to the right. The tum is performed twice on the left side and once to the right.
Movement Four
Effort: The two dancers face each other and begin a mock fight. They begin by
pressing each other at the front of their left shoulder using their fingers. This then
leads to slashing fists crossing diagonally through space toward the upper portion
oftheir bodies. The latter is repeated several tmes.
Shape: During the fight scene, each action from one dancer grows in arc-like
fashion toward the other one. However, when the dancers push each other, the
movement takes on a more spoke-like path.
Movement Five
Effort/Shape: The dancers end with the first tum in movement, number one, being
performed once.
251
The calI in this style is very intermixed in structure, containing both spoken text
and rhythmic patterns. n starts as a duet with legba and legbasi performing the
introductory movement, followed by the basic introductory movement. They then
whirl around quickly and acrobatically as described previously in movement
number four. The two dancers then mime a fist fight and finish with a turn that
lifts off and then lands on the ground.
The dancers show offtheir physical prowess and combative skills.
The song is about men having superiority over women. The songs says: l, the man
have married to you, the woman, so 1 will beat her because l've married her. 1
will beat you if you misbehave. Men marry women. Therefore women are
servants. She should take any punishment given her by mm. Adzogbo
dance -- meaning spiritual or powerful dance, the Ala-- wmch is worn on arm is
like a talisman -- it contains power in if like soshi (horsetail). The shawl is used
because a dancer must have the che st covered, for protection. An this
paraphernalia worn during performance displays how powerful and superior the
man is to the woman. The clothing she wears is without power.

252
Atsia Seven
Vocal Phrase:
Lega -Dzadza dzadza dzadza (introductory drum strokes)
- Kre dzi dza dzi (drum strokes- mnemonics)
//:- Ga de te d dza d
- Ga re be dzi dza d
- Ga de te dzi dza dzi://
- Ga de te d dza dzi
//:- Dzadza d dzi d dzi://
- Gi te ga te gi te he be d ta
- Kre be zia he to to to
Refer to pages 253 - 254 for master drum interpretations with bell pattern.
253
Adzogbo Atsia Seven
Trnnscribed by
Paschal Yao Younge
-
J.=160
Mardt2002
l
Ganlmgui
""""""'"
lII' lII'
Atsimevu
.
l 1 l
W'
i
- l l
ga gt ga ga te ge gi ga
4111'
~ l 1 1 1
4111'
-
ga de te gi ga ga te ge de
J 1 .~
4111'
- 1 1 l
ga ga ga de te ga
l ~
IIW IIW
.
gi ga de te gi te gj te gi te gt ga de te
254
l ~
,............ ~ i ~
Gankogui
..
Atsimevu
-
ga te~de
....
L ! l.
...
-
ga de te gi de te gi
~ _J l
. -- J 1 i
.
te gi te fi- te gi Dm dm dzi
..
- l 1 ~
.
1 ,............
. .
fi- te ga te gi te gi te ge de gi te
L \ 1""""""" L 1 l
.
.. ...
.
te gt te gi te ge de gt te ~ ga te ge to to to
255
Description of Movement
Movement One
Effort/Shape: Full Introductory Movement
Movement Two
Effort /Shape The dancer jumps to the left and lands perpendicular to his original
position. When he lands, he immediately perfonns the movement from Atsia
Phrase Five, the second part of movement nine. He perfonns this movement
approximately twenty times on each side, tuming toward the left as he changes
sides.
Movement Three
Effort /Shape: The dancer continue by perfonning the second tum frOID Atsia
Phrase Five, movement two, where the foot dabs against the earth as the dancer
tums himself around. This movement is perfonned twice.
Movement Four
Effort: The dancer then jumps in the air twice, each time landing in a crouched
position on the ground, with his right leg unfolding in front. The jump takes
on a dabbing-like quality while the unfolding leg takes on a flicking quality.
Shape: The body shrinks as the dancer ascends into the air and lands; and the leg
grows away from the dancer as he extends the leg forward. The jump takes on a
spoke-like path, while the leg extension is arc-like.

256
Movement Five
Effort/Shape: The dancer performs the movement from Atsia Phrase Two, the last
section of movement number two wherein the dancer swings his right leg under
his left from a crouched position. This movement completes the phrase.
The lead dancer in this style caUs out mostly rhythmic patterns. While dancing
alone, he performs the introductory and basic movements, followed by the basic
Agbadza, accenting the rhythm with one foot. He displays both sides ofhis body
by jumping to the opposite side after completing the phrase on the first side. After
completing the phrase on the second side, he turns around and jumps up, lands in
a crouched position and extends his foot. To finish the move, he circles one leg
under the other from the crouched position.
The main part ofthis style displays one movement from two different sides, as if
to demonstrate how it is done or to highlight his own technique.
Vocals - He 1S telling the drummer what to play in order to show his ability to
dance the basic movements performed by the Ewes, called Agbadza. This
movement shows off the dancer's dexterity. First the dancer turns his back to the
audience to show and to prove how good a dancer he is. He shows how his back
contracts and releases. Showing his skills, the dancer then faces the audience to
show his charming and attractive face, and to show how charming and attractive
(or ugly) he can be.

257
Shaking the cloth, shaking the waist or skirt shows wealth. In the olden days it
showed power, and was said to be filled with spiritual talismans, used to charm
women (much like a peacock).

258
Atsia Eight
Vocal Phrase:
Lega //:-Dzadza dzadza dzadza (introductory drum strokes)
- Gizia, gizia, gizia://
- Mia Ye dume gawo (song text in Ewe language)
- EIders of our town.
- Me de ka Yla na mi 100
- 1 ask for your attention.
-Dzo uametQ wo le mia me
- We have evil doers among us.
- Ma YQ nko ne mia se
- 1 will disdose their names to you.
- Me ga gbe wo 10
- Don't deny my daims.
- Na YQ wo, na gbe na wo
- CalI them and stop them.
- Mekudolawo le mia me
- Those who will cause death are among us.

259
- Ma YQ nko ne mia se
- 1 will disdose their names to you.
- Me ga gbe wo 10
- Don't deny my daims.
- Na YQ wo, na gbe na wo
- CaU them and stop them.
- Tutu gba nye CQmfQti
- The frrst is called Comfort.
- Evelia nko nye Tati
- The second is Tati.
- Nelia nko nye Mami
- The fourth is Mami.
- Me ga gbe wo 10
- Don't deny my daims
- Na YQ WO, na gbe na wo
- CaU them and stop them.
Refer to pages 260 - 262 for master drum interpretations with song and beU pattern.
260
Adzogbo Atsia Eight
j.= 160
Transcribed by
Gankogui
V
- l l
W'
Pascbal Yao Younge
March2002
-
Atsimevu
.
l 1 l
...
- l ~ l
. . .
~ gt ga ga To to te gi te
...
- 1
v
1
--
.
to Gi de ta ta gi de gi de gt gi
l
"
. - l ~ fa.
. .
ga gt ~ gi ~ te To to te gi te
...
!
- l l
...
,
-
. .
to Gi de ta ta gt de gi de gi
261
ga gi de gi te ta te te te gi de
W
1
- l
W
1
G. 0 . . . .
te ta te gi de ga
L l ~ l l
4l1li'
. . . . . .
te ta te ge de gi ga gi de gt te
W
1 ~ ~ 1 1 l.
4l1li'
-
. . . . . . .
-
gi gt ta to to te gi de gi gi. at
1 1 ~ l J \.
.
. . . . .
te ta te gt de to te gi
4l1li'
_1
- l. 1 1 !..
4l1li'
-
. . . . . . . .
gt gt ga te ta te ~ de gt ga
262
Gankogui
1 1 ~
IIP
-'
-- ,.
l 1 l
Atsimevu . .
ga te ge de ga te ge de gi gi ga gi de ta te ge de
1 1""-"1 l l
.
IIP IIP
. .
te gi gi te ge de
263
Movement One
Effort /Shape: Full Introductory Movement
Movement Two
Effort: The dancers' hips slash down into a crouched position on the ground.
While descending, the full body tums towards the left and ends when the body
lifts up and then glides into position, facing perpendicular to their original
position. With palms facing up, the dancers clap their hands together in a slashing
manner.
Shape: The dancers shrink into a crouched position and then tum their bodies
and clap their hands into an arc-like path.
Movement Three
Effort/Shape: The dancers perform the Introductory B Movement, for four
counts in order to face perpendicular to the original position, and then four
counts facing the back to the front. They then repeat the movement described
above. However, this time it begins with a jump performed in a dabbing fashion
before bending down.
Movement Four
Effort/ Shape: The transitional movement is performed to the left side, the right
side, and then repeated for a last time to the left.

264
Movement Five
Effort/Shape: They then repeat the squat turn described in movement two of this
Atsia Phrase. However, they remain standing and perform the first section of the
introductory movement (where they step forward and pull back with the right
hand).
Movement Six
Effort/Shape: The transitional movement described in Movement four is repeated
again. They then repeat the phrase from movement five.
Movement Seven:
Effort: The men then face each other and perform a hand clapping sequence, as
normally seen performed by school kids in a court yard during recess. Standing
freely and relaxed, this play takes on a dabbing quality and at times a slashing
one, when the dancers shake their hands in between short clap phrases.
Shape: Their hands manoeuvre through space using spoke-like movements. When
the dancers shake their hands offto the side their hands take on an arc-like path.
Movement Eight
Effort/Shape: They end the phrase by repeating movement five.
The lead dancer's caU starts offwith rhythmic patterns followed by a song. Then
he sings a song resembling a playful or nursery rhyme tune. The lead dancer is
again accompanied by a second dancer and they simultaneously perform the
introduction and basic movement. It continues with a quick deep bend into a tum,
finishing in a crouched position with each dancer slapping the back of ms own
265
hands. Before repeating this movement for the second time, they skip in different
directions and then jump high in the air. They take a step forward and reach one
arm forward and step back into a series of tums, finally ending with the same
movement that steps forward. The two dancers then proceed to play a hand game
with each other, finishing the phrase by repeating the movement that steps
forward.
This styles resembles two young boys or adult males showing camaraderie toward
each other.
This song is about moral behaviour in society and societal nonns and values. The
dancer is announcing that anyone talking to the chief needs to address him or
"excuse mm self." "Kajla, " must be said before you address a chief or an eIder in
society, especially if one talks about a taboo topic or something not usually
discussed in public. Another way to do this is to say: "but l have to say it" or l
plead (I beg you), pennit me to say tms (allow me). These are undesirable
elements (people) in our society -- caU them and advise them -- stop them from
their bad doings or deeds. Tell them what they are doing is against society and
social nonns -- it's a taboo. The dancer is asking, or saying with due respect.
266
Atsia Nine
Vocal Phrase
Gizia, gizia, gizia
- NYQnuvia nu me kpe na wo ma? (song text in Ewe language)
- Woman, Are you not ashamed?
- TSQ fe godia ga le go me ne
- You still have on the panties from yesterday.
- Gizia gizia gizia (drum strokes- mnemonics)
- Ko ga de le nuto ne le gbe
- She still has saliva on your face from your sleep.
- Ko ga de le nuto ne tra la
- She still has a long saliva on your face from your sleep.
//:- Ame anQ atsu fe na ma?://
- Is she the type to marry\?
//:- AdanQ nugbogbo va ko de du ya me
- She has brought all this garbage to our town.
- Vi nu tsi ko mie de gbQ 10://
- We slept with her because of children
Refer to pages 267 - 268 for master drum interpretations with song and bell pattern.
267
Adzogbo Atsia Nine
TranscnOed by
Pasdw Yao Younge .
J.= 160 March2002
1 l'''''''''''''l fi. 1 fi. l'''''''''''''l
Gankogui
.. -
..
Atsimevu
.
Dza dza dza to to Gi
1 l""""""". r.. 1 1 r..
ga gi ga gi ga To
te gi to te gI te
1 ~ Il fi. 1 t l ~
..
ge de ga Te gI te gi. gi te gI to to gi. Gi
..........
r- I l

- :i
" l
gi ga ga To te gi gi te gI 10
268
Gankogm

1
- "

