Professional Documents
Culture Documents
P 0 S T
POLITICAL
P O L I T I CS
In the Shadow of
the Red Brigades
Sylvere Lotringer
In the summer of 1979, Sylvere Lotringer traveled to Italy to meet with members of
Autonomia (etym. "self-ruled"}, a cultural, post-Marxist left-wing political movement
that had come to involve tens of thousands people. Aptly described by their merciless
prosecutor as "a veritable mosaic made of different fragments, a gallery of overlapping
images, of circles and collectives without any social organization," Autonomia was
comprised almost equally of intellectuals and young workers and unemployed youth.
Opposed to work ethics and hierarchy as much as exclusive ideological rigidity, they
invented their own forms of social "war-fair"-pranks, squats, collective reappropriations
(pilfering), self-reductions (rent, electricity, etc.), pirate radios, sign tinkerinxtending
the spirit of May '68 over a broad social landscape. In the summer of 1977, the
assassination of a young autonomist by a neo-fascist in Rome triggered massive
autonomist demonstrations throughout Italy, and it seemed for a while that the
Movement would take over the entire country. ("I didn't know what we would have
done with it," subsequently quipped Franco Piperno, one of their leaders. Autonomists
were not interested in seizing power.)
They were not the only ones to plan actions. In March 1978, the hard-line communist
terrorist organization, "Brigate Rosse" (Red Brigades) kidnapped Aldo Moro, prominent
Italian politician and president of the Christian Democrats (CD), as he was about to
ratify the "Historic Compromise" with the Italian Communist Party (PCI) he had been
advocating, and that the Red Brigades (RB) bitterly opposed. The government of Giulio
Andreotti, Moro's nemesis, refused to release the brigadists' imprisoned leaders in
exchange for Moro's life and two months later the premier's body was found in a car
in Rome, riddled with bullets. In the aftermath, the coalition of PCI and CD (conservatives)
installed a highly repressive regime of state terror, resurrecting laws from the fascist
era allowing the "preventive" incarceration of potential offenders. On April 7, 1979,
barely three months before Lotringer arrived in Italy, most of the intellectual leaders
of Autonomia had been issued with warrants. Hundreds fled into exile; twelve
thousand were jailed for up to twenty years, untried, under laws of exception.
The accusation specifically targeted philosopher and old-time activist Antonio Negri
for having "masterminded" the Red Brigades.
The accusations were unfounded, but hard to dispel. Until 1974, both terrorists and
future autonomists coexisted in a single organization called "Potere Operaio" (Worker's
Power) made of blue collar workers and neo-Marxist intellectuals. Workerists advocated
self-organisation of the working class, broadly defined to include the unwaged
(homemakers, students, unemployed, etc.). They also extended the concept of labor,
both social and "immaterial," to the entire "social factory," emphasizing the need to
force changes on the capitalist system independent of trade-union bureaucracy. In
1969, the young workers' massive resistance to the assembly lines was swiftly met
by the "Strategy of Tension," a series of provocations (bombings in Rome and Milan)
staged by the Italian secret services and the CD. In response, Potere Operaio split
into two distinct groups: one, clandestine, made of "communist combatants" issued
from the Fiat factories, became the Red Brigades; the other, with Negri, Franco Piperno,
Oreste Scalzone, went on in 1975 to create the extra-parliamentary autonomist
movement. Denying the authenticity of this historic split, the governing coalition of
PCI and CD held Autonomia's leaders responsible for the acts of terror, which they,
in reality, condemned.
Sylvere Lotringer spent the summer trying to clarify the confused Italian situation.
In Autonomia he saw a new form of political behavior, experimental and imaginative,
ideologically open, rhizomatic in organization, non-representational and non-dialectical
in action, with a healthy sense of humor and zest for life. It was the kind of movement
May '68 could have triggered, and that Felix Guattari and Gilles Deleuze had anticipated
in theory. If politics had a future, Lotringer thought, it was in a fluid, non-ideological
movement like this. Unfortunately, both the conventional left and the right joined to
crush the autonomia movement-the last politically "revolutionary" and popular
movement in the West, the only one, it seemed, capable of "re-inventing politics"
after the collapse of ideologies.
Autonomia was defeated as a political movement, but prison and exile didn't extinguish
their ideas. Twenty-five years later, it is re-emerging as an exciting intellectual venture
with a new name: postfordism, to signal that they too have jumped eras. (Fordism
was synonymous with the assembly-line and the enslavement of workers.) In a much
changed, and even ominous, global configuration, Italian postfordists appear to be
the only political philosophers capable of re-inventing politics affirmatively, "post
politically." Unlike classical Marxists, they bring fresh intuitions gleaned from
multiple sources. Faithful to their "workerist" origins (paradoxically, workerists were
against work), they are rethinking labor in light of "general intelligence" resulting from
the free-flow of information in technological societies and the possible re-use of social
knowledge for a re-invention of a more communal life.
The Italian Autonomia Issue concluded a first cycle of struggles. It is now expanding
into a second cycle, even more promising intellectually. The 21st century may just be
ready to start.
Here are some notes from Lotringer's Italian journal in the summer of 1979.
JULY 16, 1979 The sun streams down on the high, ochre walls. My first stroll through Rome. Near
ROME Piazza del Quirinale I notice a circle of motorcycle cops in heavy boots and helmets,
their legs spread defiantly. Dispatch cars of the "vigilanza" (the police) are positioned
everywhere. Two rows of soldiers, guns in hand, hold the crowd back. The gate is
draped in black. "It's for Colonel Varisco," a young carabiniere explains. "Three days
ago he was assassinated by the Red Brigades."
Semioticians like to think that communication occurs in a neutral space, but in reality
violence always lurks in the background. After all, communications theory was a
by-product of WWII. But words could also spare lives. If the Red Brigades (RB)
had been smart enough to claim responsibility for all the burglaries, railway accidents,
aerial catastrophes and earthquakes that plague Italy, the system would already be
on its knees. But, of course, they prefer knee capping their targets to make their
point. When the leaders of the Christian Democrats refused to negotiate with them
for the release of President Aldo Moro, the RB left his dead body in a car trunk half
way between the headquarters of the CD and the PCI. Basically the terrorists and
the State adhere to the same symbolic code; both communicate through murder.
L'Unita, the Communist daily paper, bluntly recognized it the other day: "One corpse
is just as good as any other. What counts is the message." Beware of messages.
The paradoxical alliance between the Italian Communist Party and the Christian
Democrats has frozen all political life in Italy. One has to keep that in mind in order
to understand the emergence of new political forms on the fringe of parliamentary
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activity. From the start Italian "autonomists" refused any delegation of power, any
political representation; they criticized the bureaucratization of the PCI and its lack
of revolutionary perspective. Its strategy of social collaboration with the bourgeoisie
came as a striking confirmation to their analyses. The attitude of the PCI has hardened
after Moro's ruthless assassination. The recent crackdown on Autonomia-lumping
them together with the terrorists-is a way of criminalizing any political opposition
to the compromise inaugurated in 1976. Since both terrorists and autonomists
originally come from "Potere Operaio" (Workers' Power), an organization dissolved in
1974, it was easy to amalgamate the two.
In Italy events no longer bear any resemblance to an objective reality, since reality is
both produced and authenticated by the media. There is a lesson to be learned from
this situation. Every attempt to forge a new society with formulae from another time
is bound to produce reversible effects. The Italian State had no difficulty turning
terrorist violence against those who, on the side, are exploring alternatives that are
much more in keeping with the actual dissemination of power in today's post-industrial
societies. Whatever their original intentions, the RB have hardened into an elite
corps of professional soldiers. Their activities attest to a high degree of technical
sophistication. But what can one expect of revolutionaries who have lost the initiative
in the battle of social imagination?
The crowd stirs. Dignitaries line up before the black curtain: Pertini, President of
the Italian Republic; Jotti, President of the Chamber; Fanfani, President of the
Senate; Andreotti, Prime Minister; as well as deputies, senators, party delegates
among them comrade Ugo Pecchioli and Luciano Lama, the communist trade
union leader who was unceremoniously expelled from Rome University in 1977
after he tried to teach autonomous students "a good lesson." I forgot to mention
the General Commander of the Army, chiefs of staff, magistrates-among them
was Achille Gallucci, general prosecutor of the imprisoned autonomists. Then a
swarm of priests flushed and stiff with their purple belts tight on rotond stomachs.
A most unlikely assembly. The RB at least has managed to produce that: this
uncanny unanimity. Three rows of carabinieri carry the coffin. On all the surrounding
roofs soldiers stand guard, their rifles scanning the horizon. The crowd bursts into
applause. For the victim or the assassin? Weird reaction anyway. But already the
voices are raising hysterically: "Assassins! Assassins!" They're shouting at the RB?
No, at the dignitaries. "Buffoons! For shame!" The crowd hammers out "VA-RIS-CO!
VA-RIS-CO!" pushing the carabinieri back. A circle of officers carry Pertini to his car.
"Death to the communists!" people scream on all sides, actually jostling the coffin.
A distinguished old man shakes his cane like a club. If right-wingers no longer
show any respect for the uniform, what else can we rely on?
I remember the little Sicilian worker last night in the train, flushed with anger, his
T-shirt soaked with sweat. For twenty one years he's had the foreman on his back.
Behind the theater, the factory; the terrorism of labor which leaves its marks on the
body. The "impossible class," Nietzsche wrote, used up "like the gears of a machine,
and in a sense like stop-gaps of human inventiveness." Let's not forget that. Unlike
the Red Army Fraction in Germany, mostly comprised of intellectuals, the first
brigadists were recruited in the Fiat factory. And they can still count, if not on popular
support, at least on the tacit complicity of many in the workers' movement. They
use it too, often ruthlessly, twisting people's hands.
vii
Already a war of posters is exploiting the execution of the Colonel. Just about every
where the PCI extends its condolences to the Arma dei Carabinieri and demands
that the criminals, brigadists and fascists alike, be chastised in an exemplary
fashion. As for the fascists of the Movimento Sociale Italiano, they have covered
the downtown walls with posters mourning the outrage of the "communist terrorists."
The Communists were quick to disavow any connection with the over-zealous
defenders of a Marxism-Leninism, which they'd rather see embalmed and put away,
like Lenin himself. The Socialists, led by Bettino Craxi, Prime Minister elect, don't
care that much; they have given up on Marxism a long time ago. Still the CD
reproaches Craxi for still entertaining "class fantasies"; and the PCI accuses him of
taking an ambiguous stance toward "the subversive killers."
JULY 17, 1979 Headlines announce the arrest of four trade-union leaders from Bologna, two of
ROME them are women. They tried to blow up a hotel in Padua last night. All are regular
members of the PSI (the Socialist Party); they were immediately suspended pending
investigation. Today the apartments of twenty professors from the University of
Cosenza have been searched. The police talk about vague documents providing
"useful evidence" on the whereabouts of Aldo Moro and on the "international
ramifications" of autonomist leaders, detained or on the run. Franco Piperno, Professor
of Physics, wanted by the police since April 7, 1979, is the direct target of these
searches. He is accused of being the Chief of the RB.
I decide to pay a visit to Radio Onda Rossa [Radio Red Waves], the station of the
Volsci, the hard, organized part of Autonomia Operaia. It is situated in the popular
quarter of San Lorenzo between the City University and Stazione Termini (the central
rail station in Rome). The people of San Lorenzo, bastion of the Roman Left, liberated
themselves from the fascist regime guns in hand, and the tradition hasn't been lost.
Police cars don't linger much in the area.
He now plays Lou Reed's "Heroin." Fortunately, he says with a smile, most
comrades don't understand English. Those over thirty-five are against soft drugs.
As for cocaine, it's for the bourgeoisie. Now heroin is causing a lot of damage.
We're against it.
The weekly meeting at the station is about to begin. Down below in the street young
militants are assembling in little groups under facades riddled by the American bombs
of 1943, between the laundry hanging outside the windows and TV antennas. The
radio specializes in counter-information, providing daily critical reviews of L'Unita and
of the bourgeois press. But the strength of a free radio lies elsewhere, instantly
relaying occupation of buildings, spontaneous strikes, and repressive incidents,
immediately calling for popular demonstrations.
Although the Volsci-their name comes from the via Volsci, the street they occupy
are not organized along party lines, they intend to strike back in an organized way.
But many among them are "dogs without collars," as they're called here. As for a
precise definition of Autonomia Operaia, to which they belong, it's a veritable Italian
viii
puzzle. All one can say is that it's a rather ancient organization whose members
identify in one way or another with the autonomist project. Employees at the
Polyclinic Hospital nearby belong to the traditional unions fiercely opposed by the
Volsci, yet they work closely with Autonomia Operaia inside the hospital in order to
wage a series of struggles that have found many echoes in the population at large.
How could anyone outside Italy understand the fluidity of the political situation here?
Throughout Italy in fact, even in the villages, there are many who see themselves as
autonomous even when they lack any theoretical knowledge of the autonomist
position. Autonomia, of which the Volsci are only a small part, relies on the addition
of singularities at the base. No pressure is exerted on compagni to accept a prede
termined program. What draws together the scattered elements of Autonomia is the
refusal of any centralizing organization, or any abstract representation of its diversity.
Although ideological disagreements exist within the movement, especially in these
times of crisis, the contradictions are never pushed to the breaking point or tran
scended through a declarative synthesis. This is the most innovative feature of the
extra-parliamentary Left in Italy. So even an "extremist" branch of the Movement like
Autonomia Operaia cannot possibly endorse in a simple fashion the clandestine
activity of the RB, whose "vertical" organizational model and military style makes it
difficult to avoid ossification and bureaucratic isolation.
My contact takes me to the "palace" the Volsci offered to put me up in, a spacious
building abandoned by its owner after he pocketed large sums from City Hall. Nearly
two years ago a dozen homeless families were installed here with the help of militants.
They fixed it up and negotiated with the CD municipality to get the water supply
reconnected. Half the occupants belong to Autonomia Operaia, which gives them a
solid base among the surrounding lumpenproletariat. My hosts, Vicenzo and Carla,
are old-timers of the Volsci. Carla works off the books in a lab. This has practically
become an institution in Italy and even the unions have to tolerate it since so many
people are involved. Carla is registered at City Hall, like most of the unemployed,
but obviously she has no job security. Vicenzo works for the Electric Company
and participated in the successful movement of consumer self-reduction of bills.
Night falls. A little black station wagon is parked a few steps away from the Stazione
Termini. I catch a glimpse of the carabinieri inside, armed to the teeth. There is tension
in the air. This morning the radio received a message from the RB, and the law
requires it to be immediately delivered to the authorities.This evening the police are
nosing around under the pretext of examining the original note. They're hoping to make
some arrests. Reading the message over the Red Waves would be a provocation.
Only the bourgeois press is allowed to do that. The Volsci already have been
searched several times for the same reason. Last time they hid a microphone near
the entrance and broadcast the cops' curses live as they were trying to break in.
I ask Vicenzo about the sickly-sweet telegram that was read this morning. It was
coming from jail. Seven months ago the Roman fascists stepped up their action
against the Movement. Radio Citta Futura (Future City), a rival station nearby, has
a regular morning broadcast made by women and addressed to housewives. A
group of fascists swept in, set fire to the station and kneecapped all the women.
Needless to say, the climate of the district was near boiling point. Four young
compagni decided to retaliate on their own-and were intercepted by the police. They
had two pistols and some TNT in their car. Yesterday they were sentenced to four and
a half years in prison.
JULY 18, 1979 The statement of the RB is published in all the morning papers. It's about Colonel
ROME Varisco, Chief of Personel in the Counter-Revolutionary Division, "an expert in his
lurid profession." The "bloody murderers" who belong to this division are kindly
invited to change jobs, otherwise they will be "hunted down like rabbits." The
statement concludes: "Guns speak louder than words." I see it on the table,
stamped with a five-branched star inscribed in a circle, the RB signature.
The Volsci keep their distance from the actions of the RB, but they consider sabo
tage on the job by workers revolutionary behavior. They maintains that violence is
ix
necessary if the system is to be toppled. "Don't you know," Vicenzo asks, "that
the Autonomia Operaia motto is 'Armed Struggle for the Revolution?"' The violence
they advocate, though, has nothing to do with the terrorists. They favor collective
actions. People have to understand their necessity and purpose, otherwise it
becomes like a football game.
