ARTICLE / ARTICLE

Risk Map in Brazil: The Limits of Applicability of a model Brazilian Workers Ris
k Map: Limited Applicability of the Model Worker
Ubirajara A. O. Mattos1 Nilton Benedito B. Freitas2
MATTOS, U. A. º & FREITAS, N. B. B. Operating Risk Map: Limited Applicability of
the Model Worker. Cad Saúde Públ., Rio de Janeiro, 10 (2): 251-258, Apr / Jun,
1994. This paper shows the limitations Identified in Brazilian risk map applicat
ions from a legal and methodological perspective. First, the conception, origin,
and value of the risk-map of the methodology are presented under the Italian Pe
rceived Health Reform. Next, the authors report on introduction of the methodolo
gy into Brazil in the early 1980s and the reactions by companies' When It Became
the legal requirement for Those Which HAD Accident Prevention Committees. Final
ly, a brief discussion on the effectiveness of ITS use by workers in Preventing
health risks is included. Key words: Worker's Health; Risk Assessment: Italian W
orker Model
WHAT'S STATEMENT OF RISK?
It is a graphical representation of a number of factors present in the workplace
, can lead to health workers. Such factors arise in various aspects of the work
(materials, equipment, facilities, supplies, and work spaces, where the changes
occur) and the form of work organization (layout, work pace, work method, workin
g shifts, working posture, training, etc.).
70, through the union movement, originating in the Federazione dei Lavoratori Me
talmeccanici (FLM), which at the time, developed its own model of action researc
h and control of working conditions for workers, the well known "Italian Worker
Model." This model was premised on the formation of homogeneous groups, working
experience or subjectivity, consensual validation and non-delegation, allowing t
he employee participation in planning activities and health management in the wo
rkplace, not delegating such duties to technicians and building on existing expe
rience and knowledge workers. "For the work environment is free from harm which
always accompanies it is necessary for scientific discoveries in this field are
socialized, ie brought to the attention of workers in an effective manner, it is
necessary that the working class to take ownership of them and position itself
as a protagonist in the fight against disease, disability and deaths at work. On
ly a real position of hegemony of the working class on the problems of harmfulne
ss can guarantee the changes that can and should determine an appropriate work e
nvironment for man.
WHAT IS YOUR SOURCE?
The mapping of risk emerged in Italy in the late 60s and the early
1
Center for Occupational Health and Human Ecology, National School of Public Heal
th. Rua Leopoldo Bulhões, 1480, 3rd floor, 21041-210, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. 2n
d Inter Department of Studies and Research in Health and Work Environments, Repu
blic Square, 386, 3rd floor, set 33, 01045-000, São Paulo, SP Brazil. ,
Cad Saúde Públ., Rio de Janeiro, 10 (2): 251-258, abr / jun, 1994
251
Mattos, U. A. O. & Freitas, N. B. B.
Only the fight with a union activities conducted with precise objectives vindica
ted, with the achievement of a real power of workers and the union, it is possib
le to impose the changes, whether technological or technical standards, which co
uld nullify or minimize the risks that a worker is exposed in the workplace. " (
Oddone et al. 1986: 17) This methodology has an important role in the Italian He
alth Reform (Law 833 of 23/09/78 which established the National Health Service),
which created conditions for building a participatory and self -regulation in t
he elimination of risk by providing in Article 20 risk maps (Oddone et al., 1986
).
Minas Gerais, preparing 40 new instructors from different areas of activity, abo
ut 200 companies are already applying this technique with positive results "(Abr
aham, 1993: 22) In 1986 was released in Brazil Workplace: the struggle of worker
s for health, by Ivar Oddone and other union members to union activity with tech
nical and academic. Besides Diesat, which adopts this instrument since 1983 and
that in the last six years has used in the training courses for local acronym CI
PA (Internal Commission for Accident Prevention) or monitors Cipa, the National
Institute of Occupational Health (INST) of Central Unica dos Trabalhadores (CUT)
is currently "one of the main signatories of the method" (Davis 1992a: 11).
HOW THE STATEMENT OF RISK COME TO BRAZIL?
The Risk Map has spread throughout the world,€coming to Brazil in the early 80s.
There are two versions as to its introduction in Brazil. The first, made attrib
utes such trade union and academic areas, by David Capistrano, Mario Gaawryzewsk
i, Hélio Martins Baís Son and of the Inter Department of Studies in Health and W
orking Environment (Diesat). The other version gives the Foundation Jorge Figuei
redo Duplat Safety and Occupational Health (Fundacentro) spreading the risk map
in the country. According to Engineer Mario Abraham: "Technicians Fundacentro of
Minas Gerais were assigned to study the method of work and monitor the results.