~
Atsimevu
10 gi Gi de gu de g;t gu tG te ge Gi
l ~

~ !.. l

-
.
tege de Gi de !!il gi de gu to te g;t Ga
.......
li. 1 li.
...
1
- 1. \
...
.
.
gi de gi tG Gi de g;t gu de To to to g;t to te gu de ga
269
Movement One
Effort/Shape: The step starts with the Full Introductory Movement A.
Movement Two
Effort/Shape: Immediately after the first movement, the dancer performs the
movement from Atsia Phrase Two, movement two (like an old fashioned coffee
grinder).
Movement Three
Effort: The dancer completes the above movement squatting with his knees apart.
The dancer glides his hands to his groin area with palms facing inward toward the
body. He then lifts his hands in a slashing fashion and flicks them down and
forward away from the body.
Shape: After the dancers shrinks into a squatted position his hands shrink in
towards his body in an arc-like path.
Movement Four
Effort: This movement starts with Introductory Movement Band then repeats the
above described movement. This time when he lifts his hands his legs, glide into a
standing position.
Shape: From a squatting position, the dancers grows into the next position using
a spoke-like path through space.
Movement Five
Effort/Shape: The dancer performs the transitional movement tuming to the le ft,
right, and then the left side again. Then he executes the movement from Atsia
270
Three, second movement. This is perfonned twice. The whole section is repeated
again; however, this time the second part is only perfonned once. The phrase
ends with the first part of the lntroductory movement A (the pull back
movement).
lnterpretive Ernotional Response:
This caU started with rhythmic patterns and fini shed with a song-spoken text
style. The solo movement commenced with the introductory and basic movement
and proceeded with a high jump, landing in a crouched position. Then with one
leg circling under the other, it retums finishing back to a crouched position with
the dancer scooping both hands between the legs and pushing out, as throwing
sornething away. This is followed by spins in both directions then quickly
crouching and rebounding up.
The movement seems to denote rernoving from between the legs something that
is considered negative, and is perhaps exposed when in a crouched position.
The song talks about women and men. It focuses on woman and their immorality
and infidelity. It states that there are sorne wornen who were not trained or
brought up by parents. It describes a woman who was rnarried -- who could not
take good care of herselfhygienically i.e. clean clothes, clean body, and house-
and that a man should make sure a woman is clean and healthy. It also states that
sorne women have no ide a about the fonner, that they either do not know at an,
or they are lazy and will not do it. These woman are not worth marrying, but
271
because of the penis, or men who do not always discriminate, men marry these
women. It is out of sheer lust, or for easy or quick pleasure that men end up
marrying these women.
Hand Gestures:
Symbolises that sorne women do not change their panties every day. They are
dirty. This is aiso used as an indirect insult to some members of the crowd or
community.
272
Atsia Ten
Vocal Phrase
Lega //:- Gidza gidza den te:// (spoken text in Ewe)
- The monster is coming.
- Wo ka afa na ho to
- There is a divination for the high priest.
- BonQ wua a bonQ dze le
- The chief priest has kil1ed a monster.
- Gidza gidza den te://
//:- (Dzi) dzi dzi dza dzi dza dza (drum strokes- mnemonics)
- Dzi dzi dza dzi://
- Ga te gi te gi kre he , dzi dzi dza dzi
- Gi de ga ga, dzi dzi dza dzi
- To to te to, kre be dzi dzi dza dzi
- Dza dza gi de, dzi dzi dza dzi
- Gidza gidza den te
- The monster is coming
-Wo ka afa na bo to
- There is a divination for the chief priest.

- Papa nye bo tQ bonQ
273
-Our father is the high priest.
- BonQ wua bonQ dzele
- The chief priest has killed a monster.
- Gidza gidza den te
Refer to pages 274 -275 for master drum interpretations with bell pattern.
274
Adzogbo Atsia Ten
Trnnscribed by
J.= 160 Pascbal yao Younge
,............ i.
Marcb2002
~
1 J 1 J

Gankogui
W' W'
Atsimevu .
Gi de gi de gt ga
-.
~
.. -- l l
Gi de de gi Gi de gi te Te ge de gi
-
gt gt
W'
- l t l
FINE
W'

.
te ge gi to Gi de gt de gi
Gi gi ga ga
275
Gankogui
IIW
~.
112. L l
III'
--
Atsimevu 0
. .
gi ga ga Ga
1. !.
W
~ 1. ~
IIW
--
. . 0 . . .
te gi te gt te te ge gi gi te gi ai te ga te te gt te gi Ga
--
gt
l 1 , l
W
- l l
W
Del Segno Al Fme
. . . . . .
te gt te gt te ge de gt gi te gi ai te ga te te gi gi te gt
276
Movement One
Effort/Shape: Dancer begins wth the first part of the Introductory A movement
(the pull back movement).
Movement Two
Effort: The dancer glides forward with his left and then right foot. He then hops
back, pressing down with the right foot punching down with the left foot, and
then dropping the right foot with a flick-like motion. This movement is repeated
three tmes.
Shape: The dancer takes an arc-like path forward and backwards in space.
Movement Three
Effort: In a gliding fashion, the dancer takes four steps forward, leading with his
left foot. On the fourth step the dancer's torso floats down. He reaches his hands
downward and touches the earth. Then he immediately lifts up and touches his
chest in a dabbing fashion.
Shape: The body shrinks as he leans or foIds forward to touch the earth, but then
growS as he lifts to touch his chest. He travels through the space arc-like, as he
reaches for the ground, and then spoke-like as he touches his chest.
Movement Four
Effort/Shape: Movement two and movement three are repeated.
Movement Five
Effort/Shape: The dancer repeats movement number eight (second dancer) from
Atsia Five.
277
Movement Six
Effort/Shape: Dancer performs second part of movement two from Atsia Five.
Each turn is completed by ajump in the air.
Movement Seven
Effort: The dancer performs the slashing clap from Atsia Four (movement
four). In this performance he walks in a dabbing action around the dance space as
he claps twice and waves, using a flicking quality.
Shape: Dancer body shrinks as he leans forward to clap his hands, and then grows
as he lifts up to wave his hands. As he moves forward, he claps his hands in the
dance arena in an arc-like fashion.
Movement Eight
Effort/ Shape: Dancer combines the first part of movement two (walking forward
and kicking back), with movement three, and then finishes it up by repeating
movement number two.
The last style displayed combines spoken text followed by spoken rhythmic
patterns. The dancer moves forward and backwards several times and then claps
and waves goodbye as ifhe is saying that's an and good bye.
Dancer takes on a more pedestrian way ofmoving. He rotates his body around as
if to provide a clear view for all who surround him.

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This section displays the challenge of power and spiritual aspects of Adzogbo.
The movement shows that even though enemies are here to disrupt us they have
failed and we have successfully completed the dance. Hands wave, showing the
success. Before the dancers' ceremony is performed, they ask the gods to reveal
aU that will happen during the performance in advance, or to show how the
performance will look or be. When they seek for this information, a lot is
revealed to them, especially the spiritual aspects. Most times it is revealed to them
that there are people in the audience who come purposely to test or challenge their
spiritual power. These people try to see how powerful they are through spiritual
means.
Someone might recite things to confuse the drummers and make the dancers
unable to know what to perform. Not audibly recited -- it is recited spiritually to
any ofthe performers to get them confused. To test how spiritually powerful they
are when they get this information in advance from the gods, they take
precautionary measures. This is much like the dance's past use which was to find
out what would happen during the war in advance. With this information, they
enter the arena prepared, and perform weIl or perfectly. This is usually the
second to last movement. It is done before leaving the dance arena. It lets
perpetrators know that their challenge has failed, and that they have prevailed in
the dance and spiritually. The last movement after this one takes them out of the
arena.
279
Rhythmic
280
KeytoDrum
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Reflections of Atsia Analysis
The historical, geograprucal, social, and cultural evolution of the Ewe people has
greatly influenced the Adzogbo dance ceremony in many ways. The dance, as weIl as the
people, migrated from Benin to present day Togo and Ghana. The Fons having a similar
language to the Ewes, perform with the same instruments and share many ofthe same
beliefs. The dance carries and retains many historie cultural traditions such as the
pouring of libation and the communication with ancestors through possession. The song
texts reflect their philosophical beliefs, past and present events, and influence the
adaptation of other cultures, as heard in the various languages that were combined
over time (mixtures of French, Yoruba, Ewe and Fon). The dance structure mirrors the
social norms of the community -- respecting chieftaincy, male-female relationship and
duties, the status of children and education, the artistic importance of dancing,
drumming, and singing, and pride in their performers and in performing.
Adzogbo 's selection of instruments and costumes is a direct result ofthe
performance's location -- the drum's wood from the local forest, its head from local
antelopes and goats, costume materials locally woven, dyed, or taken from plants (as in
raffia), and the movements. The environment also influences movement dynamics. Its
vigour and quickness is motivated by the sun's burning rays and the ocean's breaking
waves.
Even with the politically enforced colonial borders, the Ewes still remain closely
tied culturally and spiritually. The focus of this is on the Ewe (Ewe will refer
to the Southern Ewes of Ghana only) and their dance ceremony caHed Adzogbo as it is
preserved and performed in Aflao, Ghana.

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Summary
In chapter five 1 analysised of the Adzogbo dance ceremony describing the
features that make it an unique Ewe dance fOfffi. 1 focused on its six phases ofthe
ceremony with an in-depth analysis often atsia movements and a comparative study of
the movements and their accompanying rhythms.

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Epilogue
Dance Ethnography and Interactive Multimedia Technology:
An Educational Tooi
Implications for future research.
Overview
The final chapter is a critical analysis of multimedia technology and its use in
teaching dance ethnology. Here, the reason for using multimedia, as weIl as the benefits
and limitations will be looked at. Questions regarding development of a way to combine
ethnology and multimedia technology, to teach Ewe culture, are explored. In future, the
aim is to create/develop a CD-ROM and Internet Web site on the Adzogbo dance
ceremony.
Rationale for Using Interactive Multimedia Technology
Interactive multimedia (IMM) technology is a term that encompasses a wide
range ofmeanings. For the purpose ofmy study, 1 am specifically referring to the use of
Compact Disc Read Only Memory (CD-ROM) and the internet in the field of dance.
For the past several years, interactive multimedia educational programs have been
delivered by CD-ROM. However, with the recent introduction of multimedia on the
internet and of multimedia authoring tools for internet-based applications, one's
selection process may be difficult. J ared Carman and Doug Boynton (2002) state that:
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Using the internet as an interactive multimedia training delivery medium is an
exciting possibility that has been promised for a long time. With the arrivaI ofthe
internet authoring tools, "streaming" and "push" technologies, and various
internet plug-ins for playing multimedia, many are asking themselves if the CD-
ROM, and other more traditional methods of delivering multimedia, are not now
becoming obsolete. Have we, in fact "arrived?" ls the internet now the best way to
deliver interactive multimedia training? (http://www.mentergy.comlproducts
/authoring_design!quest/whtpgs/saltjmc.html ).
Both options have their strengths and weaknesses, and the selection process should focus
on the system's impact, the effectiveness and appeal to a potentiallearner, as well as on
the efficiency and co st.
Carman and Boynton (2002) explain that the internet is an ideal means of
disseminating information and facilitating learning. "While it once consisted uniquely of
text-only Web "pages," the internet now offers sound, video, and animation"
(http://www.mentergy.comlproducts/authoring_design!quest/whtpgs/saltjmc.html ).
Carmon and Boynton say that even though it is possible to send multimedia over the
internet, the process is not always practical. They quote Rakow who says that sending
multimedia courseware over the internet is like, "trying to shove a golf baU through a
garden hose" (http://www.mentergy.comlproducts/authoring_design!quest/
whtpgs/saltjmc.html). This is due to the fact that the big files -- graphies, audio, and
video -- still take a long time to download, frustrating the le amer and lowering the
enthusiasm to proceed with the course. Although sorne programs help to speed up this
process, the video and audio playing is not smooth, resulting in yet more aggravation.
285
The internet can be used very successfuHy as a way to leam and distribute information. It
works weIl when using text and/or small (file size) graphies (http:/www.mentergy.com
/products/authoring_ design! quest/ whtpgs/saltjmc.htmV).
On the other hand, CD-ROM usage is a very popular tool for educating with
multimedia systems because of its storage capabilities. According to Carman and
Boynton, CD-ROMs:
... have the capacity to store multimedia files (and) depending on the speed ofthe
personal computer (PC) processor, the amount of random access memory (RAM),
and the speed ofthe CD-ROM drive, users running a course from a CD-ROM
will not have their training interrupted by downloading media, nor will they have
media "break up" during delivery (http:/www.mentergy.comlproducts/authoring_
design!quest/whtpgs/saltjme.html/).
Conversely, if the course or pro gram must be updated and new information be added, one
would have to "bum", or create a new dise. Carmon and Boynton say that one must
look at the "Lifecycle Maintenance," a term that refers to how easy or diffieult it is for a
course to be updated, and how often the updates must be made; and that one needs to
"determine the life cycle maintenance ofthat course before selecting a delivery method"
(http :/www.mentergy.comlproducts/authoring_design!quest/whtpgs/saltjmc.html/).
My objective is to facilitate the leaming of Ewe culture by people ofnon-Ewe
ethnicity. In order to help find a way to choose between the two modes of multimedia
education systems, one should determine the primary target audience, how much
educative information is to be stored, and how easy or important accessibility should be.
One of the main reasons for choosing multimedia is accessibility. A CD-ROM's