Prima Linea (Front Line) uses more subtle strategies: blowing up computers
recording rent payments, blocking subways at rush hours, bringing sympathy for
the cause. In the early days the RB were reluctant to carry out assassinations. They
would set fire to Fiat or Sit-Siemens bosses' cars. It's only with the Strategy of
Tension that they began the series of kidnappings that eventually culminated with
the Moro execution. The Volsci don't think that the RB offer a model for the working
class can to identify with any more, but they don't condemn them either. They
consider them comrades who have gone too far. "Let's face it," Vincenzo finally
remarks, "who would know about the revolutionary movement in Italy if the RB
didn't exist?" Yes, I reply, but what's going to be left of you if they keep raising
the level of repression even higher?
JULY 19, 1979 On the other side of the city the journalists of II Male (Bad) an up and coming Roman
ROME satiric weekly, speak a language so different that I can hardly believe they still
belong to the same political family. II Male is also a product of the "cultural revolution"
of 1977, which saw the politization of a mass of over-educated and under-employed
youth open to every possible innovation. A fruitful conjunction occurred between
the older worker formations from Potere Operaio, target of the present government
repression, and the activities of what are now called here the "new social subjects."
The desire to develop a position that would cut across traditional political oppositions
was born within the newspaper Lotta Continua ( Permanent Struggle). II Male
opposes the system with humor and irreverence, and its audience grew well
beyond the initial framework of the movement.
In large part the success of II Male resulted from the intelligent reappropriation of
theories of simulation developed by the creative wing of Autonomia after 1977,
and was obviously inspired by Jean Baudrillard. But what is simulation for the
Italians? It means reproducing something in such a way that all the knowledge,
influence or power contained in the original is deflated or drained away. When the
Italian national team lost the football championship against Holland in Argentina,
the whole country went into mourning. The next day II Male falsified the front page
of the Corriere de/lo Sport and ran the following headlines: " Dutch Team On
Drugs. Finals Cancelled. Replay Match Scheduled for Wembley."
Obviously one doesn't "simulate" anything, or simulate in just any manner. The
shot must be perfectly aimed. One consequence of today's hyperreality is that false
events can have "real" effects, virtually unpredictable among those who generate
them. II Male announced the arrest of Ugo Tognazzi, the well-known Italian actor,
as head of the RB, with photographs to boot. In one week II Male rose to 4th
place in Italian weeklies. No one in the staff imagined that so many people would
actually buy the story. It became more than a journalistic coup. Unwittingly they
had touched the nerve of the situation; they had demonstrated that within public
opinion ABSOLUTELY ANYONE COULD BE A TERRO RIST.
JULY 20, 1979 Today's news. From his cell, Toni Negri accuses the police of having confiscated the
ROME notes he made for his defense. Oreste Scalzone protests the journalists' insinuations
that he made threats against Varisco. Two carabinieri have been acquitted for the
murder of a student. A call from a "communist combat group" vows revenge.
In via Volsci several compagni show up with armfuls of pickaxe handles and rocks.
What's happening? Everyone is joking and kidding around. Every club is personalized;
the short ones are called "Trotskys" and the long ones "Stalins." They must be meant
for the PCI guerillas. "For the Fascists, we use stronger stuff," a Volsci tells me with a
laugh. I am not yet used to what seems obvious for them: there's such a thing as
"Stalino-fascism."
x
Night. Bodies lie everywhere throughout the apartment, fully dressed, clubs at
hand. Unpaid mercenaries of the social revolution? A young couple sleeps on the
floor, in each other's arms. They're all pretty young. Everyone expects a police
raid in the morning.
I nettle the lawyer about the Italian press. He admits that it's probably the worst in
Europe: journalists comment upon each other's writings, no one takes the trouble of
checking the information. Then I nettle Enzo Sera about unemployment, but he denies
that trade unions have any responsibilities toward the "disoccupati" (unemployed).
The economy, he explains, is in terrible shape-actually the growth rate of Italy is one
of the highest in Europe, a lot of it due to the "underground economy"-and subsidiz
ing the unemployed would preclude any progress. "Anyway," he concludes, "we are
a corporation; we defend the interests of the workers, not of those who don't work.
The youth wants a social response at once, and not in ten years. Our own generation
thought in terms of the future. Do you think I became a trade unionist out of idealism?
No way. My own interest first. It was just the fastest way to affluence." At its most
recent meeting, the Central Committee declared that the PCI could hardly be called
communist anymore. "We are a popular, national party, democratic and reformist."
Berlinguer understood this perfectly. The "Historic Compromise" acknowledged a
fait accompli.
At the recent trial of one of the Movement's theorists, the prosecutor described
Autonomia, rather accurately, as "a veritable mosaic made of different fragments, a
gallery of overlapping images, of circles and collectives, without any central organi
zation." It's tempting to patch together the irreducible fragments of the autonomous
puzzle with peremptory declarations in such a way that, from circle to circle, and
image to image, the outline emerges-trembling, disturbing, formidable-of a
shadow central organization which uncannily resembles that of the RB.
JULY 23, 1979 Through the grapevine I heard that a number of imprisoned brigadists have sent
ROME Lotta Continua a long statement that for the first time publicly attacks the Strategic
Direction of the RB. I decide to pay a visit to the only autonomist daily paper, which
the Volsci situate way to the right of the movement (but anything for them would be
to the right).
Initially Lotta Continua was a mass organization very active in the workers' milieu.
After the 1976 elections, entire sections of the working class entered the circles of
power with the PCI, and Lotta Continua became an independent information source
inside the Movement. Its present, "more liberal" outlook evolved mostly after 1977.
To reach the offices of Lotta Continua one just follows the Aurelian wall all the way
up to the Pyramid. The via dei Magazzini Generali, dotted with warehouses, is
deserted. But inside the newspaper's editorial office, turmoil reigns. The text of the
dissenting brigadists is to be published in two days. Enrico Deaglio, editor-in-chief,
a man of forty with a grave and dreamy air about him-he knows he's been marked
by the RB-circulates among the compagni, all regularly paid journalists, who are
grouped here and there, text in hand, exchanging comments in low voices.
The document is attributed to Valerio Marucci, who has apparently been "dropped"
by the Strategic Direction of the RB. He now publicly denounces the RB's isolation,
its Stalinist rigidity. The publication takes on a particular importance because it is
xi
part of the extra-parliamentary movement's overall strategy to eliminate the terrorist
violence that provoked its own persecution.
Between Autonomia and the State, it seems, a confrontation is being played out
whose issue is still uncertain. Publicly, it turns around the role played by Potere
Operaio, formed in 1970 for the purpose of coordinating on the national level the
diverse autonomous organizations. The controversy within Potere Operaio about the
increasing militarization of the struggle eventually led, in 1974, to its self-dissolution
-which the State now refuses to recognize. Instead it accuses Potere Operaio of
having set up at that time a secret committee which provides leadership and support
for Communist Combatants. The historical leaders of Potere Operaio-Toni Negri,
Oreste Scalzone and Franco Piperno-then could be held directly responsible for
the abduction of Aldo Moro.
The RB is segmented into areas tightly isolated from one another. At the top, the
Strategic Direction-anonymous, unreachable, all-powerful-emits strict orders that
brigadists must obey unquestioningly. Some combatants have apparently begun to
doubt not only the "quality" of the RB's actions, but even the nature of the Strategic
Direction. Some say that agents have infiltrated it. In any case, the present direction
of the RB, headed by the mysterious-even mythical-Moretti, has nothing to do with
the generation of "historic" leaders formed in the big factories of the North, now
imprisoned in Asinara, Sardinia with Renato Curcio. That Marucci himself, in a letter
accompanying the document left outside the office of Lotta Continua, feels obliged
to refute the charges of gangsterism and Mafia associations launched against the
Strategic Direction, fuels speculation. That he did it at all seems highly suspicious.
Other attempts have been made to undo the straightjacket stifling Autonomia. For
the most part they come from those who, at the time of the Moro affair, were in
favor of negotiations. Foremost among them was the small Socialist Party duly
excluded from power by the historic alliance of the PCI and CD. Contacts with the
RB were allegedly made through Franco Piperno during Moro's sequestration, but
nothing came of it. In a letter published in June by Lotta Continua, Piperno sought
to break the deadlock by launching the provocative idea of an amnesty for all
Communist Combatants. The core of his proposition was that the State and the
parliamentary parties bear a responsibility for the production of terrorism, since the
RB was born during the period in which the State, the secret service, and the army
were openly preparing the grounds for a coup d'etat. The widespread nature of
spontaneous terrorist activity proves that it was a reaction on the part of an entire
social sector, and not just of organized segments.
I object to Deaglio that it is highly unlikely that the government, which refused to
negotiate with the RB for one man (Aldo Moro) would be ready to release hundreds
of Communist Fighters without serious guarantees. He agrees: ''The proposal of
amnesty is obviously an attempt to regain the initiative. A situation has to be
created now, in which terrorists realize that their action can only lead to an impasse.
We've been accused of having adopted a moralistic and non-violent position, but
actually the terrorist project doesn't appeal to us on any grounds. It seems to be
neither workable nor desirable."
xii
JULY 25, 1979 The morning is the best part of the day in via dei Volsci. The sunlight filters through
ROME the trees of the garden adjoining the cafe. Across the street, on the second floor,
through the shutter of the radio station, the starred face of Che Guevara passes by.
Paolo, the rock DJ, has spent the whole night at the tape deck; he looks pretty
wasted. He holds the morning edition of Lotta Continua. He immediately interprets
it in a traditional Marxist fashion-by the reactions it has aroused in the bourgeois
press: that the RB are war lords, etc. "Well," he said, "they're not. They're still
the avant-garde of the worker's movement." The document shouldn't have been
published. It can only weaken the cause. "Besides," he says, "nothing proves that
the Strategic Direction didn't actually want this document published. They may be
expecting something from it that we haven't thought of." How do you respond to
this kind of reasoning?
Night. I'm leaving Rome tomorrow. My host, Vicenzo, pays me a last visit. He is the
one who works for the electric company. I ask him about the pickaxes night. It's a
complicated story, he says, involving Angelo, an older gay compagno. Angelo has
picked up two thugs at the Stazione Termini. The thugs moved in with their two
girlfriends, whom they kept beating up. One of them, 16, is pregnant. The feminists of
the group quickly kicked out the brutes who swore to come back in strength with
some toughs from the "mala" (the underworld) and tear the place down. The
mala, fortunately, never showed up.
JULY 26, 1979 I left Rome at dawn to meet with "Bifo," a leader of the Bolognese movement, a
BOLOGNA young, nervous, slightly built intellectual with a black moustache and a glint of black
humor in his eyes. We walk past the Criminal Courts on our way to the 17th century
house, originally a convent, in which he has been living with a bunch of compagni
for the past seven years.
The Bolognese are known throughout Italy for their "creative intelligence." It means
that they use technical inventiveness to go beyond strictly political strategies, which,
they feel, can only breed more violence. For these pragmatic intellectuals, the problem
is no longer to provide the Movement with fall back positions, but to devise means
of directly tapping into the abstract machines and sign-systems that shape
contemporary societies. My stay with the Volsci was a return to the "primal scene"
of Autonomia, the protected hothouse of workerist origins. Bologna manifests an
entirely different facet of the Movement.
xiii
1977 everything started falling apart. Bifo's wife left; another compagno departed
for India, leaving behind the green, blue and purple fresco of a mosque on the wall.
Lisa, Alice's mother-the radio took on her name-was hospitalized for a while and
now lives under crushing delusions of police terror and secret control. The recent
history of raids and arrests did its best to turn them into reality.
For the Bolognese, the problem now is not to choose between more or less
centralized types of organization but to devise forms of intervention that would be
operational in real situations, and yet easy enough to jettison when they begin to
solidify. For a few years the free radio-the dissemination of suppressed information
provided a connecting factor. They now believe that technical-scientific intelligence
can be used to provide the overall perspective. "The problem of power is no
longer a political one," Bifo insists. "We don't need to take over the decision
making process, but to occupy the ground where scientific intelligence intersects
with practical realities. As long as we believe that power is to be taken over before
we define W HAT IT IS FOR, we are bound to beget societies of the present socialist
type, i.e. concentration camps."
The theory doesn't have much of a chance to materialize in the present climate of
repression and "reflusso" {low ebb}. Yet minor, but effective, uses of the theory in
the form of simulation and sabotage has allowed the Bolognese to survive for the
last few years independent of the labor market.
Dusk. The compagni assemble in little groups on the large, column-lined piazza
which lies at the geometrical center of this circular town-the young Bolognese
have taken their political slogan, "The Margins at the Center," literally. After mid
night everybody gathers in the few osterie that are still open, talking and dreaming
about New York. It is there that I first met Massimo Segno, an authority on creative
"sabotage," a dark-skinned intellectual with a sparkling look and the stealthy gait
of a conspirer.
Massimo conspires with signs, a cleaner way of handling politics than with a P.38. In
Bologna, where semiotics is not taken lightly, signs-manipulation of signs-turn out
to be far more powerful. Simulation, as it is practiced here, is a kind of sophisticated
sabotage of communication, a communication worthy of Sophists that evades the
certitudes of ideology or the confines of propriety. "Nowadays," Massimo whispers
in my ear as we ride a bus to his old apartment, which he shares with two other
compagni, "nothing is easier to invent than an electronic key. You can open any lock
in a few seconds. Property is no longer private. You can also make red boxes for
free telephone calls."
Once, instead of erecting solid barricades to prevent the Prime Minister, Andreotti,
from speaking in Bologna, the autonomists distributed keys to traffic-light control
boxes. In a matter of minutes every single street around the center was blocked.
The confusion was unimaginable. In a world in which power shifts more and more
into software, the falsification of signs and signals can become a legitimate form of
xiv
warfare. A terrorism without terror. A police helicopter flew over the University of
Bologna during the demonstrations and students quickly lined up to form letters
spelling the word: SCEMO! (stupid). The helicopter was laughed out of the air.
These playful forms of "warfair" relegate the widespread terror of the RB to the wax
museum of revolutionary ideology. The authoritarian, paramilitary, secretive organi
zation that the Communist Combatants have adopted enables them to make fast
and effective actions, but the image of the new society their organization projects
does little to stir the imagination. The creative Bolognesi intellectuals, in contrast,
practice forms of illegality which are no less reprehensible than white-collar crime,
but incomparably more generous and promising since they already crystallize more
desirable forms of social life. Theirs are not terrorist crimes committed in the name
of an impoverished collectivity (another autonomist motto is: "We are the front of
luxury," meaning: only free people can invent freer forms of existence); nor are
they corporate crimes, geared to individual profit. "Here we have produced a
context that permits an alternative use of signs," Massimo asserts with a chuckle,
hitting the bulb of a lamp that keeps flickering on and off. The lamp suddenly
blacks out.
Admittedly, it is not only in Bologna that semiotic tinkering is being practiced. Most
of Italy, in fact, thrives on little illegalities: forgery of diplomas and IDs, false train
tickets and money orders, devices dodging utility bills .... For many, "domestic
sabotage" has become the only means of survival. These illegalities are also
practiced in the U.S., but disconnected from any attempt at social transformation.
It is this dimension that gives the Bolognese project its special character.
We are light-years away from the pickaxes of organized Autonomia or the heavy
guns of the RB. A century-old tradition of revolutionary moralism and messianism
has quietly evaporated. "Before the arrests of April 7, 1979," Massimo recognizes,
"we had even rejected the word 'compagni."' Now they've gone back to it,
although they keep dodging the deadly alternatives to which the war machines-the
State and the RB-want to reduce them: social submission or terrorist regression.
The problem faced by the "luxury front" of creative intelligence is not to carry the
confrontation "to the heart of the State" (the RB formula) but to intervene directly at
the heart of the capitalist system. At this point the State is just an obsolescent form
anyway, to which the RB have provided an unexpected boost.