After a long follow-up and confirmation of positive results, they began as mult
ipliers to teach this technique throughout the country in São Paulo, through the
joint efforts of Fundacentro Sao Paulo Regional Labor Office of Osasco and Meta
lworkers Union of Osasco, who in 1982 sponsored two courses with the technical
THE CONSTRUCTION OF MAPS OF RISKS mandatory?
The completion of hazard mapping has become mandatory for all companies in the c
ountry that have Cipa, by Ordinance No 5 of 17.8.1992 of the National Department
of Safety and Occupational Health, Ministry of Labour. According to Article 1 o
f the decree lies with the local acronym CIPA construction of risk maps of the w
orkplace. Through its members, the CIPA should listen to the workers of all sect
ors of business and can count on the collaboration of the Department of Medicine
and Specialized S eguran ç ado calculated using data (SESMT) of the company, if
any. Risks should be represented in a blueprint or sketch of the workplace (ske
tch) and the types of risks related to their own tables, appended to that order.
Later, the maps should be posted in visible locations in all sections for knowl
edge workers, remained in place until a new management Cipa, when then they shou
ld be remade (Brazil, 1992).
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Cad Saúde Públ., Rio de Janeiro, 10 (2): 251-258, abr / jun, 1994
Risk Map
THE LIMITATIONS ON APPLICABILITY OF STATEMENT OF RISK
Apart from limitations when the theory of this instrument, identified by researc
hers as Laurel & Noriega, there are also other criticisms related to the impleme
ntation of that ordinance, both derived from the business and the labor union en
vironment.
The limitations Theorization
In the former, Laurell & Nuriega note the lack of differentiation between theory
and practice (without theorizing the experiences of research) and that with aa
technological restructuring and reorganization of work the particular knowledge
becomes useless, and impossible to redesign the knowledge in the future , with r
espect to construction of new proposals. Thus, according to Laurell & Noriega (1
989: 94-95): "... when the reality changes drastically factory, the special know
ledge - for that is rich - becomes essentially useless, because its goal disappe
ars. Moreover, since there has extracted from it what specific situations must g
enerally becomes impossible to design knowledge in the future, when considering
the construction of new proposals. That is, the particular knowledge based on ex
perience is, at best, a phenomenological knowledge of past and present, so far a
nd this until you have gone through a time of theorizing. The lack of generaliza
tion and theory of knowledge, finally, makes it hardly isolable their specific c
arriers. It becomes a personal experience shared by several or even many, but no
t memory becomes final class, retrievable at times when changes in the correlati
on of forces allow us to advance the workers' positions. " Beyond these issues,
there are other limitations mentioned by Lauar et al. (1991: 48) that should not
be ignored:
"One limitation is not overcome by the model is the poor approach of the factors
of risk group 4: Issues related to fatigue and mental health. In particular, ..
., it is necessary to deepen the research and improving the methodology, because
the trial comprehensive and concise workers on these issues has proved insuffic
ient to detect changes early and define preventive actions ... Another difficult
y to be overcome is the question of 'homogeneity' of the 'Workers Party'. Note t
hat in a given condition of social stability, organizational and technological,
a group of workers can be considered homogeneous in a particular department of t
he factory, despite the observed difference in working time, prior experience, p
revious exposure, degree of responsibility ,€as well as external factors of the
plant itself (culture, education etc. .)... When speaking of difficulties, shoul
d not be neglected the weight represented by the threat of unemployment, which n
ow affects about 10% of the workforce and Italian which causes a deviation from
the priority placed on health by fighting for workers' organizations. " Kuchenbe
cker (1992) comments on the need for upgrading the research tool that enables a
working practice of research with the participation of experts in the group and
health assessments and work combined with the Occupational Health Programs.
Limitations The Ordinance
This ordinance has been the subject of much discussion in business and unions, a
nd alleged difficulties in their compliance of technical and business directions
, as regards its construction, ie as the symbology employed (use of circles of d
ifferent sizes and colors) and the definition of environmental risks (which were
introduced two new categories, plus the three existing ones).
Cad Saúde Públ., Rio de Janeiro, 10 (2): 251-258, abr / jun, 1994
253
Mattos, U. A. O. & Freitas, N. B. B.