286
accessibility is due to its portability. It can be taken and used anywhere with a
multimedia-capable PC that has a CD-ROM drive -- one's own computer, or a computer
at a locallibrary, or university. Additionally, using a PC, one can log onto an internet
site anywhere that such access is available.
It is also important to look at the type and form of education that is to be
communicated. If the focus is on facts and definitions, then a text may be sufficient. If
one needs to demonstrate or give examples of the information, then the use of graphics,
audio, and video may be needed. My personal choice is a combination of the two
approaches, with emphasis on moving images and sound. An overload of unfamiliar text
filled with facts and definitions, without any form of sound or movement would be
contrary to the culture's traditional approach to teaching (which is usually by rote). Also,
one has to defme how the information will be used. "Courses that help the user remember
information usually requires a higher level of interactivity (e.g., practice, quizzing,
coaching, feedback, tracking of student data). These types of activities often contain
richer media, including graphies, audio, and video files." If the course is designed to help
the user refer to information, this type of complex rich media may not be needed
(Carman & Boynton, http:/www.mentergy.com/products/authoring_ design! quest/
whtpgs/saltjmc. html/).
Regarding my research, I found it difficult to choose between the two forms of
media. Since both forms are beneficial, 1 prefer to find a means of combining both
systems, or to wait for a new system to be developed that combines the virtues ofboth.
Carman and Boyton talk about such hybrid systems and strategies that are in use today.
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One such system is:
... fUll from individual workstations (either from a CD-ROM or from the hard
drive), and student enrolment and performance data is communicated across the
network. In this scenario, audio and video ron smoothly, and, for courses
running from the hard drive, updates come from a central location on the server.
The hybrid solution is an attractive option to many because they can get both
update ability (one ofthe attractions ofthe internet), together with the appeal of
high-impact graphies, audio, and video (one of the benefits of a CD-ROM or hard
drive delivery) (Http:/www.mentergy.com/products/authoring_designlquestl
whtpgs/saltjmc.htmll).
The above approach would prove to be costly and require commitment from an
organization such as an educational institution, that would support such a project.
The use or combination ofboth systems, the CD-ROM and Internet, would be
an ideal approach. By presenting the information on CD-ROM accompanied by a booklet
as support, a product would be available for distribution throughout the world.
As a follow-up to this thesis the CD-ROM information will be divided into two
parts. The first part will be a fully edited video presenting a brief cultural history of Ewes
and their home in Ghana, a look at typical daily activities, Ewe dances, and related
activities. It will include the Adzogbo Dance Ceremony as it appears in the village of
Aflao, and a detailed look at the dance movements, instruments, songs, rituals, costumes
and other paraphernalia. The video clip will conclude with a comparative study of the
dance with the drumming, a discussion on the importance of dance in Ewe society and
how it reflects the culture and people itself. The booklet (see Addendum 1 - B) will
288
reflect and include detailed information that is on the CD-ROM as weIl as provide the
internet address for the Project's Website.
The Internet will act as a supplement to the CD-ROM, providing frequent
updates, a chance for interaction through public forums and links to other website
resources. Video, audio, and graphics will still be used, but win be pared down to a
smaller file size. This will make it easier to access data, and also to protect that contained
in the CD-ROM from being misused.
1 explored a variety of approaches for combining dance with interactive
multimedia and became interested in two very fascinating and distinctive methods. The
first interactive multimedia system 1 studied was Animated Dance Event Language
(ADEL), a proprietary technology that was developed by film-maker, John Simmons (of
George Mason University in Fairfax, Virginia). ADEL is a language that enables one to
publish human movement on the Internet by combining HyperText Markup Language
(HTML), and Virtual Reality Markup Language (VRML), along with Live three
dimensional (3-D), JavaScript, and OpenFire systems.
Using a PC, ADEL allows its director to assemble into a single typewritten
document, a series of instructions that can be seen and quickly published. It creates a new
kind of document -- interactive 2-D and 3-D human animation, with real-time dance
movement and human expression. The latter can easily be viewed by a Web browser,
such as Netscape or Internet Explorer.
HTML entails the use of simple English commands, called "tags," that control
the layout and format of a web page. These commands can be used to click to another
page, play sound, display moving and still images or graphies, or to download a file.
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VRML is the language that creates the three-dimensional effect on the web. lnitially
transmitted as text, Simmons says that "We can create in any file format and convert to
VRML ... then, within VRML we can add aU the features of a web-delivered document,
where you can integrate video and sound with text on one page" (http://www.gmu.edul
news/gazette/9712/3dweb.html).
ADEL can display human animation from any point-of-view selected by
the viewer, and allows the director to create shapes (inc1uding fully-articulated human
models), colour, and texture. It can also be integrated with text, graphies, multimedia
files, hypertext, and hypermedia links, and with outputs from other electronic devices.
Simmons states that ADEL's 3-D realism is derived from the science of dance,
and is c10sely associated with princip les of Labanotation, which had computer linguistic
attributes that work perfectly with VMRL. ADEL transmits this notation and translates it
to activate 3-D human models in real time. A new and original method has been devised
to continually track the position of the camera and each part of the body. Simmons,
through his work with dancers, created ways to give these animated figures expressive
gestures, postures, and movement phrases, in addition to constructing scripts for entire
performances, or just parts of one (http://apps.intemet2.eduldemos99/3ddance.htm).
Simmons also said that "up to now, it's been very difficult to animate the human body for
use on the Internet, ... and that there is no available system to manage an the complex
rotation ofthe joints over long periods oftime" (http://www.gmu.edu /news/gazette
/9712/3dweb .html).
290
ADEL immediately intrigued me because ofits application of Labannotation, its
ability to pennit the viewing of movement from varying directions, and its ability to
animate one or more human models in three-dimensional space. The animated figures,
also three-dimensional, move with the flexibility of a live dancer and are ideal for
notating dance for preservation and archiving. The human element (that ofrecalling,
teaching and learning movement) is removed from the equation. Thus, exact replication
of steps, quality, and style can be maintained over time. The ADEL system also has
capabilities ofbeing displayed on a large-screen computer for use in university lectures,
in middle and high school class presentations, or for use in real-time over the Internet,
making the movements available to a broader audience (http:/www/gmu.edu/news/
gazette/ 9804/dance.html).
The ADEL system is an excellent asset to the dance world, especially for those
who are interested in Western dance fonns, or looking for an alternative to notating
dance perfonnance. However, 1 believe that this system would be more suited to the
dance perfonner or creators rather than one involved in conducting dance research, since
"ADEL allows the user to explore dance composition and improvisation" (http:/www/
gmu.edu/news/gazette/98 04/dance.html).
Usmg the ADEL system, my focus would primarily be on documenting
the Adzogbo dance ceremony for notation and archival purposes, rather than for
presenting West African culture in its natural habitat. This approach would satisfy one
aspect ofmy future goals, "preserving," and would limit its use to dance professionals
who are involved in more practical issues about dance. The above approach does allow
for text infonnation to be provided alongside the dance movement, but it may not reflect
291
a cohesive and holistic presentation. The use of ADEL allows for a new creative
freedom and opens up a wider range of possibilities for movement and documentation. It
can be seen as a positive direction in the continuing development of emerging
technologies in dance.
1 have an ongoing evaluation of the internet and dance cultures to see where the
two can meet. However, for my purposes in this research 1 feel the best approach to
interactive multimedia is to use an interactive multimedia system called "Hyberbuilder"
(fonnally known as Ethnoweb). Hyperbuilder is a hypermedia authoring tool, and a part
of a revolutionary approach to show how we create, read, look, and listen. It is a
powerful, stand-alone, database-driven web-building pro gram. It uses straightforward
commands, and can build richly inter-linked webs, ranging from very small web sites
containing a small amount of documents, to very large web sites that can contain millions
of documents (http://www.hyberbuilder.comlpress.htm). Any web browser (version two
and higher) without additional software can read Hyperbuilder. Hs features allow for an
easy, intuitive and active process (http://www.hyperbuilder.comlbetaspects.htm). The
author can create and manage links and multimedia content using simple English. One
does not need to know HTML to use it. The program's product can then be distributed on
CD-ROM or through the Internet. The author can create and edit documents as text files,
and information can be orgarnzed in "user-defined categories," which may include
"people, documents, words, events, meetings, books." A separate file can be generated
for each category accessible from a navigation bar. Bach category can hold up to 990,000
individual documents of any length. The pro gram compiles the documents from the
database and transfonns them into HTML output.

292
Multimedia Ethnography
Interactive multimedia ethnography IS valuable for its content as well as its
design, being accessible to high school-level students and beyond. I believe it can be used
to present Ewe oral tradition in an educationally holistic and cohesive way, bringing
together both performance and academic literature, to provide a document whereby
people of different cultural backgrounds can leam, be inspired by, both intellectually and
artistically, and in a virtually non-physical way visit Africa. Another important aspect to
using multimedia is to provide positive images of Africa, and to help bring to those of
African descent a greater sense of pride in their heritage.
Part of this tool can function as a digital video ethnography, which integrates
theories and practices from the following:
* Visual Anthropology
* Interactive Video-Cinematography
* Epistemology, and Computers In Educational Settings
(http://www.merlin.ubc.ca/about /index.html).
It can also include an aspect of digital photography, with scanned images and digital
photos.
An the above-mentioned features bring alive the experience in the field, and act as
a stand-alone analytical too1. This enriched ethnographie experience may easily be lost in
text-only formats. Part of the CD-ROM (edited digital video recording section, see
addendum 1 -A) will be divided into five different sections; Background of Ghana and its
cultural and dance history; A Description ofthe Ewe Ethnic Group; A Performance ofthe
Adzogbo Ceremony; Analysis of Dance and its relationship to the Drum; and Gallery,
293
which will inc1ude a glossary ofterms, photos of ceremonial paraphemalia, a brief
description of the Ewe language (inc1uding pronunciation and the alphabet), sing-along
songs with translation, images of life and activities performed in the village, description
of foods and how they are eaten, children games, and more.
Another aspect of my multimedia documentation will be based on a proj ect
created by Chris Tennant, a Harvard Anthropology and Law doctoral student (also
attended University of Toronto, and Dalhousie University for Undergraduate and Masters
degree) called Los Loros ethnoweb, a multimedia ethnography of a Mayan community
in Guatemala. This multimedia ethnography is created with Hyperbuilder. It will be
published in the form ofa CD-ROM and book. HTML ethnography, the term originally
coined by Tennant, changes the concept of the formerly mentioned theories and practices
by adding new layers ofboth positive and negative features. For example, HTML
Ethnography changes the dimensions of visual anthropology in that it has the problem of
accessibility to readers. Tennant describes the terrn HTML ethnography as being
misleading since it refers to an ethnography written in HTML code, and not to the
important aspect of their system which is the ability to read the hypermedia links, without
constraints, by a single ordering of material. Tennant has now opted to caU this system
hyperrnedia ethnography. He defines hypermedia ethnography as being "an ethnography
that contains one c1ickable link". He created a system to evaluate it as follows:
1. Enough material that the contingency of the author's interpretation is exposed.
Objectivity is a fiction. But in a hypermedia ethnography, an author can present
her interpretation and her source materials side-by-side, and give the reader the
choice ofwhat to read, or look at, or listen to. Of course, the source materials will
294
themselves be particular interpretations by particular people. But the richer the
background material that is presented, the more the interpretive monopoly of the
ethnographer is challenged, as it should be.
2. Artfully-linked material
Just as the decision of what word to place after another is in the end a creative
decision by the author of a book, so the placement ofhypertext and hypbermedia
links is in the end a matter of art. Does a reader need the word 'the' to be
clickable link, which takes her to a definition of the word? Probably not. But nor
is it enough to include the entirety of a field journal as one document, referenced
by a single hypertext link. The author must make links to the material more
accessible and more interesting to the reader.
3. Intuitive and easy-to-use user interface.
It should be easy for the reader to navigate the hypermedia links. The material
should be accessible and not overwhelming. 1 would argue that the only real
possibility for a user interface is now the web browser. Web browsers can be
customized, using such programming languages as JavaScript.
4. Confidentiality and privacy of nformants is respected
The more material one includes, the more important confidentiality and privacy
become. Have people given permission for their photographs to be used? Does
one use real names or pseudonyms?
5. Opportunities for reader participation
Ideally, readers should be able to participate. One possibility is through discussion
groups ... the advantage ofhypermedia ethnography is that one can provide the
295
reader with more information with which to construct a critical reading both of
"the field" and of the fieldworker's experience there. The more the reader knows
about the fieldworker, the more she will be able to "read through" his experiences
to form an independent assessment ofwhat was actually going on. And the more
the reader knows about what was actually going on, the more she will be able to
form her own opinion ofwhat the fieldworker's actual experience was
(http://ethnoweb.comlloros/thesis/an3/messages/6.html).
Using hypermedia, an ethnography perhaps does not have to try to mediate the
local and the global, or personal experience and some type of "objective" reality. It can
be many tmngs at once. But hypermedia ethnography is no magic bullet; while it does
provide an ethnographer with many more creative possibilities, it is still necessary to turn
these possibilities into an effective creative work (http:africa.u-sruzuoka-ken.ac.jp/e/
Essays lImicrocosm.html).
Tennant's document is a large and complex one wmch is easily navigated by the
reader. Below is a list some of the statistics on the capabilities ofthe hyperbuilder:
* The web contains some 340, 000 clickable Hnes, more than 5 hours of
audio, and 1,000 images.
* There are 25,00 individual files, containing a total of3.6 million hnes of
text and HTML codes.
Information in a hyperbuilder is orgaruzed by categories; these categories are accessible
from the navigation bar wmch is always on the screen (http://ethnoweb.coml
loros/).
296
The categories for the Loros (hyperbuilder) are:
* People: 1,500 people; one document for every person in Loros as weIl as
for the international accompaniers who lived in the community.
* Words: 3,100 words and concepts used in Loros, in both Spanish and
English.
* Analysis: Tennant's argument.
* Places: 706 places; every place Lorenos have ever lived.
* Events: significant events in the history of Loros.
* Documents: documents from Loros, international conventions,
Guatemalan documents, documents used by Tennant in the filed (such as
questionnaires).
* Museum: photographs from the Loros museum of Mayan artifacts.
* Townsite: clickable block-by-block display of every house in the Loros
townsite.
* Journal: the complete text of Tennant's fieldjoumal.
* References: bibliography of references cited
(website, http://ethnoweb.com/loros/).
The above interactive project is accessible both from the internet and from the CD-ROM
Also, Tennant has incorporated a public forum whereby readers can talk to one another
on various topics via discussion groups, submit their comments, and leave messages on
the message board for the people of Los Loros, and make comments in the comment form
or in the guest book (http://ethnoweb.comlloros/).