Less obsolescent though both in Italy and Germany which, unlike France, never
quite managed to achieve their unity through a bourgeois revolution. The belated
reinforcement of the Italian State, at a time when multinationals and international
agencies are yielding real power, paradoxically takes on a truly prospective dimen
sion. Behind the rear-guard fights waged against terrorism, old forms of coercion
are being propped up or resurrected in order to ground social control in a renovated,
hyperreal national framework based on "class collaboration." The Historic Compro
mise is, of course, a prime example. In this respect, Italy today is a laboratory for
both post-revolutionary innovation and new forms of democratic fear and restraint
that require the citizen's active participation.
AUGUST 12, 1979 I'm paying a visit to schizo-analyst Felix Guattari. He spends half of the week in a
BLOIS Renaissance castle some 70 miles South of Paris, near the Laborde Clinic. There are
always a lot of people hanging out there. Felix occasionally plays on the piano,
complaining that hash only loosens up the lower part of his body. Then he goes to
his office and writes. Mattresses are lined up everywhere on wooden platforms,
Italian style. Of all the French intellectuals, Felix has been the most involved with
Italy. He has always been involved with groups of some kind of other, magazines,
projects. Felix is not stuffy like most French intellectuals, and he has a mischievous
side which I find particularly endearing.
Today everything is quiet. Felix walks briskly in my direction, a crisp, skimpy silhou
ette in the distance. Although there's just the two of us in the huge gravel courtyard,
he immediately takes me aside. He's obviously excited. "The Head of the Red
Brigades is here," he whispers. "They're looking for him everywhere." And he
xv
checks around. All I see is a phlegmatic cow staring at us in a meadow nearby,
probably rigged with all sorts of sophisticated devices.
Felix wasn't kidding. The Head of the RB is in the living room. He's quietly sipping a
glass of wine-a well-mannered, rather handsome man, with dark shiny hair and a
sensitive face. I don't know what to think. This man doesn't fit the picture I had of a
factory worker-kind of small, with hair and glasses. Maybe he belongs to the sec
ond generation of the RB-is he the famous Moretti? Whoever he is, he seems pret
ty relaxed for someone who's being tracked down by Interpol.
I pour myself a glass of wine. I know that Felix is no more an admirer of the RB than
I am. So what is Franco-that's the terrorist's name- doing here? Well, he seems to
enjoy the situation. I notice his fine sense of humor. He offers to make us a very
special dish for lunch, spaghetti.
We all conspicuously avoid talking about the situation back in Italy. We drink some
more. I have seen the man's face in the papers. Where? In La Repubblica? Suddenly
it dawns on me. He's the man who was wearing a woman's wig and sipping some
wine with the head of II Male. Giving an interview in disguise to show that the
accusations lodged against him-that he is the head of the RB-were just a farce.
He is Franco Piperno, the physicist from Cosenza, one of the three historic leaders
of Potere Operaio. His attempt to mediate between the RB and the State didn't go
anywhere. It is probable that the RB never even considered it seriously. Well, the
State did, and tried to arrest him. He's now "latitante" (on the run).
Piperno finally comes up with the sauce he has apparently spent a long time
cooking up in his head. He seems to be very proud of it. "My best invention," he
says. "It will be worth a fortune back in Italy."
A few days later Piperno was arrested in Paris and extradited as the head of the RB.
In November three leaders of the Volsci were arrested carrying two surface-to-air
missiles in their car. In December a new anti-terrorist legislation was passed
lengthening preventive detention from four to twelve years. "Italy has invented
PREVENTIVE-LIFE," dryly comments L'Espresso. The new anti-terrorist laws that
were put in effect also allowed for reduction of sentences for the "pentiti," the
terrorists who collaborate with the police, a measure which proved devastatingly
effective. In January the Red Waves station was raided by the carabinieri in full
military style, the radio shut down and the leaders arrested with charges of
"subversive association."
Since the beginning of 1 980, the terrorists have executed more than a dozen
people. The last victim, a prominent magistrate, was lecturing at the Law School in
Rome on strategies to combat terrorism. Two men were patiently waiting for him in
the hall. They shot him point blank.
xvi
A u T 0 N 0 M A
EDJTORS TRANSLATORS
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G""'n
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Reid, Andrew Rosenbaum, Roaamarla
DESIGN/ ILLUSTRATION
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1
I NT R O D U C T I O N
2
T H E I M POSS I B L E C LASS
G iampaolo Pansa 24
Flat H as Branded Me
Mario Tro n t i 28
The Strategy o f Refusal
Serg i o B o l o g n a 36
The Tribe of Moles
Ton i N eg r i 62
Domination and Sabotage
O reste Scalzone 80
From Guaranteeism to Armed Politics
Hen r i Weber 84
In the Beginning Was Gramsci
Censor 92
What the Communists Really Are
G u y Debord 96
The State of Spectacle
1 00
Lama Sabachthani?
M a u rizio Torea l t a 1 02
Painted Politics
F e l i x G u attari 1 08
The Proliferation of Margins
Paol o V i rn o 1 12
Dreamers of a Successful Life
E ric A l l iez 1 18
Hegel and the Wobblies
1 20
Let's Do Justice to Our Comrade P.38
J ud i t h M a l i na 1 22
Nonviolence in Bologna
3
A P R I L 7 A R R ESTS
Bifo 1 48
Anatomy of Autonomy
CARI 1 72
Repression in Italy
Serg i o B o l o g n a 1 78
Workerist Publications and Bios
G i l les Deleuze 1 82
Open Letter to Negrl's Judges
Ferru c i o G a m b i n o I Seth T i l et 1 86
A N SA Story
Ton i N e g r i 1 88
I nterrogatlon
I Volsci 210
Violence of the State
Dario Fo 214
The Sandstorm Method
4
B EYO N D T E R R O R I S M
F e l i x G u attari 234
Why Italy?
M a s s i m o Cacc i a r i 244
Sorry, It's Exactly the Opposite
Leon a rdo Sciascia 246
The Red Harvest
Ton i N e g r i I E u g e n i o S c a l f a r i 254
I, Toni Negri
Pau l V i r i l i o 266
Popular Defense and Popular Assault
276
Dissenting Brigadists
To n i N e g r i 292
J'Accuse
5
FIVE
M a d a u d o I M e l v i l le 300
The Aldo Moro Kidnapping
Sylvere Lotringer/
Christ i an Marazzi
The body without organs of autonomy has n o frontiers, but i t does have a h i story,
and t h i s h i story i s I t a l i a n . This h i story i s g iven here without any i n termediaries, i n
t h e l a n g u age of i t s actors. Other experiences a n d other perspect ives a re s i m pl y
8
set s i d e by s i d e . T h ro u g h t h i s I t a l i a n h i story, we can read o u r own h i story, o u r
possible h i story, between t h e l i nes.
H istorica l ly, Autonomy was born i n t h e l a rge factories of Northern Italy i n t h e ear
ly 50' s . "Autonomy at t h e base" was ori g i n a l l y devised by e m i g ra n t workers from
the South i n defiance of t h e u n io n bosses - backed by t h e Com m u n i st Party -
w h o p retended to represent t h e m . Autonomy soon m oved beyond c l a i m s for
h i g he r wages and q u es t i o n ed not o n l y labor relat i o n s h i ps , b u t labor i t s e l f . It
devised orig i na l forms of c o l l ect ive action (autored u c t i o n , sabotage of prod u c t i o n ,
etc.), w h i c h e n ta i l ed n u m e r o u s c o n f rontat i o n s w i t h t h e State. T h i s w h o l e t h e m e
c rysta l l ized i n 1 965 w i t h t h e ref u s a l of w a g e l a b o r w h i c h s t i l l rema i n s d i re c t l y t i ed
to t h e s t r u g g l e s of t h e I t a l i a n Autonomy.
D i verse organ izat i o n s assem b led at t h e n a t i o n a l leve l . They formed " Potere
O peraio" ( Worker's Po wer), both a g ro u p and a magaz i n e g a t h e r i n g toget h e r a
n u m ber of t h eoret i c i a n s s u c h as M a r i o Tro n t i , Ton i N e g r i , Serg i o B o l o g n a , Franco
P i pern o a n d O reste Scalzone. Their refo r m u l a t i o n of M a rx i s m became sem i na l for
t h e w h o l e of t h e autonomous m ove m e n t . In 1 973 t h e m i l ita rizat i o n of t h e M ove
m e n t raised a deep cont roversy between various c u rrents w i t h i n " Potere O p e ra i o " .
T h e c o n f rontation eve n t u a l l y led to its self-d isso l u t i o n . ( T h e State today refuses
to recog n ize this d i ss o l u t i o n .) Formed i n 1 970, t h e Red Bri gades were a l ready
orga n iz i n g c l a ndest i n e act i o n s i n order to carry t h e c o n f rontat i o n "to t h e heart of
t h e State . " O n e t h e other h a n d , vari o u s f rag m e n t s f r om " Potere Opera i o " extend
ed t h e strugg l e from t h e factory to t h e c i ty (occ u pa t i o n of hou ses, etc.) to g ro u n d
i t to t h e d a i l y l i fe of t h e " s o c i a l ized worker." T h i s majority const i t u tes t h e I t a l i a n
A u tonomy.
9
should be condemned internationally . But this is only part of the story . Its com
plexity, its contradictions, even its ambiguities remain to be told . To simplify the
nature of the Movement, the questions it raises and the danger it now faces
ultimately plays into the hands of power .
The scant information from Italy is partly responsible . It is urgent to close the in
formation gap on Italy - to unfold the overall context of these events . Every
passing day adds to the list. (October 16: Franco Piperno was finally extradited
from France) . Our "intervention" is not an "answer" to repression . Rather it un
covers a political experience which took almost 20 years to accumulate . This is
what the Italian State wants to put behind bars - along with most of the con
tributors to the present issue .
A new "social subject" is emerging, conscious of its own history and potential .
Its existence incorporates the most advanced aspects of our technological
societies . The outcome of the present confrontation is uncertain . Repression has
taken its toll . Indifference shouldn't take over . The actual reasons for which the
Autonomists are imprisoned shouldn't disappear with them, or even with their
eventual (and unlikely) release . We should preserve against the Italian State what
the State so unwillingly contributed to publicize .
L In 1977 Autonomy was riding the crest of the wave . The growth of a move-
ment however cannot be linear . Moments of explosive richness and inventiveness,
as in Rome and Bologna in 1977, are often followed by dry periods, times of ex
haustion, the ebb and flow: riflusso, as one now says in Italy . The experience ac
cumulated in action, the power extracted by the intellect freed from production is
then recycled at molecular levels . It generates mobility, nomadic work, social
fluidity which in turn prepare the ground for renewed political struggles .
10
tied to local needs (health, housing, schools, education, etc .) . In Italy, as in the
United States, the party system is obviously in a crisis state, since it does not
succeed in channeling demands from the bottom and in transcending these
specific demands . Yet, alongside this crisis, people have been able to gain power .
The great movements of the 60's are surely far behind us, but so is the hyper
ideology of that period . Today we are nearing molecular forms of power . There is
less spectacularity, less "movement" with respect to the 60's . But good for us!
The electoral absenteeism, for example, which numbers almost 4 million non
voters, constitutes in Italy a true "party", being more a symptom of estrangement
from the great political-institutional deadlines (general and administrative elec
tions, etc.), than a symptom of apathy. This estrangement does not indicate "the
end of politics", but rather the opposite: a new way of making politics that ad
dresses specific and concrete needs without delegation .
It is interesting to note the enormous interest in the United States on the part of
the Italian class movement. This renewed "Americanism" is exploding right at the
time when the Italian movement is going through a growth and/or definition crisis .
Why Is there in Italy an interest in certain aspects of the US which here are con
sidered the very ones that block revolutionary growth? Perhaps because in Italy,
especially in the autonomous movement, there is an interest in everything that
changes, that moves, that explores . And there is no fear in Italy of treading over
old paths that are considered depasse . Thus nothing is buried. The struggle
knows no chronology, it is something circular . Many Italians, asphyxiated by the
ideology of the historical parties, come to the United States in order to study the
history of the American worker's struggle, a history without ideological mediation,
violent and concrete .
In Italy, contrary to the US, the impact of '68 has proceeded without interruption .
It has even gained momentum so that the "end of politics" today proclaimed by
the "creative" wing of the Movement ( Bologna), is simultaneously the rebirth of
politics . Politics returns, but in the Nietzschean sense: it returns as o ther.
M But what does "political'', "the end of politics'', etc ., mean? If by political
we mean a social relationship, a struggle, then surely in Italy there has always
been, until now, a formidable continuity of the "political" . If "political" is to mean
the direction of social transforma tion, in which autonomous decisions are made
in order to channel various struggles into a movement capable of de-limiting the
choices of both capital and the institutional system, then we are faced with a
variety of interpretations .
The I C P's choice of moving organically toward the government, or the Red
Brigades' armed choice to strike at the "heart of the State" or the internal debate
of the autonomy seeking to create organizational forms different from both the
party and the "anti-party", all exemplify the complexity of re-defining "political" .
If "the end of politics" means the search for new dimensions of antagonism on
levels other than the one defined by concrete needs (wage struggles, the "attack
on income" as a refusal of poverty, etc.), then within the Italian movement the
"end of politics" has a different meaning, not at all psychologistic, literary or
philosophic . For there the "end of politics" involves a search for new political
areas of struggle, new territories for the massification of the struggle . In Italy, the
French theories, like those of Foucault, Deleuze, Guattari, and Baudrillard too, are
immediately translated into the Movement's language, that is, into concrete strug
gle .
In Italy, the American struggles have always been a key point of reference, much
more so than certain aspects of the American New Left, which was too engaged
in criticizing American capitalism from the standpoint of its external, imperialistic
contradictions . Still, in the ?O's, the books of Fox Piven, Richard Cloward
(Regulating the Poor, Poor People's Movement), James O' Connor ( The Fiscal
Crisis of the Sta te), and many others, were being read in Italy . These contribu
tions have been seminal in the political formulation of the struggles within the
Welfare State .
There is nothing " Italian" about the class warfare in Italy; there is nothing
"original" in the Italian theoretical contributions . If any, their specificity resides in
the fact that in Italy these theories have been able to bloom and develop thanks
to the class struggles and their formidable continuity . We must avoid ghettoizing
Italy, thus neutralizing its importance . To understand Italy, one must understand
12
the U n i ted States; o n e m ust red i scover in t h e h istory of America n class warfare
that p o l i t i c a l r i c h ness w h i c h today i s attri buted t o the I t a l i a n " i nt e l lect u a l s ". To
erect a m o n u m e n t to I t a l y is t o p l ay t h e g a m e of t h e I t a l i a n State: to m i s re p resen t
as spec i f i c ( " t h e p rod uct of certai n i ntel lectuals ") w h a t i s i n fact rooted i n t h e
worker's h istory, rooted, above a l l , i n its i nternat i o n a l d i me n s i o n .
One only has to travel through Italy to realize to what extent regional diversity re
mains powerful . There is a social, dialectal, political and economic specificity to
each city and region . The revolutionary movement itself, in its extreme variety,
has o bviously adopted modes of existence and forms of indentification which are
characteristic of Italian society as a whole . The "tribal, communal, pre-capitalist
structures" allegedly threatened by any conflict, are in no way an appendage ex
clusive to the Movement. These structures are found as much in the Worker's
Movement as in the "clientelism" practiced by the DC .
Baudrillard is right to assume that the actual effect of confrontation such as the
one between the Red Brigades and the State is to eradicate any form of "transver
sality ." But Autonomy is too diverse to be lumped together as mere "pre-capitalist
structures." Far from lagging behind, Autonomy has assumed a revolutionary
position at the vanguard of capitalism: "inside and against." It challenges
capitalism on its own ground, "at the heart" of the system, and not simply as a
"marginality" soon to be eradicated . The o bjective collusion between the Red
Brigades and the State, therefore, cannot be taken as a strategy meant to an
nihilate o bsolete structures that fall outside of the reversibility of signs of power
and su bversion . What is most su bversive a bout Autonomy is precisely that it
refutes the inevitability of such a reversion and the ensuing implosion of the
system .