Rather conservative and corporate sectors of the technical means of Safety Engin
eering and Occupational Medicine have also been manifested through-circulation m
agazines in the area, in defense of an alleged "technical expertise" to the detr
iment and criticism of the "knowledge worker" "subjective knowledge" and "qualit
ative assessment" of the conditions of work (Zocchio, 1993). Sustained only in t
heir own professional interests and trade, these sectors can not clearly articul
ate his speech with some technical-scientific basis. However, they acquire acade
mic value in bringing to light reflection on the traditional model of Occupation
al Health (who knows his limits just in the very fragmented approach to structur
ing the work into different areas with different knowledge and responsibility al
so known as Medicine Labour (medical activity directed primarily to the worker),
Occupational Hygiene (which acts on the desktop) and Safety (concern for the pr
evention of accidents at work) (Mendes, 1980). It is precisely this fragmentatio
n that Italian Worker Model and methodology of the Risk Map condemn, in addressi
ng the health of the whole, unitary, dynamic, from the interaction of various fa
ctors and agents in the environment with the social agents (capitalists and work
ers). "In Firstly because the employee lives and realize their employment status
as a unit ... and secondly because the causal point of view, these different fa
ctors constitute a complex system that includes multiple interactions (Mendes, 1
988: 15). This was including understanding which led to the WHO (World Health Or
ganization) recently to change its program of "Occupational Health" for "Health
Workers", recognizing the traditional models of the Occupational Health Services
"a system that either was successful in controlling accidents and occupational
diseases, judging by the persistence of significant magnitude "in many
companies and in most countries (Freitas, 1992b: 6). This is exactly why the ass
umptions of the Italian Worker Model and Occupational Health are establishing pr
inciples that are marked by the analysis of multiple causes of diseases; for wor
kers' right to know the risks they are exposed in the workplace, the rights of w
orkers to refuse to expose their lives and their health risks at work; the right
to access of workers to the result of his medical examinations, the right of wo
rkers' representatives monitor the audits of working conditions, the abolition o
f the indiscriminate use of PPE in favor of environmental improvements etc.. Fin
ally, a model that always appreciates the participation of employees in matters
related to their health from the recognition of their knowledge and their role i
n the work process. Exactly who do not want those who use the profession for the
mere protection of private interests or for the exercise of their undoubted inc
ompetence everyday. Victims of their own ignorance, bemintencionados some among
them even understand the complex system in which they are enmeshed. Then they tr
y at all costs disqualify the knowledge and assistance of those who produce the
goods that pay their salaries. The service entrepreneurs often mediocre and imme
diacy,€these sectors are also proponents of theories unicausais and reductionist
as that Act and the unsafe condition that for years had helped the country to c
over herself with the blanket of ignorance and the veiling their eyes not to see
and recognize their own mistakes and defects . Meanwhile, the Oriental, with hi
s eyes ... little ones, developed theories and techniques of investigating failu
res and problems that have always, for those who want to know, by the absorption
of knowledge workers ... and analysis of multiple factors involved. Moreover, r
evenue "modern" those who really care about quality and productivity.
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Cad Saúde Públ., Rio de Janeiro, 10 (2): 251-258, abr / jun, 1994
Risk Map
Not only is the criticism of the subjectivity of knowledge workers, the voices o
f conservatism and the model failed to Occupational Health will also lose out on
critical content of qualitative methodology in question. Criticize the workers
for being "thinking" this or that, when all their credit analysis of the sensiti
vity of measuring devices and submit all results to the numbers established as "
Limits of Tolerance (LT)," without realizing that these may or omitting are set
according to political criteria determined by the strength of the industry, part
icularly the United States of America, where they imported the LT (no update sin
ce 1977, it bears emphasis) (Diesat, 1989; Arcuri & Cardoso, 1991). They also ig
nore or pretend to ignore the limitations of quantitative analysis of the harmfu
lness at work as: • "It is estimated that there are five to seven million known
chemical substances, of which 70 000 to 80 000 are most commonly used. Approxima
tely 500 new substances are introduced to the market years (ILO, 1989). • "Only
if no record of exposure limits, worldwide, approximately 2100 products, many on
ly accepted by some countries (ILO, 1991)" (Acuri & Cardoso, 1991). • There is l
ittle information about the combined effects of chemical agents and with factors
such as heat, noise, humidity, shift work, smoking, alcohol consumption, nutrit
ional status etc.. • There are still few valid methodologies for environmental a
ssessments of chemical agents mainly isolated and combined (mixtures of differen
t substances). • Few companies and utilities with equipment and staff qualified