297
Dance as a Multimedia Educational TooI: Designing a CD-ROM/Web Site
By combirung dance and HTML ethnography, 1 plan to create a virtual world of
Ewe culture, using rich photos, sounds, and movies (http://africa.u-shizuoka-
ken.ac.jp/e/indexe.html). 1 feel that hyperbuilder software is an ideal way to creatively
structure a traditional Ewe dance ceremony into a unique educational too1. It will allow
me to explore unlimited ways to present and teach tbis culture to those of a Western (or
Non-African) background within the school systems, as weIl as to the average person
searching the internet. It will allow me to 'preserve' and 'present' this evanescent "Oral"
culture on the Internet and CD-ROM.
Ewe culture, with its many integrated parts, such as dance, music, visual arts,
drama, and crafts can easily be communicated through these media. Shinya Konaka,
a research associate (anthropology background) in the faculty of International Relations
at University of Shizuoka in Japan, says that HTML ethnography expands ... "the
possibility of interactive human communication" and that attention has to be paid to it
(http:africa.u-shizuoka-ken.ac.jp/e/Essaysllmicrocosm.html). He supports tbis trajectory
by quoting Clifford Geertz (1973, p. 14) who said that "the aim of anthropology is the
enlargement of the uruverse ofhuman discourse." 1 agree with Kanoka's opinion that
HTML ethnography and the arrival of the Internet age can play a vital role in realizing
this enlargement (http:africa.u-shizuoka-ken.ac.jp/elEssays lImicrocosm.html). Konaka,
states that although he is a professor at a University in Japan, his website, based
on his field research among the Samburu Kenyan pastoral people, makes him a school
professor in the virtual global community. In this school there is no borderline on one's
age or nationality (website,http:africa.u-shizuoka-en.ac.jp/e/aboutl/whatwasinspi.html).

298
Tennant describes Ethno-HTML as " ... a new trans-linguistic and trans-cultural
language." He goes on to say that " ... it does not require the logical progression of
sentences, but shows a different view of textuality. With the HTML ethnography, it is
possible for readers to get spontaneous access to the infonuation which they need"
(http:africa.u-sruzuoka-ken.ac.jp/elEssaysl/ microcosm. html). The final goal
would be to integrate the voices of the ethnographer, the participant, and the reader.
Multimedia Ethnography as a Serious Contribution to Anthropology
Only after the fieldwork has been collected, the researeh materials eompiled, and
the final presentation has been ereated, ean this multimedia ethnography be aecepted as a
serious fonu of anthropology. Marcus Banks (1994), a professor of anthropology at the
University of Oxford in England, states that, like ethnographie films,
Interactive Multimedia 1S rarely taken seriously and 1S regarded with indifferenee.
He states "that those who devote large amounts oftime to the production and use of
ethnographic film do so beeause they have little to contribute to the main agenda of
anthropological theory; an entailment oftrus -- an effeet -- is that ethnographie film is
almost never used in research, exeept by the anthropologist who pro duces it"
(http://rsVox/ae/ukiisca/marcus.banks.01.html). He argues that ethnographic film is
hardly ever eited by another anthropologist as a source of data, or as an analysis written
in publication. Banks (1994) daims that this form of ethnography is often eonfined to
dassroom teacrung, as an introduction to field of ethnography. (http://rsl/oxlac/uklisea/
marcus.banks.Ol.html).
299
Banks' (1994) argument sounds biased and dogmatie and perhaps based on older
anthropological ideas. Well-developed multimedia ethnography designed and written by
an ethnographer or anthropologist ean be a powerful resource in the field. l believe
people, sueh as myself, who would devote time to create such media are interested in
providing an opportunity for the viewer to observe and make his or her own interpretation
of the account. Perhaps sorne anthropologists find it difficult to accept multimedia
ethnography as a serious source because it does not make participants rely on the
anthropologists' own description, interpretation, theories on a particular culture. New
technology is perhaps bringing the world doser, with foreign cultures becoming less
'exotic'. When viewing ethnographie films dispIayed on television' s'The Diseovery
Channel' l find them to be informative and full of complex information. Banks (1994)
continues his argument by saying:
Personally speaking, most aeademically-produced higher educational IMM
packages that l have seen strike me as slow, dull and nave. Like sorne
ethnographie films they seem over-produeed, eoneealing weak and shallow
eontent with glossy presentation. More partieularly, the mueh-vaunted strength of
hyper-textuailinks that IMM uses -- that the user is liberated from linearity-
seems unsuitable for analysis. Ifwe agree that any path through a mass of audio,
visual and textual data is as good as any other path, then the main intelleetual
purpose of our discipline is cast away. Most -- probably an -- intelleetual analysis
proeeeds along a linear path, where pieces of data need to be assessed alongside
eaeh other in the right arrangement in order for the analysis to work. Abandoning
linearity signaIs a return to Radeliffe-Brownian butterfly eollecting: the arbitrary

300
and decontextualised pursuits of comparison and connection for its own sake, or
worse, the sheer observation of data for little more than immediate entertainment
(http://rsl/ox/ac/uk/isca! marcus.banks.O l.html).
Peter Biella (1994) from University ofSouthem California, argues against Banks severe
views and scepticism with three points:
First, although links give an impression of nonlinearity by leading the user from
one cultural document to another, the associations that links suggests are
nontrivial: second, although hypermedia links can be abused by beginners, links
are nevertheless necessary tools that assist the responsible pursuit ofusers'
research agendas: third, the potential confusion of links can be reduced if single
hypermedia work is designed to present different interfaces to different users:
hypennedia can restrict and thereby focus the research options ofbeginners, yet
permit professionals access to aU scholarly tools and options
(http://www.usc.eduldept/ elab/ welcome/codifications.html).
Banks (1994) says that even though such client-server systems as the World Wide Web
are free and freely available networking tools, it allows one to create a continuously
evolving and infinitely changeable database. He goes on to say that hypertextuallinks are
soft, not hard, authorship is multiple and on-going, and new data are easily incorporated
without having to forego earlier links or jeopardise existing ones. He feels that "the
'ordered anarchy' of the Internet me ans that control over structure and content will
probably never reside with a single interest group". He states that one should use the
World-Wide Web or equivalent to "place material in hyperspace, create a few links, and
let the users 'evolve' the text beyond your cramped imaginings" (http://rsl/ox/ac/uk!isca!
301
marcus.banks.Ol.html). Banks (1998) also wams us byparaphrasing anthropologist
Levi-Strauss, saying that "we should to avoid the trap ofthinking (or letting others think)
that new technology is merely bien a manger (i.e. that the consumption ofnew
technology is inherently good and brings its own inherent rewards) -- it best serves our
purposes as anthropologist when we realise it is also bien a penser" i.e. a good tool to
aid thinking (http:rsl.ox.ac.uk/iscaJ marcus.banks.04. html).
The idea that control over structure and content will probably never reside with a
single interest group only convinces me that creating and learning with multimedia
ethnography provides a unique approach to teaching and understanding information. The
mind can adapt and will broaden and develop into a mind that can tbink both in a linear
and non-linear way. As for Banks (1998) and his support for Levi-Strauss' thoughts on
new technology, ifwe aH thought this way we would still be walking across the
globe and not flying. And, with tbis limitation, where would anthropology be today.
There are sorne draw backs to using ethnographie multimedia, however. In order
to use it as a leaming tool, one must have sorne knowledge of information technology.
One who designs the system must work long hours, for instance, to create a product that
may provide only an hour of information. Then once completed, the product itself or the
system used to run it often becomes obsolete in a very short time. A designer
has to keep abreast of pertinent new technology so that he or she can update the work
accordingly. However, unlike ethnographie films, a medium that has script limitation and
bounding expenses, multimedia ethnography is more cost efficient, and offers more
'freedom' of creative expression.

302
Reflection
1 would hope that the use of technologies like the World Wide Web and CD-ROM
would minimize the above-mentioned limitations. However, as mentioned previously,
these technologies have ther own individual setbacks. These include limited
"accessibility to readers," and information being geared toward those who have
computers or who have access to computers in locallibraries, schools or after school
programs. Other limitations in multimedia technology are disk space, the selection of
material that best represents the people within a limited time frame, and the sound and
image quality. Karl Neuenfeldt quotes Microsoft Audio Acquisitions Manager and CD-
ROM producer, Brian Pertl, in ms article, The Sounds of Microsoft The Cultural
Production of Music on CD-ROMs:
It is something that we do think about a lot. In sorne sense our own backgrounds
and experiences limit us. When we're talking about cultural issues such as
imperialism, appropriateness, and etiquette, wherever possible we try to make
sure the people we're dealing with see the inclusion oftheir music in a Microsoft
CD-ROM as a positive and not a negative thing (file://A:\The%20Sounds
%200fOIo20Microsoft%20The%20Cultural%20Production%200fOIo20:12).
Finally, the issues of le gal sampling, illegal duplication, and how to protect rights
of music and dance performers in traditional, non- published performance need to be
considered. Duplication and sampling of material is a major limitation to the goals ofthis
project. Having the information used in negative or inappropriate ways will be difficult to
control, but there are at least sorne deterrents. According to Pertl in Karl Neuenfeldt's
(2001) article:
303
Usually we will pay publishing rights on what would nonnally in the West be
considered a traditional or public domain piece of music, and therefore not
published. We do it because it is sort of silly to have a composer here in the
United States getting paid for publishing rights and someone from a different part
of the world not getting paid (file://A:\The%20Sounds%200fOIo20 Microsoft%20
The%20Cultural%20Production%200fOIo20 p. 8).
The production team at Microsoft as a whole has decided to include as much
infonnation as possible about where the recorded music and images on their CD-ROMs
originated.
There are those such as Mills and Welsh Asante who feel that too much theory
and self-reflection clouds the African point-of-view. Of great concem to me is Koetting's
statement about ethnomusicologists spending too much time spinning out theories about
what they hear and what they see in their transcriptions, and spending too little time
digging beneath the surface to discover what the African carriers of tradition
conceptualize and hear from their perspectives (Welsh Asante, 1996, p. 57). To avoid this
problem 1 plan to present the ceremony in its entirety in the first haIf, and by using the
HTML Ethnographie approach, have Ewes describe themselves through interviews,
demonstrations and descriptions.

304
Limitations of Interactive Multimedia
ln this project, 1 ultimately want to find a means of creating an educational tool
that will meet my objective of educating individuals about Ewe Culture. AIso, 1 wish to
know the extent to which the results are consistent with the plan of the research project in
that they accurately portray important aspects of Ghanaian Ewe culture. 1 have tried to
seek out the best way a person with my particular academic and professional training can
effectively produce a viable educational package for academic and non-academic use.
Although sorne research has been done on the Southem Ewes of Ghana, much of
it is concentrated solely on the musical aspects of their culture, neglecting its integral
component -- their dance. My contribution to the field will complement the work already
available, because of its orientation towards dance and its ability to combine image,
sound and text. It is my hope that the information derived for tbis dissertation will be
used to acquaint Ghanaian dancers and other dance enthusiasts with the Ewe dance form.
1 would also like to create a medium whereby individuals may better understand how the
Ewe of Ghana fit into the totality of African culture. It is also my goal to present the
information in a format that is intellectually, visually, audibly and geographically
accessible to westemers and others outside the culture; and to correct, to the best of my
knowledge 'untruths' about the Ewe culture in particular, and the African culture in
general.
It is my desire to continue creating other African dance educational materials,
using the sarne media, that will eventually lead to an electronic encyclopaedia of African
dance and culture.