Autonomy is the only political movement today that simultaneously makes use of
the most a bstract machinery (the technico-scientific intelligence) and of the
masses' most traditional, community ties . Left to themselves, territorial groups
would eventually be eliminated by power as pockets of archaism; left to itself,
abstract labor would conform to the demands of capital . What engenders the
originality and force of Autonomy is that economies which in theory exclude one
another are allowed to exist side by side in a non-conflictual manner . The
"creative" wing of the Movement has nothing to do anymore with the 'historic"
Autonomy, hardened in its ideological bastion, and devoted to both concrete and
symbolic - if not totemic - practices which promote its osmosis with the
masses . At all levels, however, provisional conjunctions are being implemented
which allow a detachment from territory and a territorialization of the intelligence .
More than the spectacular operations of the Red Brigades, this mixture remains
virtually the most explosive . The network of free radios, the most extensive in
Europe, is a perfect example. Radio Onda Rossa, the organ in Rome of the Volsci
(the hard core of organized Autonomy), on the one hand broadcast deterritorializ
ed signals, thus appropriating technico-scientific knowledge, and on the other
establishes roots in the population through a collective self-management of oc
cupied buildings . The political crystallization of this technical intelligence allows
it finally to go beyond the "mad hopes" of an autonomist practice always menac
ed by revolutionary messianism . As a result, Autonomy does not remain content
"waiting for something from outside," but instead tries to live through today's
capitalism in an alternative way by deflecting the latter's advances to the profit of
14
the new social subject . Thus it intends to win against capitalism not by force of
arms, but by quickness of intelligence, by pushing capital to the utmost of its
possibilities . Jn this respect the experience of Italian Autonomy has a capacity for
generalization unknown to the rest of the west .
The strategic position of the Red Brigades may also be characterized in a similar
way . Their categorical choice of the factory worker as the decisive political
referent is strictly in line with orthodox Marxist tradition . This definition of "pro
ductive labor", however, derives more from Adam Smith than from Marx . For
Marx, productive labor is the labor which produces surplus value and struggles .
Thus his category is not just economic, but also political . Moreover, it is a fact
that the new social subject produces surplus knowledge, innovation and in
telligence, which capital has a dire need to appropriate .
Asor Rosa's thesis, as the materials included in the present issue repeatedly
demonstrate, is wrong not only on the empirical level (today, in Italy, well over
one-third of an active population of 2 1 million work part-time, off-the-books, etc.),
but also from a political standpoint . What the Bolognesi call "marginality at the
center" is precisely a critique of all attempts to subordinate this invention-force,
that is, the creativity and productivity of the struggle and of the life-styles
developed by the so-called "marginals" . These recently formed "social subjects"
are productive workers in a double sense: they produce wealth and they produce
struggles . Thus they are at the center, or at any rate rightfully belong there.
This brings us back to the central theme of Autonomy: the struggle against work,
the refusal o f work. Ever since its early formulations, which date back to Mario
Tronti's writings of 1964, the Italian revolutionary movement has been moving
toward the refusal of work as a positive productive force of capitalist develop
ment . Refusal of work, demand for more money and less work, struggle against
harmful work (which, after all, characterizes work in all its capita lis t forms), has
always meant forcing capital to develope to the maximum its productive forces .
Only when the worker's labor is reduced to the minimum is it possible to go
beyond, in the literal sense, the capitalist mode of production . Only when "non
worker's labor" becomes a generalized reality and enjoying life a productive fact
in itself, does freedom from exploitation become not only possible but materially
achievable .
The fact still remains that between the new subjects and the factory workers
there is a political distance not yet organized (mediated) by the extra
parliamentary organizations . Though it may seem paradoxical, capital itself is
now closing the gap between the "two societies" by investing high technology in
the decentralized production units, and by employing an unskilled work-force
(especially women) in the large factories . This restructuration is evident at F I AT's
factory in Turin. Yet the recent lay-off of sixty-one F I AT workers, considered
"para-terrorists" by the management, clearly shows how this restructuration also
necessitates repression.
Since restructuration requires a more flexible labor market, certain behavioral dif
ferences among social strata are blurred by capital . In fact, capital cannot act
otherwise . Because "marginal" work has potentially the highest rate of productivi
ty, capital must invest technology in the periphery, rather than in the large fac
tories .
The events of 1968 fell s quarely within traditional political oppositions . Students
were rebelling against Imperialism, or Authority . The aftermath of May '68,
therefore, was marked by defeat and gloom: the system had prevailed .
The Italian movement avoided, for the most part, these post-May blues. It didn't
experience any of the dramatic liquidations of revolutionary hopes and illusions
that ensued in most western countries . It went on, unperturbed, on its own trajec
tory. How can we account for this fact?
Years before May '68, the "strategy of refusal" had opened an entirely new front:
the front of wage labor. The refusal of factory discipline advocated by the Move
ment was bound to set it from the start against the work ethic of the I C P and its
hegemony in the Worker's Movement . The present strength of the Italian move
ment, its steady reinforcement throughout the 70's stem from the fact that its ma
jor theme largely a n ticipa ted the criticism of bureaucratic socialism, of which the
most recent -and largely belated-symptom in France has been the marketing by
16
the media of the brand New Philosophers .
The position of Tronti, "inside and against" the development of capitalism offered
early on a positive alternative to the opposition of the I C P and the C D whose in
creasing obsolescence eventually led to the Historical Compromise . It will take
the failure of the Common Program in France before the cleavage between the
Right and the Left begins to crumble and political representation starts to im
plode in the general disarray . At this moment the obsessive, seductive and
gloomy theme of the end of politics begins to take credence .
What remains paradoxical, if not mysterious, is why Italy, with its pockets of
under-development and rather tardy "economic miracle," should be among the
first to propose in political terms, through the bias of Autonomy, the invention of
new forms of life relatively or completely detached from the slavery of work .
M It is very doubtful that Italy is still one of Europe's least developed coun-
tries . The existence of its underdeveloped regions has always been a function of
the rapid growth of other areas of the country . Typical in this regard is the North
South relationship, where we find immigrants from the South working on the F IA T
assembly line . Yet the growth o f highly advanced struggles i n a country that has
known periods of economic backwardness remains to be explained .
We must first recall that in the sixties the worker's struggles exploded within an
institutional scheme called "center-left" (centro sinis tra). During the recession in
1964, the Socialist Party joined the Christian Democrats in order to form a govern
ment based on a program of economic development . This coalition attempted to
make the economic system more dynamic by nationalizing certain corporations in
the electrical and chemical sectors, and by improving public services. Even
though only a small part of this economic program was actually carried out, no
doubt it rendered the Communist opposition, already weakened by its decision to
engage only in parliamentary struggle, completely ineffective . In fact, from
Togliatti onward, the I C P had been losing strength as it slowly moved away from
the working class, leaving to the unions the purely economic regulation of wages .
For the Worker's Movement, in short, the center-left meant political weakness .
It was in this context that Quaderni Rossi ( " Red Notebooks") and C/asse Operaia
( "Working Class") were born . Quaderni Rossi tackled the problem of analyzing the
new class composition as it emerged from the most recent capitalist transforma
tions at the beginning of the sixties: the mass-worker, the new means of mass
production which, by reducing the strategic importance of skilled workers,
weakened the unions in which they figured prominently . Class Operaia on the
other hand, attempted to formulate a new political strategy, which Tronti called
"inside and against": to act on the inside of capitalist development, promoting it
through the refusal of work (thus bringing about the introduction of new machines
and new technology), but at the same time to remain against capitalism wan ting
everything from it, all the wealth produced through its reformism .
From their inception, these new political hypotheses aimed at redefining the rela
tionship between workers and organization . Because the I C P had lost its contact
with workers, the situation called for a reformulation of the "party" and
necessitated a scrutiny of the class composition . Both from the standpoint of
capitalist development and from that of the anti-capitalist struggle, a new
strategic role for the mass-worker had emerged . Its struggles now created a new
terrain to the left of the I C P, thus posing in new terms the question of organiza
tion .
The State initiative required more than public consent: a new reality had to be
created to accomodate these institutional illegalities . The co-production with the
media of a new reality went also beyond the scope of a classical "ideological"
manipulation . Any other reality had simply disappeared .
M The fact that the State itself assumes subversive forms to maintain control
over subversive forces is, whether we like it or not, the consequence of an entire
cycle of struggles . Today, the delay on the part of those who want to revolt (a
theoretical rather than a practical-political delay), forces a complete dislocation of
the terrain of social subversion . If it is true, like Bifo claims, that Autonomy has
shown itself to be, at times, of a reversible nature, that is easily inverted by the
State (the military aspect, for example, is exactly what the State has chosen to
fight, with alarmingly positive results), this does not alter the fact that to
dislocate the terrain of the rebellion implies finding new forms of violence . The
violence of the Red Brigades is to be radically criticized not because it is
"violent", but because it isn't violent enough! And It isn't violent enough for the
simple reason that it corresponds to the State's violence . The Red Brigades, in
their actions, produce Sta te-Po wer. But what we want today is libera tion from the
Sta te. It appears that the limitation of the materials here presented (ultimately an
objective limit) concerns precisely this blocking of the search for newer forms of
destruction of all that is State . Perhaps Autonomy ran ahead of itself: it is not by
accident that at the very moment of greatest desire to explore different ways of
social subversion, the State steps in massively .
L The lucidity of the State goes way beyond rationality . The "mutating" posi
tion adopted by the Italian State to face the challenge of the Autonomists is one
of the most astonishing aspects of the current repression . The " Defense
Memorandum" of the prisoners clearly shows how far the "legal procedure" defin
ed by the prosecution has departed from democratic legality . It is impossible to
confront "speculations" presented as specific accusations, if not as proof, if we
18
don't understand the rationale of the highly acrobatic maneuvers by which the
prosecution is building a case against Autonomy . The evasiveness of the initial
accusations, the heterogeneity of materials isolated from their contexts and
subsequently pieced together through osmosis, suggest the imposition of an
unusual logic . Gilles Deleuze defined such logic as a violation of the principle of
identity (A is always A, never B), and of the principle of the excluded middle
(Either A is A or non- A) . In other words, the State has deliberately jumped out of
the magic circle of Aristotelian logic .
Is it not exactly in these terms that A nti-Oedipus defined the positive "syntheses"
of the "schizo" flux - non-contradictory, non-exclusive, unlimited and multifocal?
The logic of the prosecution recognizes identity not on the basis of identical sub
jects, as is usually the case, but on the basis of identical predica tes. The number
of subjects ( Red Brigades, Autonomy) is limited, but the number of predicates
called upon to justify the identity of the two subjects ( Red Brigades = Autonomy)
is unlimited. This hypertrophy of the sense of identity is enough to provoke what
pathologists call an "orgy of identifications ." Has there ever been, in the course
of history, an openly schizophrenic State?
The Italian State has moved onto its adversary's territory; it has simula ted the
fluidity characteristic of Autonomy. A "pilot" decision rendered September 2 1,
1979, in the trial of Luigi Rosati, ex-husband of the Brigadist Adriana Ferranda
and ideologue of A u tonomia Operaia, described Autonomy as "an indefinable mix
ture of groups and varied tendencies, a veritable mosaic made of different
fragments, a gallery of overlapping images, of circles and collectives without any
central organization." This definition echoes in every respect the logic deployed
by the prosecution against Autonomy . . .
That this may be another dizzying example of the reversal of signs and of the im
plosion of power is too hasty a conclusion . To be sure, the Italian State has taken
a leap at the heart of capital's flux - but only in order to master it . Here ceases
the abstract reversibility of signs on which the "end of politics" is founded . The
orgy of the accusation's identifications constitutes only the first phase of a
strategy which has little to do with schizophrenia . It consists of using Aristotelian
thought to support conclusions reached through non- Aristotelian cognitive opera
tions . The identification of "coincidences" established between the Red Brigades
and the Autonomists on the basis of identical predicates ( "any Left revolutionary
literature inevitably has some points of similarity," the Memorandum remarks)
and the boundless number of charges become the ground upon which the pro
secution builds up "paranoid" systems of regularity centered upon a unique point
of interpretation . The simulation of the State thus becomes the hallucination of a
truth which is artificially resuscitated as reality . It suffices that the State
substitute its simulacrum for the autonomous (non-unified) reality of the Move
ment in order to justify its campaign of repression.
The President of the Court who judged Luigi Rosati went so far as to recognize
what separates the Red Brigades from Autonomy: "The Autonomy groups refute
in principle every rigid, verticalizing, hierarchical structure"; he distinguished the
attack "at the heart of the State" advocated by the Red Brigades from the
"capillary penetration" of Autonomia Organizza ta; he readily admitted that these
micropolitical actions are the fruit "not of a coordination among diverse,
associated organs but of a spontaneity which has very little in common with the
character of professional crimes"; yet he condemned no less severely the intellec
tuals who, like Luigi Rosati, without personally participating in any criminal ac
tivities, "accepted, exalted and advocated them."
The "pilot" sentencing of Rosati to four years' imprisonment confirms the will of
power to integrate the wave of criticisms directed against it without departing in
the least from its accusations . It is now clear to everyone that the prosecution of
Autonomy is a truly political trial less interested in condemning its ideas than in
annihilating "an entire section of the political movement in Italy." ( Memorandum) .
The real danger to the State comes not from the Red Brigades, who speak the
same language and who develop structures which "mirror" and thus reinforce its
own . The profound menace to the State comes from the fact that Autonomy
speaks a language and develops forms of organization and of subjectivity against
which there exists no "classic" response . It is in this innovation - this positivity
- with which the present issue is concerned, and not with the defense, in "reac
tive" or reductive terms, of innocents unjustly accused.
As Franco Piperno here recognizes, the new spontaneity requires the practice of
illegality as a necessary condition for its existence . But then so does the State.
The whole problem is in knowing whether this illegality is active, inventive,
creative of life and values, or, like the somber, embracing couple formed by the
Red Brigades and the State apparatus, a bringer of terror and death.
20
i l/5 DA P0705077/5/74 HOUSTO N ,TEX: A jam of over 30,000 new i m ported automobiles w i t h no
p l ace to go because of a d ec l i ne in fore i g n sales has tu rned the port of Houston I nto an over
crowded parki ng lot.With 1 0,000 more expected t h i s month, i m porters are scram b l i ng to g rab
what l i ttle park i n g acreage t here I s left. (UPI)
i l/6 XP01 27051 /27/75-Fenton, MO.: Chan g i ng of s h i fts of empl oyees as C h rysler Corp. reopen
ed truck and automo b ile assembly l i nes in Fenton 1 127 after a t h ree-week layoff.About 5600
persons on two truc k-asse mbly s h i fts and one auto-assembly shift went back to work.A se
cond auto-assembly shift was not cal led back, leav i n g about 2 1 00 workers laid off. (UPI)
m i l l i o n days In j a i l . 1 1 0 m i l l ion days in j a i l .
M i l l ions a n d t ri l l ions a n d fantast l l l lons o f
days i n dark j a i l s . . . 1 1 1 days i n j ai l , 1 2, 1 3,
1 4, 1 5, 1 6 , 1 7, 1 8, 1 9 days in j a i l . 1 20 days i n
j a i l . F o r a week n o w I 've been jerki ng off
t h ree t i mes a day, I want to see i f I lose my
passion. 1 21 days in j a i l . Uh. 1 22 days in j ai l .
U h . 1 23 days i n , 1 23 days i n . U h . J a i l . 1 24
days, 5. 6 in j a i l days. Oh. Uh. 1 27 days i n
j a i l . 1 28 days i n j a i l . 1 29 days i n j a i l . 1 30 days
in jai l . And 1 30 days less to l i ve. Goddam m i t .
1 3 1 d a y s i n jai l . And a barrel of rum and a
barrel of rum. 1 32 days in j a i l . 1 33 days I n
j a i l . And then, 1 34 days i n j a i l and 1 35 days
in j a i l and my bel ly aches I feel sick as a dog
and it must be this s h i tty water or this lethal
w i ne - the f i l t h y pigs. Uh. 1 36 days In j ai l , 6,
7, 8, 9, 1 40 days i n j a i l . Prison rhymes w i t h
cot i l l i on. Even danc i ng makes me si ck. I
can't t h i nk of anyth i n g that makes me s i cker.