to perform reliable environmental assessments. • The individual susceptibilities
can not be ignored when comparing LT with signs and symptoms of sensitivity to
some noxious agent. Coincidence or not, the concept of "quantitative determinati
on of unsanitary places
"Working is the legacy of the period of military dictatorship in Brazil, when Or
dinance 3214 was published on 08/06/78, replacing Decree 491 of 16/09/65, which
was later modified by small changes introduced by Decree 122, 22/02/67, both of
the then Ministry of Labour and Welfare (MTPS). So had the art. 1., Paragraph 3
of Ordinance 491: "While the relevant bodies in Safety and Occupational Hygiene
of the Ministry of Labour and Social Security were not equipped in material and
technical staff to verify the limits of tolerance for harmful agents in workplac
es admit it will be only the qualitative. " The odd thing is that, effectively,
the framework described has not changed much from 1965 to 1978 until the present
. It is known that there are few public bodies and equipped with sufficient tech
nical personnel for inspection in the workplace. It is also known that this fram
ework, proportionately, not much different in private and even more deficient in
the public sector employment at all levels and instances. So why not use is the
qualitative analysis of risks, allowing the quantitative assessment of their tr
ue role in gauging the effectiveness of protective measures taken? Any problems
with the recognition of the limitations of our reality, or everything is mere rh
etoric to preserve economic and corporate interests? After all, some of the prin
ciples of the Risk Map methodology are the "non-delegation" of health workers to
technicians and "consensual validation" of the references to the toxicity in th
e workplace, reaffirming the radicalism of the proposal in opposition to hegemon
y lame the technical and scientific know-authoritarian in the area. Apparently,
the reason for such resistance from companies and unions, which are exerting str
ong pressure on the Ministry for the ordinance is repealed, it should be much mo
re political than technical reasons, because
Cad Saúde Públ.,€Rio de Janeiro, 10 (2): 251-258, abr / jun, 1994
255
Mattos, U. A. O. & Freitas, N. B. B.
exposure risk maps in visible locations for the company creates a situation of e
mbarrassment and a negative image among its employees and people to come visit h
er in situations of access to workplaces, after all as the saying goes "wash you
r dirty linen at home ...". Another issue related to the first, is the facility
that creates an analytical tool for the law enforcement community, particularly
the Regional Labor Office (DRT) and the Sanitary Surveillance, inspection activi
ties of the workplace, which makes companies more vulnerable to subpoenas, notic
es and fines. Perhaps the major flaw of this ordinance is to assign the task Cip
a only to his execution, leaving only the workers the right to express their vie
ws on its construction, when in reality they should be real builders, according
to the original idea.
METHODOLOGY FOR
• There are doubts about how to start mapping risks. • The need to schedule the
visit is responsible for the site. • The need for information prior to workers i
n the sector to be assessed and how to do it. • About the Cipa people who should
participate and on their representativeness (employer or professional). • About
the stoppage or not the sectors to be investigated at the time of visit, regard
ing the need to interview workers and / or observe the work. • On the form of "l
istening to employees, how to do it and how to consider the views of managers, s
upervisors, engineers and others. • On the way to deal with risk or exemplified
in the present Ordinance No. 5, 18 / 08/92 and those reported by workers. • Abou
t the time of completion of the mapping for the alternatives industry everyday a
t different times of the day, in activities organized in shifts of rotation, in
industrial processes semicontinuous or discontinuous, in the public healthcare c
enters, activities that are altered constant ( as civil works) and others. • Abo
ut how to do a "consensual validation" so that the map represents in fact the ov
erall feeling, compared to an extremely rigid organizational structure, which al
so does not look "good eye" meeting and discussion of employees within the compa
ny. • About how to reach external or indirect indicators of risk in the workplac
e such as absenteeism rates, statistics on accidents at work, records of disease
or significant changes in health status, reports of the occurrence of abnormali
ties etc..
Limitations Regarding Training Courses for Construction Risk Map, which generall
y are offered in Brazil
Another question worth dealing here with regard to training, which in general is
offered in the course of construction of risk maps for members of CIPA and Prof
essional Services expertise. These courses, mostly only pass on information dire
ctly related to the techniques of mapping, not discussing with students the orig
in and purpose of this methodology and the need to transfer their workers as a w
ay to become more involved in controlling these conditions work. As a consequenc
e, the difficulties encountered by cipeiros's time to make the map are huge, ran
ging from planning the action to its graphical representation, let alone the lat
er referrals that are needed. From courses on the subject, taught by members of
the Diesat Cipa of Banco do Estado de Sao Paulo (Banespa) and various chemical a
nd petrochemical industries from ABC, some of these difficulties have been syste
matized.