305
Summary
In this final chapter l reflected on my future goals of creating a tool for teaching
interactive multimedia technology. l outlined the purpose for using multimedia
technology as well as select types of technology that l felt would best benefit my target
audience. l also pointed out the limitations of using multimedia technology; however, the
positive attributes of the formats, l feel, outweigh the negatives.
In future, l would like to create a CD-ROM and Website on the internet, making
the Ewe culture available to those strongly interested in African culture in general and
Ewe culture specifically. As an educational tool, this research can be used cross-
disciplinary, covering a broader audience outside of the field of dance. It may be
benefitial to those studying music, visual art, history, as well as social, cultural and
religious studies to name a few. It is also my hope to help expose the talent found within
Ewe communities who are unable to themselves due to limited funds or access.
This dissertation project will be made available to both academics and non-
academics wanting to learn more about Ewe culture in Ghana.

306
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322
FILMOGRAPHY and VIDEOGRAPHY
Becker, Bob. The Flaming Dono Drum and Dance Ensemble. Unpublished Material.
DanceMakers Studio. Toronto, 1990.
Carrier, Tim. Family by the Sea. Videographed by Domino Bulware. 60 min.,

South Carolina Education Television, 1990. Video Recording.
Chianis, Sam. Discovering the Music of Africa. Narrated by Sam Chianis Ph. D. and
Directed by Bernard Willets. University ofWesleyan. Barr Films. 22 min. Video
Recording.
Eff, Claire. The Screen Painters. Edited by Penny Trams. 28. Min., The Painted Screen
Society. 1989. Video Recording.
Hood, Mande. Atumpan. Narrated by Mande Hood. 42 min., University of California,

Institute ofEthnomusicology, 1969. Motion Picture.
Kemoko Sano, Mohamed. Les Ballets Africains: National Dance Company of the
Republic of Guinea in Heritage. Dir. by Halo Zambo, Produced by Doundoumba
Records 120 min. 1996.
Lang, Robert. A Great Tree has Fallen. Produced by Robert Lang. 23 min., 1972.
Motion Picture.
Mark, Dennis. The Drums ofDagbon. Directed by Dennis Mark. Third Eye Productions,
Ltd., 1984. Motion Picture.
N'Diaye, Doudou. Djabote: Senegalese Drumming & Songs from Master Drummer
Doudou N'Diaye Rose dir. by Beatrice Soule, & Eric Millot. Produced by
Multicultural Media, 43 min. 1993. Video Recording
Opoku, Albert. The Ghana Dance Ensemble. Unpublished Material. University of

Ghana, Institute of African Studies. Ghana, 1982. Video Recording.
Thiam, Mor. Le Banet National du Senegal presents Pangols. narrated by Mor Thiam,
Produced by MVP Films Inc., 50 min. _ _.Video Recording.
Wyoma, _ _. African Healing Dance. Produced by Sounds True Inc., 70 min., 1997.
Video Recording.
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SOUND RECORDINGS
Addy, Mustapha Tettey. Les Percussions du Ghana. Performed by Mustapha Tettey
Addy. Arion, 1980. "Maison de la Culture de Rennes" Sound Recording.
___. Africa Dances. Performed by Various Groups. Authentic, 197_.

Sound Recording. Subtitles: Mensae Da (Ghana) and Broadway Special (Ghana).
Becker, Bob. The Flaming Dono Drum and Dance Ensemble. Featuring Abraham
Adzenyah Unpublished material, 1988. Sound Recording.
___ . Folk Music of Ghana. Folkways, 1969.
___. Traditional Woman's Music from Ghana. Folkways, 196_. Sound Recordings.
Gillis, Vema. Music of the Ashanti of Ghana. Recorded by Vema Gillis,
Folkways, 1979. Sound Recording.
Hampton, Barbara. Music of the Ga People of Ghana. Folkways. New York, 1978.
Sound Recording.
Helwani, Faisal. Roots ofHilife by the Edikanko Band. Ghanaman, 198_. Sound
Recording.
Hill, Richard. Drums of West Africa: Ritual Music of Ghana. Lyrichord, New York.
197_. Sound Recording
Hood, Mantle. Afriea East and West. University of Califomia, Institute of

Ethnomusieology. Los Angeles, 1969.
Ladzekpo, S.K. Ewe Music of Ghana. Aseh, 1969. Sound Reeording.
Oboade _ . Kpanlogo Party with Oboade. Lyriehord, London. 1974. Sound Reeording.
S. Charters and Texts: African Joumey. Performed by Native Musicians and Singers.
Vanguard, 1975. Sound Recording.
Tanson, John. Traditional Drumming and Danees of Ghana. Recorded by John Tanson
Folkways, New York, 1976. Sound Reeording.
Titan, Jeff Todd. Worlds of Music: An Introduction into the Music ofthe Worlds People.
Schirmer Books. New York, 1984. Sound Recording.
Younge, Paschal Y. Rhythms ofthe People: Traditional Music and Dance of the Ewe,
Dagbamba, Fante, and Ga People. Recorded by Paschal Y ounge, produced by
Multicultural Media Vermont, 2000. Sound Recording.
324
APPENDIXI
Opening Ceremony Speech by: Professor Kola Amoaku,

Director of the National Theatre and
Ethnomusicology Professor at California State University, San Marcos
Date: June 2001

Time: lO:OOAM
Place: Freedom Hotel, Ho, Ghana
Video Recorded and Transcribed by Zelma Badu-Younge
Introduction
Cornes from a home of priest and priestesses. He grew up with seeing a lot of
ceremonial activities. He begins he lecture or introduction with a prayer. This prayer is
directed to a priestess who had just passed away (is aunt) a week before the ceremony. It
was through this Aunt that he leamed aH the practical aspect of Mrican music and dance.
The song he sings is very moving.
Opening Ceremony Speech
l, 1 suppose that your first three days in Ghana have exposed you to just the
surface, the tip ofthe iceberg ofthe culture or the cultures of Africa. l'm personally quite
excited about being here this moming and being part oftms opening ceremony, because
for quite sometime now l've also been involved in, with a program that Paschal is
running for, for you.
You are here for two reasons or more. First of aH, you are here to know
Africa to satisfy your curiosity about what you've heard so much about Africa, and
Ghana in particular. Secondly you are here to enquire into the role ofthe artist in
325
traditional African societies. What is the role of the artist in traditional African societies?
Before you can really begin to understand who the artists is and what he does in a
traditional society.
Pirst of aU you have to understand the traditional society, its structure. You saw
part ofthat yesterday, just a little bit ofthat yesterday in the rituals and what have you
(referring to the welcoming ceremony in Ho by the Chiefs).
The artist does many things. The artists entertains, the artist interprets the
philosophy the world view ofhis people ofthe people, the artist educates, the artist
cames message or messages from place to place, the artist is an avenue for gossip, the
artist articulates the wishes the hopes, aspirations and expresses the feelings the
sentiments of the people, so as an artist you are the capsule of aIl of tms this things that
your people believe in so the responsibility ofbeing an artist goes far beyond that ofmere
commercial entertainment.
When you look at a traditional African society, there are sorne elements that strike
you immediate. You will notice that in traditional Africa there is that strong betief that
you as the human being are an integral part of a collective whole which is bound by a
beliefthat the world the universe in indivisible. That you can not separate the sacred from
the profane. As you saw part ofthat yesterday. Let me repeat that. You can not separate
the sacred from the profane. That the world is indivisible, the universe is indivisible, the
world of spirits, the world of nature an in temporal world constitute an indivisible unit,
and we recognize our roles as human beings as those in the temporal world as being the
interpreters oftms philosophy of the universe. And therefore the artist has the
responsibilities to articulate, to articulate that philosophy through his songs through the
326
dance, through the drums or through whatever means may be available to him, to be able
to interpreter this.
Depending on whether or not that medium of expression is ritually bound,
whether it is ceremonial bound, whether it is socially bound that is whether the cycle the
life cycle events of the life cycle will constitute that medium of articulation or whether it
is just merely recreational. But what ever form it takes there is always that underline
element that constantly seize the sound that you pro duce whether it is recreational,
whether it is ritual, ceremonial whatever it is that sound element that you are producing
whether it is vocal or whether it is instrumental or whatever form it may take, that
becomes a wavelength, that becomes a wavelength for effective communication between
the visible and the invisible. Do you understand what l'm saying?
The artist has the responsibility to use his art, whether it is verbal or non-verbal,
as a wavelength for effective communication between the visible and invisible. You sing
as song because you believe that the text of that song reflects a thinking, a philosophy a
thinking that that song may carry a message a message that may transcend the physical
world you see, now our emphasis on the inter relationship between the physical and the
spirit world is based on the belief that we believe strongly that the physical world is a
representation of the spirit world, in other words the spirit world is just as the physical
world and therefore there is always that possibility ofusing sorne kind of a medium
whether it is God or whatever it may be to establish or to re affmn their Hnk. Whether
that link made is established through god or may be established through a ritual as you
saw yesterday.
327
The idea is that we are constantly minding afresh our belief that there is oneness
between the spirit world and the physical world. And so the arts become in most cases
sacred forms of art. Even at the recreation level, even at the recreationallevel, there may
be songs that may be introduced there may be dances that may be introduced that
transcends the realms of the physical world. There may introduce a song, a dance that
may suddenly spark off a reaction, you know, especially when you look' en at these thing
at a rituallevel, a song may be introduced a dance may be introduced that may suddenly
spark off a reaction, and tbis reaction may be guided by other level of reaction from other
forces, you know, it may make you dance, it may make you sob, it may make you laugh it
may make you do all kinds ofthings, the potency of sound is very very important in our
societies.
We believe that sounds are potent. That is why you know, when we talk'en about
aesthetics in African music. Okay we may not be able to talk about aesthetics in African
music the same as we talk about aesthetics in European music, because our basis of
aesthetics may be totally, totally different and may be guided by this beliefthat sound is a
wave length, as we believe, that establishes communication between the seeing and the
unseeing, visible and the invisible.
So you are here this week, three weeks, sorry, you are going to be here three
weeks to explore these things to explore the various types of, ofhow we put sounds
together, why do we put these sounds together .the choice of instruments the choice of
songs in the various situations and the role that the artist plays as the facilitator of this
pbilosophy the interpreter ofthis pbilosophy, you know, that the world is indivisible.
328
So l'm hoping that in your subsequent lecturers in your subsequent presentation
that these things will become much clearer to you as time goes on, from time to time. 1
know that you are here for intellectual enquire but 1 think that this enquire must go
beyond just the idea of learning to play a rhythm or two that you actually look beyond the
realm ofjust playing drums and begin to understand why you play those drums in the
first place.
The rhythms you are what, what, what, what do these rhythms mean, because
every rhythm that is played on each of those drums has a meaning as, as it can be
interpreted it can be interpreted verbally, you know meaningfully, what 1 mean is that it
could be interpreted to meamngful syllables it could be interpreted to nonsense
syllables, but then each has a meaning. These are the things you must be looking at.
during the course of your stay here in this country.
1 do not want to precipitate what my mentor is going to say, 1 know that he has a
lot more to talk you about, about these things. But 1 just want to, 1 just want to conclude
by saying that 1 became interested very highly interested in this music from my childhood
by virtue of having being born into a family of priestesses of royalty. So l've been
exposed to this from a very early age, but then 1 was also baptized as a Christian as a
Catholic and became an alter boy when 1 was very young in those days that was the thing
to do, when you were in school you wanted to, you know, sit on the alter for a number of
reasons.
First of aU you know, maybe somebody will look at you. the other one wou Id look
at you say oh you're an altar boy you know. That was the only advantage most ofus had
for exposure. you know. And then, also, but then you know the more the more we were
329
deprived from performing in these traditional ensembles because we were children and
were going to parocmal schools you know the more interested 1 became in these things,
because 1 was surrounded by it an the time.
1 leamed a lot about tms thing through that whole process, African approach to
1eaming which is you know, which is just by observing, by participating, by imitating
which we'll call there acculturative process. 1 leamed most ofthese things through that
process. the acculturative process. But then as 1 grew up 1 began to realize the similarities
between Catholicism, you know, and African approach to worsmp. And the music and aU
of those things those tmngs sort of sparked off my interests to delve further into tms and 1
am glad 1 did because maybe aU of those things 1 leamed in terms ofbeing able to
compare western traditions to the African tradition came out ofthis experience ofhaving
been exposed to Catholicism from a very young age and having been exposed to
traditional religion from a very young age.
So 1 have been able to do this do with tms type of compare, 1 can do aIl these
things as l'm doing today. So, you have come from different backgrounds from different
religious persuasions. and sorne of the tmngs you will be seeing while you are here you
may from your religious backgrounds you may consider offensive, but 1 want you to, to
just lay back put aIl that feeling right at the Volta Bridge where you pasted before coming
here while you are here learn as much as you can open your minds because you'll be, in
three weeks. there is so much over 19 ensembles 1 believe. 19 ensembles in three weeks
that's a lot, you will be bombarded with a lot while you are here and 1 hope that you take
the opportunity to leam as much to observe as much to acquire as much as you possible
cano
330
1 know your from different states 1 travel a lot around the US and 1 hope 1 bump
into sorne ofyou sorne where and rd like to listen to your ensembles. Which will be a
credit to my brother their and 1 hope that 1 guess the backgrounds of an the observations
that l've made earlier you begin you also take this back to your schools to your
colleagues to you teachers, tell them about African music the essence of African music,
the importance of African music, the significance of African music and what your
experiences a were while you were in Ghana.
Conclusion
This is a transcription of Komla Amoaku, at the Official Opening Ceremony of
West Virginia University's Summer Course in African Music and Dance. The ceremony
tool place on June 29,2000, at Freedom Rotel, Ro, Ghana, at 8:30 AM. Komla Amoaku
is the director of Ghana's National Theater and is a Professor of Ethnomusicologyat
California State University, San Marcos in the Department of Music.