Than danci ng. But let's not talk nonsense.
Jail is worse. Worse . . . U h . 141 days i n j a i l .
1 42 days I n j a i l . 1 43 days i n j a i l . 1 44 days i n
j a i l . 1 45 days i n jai l . 1 46 days i n j a i l . 1 47 days
in j a i l . 1 48 days In j a i l . 1 49 days in j a i l . 1 50
days - if only I cou l d s l eep l ike R i p Van
W i nkle and wake u p beneath a tree i n two
and a half years - 1 50 days i n j a i l , I was
sayi ng. 1 51 , 2, 3, 4, 5 , 6 , 7, days i n jail (th i s
week really flew). 1 58 days i n j a i l . 1 59 days i n
j a i l . 1 60 days f o r d o i n g somet h i n g w rong for
doing somet h i n g wrong i n j a i l . 161 d ays i n
j a i l . 1 62 days i n j a i l . 1 63 days i n j a i l . 1 64 days
In JA/UH/A I L. Ah. 1 65 days in j a i l . 16 . . . 1 . . .
U h . Uh. Uh. 1 60 DAYS I N JA/UH/A I L. 1 6 1
days, 2, 3, 4 i n , days, i n , jai l . T h i s is j a i l , u n
doubtedly. 1 65 d ays i n j ai l . Peop le g e t stabb
ed in j a i l . 1 66 days in j a i l and 167 days In j a i l .
1 68 days i n j a i l . 1 69 days i n j a i l . S o , let's say
that twenty months equal 600 days. 600 days
p l u s 1 20 from four more months equal 720.
Let's round it off to 750, and there it is . . .
750 m i nus the 1 70 days I 've al ready done i n
j a i l equals . . . 580
days sti l l left to do in t h i s fi lthy j a i l . U n l ess
they pardon me for good behavior. Ah. I 've
gotten a hard-on aga i n . Cool out, cock,
there's no point in gett i n g exci ted . . . 1 7 1
days i n j a i l . 1 72 days in j a i l . Wait a m i n ute, I
made a m i stake the other day. Th i rty
months - two and a half years in j a i l . Not
twenty-four months! ! ! . . . T h i rty months;
900 days minus the 1 72 days i n jail I 've
al ready done equal . . . 728 days in j a i l . Uh.
Sti l l to do. 1 73 days i n jail. 1 74 days I n jail.
1 75 days I n j a i l . 1 76 days i n jail. 1 77 days i n
j a i l . 1 78 days I n j a i l . 1 79 days i n j a i l . 1 80 days
In j ai l . 1 8 1 days in j a i l . J a i l p l u s j a i l only
equals jail. 1 82, 3, 4 days i n jail. Yesterday,
today, yesterday, today, yesterday yesterday.
Today. 1 85 days In j a i l . 1 86, 7 days In jai l . We
play soccer in the cou rtyard . I kick the ba l l
a s violently a s I can. A s I f t h e bal l were that
pig, the shitty j udge who gave me two and a
half years, two and a half years of J A I L . 1 88,
9, 90 days in jai l . 1 9 1 days in j a i l . 1 92 days i n
j a i l . 1 93 days i n j ai l . 1 94 days I n j a i l . 1 95 days
in j a i l . I ' m itchy all over. I can't s l eep. My
eyes are red . Even though I don't read.
2 The Im possibl e C l ass
F i a t H as
Branded Me
G i a m p a o l o P a nsa
You have heard a foreman from Mirafiori vent himself . Now listen to me . I too
come from Mirafiori and I am among the sixty-one workers fired by Fiat . Until
Tuesday I worked in the painting de partment . I was a general worker at the third
level . According to Fiat, I was also a violent worker, a quasi-terrorist, one who
assists the Red Brigades : this is the mark that Agnelli is trying to brand on my
forehead .
I must start at the beginning so you can understand the situation . I shall be 29 in
November . I am from the province of Catanzaro, from a small village that offers
no o p portunities . We emigrate from there In droves . Before leaving, I attended
secondary school and then took a technical course . But school was not for me . I
subsequently decided to go and look for work in the north, at Turin .
I left my village in January of '69, having just turned 18. I had never been outside
it . Turin frightened me - its huge size, its ugliness, the clouds and the snow. I
asked myself : where have you come? I found a job in a real hole, a small factory,
but I lasted only 10 days there, I couldn't take it much longer . Then I found
another job . Things were going better there, yet I thought only of Fiat . I said to
myself : Fiat is a big com pany, you'll be secure there; if you get into Fiat, you'll
never wind u p out on your ass .
24
I entered Fiat on 28 May 1969 as an apprentice in the painting department . The
apprenticeship was supposed to last 6 months, but it ended much sooner . The
trouble in July of '69 had already erupted; Fiat needed people who could start
working at once, in order to fill the gaps left by those who were on strike or who
sympathized with them . And so I went right on the assembly line immediately
after the vacations .
At the beginning the painting department was horrible . I worked as if in the mid
dle of a cloud, amid strange odors and terrible smells of every kind . It was an in
fernal scenario . Yet after a little while, even with these noxious fumes, I started to
like the job . Painting cars in not a monotonous task . What I was learning could
help later on . And then I always tried to work with my head too: I tried to do my
job well. But also preserve my health . In short, I was rather satisfied .
It was autumn and still hot outside . I didn't pay attention to it . I didn't know
anything about what was hap pening around me and then there was my mother's
advice: think about work and keep to yourself . Only in 1970 did I start to get a lit
tle involved . No, it wasn't political activity at all, and it didn't even have anything
to do with the union . I concerned myself with the problem of the working condi
tions in the painting department . The situation was disastrous and I even felt the
effects of it . I lost eight teeth . And then there was the nausea, the duodenal ulcer,
the impaired hearing .
In a word, I was provoked when I saw that I was paying for my job at Fiat with my
skin . But it was not an individual rebellion, nor was I interested in raising hell for
its own sake . It was a collective rebellion by nearly the entire shop . We asked Fiat
to alter the situation and Fiat answered no .
Anyhow, in that year I joined the union and then I had an important encounter -
with Lotta Continua. I had been fined since I had not completed the assigned
work precisely because of the working conditions . I went out through the gates
and showed these conditions to some of the people who were always there with
newspapers and flyers . They told me: Come with us and we'll talk about it .
Now Lotta Con tinua no longer exists as a group . And I am nostalgic for it, even if
I do not feel that I am a former member . For me it was a great experience,
political and human . I learned about things, I met exceptional people whom I
would have never met otherwise . Lo tta Con tinua had one great merit: it made you
intellectually open to other people, it let them speak, it let them discuss . . .
I am not a popular leader . I'm a quiet man . You know what they call me in the
painting department? "The priest," "the good guy . " But from the first moment of
my involvement with that political group, Fiat must have classified me as "a lo t
tacon tinua " and that was it . In my opinion, they have put me out because of that
label, because of my political activity when the group existed . But this is a
chapter to which we shall return later .
Now I want to say that in those first eight to nine months I was a Fiat worker like
the others, and I was occasionally better than the others . My absences were few .
In short, I have always done my share, as an electrical technician until 1977 and
then in preventive overhaul, where the car is prepared for painting . I considered
myself good on the job and my foremen have always considered me so .
In the meantime, the working conditions had I mproved and my duties became less
oppressive and repetitive . Nonetheless, I had also grown bored . Lotta Con tinua
was no longer there and Turin haunted me . The huge city never pleased me, but
now I was really aching and I wanted to leave it . My dream was to go and work
for Fiat abroad . And for two months they did send me away, to a branch office in
Germany . When I returned, I renewed my request . In fact, I had recently done s o
with Varetto, the manager shot b y the Red Brigades . And when the foreman
brought me to the front office on Tuesday, I believed that they had heard my re
quest . Instead they dealt me the letter of dismissal .
25
That letter brands me as violent . But I deny it! Of course, my strikes for a change
in working conditions made them do it . And I have given some trouble to Fiat, but
so have many others . Between '7 4 and '7 5, I was a union delegate and I did what
was within my power . And even if I am not at all an orator, I have never laid back
when there was some working method to be discussed with the foremen .
Take note of this: I said working method, not work . I do not refuse work . I am a
born worker, and I must work, but not as a slave . And I am also convinced that it
is necessary to work well; if you don't do your job well, you make more work for
the people who come after you on the chain. I have never swerved from this posi
tion with those of my co-workers who act badly . I say: if you do only a little work,
at least do it well . And do a little work so it'll all get done . This is one of the Fiat
workers' slogans .
What does a little work mean? Today we work for seven and a half hours a day .
It's too much . It must be seven hours a day, five days a week, or thirty-five hours.
No more. If the working hours are not changed, the unemployed will stay that
way . I have alway maintained this point of view . I have always tried to put it into
practice . I have even discussed it with my foremen, but without ever being
reprimanded or quarreling or resorting to violence .
Yes, there is much talk about violence against the foremen . I would like for the
newspapers also to speak of the violence of the assembly line, which moves
much too quickly . And isn't it violence when certain foremen put their hands on
the asses of the newly hired boys? Where, at any rate, are these acts of violence
against the foremen? Of course, there have been moments of tension during con
tract negotiations . And many workers see the foreman as their immediate oppo
nent . Sometimes the men are short-tempered: to be in a factory is hard on
everyone .
Still, I have never done any violence . I have always been in the same work group.
My foreman thinks highly of me . He gave me a pen as a gift. He has even invited
me to his home . Do you invite to your home a violent man who threatens you?
Tuesday, he was the first one to be struck with amazement . Ever since Lotta Con
tinua dissolved, I have become completely peaceful . Moreover, someone who tries
to raise hell for its own sake or who acts as the terrorist's assistant doesn't ask
to go abroad: he stays here to threaten and to play the violent man .
Why then have they fired me? This is my answer. Fiat knows everything about its
workers - their lives, deaths, miracles . I am a politicized worker . I have always
tried to involve my co-workers in labor problems, with working conditions and
rhythms . I used to go to contract negotiations, to talk, discuss . In a word, I used
to make trouble . So they've pulled out their old lists: there I was on the list for
Lotta Continua and so they've thrown me out .
But since the bosses at Fiat cannot say this, they make us pass for para
terrorists . It's a lie . I do not agree with the Red Brigades . They are not the kind of
people who can protect our interests . I have never considered delegating my
representation to those who use weapons . And I do not believe that in Italy things
can be changed by shooting people .
Yet I am also convinced that there is much too little discussion of terrorism
among the workers . There is great indifference at Fiat. When they killed
Ghiglieno, there was hardly any reaction in the shops. The other incidents have
been received in the same way . The workers consider them material for the
26
newspapers at this point. On the contrary, it is necessary to discuss and ask
oneself why the Red Brigades shoot certain people and not others .
O f course, the Red Brigades don't shoot only foremen . You remind m e o f Rossa, a
worker like myself. What do I think of him? Well, I don't know . . . What if I
discovered that one of my co-workers was a briga tista ? That's a difficult ques
tion! It's a big problem . No, I wouldn't say anything . I don't want to play spy on
anyone's account . . . . In any case, the Red Brigades are inside Fiat, but I don't
know them and I'm not one of them . . . .
You say that my answers show it's a little hard for me to talk about terrorism . It
will be so, but there's a reason for it . I have always been distrustful . Now that I've
been fired by Fiat, I'm even more so . Your questions about terrorism, about
denunciations, and so forth, seem to me a little provocatory . . . .
However, I'm not the only one who talks about terrorism in this way . It's a thorny
problem, too thorny . Everyone has become distrustful . Take a short walk through
the streets of Turin, ask people the questions you've asked me, and you'll see
whether you get different answers . And then, you see, ever since Lo tta Con tinua
disbanded, I no longer want to take part in anything . I'm only concerned about my
ass . I hoped to go abroad, to decide whether I would marry or not, and instead
this thing happened to me . . . .
I'm disheartened and I feel persecuted . And then there's one last thing I want to
say to you . Just as I am nostalgic for Lotta Continua, so am I nostalgic for Fiat .
I'm an emigrant; Fiat was my home for ten years. It seems unjust to me that they
should chase me from my home . I have only one hope: that the unions, that all
those who call themselves democratic, don't give in .
I don't hope this only to save my job . There is also a political reason for it . If the
unions weaken, the Red Brigades and Front Line (Prima linea) will be able to say:
Do you see? No one protects the working class any more . The only ones left are
we and our guns.
M a ri o T ro n t i
Even i f factory a n d soci ety were to become perfectly i nteg rated at t h e eco n o m i c
leve l , t h ey wou l d n evert h e l ess forever cont i n u e to be i n c o n t rad i c t i o n at a p o l i t i c a l
leve l . One of t h e h i g hest and m o s t deve loped p o i n t s of t h e c l as s s t ru g g l e w i l l b e
prec i s e l y t h e f r o n t a l c l a s h between t h e fa ctory, a s working class a n d society, a s
capital. W h en t h e deve l o p m e n t of c a p i t a l's i nt e rests i n t h e factory i s b l ocked,
t h e n t h e f u n c t i o n i n g of society seizes u p : t h e way i s t h e n open for overt h row i n g
28
a n d destroy i n g t h e very bas i s of cap i ta l ' s power. Those, however, w h o have t h e
c o n t ra ry perspective, of tak i n g o v e r t h e ru n n i n g of t h e " g e n e r a l i n terests of socie
t y " , are com m i t t i n g t h e error of red u c i n g t h e factory to capital by means of red uc
i n g t h e work i n g class, th at i s , a part of society, to society as a w h o l e . N ow we
know t h at the p rod u ct i ve power of l a b o u r makes a leap forward when i t i s put to
u s e by t h e i nd ivid u a l capital i s t . By t h e same token, i t m a kes a p o l i t i c a l leap for
ward when i t i s orga n i sed by soc i a l capita l . It i s poss i b l e that t h i s p o l i t i c a l leap
forward does not ex p ress i t s e l f in terms of o rg a n i s a t i o n , whereupon a n o u t s i d e r
may c o n c l u d e that i t has not h a p pened. Y e t i t sti l l ex i s t s as a mate r i a l rea l ity, a n d
t h e f a c t of i t s s pontaneous existence i s s u f f i c i e n t f o r t h e workers to ref use to
fight for o l d idea l s - though i t may not yet be sufficient for t h e m to take u p o n
t h e m s e lves t h e task of i n i t i a t i n g a new p l a n of s t r u g g l e , based o n new objectives.
Remem ber: " t h e existence of a c lass of c a p i t a l ists i s based on t h e p rod uct ive
power of l a b o u r " . Prod u c t i ve l a b o u r, then, exists not only i n re l a t i o n to c a p i t a l ,
b u t a l s o i n re l a t i o n to t h e cap i t a l i sts as a c l as s . I t i s i n t h i s latter re l at i o n s h i p t h at
it exists as t h e work i n g c l as s . T h e t ra n s i t i o n is proba b l y a h i storical one: it is p ro
d u ct ive l a bo u r w h i c h prod uces capita l ; i t i s the fact of i n d u st r i a l workers b e i n g
o rg a n i sed i n t o a c lass t h at p rovokes t h e capita l i sts i n g e n e ra l to const i t u te
t h e m se l ves as a c l ass. T h u s we see that - at an average level of d eve l o p m e n t -
workers are a l ready a s o c i a l c lass of p rod ucers: i n d u s t r i a l p rod u c e rs of c a p i t a l . At
t h i s s am e level of deve l o p m e n t t h e capital ists, t h e m s e lves, c o n s t i t u t e a soc i a l
c l a s s not of e n t repreneu rs so m u c h as organisers : t h e o rg a n i sers of workers
t h ro u g h t h e med i u m of i nd u s t ry. A h i s to ry of i nd u s t ry c a n not be conce ived as
a n yt h i n g other t h a n a h i story of t h e capita l i st o rg a n i sa t i o n of prod uct ive labou r,
h e n c e as a work i n g c lass h i s t o ry of c a p i ta l . The " i n d u s t r i a l revo l u t i o n " necessari
l y s p r i n g s to m i n d : this must be t h e start i n g p o i n t of our resea rch i f we a re to
t race t h e deve l o p m e n t of t h e contemporary form of capital's d o m i n a t i o n over
workers, as i t i n c reas i n g l y comes to be exercised t h ro u g h the objective
m e c h a n i s m s of i nd u stry, and also t h e deve l op m e n t of c a p i t a l ' s capacity to p re
vent t hese mechan i s m s b e i n g u sed by workers. T h i s wou l d l ead us to see that t h e
deve l o p m e n t of t h e relat i o n s h i p between l iv i n g l a bo u r a n d t h e constant part of
29
c a p i t a l is not a n e u t ra l process. Rather, it is determ i ned a n d often v i o l e n t l y so, by
the emerg i n g c l a s s re l at i o n s h i p between the co l l ect ive worker and the w h o l e of
c a p i t a l , qua soc i a l re l a t i o n s of prod u c t i o n . We wou l d then see t h a t i t i s the
spec i f i c m o m e n t s of t h e c l ass stru g g l e w h i c h h ave dete r m i ned every
tec h n o l o g i c a l c h a n g e i n t h e mecha n i s m s of i n d u st ry. T h u s we wou l d a c h i eve two
t h i ng s : one, we w o u l d break f ree of t h e apparent n e u t ra l i ty of t h e m a n - m ac h i ne
re l at i o n s h i p ; a n d two, we wou l d locate t h i s re l at i o n s h i p i n t h e i nteract i o n , t h ro u g h
h i story, of work i n g c l ass stru g g l es a n d c a p i t a l i st i n i t i at ive.