ON THE CLASSIFICATION OF RISK FACTORS
This task lies a major problem for workers, which increases both quan-
256
Cad Saúde Públ., Rio de Janeiro, 10 (2): 251-258, abr / jun, 1994
Risk Map
to lower the educational level of the same. But the limitation before everything
is in itself a ministerial decree that randomly or arbitrarily established risk
groups (physical, chemical, biological, ergonomic and mechanical) without conce
ptualizing them, just illustrating aspects that would be covered, leaving the do
or open using a generic "others" at the end of each group relationship. In parti
cular, the authors of the proposal did not follow even the parents of matter (th
e Italians), which categorizes risk into four groups: "The 1st includes factors
also present in the environment where man lives outside of work (in the living )
... light, temperature, ventilation and humidity.€The 2nd includes the characte
ristic factors of the work environment: dust, gases, vapors and fumes. The 3rd u
nderstands the factors that require physical labor, cause physical and mental fa
tigue. Finally, the 4 consists of working conditions that generate stress and wo
rk organization. " (Saint et al. 1993: 2) not taking a concept from each group,
set up discord and even the question: what is meant by ergonomic hazards, as exe
mplified by "conflicts" and "shift work"? The post-trauma caused by assault or v
iolence of the act, the occurrence of rape in routine access to a secluded workp
lace, would be classified as? Mechanics? Biological? Ergonomic? Examples would s
ucceed and why it is widely have been appointed. Hence the difficulty and the ri
ght people also infer conclusions. Even more when they are not "technical".
TRADING ON THE MAP AND ITS DEPLOYMENT
Little information is known about how it has been in practice in daily life, rou
ting and discussions between employees and employers on the findings of the Map
Risk. This fact implies two reasons: the time of the lawful exercise of the Ordi
nance has not behaved this phase or, which would be much worse, it has not happe
ned and risk mapping is limited to floor plan design in and displaying the same
somewhere in factory. Once again the plight of workers in this field are immense
: the information of employees on the results and conclusions of the mapping, va
lidation of findings, discussion of the employer's counteroffer, the mobilizatio
n of workers in certain sectors most affected etc.. How to cope with the absolut
e authority of the employer within the plant, made possible by way of individual
contracts of work and the juridical-legal framework of a Consolidation of Labor
Laws (CLT) exceeds and undemocratic? How to enable parties with different inter
ests discuss and negotiate working conditions that the organization of work is a
lready determined unilaterally by the employer, defining the technology being us
ed in the production process, from raw materials employed, rhythm and organizati
on of production, distribution of production output? In fact, a relationship of
unequal power within the organization and business, the difficulties of Brazilia
n workers to implement the methodology of the Risk Map, with effective results,
is immense. It follows then by the assertion that a methodology for investigatio
n and negotiation of the causes of the harmfulness of work in Brazil will succee
d only effective when accompanied by the objective conditions for the real exerc
ise of democracy and citizenship in the workplace, with possibility of free orga
nization of work in collective bargaining with labor, with liberty and union aut
onomy, giving both parties the right conditions for dialogue and understanding i
n work organization and production, making the "risk" is no longer a phenomenon
pre socially-determined.
Cad Saúde Públ., Rio de Janeiro, 10 (2): 251-258, abr / jun, 1994
257
Mattos, U. A. O. & Freitas, N. B. B.
ABSTRACT
MATTOS, U. A. O & FREITAS, N. B. B. Risk Map in Brazil: The limitations of the A
pplicability of a Model Worker. Cad Saúde Públ., Rio de Janeiro, 10 (2): 251 258
, abr / jun, 1994. The text reflects on the limitations faced in implementing th
e Risk Map in Brazil, under the legal point of view and methodology. Initially,
concepts are presented, origin and importance of this methodology in the Italian
Health Reform. Next, the authors report on their introduction in Brazil in the
early 80s, and its impact on business when it became a legal requirement for tho
se companies that have Cipa. Finally, there is a brief discussion as to their ef
fectiveness in preventing health risks for workers. Keywords: Occupational Healt
h, Risk Assessment; Italian Worker Model.
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