331
APPENDIXn
INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
Interview questions written by: Zelma Badu-Y ounge
Interviewee(s): Agbomabe Seshie, Master Drummer and Kpleli Kobla, lead dancer.
Translator: Dr. Paschal Yao Y ounge
Date: May 26,2001

Time: 1:OOPM
Place: Freedom Hotel, Ho, Ghana
A live interview (video recorded) conducted in the Ewe language.
1. What is the name of:
the group, the group founder, the group leader( s),

performers, chief, queen mother, village?
2. What is the age of:
The founder, the leader(s), the performers, (how old is the

village)?
3. Where (are) the founder( s)/leader(s) from originally?
4. When was the group formed?
5. When was the Adzogbo ceremony brought to

Aflao/Ghana?
6. When and where did the group founder leam the

ceremony structure, music and dance?
332
7. Why was the ceremony brought?
8. When was the ceremony conceived?
9. Where was the ceremonies original place of origin?
10. Why, when and where was the ceremony performed

formally, and recently?
Il. What are the most, average, and least number of

performers used in each section of the Adzogbo
ceremony?
12. How many of the performers are female/male,

adults/children, observers, artists?
13. What is the population of the village and what percentage

participate during the festival?
14. What is the maximum/minimum age for an artist to

perform in the ceremony?
15. Does this Adzogbo group perform for Aflao only, or is it

designated for another town too?
16. What are the names of the instruments used and are they
named in the Ewe language?
17. What is the typical instrumental structure for the

ceremony?
333
18 . a) Who sings the songs during the ceremony?

b) What is the typical gender of the singer?
c) When do they sing?
d) What do they sing about and in what language is it
sung?
e) Can you please sing one and explain the meaning
behind it?
f) How many songs are sung during a ceremony?
g) Is there a name for the Iead dancer/drummer, if so, what
is it?
19. Who or what does the Iead dancer/drummer represent?
20. What is hislher role in the group and in the ceremony?

If maie/femaIe, why?
21. What is the relationship between the lead dancer and lead
drummer?
22. Why does the lead dancer initiate the percussion rhythms?
23. How does the ceremony start?
24. When do the other male/female dancers/drummers begin

and what is their role/place in the performance?
25. Do the women dance together, why or why not?
26. What is the general function of the female/male during the

performance? How are they different from each other?
27. What is the women's relationship with the percussionists?

334
28. Is there a lead female dancer/drummer? Are wornen

allowed to drurn in this performance?
29. a) What is the duration of a typical Adzogbo performance?

b) How does the whole ceremony start?
c) When does it normally start and what time of the day?
30. What rituals are needed to begin/end the ceremony?
31. What paraphemalia are used for the ceremony, calabash,

sosh1' etc ....?
32. What mixture is in the calabash and what is it used for,

what is its significance in the cerernony?
33. Who combines the mixture in the calabash? Can anyone

do it?
34. Who is responsible for sprinkling the mixture on the

ground, and why is it done?
35. Where is the ceremony normally held, why?
36. What does it mean to "pour libation" and why is it do ne in

this ceremony and who does it?
37. Who are the spectators, is anyone outside the village

allowed to watch? How is the dance ceremony significant
to them?
38. Who originally watched the ceremony?
39. What do the performers (dancers/drummers),

(male/female) wear?
335
40. When and where do the men and women prepare for the
performance?
41. Who makes/designs the costumes?
42. How many pieces of clothes do the womanlmen wear?
43. What are the spectators expected to wear?
44. What are the drummers expected to wear as costumes?
45. What additional paraphemalia is wom or used for the

performance? Do they have special symbolic meaning?
46. Are the costumes wom by your group the original style in
the ceremony? If not, why did you change it?
47. Do the various styles of the costumes have different

meanings in the dance?
48. Do the drum rhythms/dance movements have specifie

meanings? If so, describe them?
49. Please explain ten (10) different rhythms and

accompanying movements (video images will be available
to view).
50. What are the spiritual or religious aspects to the

ceremony? Is your group still performing them, why or
whynot?
51. What is the significance/role of the clown-like figure in

the ceremony?
a) Who performs this role?
b) Is this an original aspect of the dance?
336
52. How many sections are there to the dance?
53. How does one know when the dance ends, and when does
it end? Who leads the ending?
54. How many times during the year is the dance performed
and for what occasions?
55. What is the formation of the dance?
56. Are there many other Adzogbo groups that perform near
by or far away, if so, what are their names and where are
they located?
Performers:
57. How many weeks, months, years, does it take to become a

good performer in the Adzogbo ceremony for dancer,
singer, drummer, lead dancer, master drummer, clown
character, etc ... ?
58. How do the woman apply their make-up, what is it made

from, and how long does it take to apply? Do the woman
wear special hairstyles, or jewellery?
59. How long does it take for the men to dress into their attire?
60. Do the dancers need to physically warm-up their bodies?
61. How long do the drummers need to warm-up and tune

their drums?
337
62. Where is the preferred place and time of day of

performances?
63. What emotional/psychological/physical experience, if any,

is felt during the performance of the ceremony?
338
INFORMED ORAL CONSENT FORM
TD PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
Mawuli Kpli Mi Adzogbo Group Aflao, Ghana, West Africa
This is to state that 1 agree to participa te in the research project entitled:
EWE CULTURE AS EXl!RESSED IN GHANA WEST AFRICA:

THE DEVELOl!MENT OF A TODI. FOR TEACHING CUlTURE THROUG" DANCE
CEREMONY. USING INTERACTIVE MULTIMEDIA TECHNOI.OGY
and conducted by Zelma C. M. Badu-Younge, who has been visiting with us for the
past three years.
Pur pose of Study: 1 have been told, through Ewe!English language

interpreters Dr.Paschal Yao Younge and Mr.Stephen Gbolonyo, that the purpose of
thls study is to educate people to Traditional Ewe culture in Ghana through its dance
and music ceremony, Adzogbo. This research will result in a dissertation, supported
by a video! digital documentation, CD-ROM, and Web site. It shall be made available for
scholarly and educational purposes, including lectures and publications.
Description of Procedures: This study win include several interviews,

performances, and reviewing of dance recordings in aid of completing her doctoral
dissertation project for McGill University's Culture and Values in Education Program
in Montreal, Quebec Canada. These meetings will take place in Ghana, West Africa
and be completed over (3) three summers (1999-2001).
Benefits: 1 understand that this study is not expected to help me, but what is
learned from the study may help educate people about Ewe or African culture.
Voluntary Participation: 1 have been roid that 1 am not obligated to

participate in the project and that 1 can withdrawat anytime. No one wiU be annoyed
with me if 1 refuse or decide to quit. 1 have been aHowed to ask questions about the
research, and aU of my questions were answered. 1 have been reassured that 1 will
be updated to new information whenever relevant. 1 understand that by
participating in this project 1 will not incur any level of risk and that any
anticipated inconvenience have been duly compensated for. l "viH receive a copy of
the form after 1 sign it. 1 also understand that by giving my permission, 1 do not give
up any copyright or performance rights that 1 may hold.
339
The final product of this research may he published and distributed in the future.
Each copy of the written materials and video recordings made will be donated to the
group.
AGREEMENT
1 understand the purpose of this study and know the risks, benefits and
inconveniences mat it entails.
1 understand that 1 am free to withdraw at anytime from the study without any
penalty or prejudice.
1 understand how confidentiality \\111 be maintained during this research project.
1 understand the anticipated uses of data, especially with respect to publication,

communication and dissemination of results.
1 have carefuHy studied the above and understand my participation in this

agreement.
1 freely consent and voluntarily agree to partidpate in this study.
!. 1 1
1 i ( i
i n",' :,f /-
1 , 1 1/'
l ,,1
) j
,1"
".,.-
,\,.. /'
f l t7
~,~
Zelma W~du-YOunge (I~ estigatoh /J

~
v. ;,1,)
V '
(.J . . _~
/
Paschal Yao Younge (Witness)
;Y
Stephen Gbolonyo (Interpreter) Date
Secretary
kJ
(Mawuli Kpli Mi Adzogbo Group)
340
ADDENDUMI
Addendnm 1 - A SCRIPT OUTLINE
SHOT DESCRIPTION TIME
Ghana A brief narration of Ghana' s Cultural 8
and dance history. Footage will be minutes
taken of Ghana' s Cultural centres,
Markets, Country side and Beaches.
Location: Capital city of Ghana - Accra,
University of Ghana - Legon, Northem and
Southem part of the Volta Region.
The Ewe's A description of the Ewe Ethnic group, 15
their daily chores and dance related minutes
activities (fisrung, story telling, etc.).
It will include several dances 'strict'
and 'free' from various areas in the
Volta Region - Atisagbekor (war dance),
Agbadza, Boboobo, Ziggy (social dances).
It will also incorporate the preparing/ making of
instruments, costumes and several other paraphemalia
needed for the dances.
Location: Dzogadze, Ho, Tsito, Aflao.

341
Adzogbo Ceremony An explanation of the dance ceremony, 22
and its history. This section will also minutes
capture the events that lead up to the
actions that surround and take place
during the full dance performance.
A detai!ed look at the dance movements,
instruments, songs, rituals, costumes and
other paraphemalia.
Location: Aflao
Conclusion The film will conclude with a comparative 15
study of the dancing and drumming, a minutes
discussion on the importance of dance
in Ewe society and how it reflects the
culture and people itself.
Location: Aflao
Following the conclusion, there will be a shot of the dancers performing in Aflao
village. After 30 seconds the credits will follow (lasting approximately 30 seconds).
Total time of movie: 60 minutes and 30 seconds.