Cou l d n ' t we say, i n fact, that stop p i n g work does not s i g n i fy a ref u s a l to give
c a p i t a l t h e u s e of o n e ' s labou r power, s i nce it h a s a l ready been g i ven to c a p i t a l
once t h e c o n t ract for t h i s part i c u l a r c o m m o d i t y has b e e n s i g ned. N o r i s i t a
ref u s a l to a l l ow c a p i t a l t h e p rod uct of l a b o u r, s i nce t h i s is l eg a l l y a l ready
c a p i t a l ' s property, and, i n any case, the worker d oes not know w h a t to d o with it.
Rather, stop p i n g work - t h e stri ke, as the c l as s i c form of workers' s t ru g g l e -
i m p l ies a ref u s a l of t h e c o m m a n d of c a p i t a l as t h e o rg a n i ser of prod u c t i o n : it is a
way of say i n g " N o " at a part i c u l a r p o i n t i n t h e p rocess a n d a ref u s a l of t h e con
c rete labou r w h i c h i s b e i n g offered ; i t i s a m omen tary b l ockage of t h e work
p rocess a n d i t a p pears as a rec u r r i n g t h reat which d e rives i t s contents from the
p rocess of va l u e c reat i o n . The a n a rc h o-sy n d i c a l ist "general strike", which was
s u pposed to p rovoke the co l l a pse of c a p i t a l i st soci ety, i s a rom a n t i c n a i vete from
t h e word g o . I t a l ready conta i n s w i t h i n i t a d e m a n d which i t a ppears t o o ppose -
that i s , t h e Lassa l l i a n demand for a " f a i r s h a re of t h e f r u i t s of l a bo u r" - i n other
words, f a i rer " pa rt i c i pa t i o n " i n t h e pro f i t of capital. In fact, t h ese two pers pec
t ives c o m b i n e in t h a t i n correct "correct i o n " w h i c h was i m posed o n M a rx, a n d
w h i c h has s u bseq u e n t l y enj oyed s u c h s u ccess w i t h i n t h e p ract ice of t h e off i c i a l
work i n g c l ass m ovem e n t - t h e i d e a t h a t i t i s "work i n g peo p l e " w h o a re t h e t r u e
" g i ve rs of l a b o u r ' , a n d that i t i s t h e concern of workpeo p l e to d e f e n d t h e d i g n ity
of this t h i n g w h i c h t hey p rov ide, against all those w h o wou l d seek to debase it.
U n true . . . . . The truth of t h e matter i s t h a t t h e person w h o p rovides labour i s the
capita l i st . The worker i s t h e provider of capital. In rea l ity, he i s t h e possessor of
that u n iq u e , part i c u l a r commod i ty w h i c h i s the c o n d i t i o n of a l l t h e other c o n d i
t i o n s of p rod u ct i o n . Because, as we h a v e seen, a l l t hese other con d i t i o n s of pro
d u c t i o n are, f ro m the start, c a p i t a l in t h e m s e lves - a dead c a p i t a l w h i c h , in order
to come to l i fe a n d i n to p l ay i n t h e soc i a l re l a t i o n s of prod u c t i o n , needs to s u b
s u me u nd e r i t s e l f l a b o u r power, as t h e s u bject a n d activity of c a p i t a l . B u t , as we
have also seen, t h i s t ra n s i t i o n i nto soc i a l re l a t i o n s of prod u c t i o n c a n n o t occu r
u n less t h e c l a s s re l a t i o n i s i n t rod u ced i n to i t as i t s content. A n d t h e c l ass rela
t i o n s h i p i s i m posed from t h e very firs t moment and by t h e very fact that t h e pro
letariat i s c o n s t i t u ted as a c l ass in the face of the capita l i st.
30
w h i c h does not come from t h e workers i s , prec i s e l y , l a b o u r . From t h e o u tset, t h e
conditions of labour a r e i n t h e h a n d s of t h e capita l i st. And aga i n , f r o m t h e outset,
t h e o n l y thing i n t h e h a n d s of t h e worker i s t h e conditions of capita l. This i s t h e
h i storical paradox w h i c h m a r k s t h e b i r t h of capita l ist society, and t h e abid i n g
c o n d i t i o n w h i c h w i l l a lways be attendant u po n t h e "eternal reb i rt h " of c a p i ta l i st
deve l o p m e n t . The worker c a n n o t be labour other t h a n i n re l a t i o n to t h e c a p i t a l i s t .
T h e c a p i t a l i s t cannot be capital other t h a n i n re l a t i o n to t h e worker. T h e q u e s t i o n
i s often a s k e d : " W h a t i s a soc i a l class?" The answer i s : "There are these t w o
c l asses " . The f a c t th at o n e i s d o m i nant d o e s not i m p l y t h a t t h e other sh ou l d b e
s u bord i n ate. R a t h e r , i t i m p l i e s s t r u g g l e , c o n d u cted o n eq u a l terms, to s m a s h t h a t
d o m i n a t i o n , and to t a k e that d o m i na t i o n and t u r n i t , i n new f o r m s , a g a i n s t t h e
o n e th at has d o m i n ated u p t i l l n o w . As a matter of u rgency we m u s t g e t h o l d o f ,
a n d start c i rcu l at i n g , a photograph of t h e worker-proletariat t h a t s hows h i m as h e
rea l ly i s - " p roud and m e n ac i n g " . I t ' s t i me to s e t i n m o t i o n t h e contestat i o n -
t h e bat t l e , to be f o u g h t o u t i n a new period of h i st ory - d i rect l y between t h e
worki n g c l ass and capita l , t h e c o n f rontat ion between w h a t M a rx referred to i n a n
a n a l ogy as " t h e h u g e c h i l d re n ' s s h oes of t h e proletariat and t h e dwarf i s h s ize o f
t h e worn-out p o l i t i c a l s h oes of t h e bou rgeo i s i e " .
32
t h e m e d i a t i o n of a formal po l i t ic a l leve l . Prec i s e l y becau s e c a p i t a l is a soc i a l
power w h i c h , as s u c h , c l a i m s for i t s e l f d o m i n at i o n over everyt h i n g , i t needs to a r
t i c u late t h i s d o m i n a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l "forms" w h i c h can b r i n g to l i fe its d ead
essence as an objective m ec h a n i s m , and prov i d e it w i t h s u bject ive force. In i m
m e d i a t e t e r m s , t h e nat u re of c a p i t a l i s m e re l y t h a t of a n economic i nt e rest, a n d ,
at t h e beg i n n i ng of its h i story, i t w a s n ot h i n g m o r e t h a t t h e egot i s t i c a l i n te rest of
t h e i n d i v i d u a l capita l i st: i n order to defend i t s e l f f ro m t h e t h reat posed by the
w o rk i n g c l ass, i t i s forced to t u rn i t s e l f i n t o a politica l force, and to s u b s u m e
u n d e r i t s e l f t h e w h o l e of soc i ety. I t becomes t h e c l ass of c a p i ta l i sts, o r - w h i c h
a m o u n t s to t h e s a m e t h i n g - i t t u r n s i t s e l f i n t o a repressive State apparat u s . I f i t
i s t r u e that t h e c o n c e p t of c l ass i s a pol i t i c a l rea l ity, t h e n n o capi t a l i st c l a s s ex
ists w i t h o u t a cap i t a l i s t State. And the so-cal l ed bourgeois " revo l u t i o n " - t h e
c o n q u est of p o l i t i c a l power by t h e " bou rgeo i s i e " - a m o u n t s to not h i n g m o re
t h a n t h e l o n g h i storical t ra n s i t i o n t h ro u g h w h i c h c a p i t a l const i t u tes i t s e l f as a
c l ass of capita l i sts i n re l a t i o n to t h e workers. Once a g a i n , t h e deve l o p m e n t of t h e
worki n g c l a s s d i s p l ays tota l ly t h e opposite feat u res: w h e n t h e work i n g class
beg i n s to exist forma l l y at a n orga n i sed political leve l , i t i n i t i ates t h e revo l u
t i o n ary process d i rectly, and poses n ot h i n g b u t t h e d e m a n d f o r power: but i t has
ex i sted as a class from t h e start, from a l on g time before, and prec i s e l y as s u c h ,
t h reatens bou rgeo i s order. P rec isely because t h e c o l l ec t i ve worker i s t h at total l y
p a rt i c u l ar com mod i ty w h i c h cou n terposes i t s e l f to t h e w h o l e of t h e cond i t i o n s of
society, i nc l u d i n g t h e s o c i a l cond i t i o n s of its labour, so i t m a n i fests, as a l ready
i n c o rporated w i t h i n i t s e l f , that d i rect po l i t i c a l s u bj e c t i v i ty, that part i a l ity w h i c h
c o n s t i t u tes c l a s s antag o n i s m . F r o m t h e very beg i n n i n g t h e proletariat i s not h i n g
m o re t h a n a n i m med iate politica l in terest i n t h e a bo l i t i o n of every aspect of t h e
ex i s t i n g order. A s f a r as i t s i n ternal deve l o p m e n t i s concerned, i t h a s n o need o f
" i n s t i t u t io n s " i n order to b r i n g to l i fe w h a t i t i s , s i nce w h a t i t i s i s n ot h i n g o t h e r
t h a n t h e life-force of th at i m m ed iate destru c t i o n . I t does n ' t n e e d i n s t i t u t i o n s , b u t
i t d o e s need organisa tion. Why? I n o r d e r to r e n d e r t h e po l i t ical i nstance of t h e a n
tag o n i s m objective i n t h e f a c e of capita l ; i n o r d e r to a r t i c u late t h i s i n stance
w i t h i n t h e present rea l ity of t h e c l ass re lat i o n s h i p, at any g iven moment; i n order
to s h a p e i t i nto a r i c h a n d a g g ressive force, i n t h e short term, t h ro u g h t h e weapon
of tactics. This, w h i c h i s necessary for t h e s e i z u re of power, i s also necessary
before t h e need to seize power has a r i s e n . M a rx d i scovered t h e existence of t h e
work i n g c l ass l o n g befo re t h e re w e r e f o r m s to express i t p o l i t ic a l ly: t h u s, for
M a rx, t here i s a class even in the absence of a party. O n t h e other h a n d , the
Le n i n i st party, by v i rt u e of havi n g taken s h a pe, gave t h e rea l i l l u s i o n t h at t h e re
was a l ready u nd e r way a spec i f i c process of work i n g c l ass revo l u t i o n : for Len i n ,
i n fact, when the cla ss cons titutes itself a s a party, i t becomes revolu tion i n ac
tion. H e re, t h e n , are two com p lementary t heses, j u st as t h e f i g u res of M a rx and
Len i n are c o m p l e m e ntary. Bas i c a l ly, what are these two people if not a d m i ra b l e
a n t i c i pa t i o n s of t h e f u t u re of t h e c lass i t s e l f ?
34
Transla ted by Red N otes
i l/1 CAO 1 700981 ROM E: Farmers w i t h thei r tractors, and p l acard-carry i n g demonstrators
gather at Colosseum here Apri l 7th as they stage demonstrat i o n cal l i ng for better benefits
from the government. Italy held its f i rst general strike of 1 97 1 Apri l 7th i n what tu rned out to
be al most a h o l i day atmosphere. Some 1 1 m i l l ion workers are reported taking part in the
stri ke, protesting al leged i nadeq uacies i n a new hou s i n g b i l l . UPI CABLEP HOTO 4/7/71
i l/2 DUCE I N S P ECTS H I S POLICE R OME, ITALY: Sta n d i n g at attention before th e ir s h i ny
motorcyc les, row u pon row of Rome pol icemen were i n spected by Benito M u ssol i n i Oct. 1 8 as
he rode down the l i nes w i t h hand raised in the Fascist sal u te. I t was the tenth anniversary of
the fou nd i ng of the force. (AP) 1 0/30/35
T h e T r i be o f
M o l es
Se rg i o B o l og n a
The wart i me a n t i - Fa s c i s t res istance i n Italy laid t h e basis for a form of t h e State
based o n the " p a rty system". The new reg i m e i n herited from Fascism f a i r l y
powerf u l i n s t r u m e n t s for a n i nd epe n d e n t po l i t i c a l " i nt erference" i n t h e p rocess of
reprod u c t i o n of c lasses ( n o rm a l l y left to the d e ve l o p m e n t of prod u c t i ve rel a t i o n s
36
a n d t h e real s u b s u m p t i o n of l a bou r to capital). These i n st r u m e n ts were: c red i t ; the
State-c o n t ro l led i n d u st r i e s ; a n d p u b l i c expe n i t u re.
The form of t h e State u nd e r t h e post-war " pa rty system" is a la ten t form: what
norma l ly a p pears o n t h e s u rface i s a method of med i at i n g and rep res e nt i n g con
f l i cts. O n t h e one s i d e are t h e govern i n g part i es that d o m i nate t h e b u reau c ratic
repressive apparat u s of t h e State, a n d o n t h e ot h e r t h e op pos i t i o n parties , w h i c h
a r e t h e receptacles f o r m ed iat i n g t h e d rives a n d c o n t rad i c t i o n s of c i v i l society.The
form of t h e State comes o u t i nto t h e open i n certa i n h istorical moments, w h e n
t h e c r i s i s of t h e p reced i n g reg i m e a n d t h e deve l o p m e n t of a n e w c l ass composi
tion r i s k esca p i n g from t h e c o n t ro l of t h e d i a lect i c between G ove r n m e n t a n d o p
pos i t i o n . T h i s happened i n 1 945-46, after t h e armed s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t Fasc i s m . The
parties chose to replace their rel a t i o n s w i t h t he c l asses, w i t h t h e masses, by
m u t u a l relations among t h e m s elves; and t h e Com m u n i s t Party chose to p r i o r i t i s e
37
its re l a t i o n s w i t h t h e other parties that backed t h e cons t i t u t i o n of t h e R e p u b l i c ,
rat h e r t h a n i t s re l a t i o n s w i t h t h e c lass a n d t h e armed movement. I n a s i m i la r way,
in t h i s latest period, a n d p l ay i n g on a s i m i l a r "state of emergency" in order to
overcome t h e pres e n t c r i s i s (as with t h e post-War " Reconst ruct i o n "), ever s i nce i t
c h ose t h e p a t h of t h e H istoric Compromise (and more v i g o rou s l y s i nce t h e E l ec
t i o n s of J u n e 1 976), the Com m u n i st Party has privi leged the s t re n g t h e n i n g of i t s
l i nks w i t h t h e o t h e r p a r t i e s - and i n p a rt i c u l a r w i t h t h e C h ri s t i a n Democrats. T h i s
was i n o r d e r to " resolve t h e c r i s i s of t h e State" , to redef i n e t h e " party s y s t e m " i n
t e r m s of concord rat h e r t h a n c o n f l ict. By now, t h e u n ity of t h e p a r t i e s at a
p o l i t i c a l and p rog r a m m a t i c l evel is bei n g c o n c l u d ed l i ke a steel dome e rected over
the needs of the w o rk i n g class. The " pa rty system" no l o n g e r a i m s to represent
confl icts, nor to mediate or org a n i se them: i t d e l egates them to " e c o n o m i c i n
terests" and poses i t s e l f as t h e spec i f i c form of t h e State, separate from a n d
host i l e to move m e n t s i n s o c i e t y . The p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m becomes more r i g i d , more
fronta l ly cou n terposed to c i v i l society. T h e party system n o longer " receives" t h e
t h rusts f r o m t h e b a s e ; i t c o n t r o l s a n d represses t h e m .