342
Addendum 1 - B Beeklet te Accempany CD-ROM
Chapter Two: HISTORICAL, GEOGRAPHICAL, CULTURAL, AND SOCIAL

BACKGROUND OF THE EWES
Historical Background
Notsie Settlement
Exodus
Geographical Background
The Land
Physical Features, Vegetation and Occupation
Cultural Background
Social Background
The People
The Household
The Nuclear Family
Social Class
Political Structure
Judicial System
Religion
Chapter Three: DANCE, MUSIC AND OTHER RELATED ACTIVITIES OF THE

EWE
Dance Fonn and Function
Dance Perfonnance Context
Nature and Categories ofDances
Dancers RoIes, Attitudes and Training
Dance Structure and Perfonnance
Dance and Other Related Arts and Activities
Perspectives on Music
Relationship Between Drumming and Dance
Religion and Dance
Perspectives on Religion
Relationship Between Religion and Dance
Objects of Art and Ritual Paraphemalia
343
Chapter Four: ADZOGBO: A RITUAL DANCE CEREMONY

Background of the Adzogbo Dance Ceremony
Origin and Historical Development
Mawu Li Kplimi Adzogbo Group of Aflao in Ghana
Form and Structure ofthe Adzogbo Ceremony
Mode of Performance of the Dance
Performance Structure and Phases
Dance Arena
Music: Instrument ofthe Adzogbo Ensemble
Adzogbo Soundscape
Adzogbo Costume and Other Visual Arts
Chapter Five: ANALYSIS OF DANCE FORM

The Mawu li Klimi Adzogbo Dance Group
Performance Dance Structure
Gbefadede - The Announcement
Adzokpadede - The Warm-up
Tsifofodi - Purification
Kadodo - Female Dance Section
Atsia - Main Dance (Mens Section)
The Round Off - The Finale
Adzogbo: Atsia nalysis
Movement One
Movement Two
Movement Three
Movement Four
Movement Five
Movement Six
Movement Seven
Movement Eight
Movement Nine
Movement Ten
A Comparative Study of Adzogbo Dance and Drom Language
Conclusion
344
ADDENDUMII
Addendumll Equipment Specification
1. Video: Sony DCR-TRV520 Digital 8 handycam Camcorder with a Digital Still
Camera function, Memory Stick media, 25X optica1l450Xdigital zoom, 1/4 CCD with
460 Pixels, 0 Lux shooting with Super NightShot infrared system, Steadyshot picture
stabilization system, LCD Monitor, Super laserLink wireless transmitter, I6-bit PCM
digital stereo with I2-bit dubbing,Five speaker system including magnetically
shielded Center and Surround, Analog AudioNideo Inputs, External Mic /headphone
Jack, Drop-Frame Time Code, 14 picture effects, 16:9 Widescreen recording,
Control-L(LANC) editing interface, Edit Search, End Search.
2. Video Cassettes: Sony video Hi8 Cassette, Hi8 Metal Evaporated (HME) 120 minutes.
3. Camera: 35 mm. Cannon (AE1) with regular and zoom lens.
4. Film: Kodak
5. Digital Audio Tape recorder: Tascam (DAT) digitally records sound or music.
6. Digital Audio Tapes: Sony High Density (DAT) Tapes.
7. Power Mac G4: 733MHz PowerPC has G4 processor (57% faster than a 1.5 GHz
Pentium 4), and 32 MB of SDRAM for fast 3Dperformance. Described as a
phenomenally powerful computer or 'studio in a box'. It includes tools for creating and
burning music CD's interactive DVD videos, and Desktop Movies

345
8. Software: Final Cut Pro 1.2.5: Apples award winning professional video editing,
compositing, and special effects software. It creates broadcast quality videos with fast
interactive editing to01s, direct proxy-free compositing, and a host of special effeets. It
allows you to edit your digital footage, and has a timeline window to give you complete
linear graphie representation. Has unlimited use of video, audio text and graphies,
eompatibility with G4 computers and can create videos for any medium including
videotape, CD-ROM, DVD, broadcast and the World Wide Web.
9. Software: Media Cleaner Pro 4
The industry standard for dynamic media compression. It is the most powerful and easiest
way to compress movies, sounds and images into high quality compressed files for
distribution on the World Wide Web and CD-ROM.
10. Software: HyperBuilder: HTML authoring program. Runs on windows 95/98/NT.
Disk space and memory requirements depend on size ofweb. Minimum suggested
configuration is Pentium II-233 (or equivilalent) with 32 MB ofRAM and 100 MB of
available disk space.

346
Glossary
Abor One of the major Ewe traditional areas in the Anlo District
of Ghana.
Adangbe An ethnic group located in Greater Accra in Ghana.
Adekpoe A hunting Kraal or hut.
ADEL The acronym for Animated Event Language.
Adele A town in present day Togo.
Adevu A hunters dance.
Adina A town in the Ketu District of Ghana.
Adj a A town in present Togo.
Adzo The relaxation period of a dance ceremony where drinks
are served, songs are sung and announcements are made.
The introductory music and dance, the processional section
ofthe dance.
Adzogbo A religious/warrior dance and music ceremony originally
from Benin.
Adzokpadede The warm-up of instruments as performed by the
instrumentalist in the Adzogbo group.
Adzokpo The relaxation period of a dance ceremony where drink
are served, songs are sung and announcements are made.
The introductory music and dance, the processional section
of the dance.
347
Aerophones Wind instruments.
Afife A southern Ewe settlement in the Ketu District
Afla TaU grass found around the coastal belt of Ghana ..
Aflao A major traditional area of the southern Ewes located near
the border of Togo in the Ketu District.
Agbadza One of the oldest dance and music types played of the
Southern Ewes.
Agave A coastal town in the Ketu District.
Agavedzi A coastal town in the Ketu District
Agbazo The spiritual head or medicine man (can be disguised as a
clown or acrobat ofthe Adzogbo Ceremony..
Agbobli Another name for Sogo.
Agbogome An alternative name for Notise.
Agbolime Is a waiting room used for entertainment.
Ahiavu Love or courtship dance types.
Aka The ordeal in "trial by ordeal" dealing with magic
performed in a social arena to settle disputes.
Akan The largest ethnic group in Ghana made up of several sub
groups including the Ashanti, Fanti and Akwapim. There
homes is located in the Ashanti Region.
Akanu An Ewe town in the Ketu District.
Akatsi The District Capital of the Avenor District..

348
Aklama Tutelary spirits used to protect people from non-
predestined death.
Ako A parrot, in music referring that one's voice is as sweet as a
parrot.
Akpata A waiting room used for entertainment.
Akpatoeme Livingroom
Akpeteshie The name for the traditional whisky or gin made in Ghana.
Akposo An ethnie settlement located in the northem part of the
Volta Region in Ghana.
Ala Leg-length raffia.
Aloe Sparrow, in music referring to a voice that sounds as sweet
as a sparrow.
Amawuwu the ritual of sprinkling herbs on the ground for purification.
Amaze A traditional pot filled with medicinal herbs and water.
Amedzikorpe A town in the Ketu District of Ghana.
Amedzofe The home of the spirits.
Amemadzeduawo Deviant people.
Amuti Trees that grow in the lagoon.
Anexo A major Southem Ewe settlement in Togo.
Anlo The largest of the major traditional southem Ewe
settlements in Ghana. It comprises of Ave, Avenor, Flawu,
Klikor, Sorne, and Dzodze.

349
Anlo-Ewe Refers to the ethnie group and people of Southem Ewe
settlement.
Anlo Afiadenyigba A southem Ewe settlement in the Anlo District of Ghana.
Anloga A southem Ewe eoastal settlement in the Ketu District of
Ghana. Also is the capital of Anlo.
Anyako A southem Ewe seUlement in the Keta District located near
the Keta Lagoon.
Areophones Wind instruments.
Asivui Another name for kidi, a supporting drum.
Atiavi A southem Ewe settlement in the Keta District.
Atinua The disciplinarian of an performing group.
Atsaka Knickers with a "V" shaped "point" behind the knees.
Atsia "Style" or display; movements performed by the dancers.
Atsiadoto Male lead dancer.
Atsiagbekor A highly stylized war dance performed by Ewe ethnie
group of Ghana.
Atsimevu A very tan master or lead drum.
Atsiayola Male lead dancer
Atsokla Another word for the female dance section (kadodo).
Avalavi A town in the Ketu District.
Ave A major southem Ewe traditional area located in Ghana.

350
Avenor A major southern Ewe traditional area located in Ghana. It
is also one of the administrative district in the Volta
Region.
Avenorfedo A town in the A venor District of Ghana.
Avenorpeme A town in the Avenor District of Ghana.
Avlaya A type of skirt made up of severallayers of cloth (12-13
pairs of colourful cloth two yards each). l is shaped like the
western ballet form tutu dress worn by ballerina's.
Avlikorge A village inthe Ketu District.
Avoeme A small southern Ewe settlement located in the suburb of
Aflao in Ghana.
Awudome A northern Ewe traditional area.
Axatse A rattle made :from a gourd with beads woven around its
body.
Azaguno A master drummer.
Azagunowo Master Drummers.
Azaguntokpewo Those who assist the master drummer by playing the
supporting drums.
Azo Meanswar.
351
Badagri A fishing settlement in South West Nigeria where Southern
Ewes can be found.
'Band' a term used to caU a dance and music group
Baobab A tree.
Batik Traditional Tye and Dye cloth
Be A town in present Togo.
Be TaU grass found along the coastal belt of Ghana.
Belebele A place identified with the Babel of the bible.
RE.S.S. An acronym for Body, Effort, Space, and Shape
Blekusu An Ewe coastal settlement in the Anlo District.
Boasu An ethnic settlement located in the northern part of the
Brekete A secret religious society of the Ewes.
Browser A pro gram run on a client or personal computer for viewing
World Wide Web pages like Netscape or Mierosoft's
Internet Explorer.
Buem An ethnie settlement loeated in the northern part of the

352
c
Cassava slices An edible fOot like yams cut into slices.
CD-ROM An acronym for compact disc, read only memory.
Clickable image map - Is a way in which to allow the user to interact with material
on a web page, by clicking on a box or other input element,
inHTML.
2-D/3-D Two dimensional or three dimensional.
Dahomey A West African country located East of Togo, West of
Nigeria and south of Burkina and Niger. It is presently
called Benin.
Dayi A name of a river inthe Volta Region of Ghana.
Denu Literally means "the beginning of palms" is a southern Ewe
settlement in Ghana.
Download The transferring of files from one computer to another
commonly done on the Internet.
Dogbonyigbo Is a settlement located in the Togo.
Du A town or settlement that consist of several smaller
villages.
Dufiaga Paramount chief, the highest political authority in the du.
Dukowo Traditional states.
Dumegawo Member of council or lineage heads.

353
Dutawo The smaller villages that are found in a du.
Du ve (vu) Means dance or to dance.
Duwo Towns or settlements.
D.V.D. Digital Video Dise
Dza A type of sacrifice which include gifts to the sacred, for a
deed to be done or in appreciation for a deed already
completed.
Dzatsi Used in sacrificial ritual, made of cold water mixed with
corn flour, alcohol and palm oil.
Dzeto Musical sound that is sweet and pleasant.
Dzelukorfe An Ewe coastal settlement in the Anlo District.
Dzi Means the act of or the activity of something as in an art
form.
Dziha Literally means to give birth to a song.
Dzodze A major traditional southern Ewe settlement in the Ketu
District of Ghana.
Dzogadze A southern Ewe settlement in the Avenor District of Ghana.
Dzogbe Tutelary spirits used to protect people from non-
predestined death.
Dzoka Special magic or mystical power.
Dzovu Religious or ritual dance types.
Dzowekevi A food bag containing a mixture of corn, flour, groundnuts,
and beans, roasted and shaped into a ball for male warriors.
354
EfQ A tree that was formally used to carve drums.
Evedomeawo LiteraUy me ans "valley dwellers" are central, northem and
interior Ewes, located in both Ghana and Togo.
Evemeawo same as Evedomeawo
Ewe One of the 46 ethnic groups and language spoken in Ghana
located in the Volta Region (can also found in Togo, Benin
and Nigeria.
Fe fefe Means play or to play.
Fefe A play.
Fefefe Means the act of playing.
Fiadu The town in which the paramount chief resides - lives.
Fiaga The Paramount Chief
Fiahawo The councillors of eIders who assist the chief.
Fiazikpui The stool of the chief.
Final Cut Pro An interactive multimedia software pro gram.
Flawo Also called Flawu. See Aflao.
Fo 1s the action of playing something as in a drum.
Fon One of the Major Ethnic groups and language spoken
located in Benin. They are considered cousin to the Ewes.
Fovu Means play or to play a drum.

355
"Free" Ewe dances that are simple in technique and movement and
are accessible for everyone to learn and join in like:
Agbadza.
Ga One ofthe 46 ethnie groups and languages located in the
Greater Accra in Ghana.
Ga In Ewe Ga means Money or greatness.
Gahu A marital rites dance and music type originally performed
by the Yorubas of Nigeria is performed as a recreational
type for the Southem Ewes in Ghana.
Gakoguifolawo Bell players
Gakpevi A double ben made of iron.
Gankogui Refer to gakpevi.
Gbefadede The announcement of a ceremony, as performed by the lead
dancer in the Adzogbo dance band.
Gbehohlo Means course voiee.
Gbe lEe Means thin voice.
Gbetsi Destiny.
Gbevi Small voiee/good VOlee.
Gbota A small village found in a du.
Gbotawo The smaller villages that are found in a du.
Gli To tell or to tell as a story.