TREASON OF T H E The front- l i n e res po n s i b i l ity for prov i d i n g t h e b a s i c a rg u ments beh i n d the ideology
INTELLECTUALS, of crisis c l ea r l y l i es with t h e p rofess i o n of economis ts. This a p p l ies not only to
LI BERALISATION O F the h i g h p r i ests of the reg ime. I t i n c l udes you ng econom i s t s who have taken
ACCESS TO u p university posts, backed b y Cambridge o r Harvard promotion, and very often
E D U CATION, AN D open to l i nks w i t h t h e t rade u n io n s . Faced w i t h t h e alternat ives of w o rk i n g c lass
THE WORLD O F commitment o r bou rgeoi s-acad e m i c econo m i c science, t hey have i nvariably, m o re
REVENUE or less ex p l i c i t l y , opted for t h e latter. I n c e rta i n cases, p rec i s e l y t h ro u g h a d i ff e r
i n g i nterpretat i o n of t h e d o m i n a n t ideology of t h e c r i s i s , t h ey have c o n t r i b u ted to
i t , a n d have h e l ped to " c l ose t h e c i rc l e " . S u c h c a n be said, to g i ve just o n e exam
p le, of t h e " N ew Left" economists of t h e Modena fac u lty: t h i s cou l d have become
a centre for r i g o ro u s a n d w e l l-doc u me n ted c o u nter-information to d i sm a n t l e t h e
f a l s e a rg u ments beh i n d t h e ideology of t h e c r i s i s . I nstead t h ey p referred to keep
q u iet, or provided more l essons to the work i n g c l ass o n prudence . . . how to be
reas o n abl e . . . how to s u rrender. This i s o n l y o n e exa m p l e of t h e more general
"t reason of t h e i nt e l l ec t u a l s " of t h e 1 968 g e n e ra t i o n , which has been o n e of t h e
m a i n factors a l l ow i n g t h e task of Restorat i o n to t a k e p lace i n t h e U n ivers i t ies i n
recent years, a n d h a s c o n t r i b u ted to c reat i n g t h e rad i c a l c u l tu ra l g a p between t h e
movement of ' 6 8 a n d th at of '77.
If t h e I t a l i a n p o l i t i c a l system has been a b le to i n te rfere autonomou s l y in t h e p ro-
38
cess of reproduction of classes via various sorts of State provision, one of the
most important of these has clearly been the liberalisation of access to Univer
sities since 1969. Some interpret this move as a means of eroding the working
class hegemony that matured in the wave of struggles in the late 'sixties,
isolating it by promoting upward social mobility. If a project of this sort was ever
formulated explicitly, we are not aware of it. Let us examine the meohanism. The
liberalisation of access to Universities, at least on paper, favours social promo
tion. A working class youth can escape the path of the previous generation, can
avoid the necessity of factory or manual work. This operation is financed by
distribution in the form of presalari (grants) - the University of Padua alone ac
counts for over $2,000,000 a year: and by an increase of teaching staff and sup
plementary part-time staff.
At this point the high priests of our economy begin to complain that the criteria
for financing this social mobility determine in advance the class that will emerge
from the liberalised university system: a lower-middle bourgeoisie which is sub
sidised and "living off welfare" rather than productive or disposed to work. They
complain, in other words, that the prospect of jobs that differ from factory work is
not a sufficient incentive to productive labour, but rather acts as a signpost
towards receipt of income in the sphere of circulation, towards the world of
revenue (money as money, removed from the circuit of productive capital). At this
point the whole "party system" joins in the great debate on the reproduction of
classes in Italy, its distortions, imbalances etc., the general conclusion being that
it is not sufficient to reproduce a lower-to-middle bourgeoisie in an anti-working
class role, if this then becomes an unproductive class in receipt of revenue!
And so the scapegoat mythology of "Hunt the Parasite" - the lynchpin of the
crisis ideology - comes to the fore. Backed by the "scientific" revelations of
Sylos Labini, Gorreri, etc, this game now starts in earnest. A sort of vague
egalitarianism emerges, which scrutinises the income of the clerical worker, the
student and the tertiary worker, and says nothing, for example, about the transfor
mation of capital-which-is-productive to capital-which-is-productive-of-interest: in
its most shameful form, this egalitarianism assumes tones of workerist
chauvinism. It appears that it is no longer capital that exploits the worker, but the
postman, the milkman and the student. These are the first shots in that "class
analysis" which will become the official ideology and the preferred argument of
the super-paid editorial-writers of the Regime's press. It is a crude and effective
ideology. The liberalisation of University access is made to coincide with the
crisis, with youth unemployment, with the reduction of the productive base, with
the enlargement of the area of State subsidy. But most of all, to it is traced the
radical new phase of the political behaviour of the masses. The circle closes:
-
what was prev i o u s l y d ef i n ed as a l ower-to- m i d d l e bou rgeo i s i e in recei p t of
reve n u e ( i e a privi l eged c l ass), is now stam ped as a f r u s t rated " l u m p e n
bou rgeo i s i e " , as " y o u t h des perat i o n " , as " m a rg i na l ity" - i n other w o r d s , as a
perverse effect, created by t h e c r i s i s , of a mechan i s m w h i c h had been orig i n a l ly
c reated and c o n c eived as a means of stabi l i s i n g t h e system a n d act i n g ( t h ou g h
t h i s i s n o w q u i e t l y forgotten) i n an ant i-worker f u n c t i o n !
This occu red in the fa ctory itself, with the g ra d u a l remova l of effec t i ve power
from the d e l egates (shop stewards) in the factory Cou n c i l s , and above a l l with t h e
m a n i p u l a t i o n of t h e Workers' Asse m b l ies, t h e i r g rad u a l destruction as o r g a n s o f
i ndependent work i n g c lass i n i t iative and c h o i ce. The factories, w h i c h had been
f ree from trad i t i o n a l party p o l i t i c s for more than a decade, and in w h i c h t h e
o rg a n i sa t i o n of c la s s a u tonomy form " p o l i t i c s " i n t h e esta b l i s h ed s e n s e w a s w o n
i n t h e cyc l e of m a s s s t r u g g l es f ro m t h e l a t e ' s i x t i es , n ow o n c e agai n becam e a
p o l i t i c a l terra i n of m a n i p u l a t i o n by t h e " p a rty syste m " . A l l t h e forms a n d i n
stances of c lass a u tonomy, t h ro u g h w h i c h a rea l s pace for independen t class
politics had been c o n q u e red, (even those related to t rade u n ion m ed i at i o n , s u c h
as s h o p steward o r g a n i s a t i on), were t a k e n o v e r a n d a l l owed to a t r o p h y - a n d
meanwh i l e rest r u ct u ra t i o n rooted o u t a n d scattered t h e most homogeneous and
m i l i ta n t g ro u p s i n t h e p l ants. The " party system " took contro l of t h e orga n i sa
t io n a l forms that rem a i ned, s u c h as the Works Cou n c i l s , t u r n i n g t h e m i n t o
parl i a me n t a ry t a l k i ng-shops.
40
Bulletin for Oct-Dec 1 976) s h ow that i n I t a l y t he re h a s b e e n no c h a n g e i n t h e
d i s t r i b u t i o n of i n come, nor a n y s u bs t a n t i a l a l terat ion i n i t s compos i t i o n .
The attack o n i n comes via the cost of h o u s i n g has a d i rect effect o n c l ass
strat i f i cations, a n d i s a factor of v i o l e n t p r o l et a r i a n i sa t i o n ; t h e e nforced s h i f t
towards bad l y served p e r i p h e ra l u rban areas i s a powerf u l factor of m a rg i na l i sa
t i o n . The c lasses, red rawn t h ro u g h t h i s process, take on t h e t y p i c a l m i xed
c h a racteristics of a period of c r i s i s . The waged worker who, t h r o u g h t h e
g u a ra n tees of t ra d e u n io n i s m , m a n ages to m a i n t a i n h i s i n come level , b u t who, for
reason s of h o u s i n g problems, l ives in a m a rg i na l i sed area, p rod u ces eco n o m i c ,
soc i a l a n d p o l i t i c a l patterns of behaviou r t h a t s t a n d h a l fway between t h e
42
" g u a ra n teed " worki n g c l ass a n d t h e s u b-proletariat even if the a c t u a l status of
h i s job m i g h t otherwise p l ace h i m in the l ower-to- m i d d l e bou rgeo i s i e .
N obody wou l d deny that the " party system" had t h e power in past years to i n
t e rfere w i t h some i ndependence i n t h i s p rocess - v i a econ o m i c c o n t ro l s over
c red i t and d is t r i b u t i o n of cash as reve n u e, o r t h ro u g h export of the proletariat.
B u t at t h e same t i me, t h e " d i stort i n g effect" of these c h o i ces is d e l i berately exag
g e rated by t h e PCI a n d t h e off i c i a l labou r movement. Their res u l t overa l l d oes not
seem espec i a l l y d i fferent (for exa m p l e in t h e case of the g rowth of tert i a ry activi
ty) from t h e deve l opments i n o t h e r i nd u s t r i a l cou ntries. Nor have t hey resu l ted, at
least u n t i l rece n t l y , i n any s i g n i f i cant c h a n g e i n t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of i n come.
I t i s from w i t h i n these n a rrow l i m its that the new form of t h e State i s d e rived . T h i s
is n o t to be s e e n as t h e conc l u d i n g p h a s e of t h e m u cn-vau n ted " a u t o n o m y of t h e
p o l i t i c a l " vis-a-vis " e c o n o m i c " deve l o p m e n t , b u t rat her as a n e n t i re l y opposite
p rocess: that of t h e tota l s u bo rd i nation of t h e " p a rty system " to t h e politics of
the crisis.
44
R ECOM POSITION c r i s i s and the u n f o l d i n g of the State form t h ro u g h r i g i d i f ication of the " p a rty
OF T H E WO R KI N G system " . We m u s t now t u r n to the other s i d e - the recomposition of the class.
C LASS I N T H E To take t h e factory or t h e U n ivers i t y as a start i n g p o i n t i s not a prob l e m , i n that
P E RIOD SI N C E both are e n c l aves of res istance a n d recovery of a n a lternat ive c l ass politics -
T H E LATE 'SIXTI ES. e i t h e r start i n g p o i n t wou l d serve u s j u s t as wel l .
46
( s e e Take Over t h e City and s i m i l a r s l o g a n s and p rojects of t h i s p hase). I t w a s
rat h e r t h at t h e restoration of T h i rd I n ternat i o na l i st m od e l s m e a n t t h a t t h e scien
t i f i c M a rx i st concepts of t h e factory and t h e work i n g c l ass were lost s i g h t of. The
re l a t i o n between revo l u t i o nary p o l i t i c s and the rea l ity of t h e work i n g c l ass was
med i ated by one over-rid i n g t h e m e - that of res tructura tion. In other words, a
defensive terra i n , w h i c h not o n l y accepted as given t h e fragmentat i o n of the
" m a s s worker" - t h e driving force of t h e c lass i n t h e p revious workers' offens ive
- b u t made t h i s f rag mentat i o n t h e key point of depart u re for org a n i sa t i o n . T h i s
was a confu s i n g period. The Left g ro u p s h a d no factory st rategy; t h e i r m i l itants
were p u rged from t h e p l a nts, e i t h e r sacked (often for absentee i s m), by leav i n g of
t h e i r ow n accord, or tak i n g s h e l ter w i t h i n t h e U n io n s . In some of t h e l a rge work i n g
c l ass concentra t i o n s of t h e N o rt h , o n l y a c l andest i n e fraction w a s l e f t to m a i n t a i n
a s l e nd e r orga n i sat i o n a l network.
Not that the period 1 969-73 was o n e of standst i l l as far as workers' demands were
concerned - far from i t . I t was ma rked by i ntensive col l ective barga i n i n g activity
- proba b l y t h e most i ntense s i nce t h e War. Few were a w a re of t h e reco n q u est by
the " pa rty system " in the factories prec isely becau s e t h i s p rocess was covered
up by the pressu re of U n i on barga i n i n g . In some sectors l a b o u r costs rose by
25 % a year, not to m e n t i o n t h e U n ion pressu re for the inquadramento unico
( u n i f ication of g rad i n g systems for workers and w h i t e c o l l a r staff) and on work i n g
cond i t i o n s and e n v i r o n m e n t . B u t t h i s cont i n u o u s barga i n i ng activity tended t o
h ave a frag m e n t i n g effect p o l i t i c a l ly: it tended to dissolve the politica l iden tity o f
t h e class, reducing it t o its lo wes t common denomina tor as mere labour-po wer. I t
wo u l d b e q u ite wrong t o s a y t h at t h e presence of workers' p o l i t i c a l p ro b l e m s
" d i m i n i s hed" i n t h i s p e r i o d at a l l leve l s . The rea l i ty of t h e s i t u a t i o n was rat h e r
that a l l t h e p ropert ies of t h e c l a s s w h i c h u n i fy and d e f i n e i t as a p o l i t i c a l s u bj ect
w e re now transferred to the org a n i sations. The class rem a i ned as a s u baltern e l e
m e n t , as "ma teria l " for the party, in other words as labour po wer. The spectre of
t h e old separat ion betwee n "ec o n o m i c " and " p o l i t i c a l " s t r u g g l e ret u rned to t h e
s c e n e . T h i s m e a n t a severe setback f o r the autonomy of t h e work i n g c l ass: a
defeat of work i n g c l ass s c i e n c e , of revo l u t ionary theory.
A NEW POLITICAL B u t i f t h e i d e n t i ty of t h e mass worker as political s u bject was now dead - long
CYCLE O F l ive t h e mass worke r ! A p o l i t i c a l cycle of stru gg les as d e e p l y rooted and powerf u l
STR U G GLES: THE as t h a t w h i c h led from t h e mass confrontation o f Piazza Statuto (Tu r i n , 1 96 1 ) to
GENE RALISATION OF the g e n e ra l i sed offens ive of the Hot A u t u m n ( 1 969) - t h ro u g h o u t w h i c h t h e mass
THE POLITICAL worker of l a rg e-sca l e i n d u st ry had acted as t h e central d ri v i n g force - cou l d
BEHAVIO U R OF THE h a rd l y be expected to d i sa p pear w i t h o u t a t race. I t w a s b o u n d to s e t i n m o t i o n a
MASS WO R KE R w h o l e series of secondary effects and i rreversi b l e m ec h a n i s m s , imposing its
specific hegemony on the composition o f the en tire class.
I n fact t here were p lenty of s i g n s of t h i s . Besides t h e network of s m a l l e r factories
w h i c h began to ex p l ode one after another, the rest of t h e labou r force at a l l leve l s
t o o k t h e c u e a n d b e g a n to o rg a n ise and s t ru g g l e a l o n g t h e s a m e l i nes as t h e
workers of t h e b i g factories. A p a rt f r o m t h e a f f i rmation of a s i m i l a r m o d e l of
po l it i ca l-t rade u n i o n activity, we find para l l e l forms of col lective behav i o u r a n d
p ractices of s t ru g g l e. The h e g e m o n y of t h e w orkers o v e r s a la r i ed e m p l oyees c a n
be s e e n i n t h e mass p i c ket i n g by b a n k e m p l oyees, i n c l u d i n g v i o l e n t c o n f ro nta
t i o n s w i t h p o l i c e and scabs (the p o l i c e were by now b e i n g used reg u l ar l y a g a i n s t
p i c kets); or i n t h e " i n te rn al marches" ( c h a racterist i c form of mobi l i sa t i o n at F I AT)
by Govern me n t e m p l oyees at t h e M i n istries. N ot to m e n t i o n cert a i n m o re spec i f i c
effects, s u c h as t h e workers' use of labou r t r i b u n a l s . T h i s began to p rov i d e cer
t a i n leve l s of t h e m a g i s t racy w i t h a p l atform to break away form t h e i m passe of a
p u re l y j u ri d ical-formal battle for respect of l a b o u r codes and g u arantees a g a i n st
t h e i l l e g a l p ract ices of t h e j ud i c i a ry - h e n c e t h e emergence of a new w o rk i n g
c lass p ract i ce i n j u ri s p ru dence.