356
Glime An alternative world for the Notise.
GI itoto The act oftelling a story.
Go same as axatse (rattle).
Gokpame A small southern Ewe settlement located in the suburb of
Aflao in Ghana.
Gota Literally meaning "outside the gourd" named after the
musicians who formally played fuis recreational dance and
drum style. Two large gourds were placed in a bucket with
water and the drummer played on the outside the gourd
with two sticks.
Ha Means song, or vocal music in general.
Haho A river located in Togo near the settlement ofNotsie.
Hakpa A session during song making when other members of the
band or music group are taught the production (songs) of a
performance.
Hakpala The composer of a traditional band.
Hakpalawo Composers.
Hatsola The special assistant to the Heno / Lead singers in an Ewe
dance band.
Hatsovi An assistant to the lead singer (heno) and his assistant
(hatsola).
357
Hatsyatsyawo Free rhythm song types, often accompanied by bells and
hand claps.
Hausa A major ethnic group located in Northern Nigeria.
Haxeewo Chorus singers.
Havoluwo Composing sessions.
Heno A lead singer of a traditional band.
Ho A northern Ewe settlement and the capital of the Volta
Region.
Hohoe A northern Ewe settlement and the District Capital of the
Hohoe District.
Hogbe An alternative name for the kingdom ofNotsie.
Hogbetsotso A yam festival celebrated by the southern Ewes
(Anlos) especially those located in Anloga.
Home Page Is the first page of a Web Site, as weIl as the Web site that
automatically loads each time one launches a browser. It
acts as the starting point for navigation.
HTML Is the acronym for Hyper text Mark up Language, which
are a collection oftags used in the developments of Web
pages. It is the coded format used to create WWW
documents. HTML commands control how a piece oftext
will appear, and are viewed with a World Wide Web Client
Program.
358
HTTP Is the acronym for HyperText Transfer Protocol, which are
a set of instructions for communication between a server
and a World Wide Web client.
Hyperbuilder Is a HTML authoring pro gram or editor that enables the
writer to create richly inter linked multimedia webs of
unlimited size.
Hyperlink Are links in HTML documents that you can click on to go
to other Web resources.
Hypennedia The multimedia links on the Web that connect to sound,
graphics, video, or text resources.
Hypertext Is a document that contains links to other documents,
usually seen in Web pages and help files. It is the basic
organizing principle of the WWW.
Ibo An ethnic group in Nigeria
Idiophones Literally meaning "self sounding" are instruments where
sound may be produced without the addition of a stretched
membrane or a vibrating reed or string, like the Gankogui
(double bell) or Axatse (rattle).
Ife A Yoruba town in Nigeria.

359
Internet The worldwide network of computers communicating and
exchanging information via an agreed upon set of Internet
protocol.
Java A programming language created by Sun Microsystems
used to develop downloadable and is capable of running on
any computer regardless of its operating system.
Juju Spiritual powers.
JPEG is the acronym for Joint Photographie Experts Group,
which is popular image format.
Kaba Cloth worn wrapped traditionally around a woman's body
during performance.
Kadaa Same as Atinua, the disciplinarian of the performing group.
Kadanu Same as kagan
Kadodo The women's phase in the dance Adzogbo.
Kafla Meaning to excuse oneself, as in when addressing a chief
before talking. An example would be "permit me," "allow
me," "1 beg you," or asking or saying something with due
respect.
Kagan The smallest supporting drum in an Ewe band.

360
Kanesme An area located in the capital city of Ghana, Accra.
Kebu An ethnic group in Ghana located in the northern part of
the Volta Region.
Kelemu The son of Eider Togbui Tegli.
Kente Cloth woven by hand from cotton or silk threads.
Keta Literally means "the head of the sand" is a southern Ewe
settlement. The district capital of Anlo District.
Ketu A settlement located in the West African country of Benin.
Kidi The second supporting dmm in an Ewe band ..
King Agokoli The father and then son who mled the empire ofNotsie.
Klikor A major traditional southem Ewe settlement in Ghana.
Koku A shrine or secret society within the Ewe ethnie group
where members are able to eut themselves with short
knives without shedding blood during trance.
Korku A secret religious cult of the Ewes.
Kpalime A sub-group ofthe Dogbe's located in Togo.
Kpando A northern Ewe settlement in Ghana. The capital of
Kpando District.
Kpe A type ofwind instrument.
Kpekuku Means the act ofblowing into a wind instrument.
Kpetsi Another name for kidi, a supporting dmm.
Kpetsigo Another name for the instrument Sogo.

361
Kpegbonola Tutelary spirits used to protect people from non-
predestined death.
Kpoglu A town in the Ketu District.
Kpome An enclosure made ofmat (created from coconut).
Kponkuitowo The special assistants to the Vumega and the Vudada in an
Ewe dance band.
Kulm A traditional Ewe hat, or the act ofblowing, as into a wind
instrument.
Kuli A town in the Ketu District.
Labannotation A system f notation and Movement analysis developed by
Rudulf Laban.
Ladzo Animal Hom sometimes used as a wind instrument
Le Means movement in Adzogbo ceremony..
Lebiala Male lead dancer
Lega Means movement leader.
Legashiwo Female dancers.
Legba A deity ,representing the gate to aU other deities.
Legbasi The singular of Legbasiwo.
Legbasiwo The dancers that follow the Legba (or lead dancer).
Leshiwo Male dancers.
Link An alternative name for hyperlink.

362
Lofi A settlement in Nigeria.
Logo A tree that was formally used to carve drums, and the bark
used to make shirts.
Mafi A small shawls or towel or southern Ewe settlement in
Ghana.
Maize Corn.
Mawu The most senior sky god and creator of the universe and
mankind.
Mawu Li Kpli Mi The name ofthe Adzogbo dance group in Aflao. It literally
means God is/lives with us.
Membranophones Drums with parchment heads like the Atsimevu drum.
Miano The wife ofMawu, and is in charge of earthly gods. This
goddess is the source of nourishment for allliving things
and helps to create plants, animaIs and other earthly gods.
Misago Meaning tighten your waist in Ewe.
Modzakadevu Entertainment of recreational dance type.
Mono River A river located in the country of Togo.

363
MPEG The acronym for Motion Picture Experts Group, which is a
video file fOlmat that has extremely good quality in a
relatively small file.
Multimedia A combination of media types on a single document,
including text, graphies, animation, audio and video.
Notse Aiso known as Notsie, located in present Togo which was
ruled by King Agokoli.
Noe fe Tsiefe Noe's place ofrest or Noe's place of the dead.
Nuatja An alternative name for Notsie.
Nukpokpo Meaning the performing arts; it is a public spectacle or
show, of any type of production or performance.
Nuxe A sacrifice used to remove a life-negating manifestation of
the sacred from human affairs, in order to restore
communion with the object ofworship so that human
condition can be full oflife-affirming experience.

364
Odum The staves that are eut to make the sides of a dmm.
Ohawu A town in the Ketu District.
Online Is when a user is connected to a network.
Oyo -Ayo A former empire in Nigeria.
PC The aeronym for personal computer.
Peld A major northern Ewe traditional settlement in Ghana.
Penyi A town in the Ketu District.
Raffia Fibre made from the leaves of a date palm.
RAM The acronym for random access memory.
Real-time The ability ofhaving live and instantaneous action on the
Internet.
Script On the WWW, a script is a pro gram that mns on a Web
server and processes requests based on input from the
browser.
Search engine These are programs on the Internet that allows the user to
search through large databases of information.

365
Server 1s a host computer on a network that answers requests for
information from it, or software used to refer to the
software that makes the process of serving information
possible.
So The god ofthunder in the language ofEwe.
Sodza The son of Mawu, represented on earth by violent thunder
and lightening.
Sogble The daughter ofMawu, represented on earth by mild
thunder and lightening.
Sogo The third supporting drum in the Ewe drum set, plays in
dialogue with Master drum and is sometimes used as a
master drum in certain dance drum styles.
Sohewo A council made up of commoners.
Some A southem Ewe settlement located in Ghana.
Someawo The people of Agbozume in the Ketu District.
Soshi A horse tail used as paraphemalia in different dance styles.
'Strict' Ewe dance forms that are complex in tecnique and
movement and require training for performing, like
Atsiagbekor.
Stool A wooden seat but is used to denote the office of the chief
or king. Can be likened to that of a throne.

366
Tadzewu A town in the Ketu District.
Tado A seUlement in southem Togo.
Tags These are codes used to fonnat HTML documents for the
WWW.
Taku Shawls or scarves.
Televi Small rattles or bells.
"Thank" In sacrifice when a worshiper brings a gift before his object
ofworship in appreciation for a favour he has received.
Todzie A river located in the Central Plains of the Volta Region.
Togbenya A traditional Ewe hat.
Togbogli Sosu A teacher who taught the Mawu li Kplimi Adzogbo group
in Aflao, Ghana.
Togbui Kundo The last great king and legendary war commander of
ancient Benin.
Togbui Noe A chiefhunter and eIder from Notsie.
Togbui Tegli An eIder and father for Kelemu from Dayi.
To gli Means tell or to tell a story.
Tongu One of the political southem Ewe districts in Ghana.
Tonu A village near Dzodze in the Ketu District.
Trowo Earthly gods, that act as intennediaries between man and
Mawu and are seen in the fonn of mountains, rocky slopes,
gullies, caves, big trees, rivers, and fountains.

367
Tsawe A river located in the Central Plains of the Volta Region.
Tsifofodi Purification ritual.
Tsito A northem Ewe settlement in Ghana.
Ve Means dance.
Vedudu Means the act of dancing.
Veta and Exi A town in the Ketu District.
Viefe A town near Aflao.
Vivi Musical sound that is sweet and pleasant.
VIi Noise.
Vodza A southem Ewe settlement in the Anio District of Ghana.
Vosa Act of sacrifice.
"Votive" In sacrifice, when a vow to offer something substantial
when a supplicant's wishes are met.
VRML The acronym for virtual reality markup language.
Vu Is the drum played but not the art of drumming.
Vublabla The process of constructing drums from staves of odum,
with a large iron rings surround the top and bottom.
Vudada The queenmother of a musical band or association.
Vu fofo The act of playing a drum.
Vulolo Meaning the dance or movement steps and, drum, and song
music for processions.

368
Vumega The male patron or president of a music band or
association.
Vutoto Carving the drum from the whole trunk of the tree.
Vutsotso Meaning the main dance-drumming that characterizes a
dance/music band and; the main movement steps and,
drum, and song music for the man section of the dance.
Vuvi Another name for kidi, a supporting drum.
Vuhehedeagbonu Literally meaning bringing the drum into the open.
w
WWW The acronym for world wide web, which is a hypermedia-
based system used for accessing Internet sites by clicking
on hyperlinks.
Website A Web site is a related collection ofWorld Wide Web
(WWW) files that includes a beginning file called a
homepage. ''http://searchWebManagement. techtarget. com/s
DefinitionlO"sid27 gci212251 ,OO.html".
Weozo Means you are welcome re: welcoming one into one's
home.
Wla A settlement in the lower part of the West African country
Benin.
Wudoaba A town in the Ketu District.

369
x
Xedzranawa A town in Ketu District.
Vedudu Act of dancing.
Yeve A secret society within the Ewe ethnic group.
Yoruba A major ethnie group found in the West Afriean country of
Nigeria.
z
Zikpuito The stoo1 father ofthe royallineage.
Zio A river located in Togo near the settlement ofNotsie.

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THROUGH ADZOGBO DANCE CEREMONY:

A FOUNDATION FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF

INTERACTIVE MULTIMEDIA EDUCATIONAL MATERIALS

DEPARTMENT OF INTEGRATED STUDIES IN EDUCATION

A THESIS SUBMITTEDTO MC GILL UNIVERSITY

Acquisitions and Acquisisitons et

395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington

Your file Votre rfrence

The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la proprit du

CHAPTER TITLE PAGE

CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF RESEARCH 10

African Dance as a Communication Art Form 30

Researchers of African Culture: Past 39

Methodology and Methods 48

Summary of Chapter One 57

CHAPTER TWO: HISTORICAL, GEOGRAPHICAL, CULTURAL,

Physical Features, Vegetation and Occupation 80

Summary of Chapter Two 101

CHPATER THREE: DANCE, MUSIC AND OTHERRELATED

Overview of Chapter 102

Nature and Categories ofDances 105

Perspectives on Music 112

Relationship Between Drumming and Dance 119

Summary of Chapter Three 127

CHAPTER FOUR: ADZOGBO: A RITUAL DANCE CEREMONY 128

Overview of Chapter 128

Background of the Adzogbo Dance Ceremony 128

Photograph One: Mawu Li Kplimi Adzogbo Group 132

Chart 1 - Dance Arena 149

Music: Instrument of the Adzogbo Ensemble 152

Adzogbo Soundscape 164

Photograph Fourteen: Male Adzogbo Dancers 169

Summery of Chapter Four 187

CHAPTER FIVE: ANALYSIS OF DANCE FORM:

The Mawu li K1imi Adzogbo Dance Group 188

Overview of Chapter 188

Performance Dance Structure 192

Kadodo - Female Dance Section 195

The Round Off - The Finale 201

Key to Atsimevu Drom Strokes 206

Atsia One: 208

Atsia Two: 216

Atsia Three 222

Atsia Six: 246

Atsia Seven: 252

Atsia Eight: 258

Atsia Nille: 266

Atsia Ten 272

Summary of Chapter Five 282

EPILOGUE: DANCE ETHNOLOGY AND INTERACTIVE

Rationale for Using Interactive Multimedia Technology 283

Dance as a Multimedia Educational Tool:

Summary of Epilogue 305

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 306

Appendix Two: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS 331

ADDENDUMI A. Script Outline 340

ADDENDUM II 1. Equipment Specifications 344

GLOSSARY OF EWE TERMS 346

This dissertation project is a preparation for development of a method for teaching

traditional Ewe culture to people ofWestem or non-Ewe background, using dance

ethnology as an approach to conducting research, and digital video recording as a means