T H E NEWLY D E F I N E D T h i s new generat i o n of entrants to t h e U n ivers ity fou nd not h i n g new or s u perior i n
ROLE OF THE terms o f c u l t u re a n d means o f pol i t i c a l ex p res s i o n , t h a n what had a l ready been
UNIVERSITY, AN D c o n q u e red in the H i g h Schools, or t h ro u g h activity i n p o l i t i c a l g ro u p s . In com
T H E E M E R G ENCE O F parison, t h e U n iversity a p peared as a l i fe l ess, s q u a l i d , b u reaucrat i c struct u re,
T H E WO M EN'S which offered l i t t l e . The o l d acad e m i c e l i te, d e s p i te t h e student revo l t of 1 968, has
MOV E M ENT s u cceeded i n coopt i n g a new generation of y o u n g opport u n ist teac hers. The p i c
t u resq ue arrogance of t h e o l d e r academ i c s was b e i n g rep l aced by a new genera
tion of merc u r i a l and s p e n t i n d iv i d u a ls. The " N ew Left" i n t e l lectu a l s of the 1 968
v i n tage, and t hose formed in the so-ca l led m i nority g ro u p s of the ' s ixties, if not
openly "sold o u t " , were e i t h e r at the service of the Trade U n ion Left, or p ract i s i n g
a d u a l ro l e of orga n i sa t i o n a l m i l itancy c o m b i ned w i t h " s c i e n t i f i c " acad e m i c i s m .
Any poss i b i l ity of a new c u l t u re, a re-eva l u a t i o n and re l a u n c h i n g of revo l u t i o n a ry
t h eory and c reat i o n of new theoret i c a l weapons that t h e U n ivers ity cou l d offer,
were open l y d i scou raged both by t h e groups and by Left j o u r n a l i s m and
p u b l i s h i n g . H e n ce t h e U n ivers ity was taken f o r what it was: a b u reauc rat i c f i l t e r of
soc i a l mob i l ity a n d n ot h i n g more. The contents of acad e m i c c u l t u re were not
c h a l lenged: i n stead t h e re was a wholesale desert i o n of lectu res a n d s e m i nars.
The stru g g l e against selection of i ntake, as in 1 968, no l o n g e r made sense, s i nce
t h e State itself had i m posed mass i f ication a n d f ree e n t ry. Selection now took
48
place at other levels - at the level of income and needs: no longer by the vote of
academic functionaries, but by the structural inadequacy of services. The impact
of the crisis and the rise in the cost of living played the decisive role here.
This account takes us to the end of 1973, and the Oil Crisis, which we take as the
conventional date for the opening of the second phase. But before we go on, we
must turn to the decisive event which began to transform the conditions of the
movement from 1970-71, still in the earlier phase: the birth of the feminist move
ment. This immediately posed a question of hegemony over the whole social
fabric, hence was analogous in its dimensions and its claims to the hegemony of
the mass worker. The specific, autonomous interests of women, organised by
women, not only directly challenge family relations of productio i; they also, by
taking an autonomous political form as an independent feminist movement, in
volved a radical separation from the mediations of the "party system", and from
Trade Union representation, but also above all from the revolutionary Left groups
themselves. With women's self-rediscovery and claim to control their bodies, their
own needs and desires, their subjectivity, we see the beginnings of a new critique
of alienated militancy - one of the key themes of the movement in the second
phase - but also, and more fundamentally, the starting point for the general
thematic of needs within the movement.
All this remained a latent tendency, however, until the beginning of the acute
phase of the crisis in 1974-75. At the institutional level this coincided with the
defeat of the "strategy of tension". Just at the point when the violence of the
crisis against the composition of the class reached its apex, the Italian Left - in
cluding a large part of the extra-parliamentary groups - were celebrating their
victory at the institutional level, considering their mission practically accomp
lished!
THE ERROR OF Here we see in striking form the precipitation of all the contradictions, above all
MISTAKING THE the gap between "politics" and the reality of the class, which marked the "im
APPEARANCE FOR perfect Togliattian" situation we described above. The attention of the Left was
THE SUBSTANCE focused on the form of the State: but not at the State form as measured or levell
OF STATE POWER. ed against the autonomy of the working class. Rather, the State form was seen in
itself, in its own autonomy, at the formal-political level only. The crisis of the
Right-wing strategy of tension was mistakenly seen by the Left as the crisis of
the State form. The forced abandonment by the DC Government of its underhand
use of Fascist personnel and provocation was mistaken for the crisis of the
regime. The temporary virulence of internal battles within the DC and the
"separate bodies" of the State (secret services, security, etc.) was mistaken for
the crisis of State command. This was to mistake the appearance for the
substance of Sta te po wer. Me a nw h i le, t h e rea l reco n s t r u c t i o n of t h e " p a rty
system " proceeded from belo w: t h e form of the State had a l ready penet rated the
terra i n of t h e factory, and by now only needed the ideology of the c r i s i s to come
out i n t o t h e open, as a mac h i n e d i rectly p o l a r i sed a g a i n st t h e i nterests of the
work i n g c l ass.
Meanw h i l e "tough measu res." were bei n g adopted i n t h e factory ! From 1 974 t h e
t e m p o of factory c l o s u res, sac k i n g s and layoffs g a t h e red pace, eased b y
systematic recou rse to t h e cassa in tegrazione ( t h e State-e m p loyer f u n d to com
pensate for periods laid off from work, i n c r i s i s - h i t i n d ust r i e s and sectors). The
system of l a b o u r-contract l e g a l g u a rantees, estab l i s hed thanks to t h e workers' of
fens ive of 1 969, was not broken and remained i n tact. In other words, i t was a l l ow
ed to s u rvive as a juridical-con tractual framework. But the reality of
" g u arantee i s m ' ' , w h i c h does not depend o n w r i tten statutes or labou r c o n t racts,
b u t on t h e h o m o g e n e i ty and com pactness of c l ass orga n i sa t i o n and t h e p o l i t i c a l
network of c l ass a u tonomy b u i l t i n t h e factories i n t h e p reced i n g years - t h i s
w a s attacked b y a l l m e a n s ava i l ab l e .
A D EVELOPING The smaller firms and pla n ts have a spec i a l i m portance, for t h e c lass s u bjectivity
CLASS and type of s t ru g g l e th at t hey engender. At this leve l , of p i ecemeal b l ow against
COMPOSITION: cou nterblow, c l o s u res a n d occu pa t i o n s , it is precisely this war of position tha t
THE ROLE O F gives rise to the recompositional processes of the working class. I t is st i l l d i ff i c u l t
THE SMALL to estab l i s h , b u t probably t h e s m a l l factory h as p rovided t h e best terra i n , t h e "en-
50
FACTORY A N D t ry h o l e " t h ro u g h w h i c h t h e m o l e h a s started to d i g once a g a i n . Of c o u rse, s m a l l
T H E DISS EMINATED factories are not homogeneous a m o n g t h e m s e l ves, a n d i n fact ex h i b i t s harp d i f
WORKER ferences a n d c o n t rasts. For exa m p l e : d i f ferences betwee n low tec h no l og i c a l
l eve l s , a n t i q uated leve l s of org a n i sa t i o n , a n d b i g i n n ovat ive t e n d e n c i e s ; between
s i t u at i o n s of total m arket para l y s i s a n d s i t u at i o n s offeri n g poss i b i l i t i es of fresh
m a rket p e n e t rat i o n ; local ly-oriented factories, a n d factories serv i n g o n ly a n i nter
n a t i o n a l m a rket; f i rm s that a re tota l l y dependent on t h e strang le-hold of c red i t
a n d f i rms l i ke t h e cooperatives w h i c h a r e f ree f ro m ban kers' u s u ry ; f ro m u n io n i s
ed f i r m s to others (far g reater i n n u m ber) w i t h no trade u n i o n org a n i sa t i o n ; from
f i rm s with a labou r force w h i c h i s m a rg i na l and u nderpa i d , to t h ose w here it i s
h i g h l y paid a n d s k i l led; and f i n a l ly, vary i n g s ized factories w h e re a l l t hese
e le m e n t s a re c o m b i n ed u nd e r one roof. Prec isely t h i s level of d i s-homogeneity
means t hat t h e s m a l l-to-med i u m factory worker does not e x p ress a major i t a r i a n
soc i a l reference p o i n t for t h e c l ass, w h ose d e m a nd s a n d forms of s t r u g g l e can b e
taken u p at t h e gen eral level of p o l i t i c a l objectives: f u rt h e rm o re, we cannot expect
to see t h e kind of re l at i o n s h i p (as with t h e l a rg e-sca l e factory) of mass va n g u a rd s
c a p a b l e of p u l l i ng be h i nd t h e m t h e w h o l e of t h e move m e n t .
Let ' s beg i n w i t h age: prec i s e l y because the s m a l l factory tends to use marg i na l
l a b o u r-power, t h e presence of m i n o rs a n d very y o u n g peop l e , i f n o t t y p i c a l , i s
nevert h e l ess very f req u e n t , a n d i t i s f r o m t h e s m a l l factories t h a t perhaps t h e
m o s t s o l i d w i n g of t h e move m e n t of proletarian y o u t h h a s b e e n recru ited. At t h e
sam e t i me, s i nce t h e s m a l l factories e m p l oy a c o n s i d e ra b l e n u m ber of women
workers, t hey have a l s o provided a recru i t i n g g r o u n d for a s izea b l e w i n g of t h e
wome n ' s move m e n t , w i t h a part i c u l a r awareness of t h e p r o b l e m s of material
needs. In add i t i o n t here i s t h e q u estion of t h e workforce i nvolved i n precarious
work (la voro precario), work in the home, illegal work (la voro nero), etc: the c r i s i s
has s w e p t away t h e d ivid i n g p a rt i t i o n s between t h e va r i o u s " i n d u s t r i a l forma
t i o n s " a n d has created t h e p h e n o m e n o n of t h e "d issem i n ated worker" (w h i c h can
a l s o be fou n d i n o t h e r spec i f i c epochs in t h e h i story of t h e I t a l i a n proletari at). I n
other words, t h e c o n s c i o u s d i s pe r s i o n o f t h e l a b o u r force w i t h i n a territorial
d i me n s i o n , i n a n i n termediate condition betwee n formal a n d rea l s u bj e c t i o n to
c a p i t a l . This i s a p recise p l a n , put i n to operat ion a g a i n s t t h e p o l i t i c a l a g g re g a t i o n
of t h e c l ass. B u t , leav i n g a s i d e these s tructural a s p e c t s , t h e b i g c h a n g es a re to
be seen in t h e subjectivity of the workers in the s m a l l factory, i na s m u c h as i t is
h a rd for them to apply org a n i sa t i o n a l models a n d forms of s t ru g g l e w h i c h rea l ly
o n l y a p p l y in l a rge-sca l e i n d u s t ry. H e re we see a c r i s i s in t he trade u n io n i s t s t y l e
of operat i n g th at c h a racteri sed t h e s t r u g g l e of workers i n t he l a rge f a c t o r i e s . T h e
t ra n s i t i o n w h ereby l a b o u r p o w e r becomes worK i n g class (a p rocess w n i c h i s
g u a ran teed i n t h e l a rge factory b y t h e very f a c t of mass i f ication) is a t ra n s i t i o n
th at t h e s m a l l -factory worker m u s t w i n v i a p o l i t i c a l p rocesses t h a t a re by n o
m e a n s "g iven " . T h e p ractice of v i o l ence m u s t m a ke u p for t h e lack of n u m be rs
and t h e low level of m a s s i f i ca t i o n . I f t h e roots of d i rect act ion armed workers'
groups are to be f o u n d , h i stori c a l l y , i n the old "Sta l i ng rads" of t h e work i n g c lass,
i n po l i t ical terms t h ey are based on t h e s t a n d a rd of t h e small factory.
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h ave e n ro l led in t h e U n ivers i t i es . The fact t h a t t hey a re e m p l oyed by i n terest
p rod u c i n g c a p i t a l has a l l owed bank workers to g ra s p the way i n w h i c h c a p i t a l is
m a n a g i n g t h e c r i s i s , a nd the f u n c t i o n of money w i t h i n the c r i s i s . H owever, h e re
we s t i l l f i nd ou rse l ves w i t h i n a framework of trade u n i on c o n t ro l of t h e workforce.
Our acco u n t so f a r has left out t h e l a rge n u m bers of workers in each of t h e a bove
sectors who are e m p l oyed by contractors and s u b-con t ractors. T h e i r n u m be rs
considerably i n c rease t h e s ize of t h e workforce t h at is commanded, e i t h e r d i rect l y
or i n d i rect l y , by t h e " p a rty system " ( o r , more p recisely, by t h e C h ri s t i a n
Democrats o r t h e C o m m u n i s t Party). T h i s network of cont ract l a bou r b r i n g s u s
r i g h t to t h e heart l a n d s of /a voro nero - i n o t h e r word s , t h a t very w i d e a rea of
waged l a bo u r w here t h e system of t rade u n i o n g u a ra ntees i s either frag i l e or non
existent. B u t i s this network only c h a racterist i c of t h e State, local a u t h o r i t y a n d
service sectors? Far from i t . I t i s t h e s truc ture of t h e firm itself (impresa) tha t is
being dissolved, as a means of prod u c i ng c o m m o d i t ies; t h e f i r m rema i n s merely
as c h i ef cl erk, as m ere ad m i n i st ra t i o n of decen t ra l i sed l a b o u r; in fact, t h e f i rm
d i ssolves i t s e l f as a s u bject or p rotag o n i s t of c o n f l ict, as an i n s t i t u t i o n of t h e
c l a s s s t r u g g l e . The f i rm i s t h e f u l c r u m of t h e p rocesses of tert i a r i s a t i o n . H ow c a n
we s peak of r i g i d i t y of t h e l a b o u r ma rket o u t s i d e of t h i s i ns t i t u t i o n a l b reak-u p?
The c h a i n of i n f i n i t e d ec en tra l i sa t i o n of p rod u c t i o n breaks t h e r i g i d i t ie s of age
a n d sex, of geog ra p h i c a l l ocat i o n , of soc i a l backg rou n d , etc, a n d all this i s a
w e i g h t y factor i n f u s i n g t h e new com pos i t i o n of t h e c lass.
THE DECEN So far we h ave s h o w n t h at t h e system of dece n t ra l isation has a l l owed a " m ixed "
T RALISATION O F l a b o u r force to be absorbed w i t h i n t h e wage rel a t i o n , a n d t h a t t h e p rocesses of
THE SYSTEM O F tert i arisation of t h e f i rm have, i n t u r n , d riven t h o u sa n d s of waged workers to
STR U G GLES. THE become students. H av i n g shown that these d r i ves have conferred a new p o l i t i c a l
POLITICS O F l e g i t i mation on a l l t hose i nvolved , we n e e d not l i s t t h e t h o u sand-and-one p o s i
"PE RSONAL LI FE". t i o n s th at t h e s t u d e n t s h ave t a k e n u p o r can t a ke u p w i t h i n t h e o p p o rt u n ities o f
waged l a bo u r that t h e s y s t e m of dece n t ra l i s a t i o n offers. T h e s e t h o u s a n d s of
s tu d e n t-workers have broug h t a new pol i t i c a l d i m e n s i o n to t h e cond i t i o n of waged
labou r in w h i c h t hey f i n d t h e m se l ves, a n d i t h a s p roved pos s i b l e to c reate a
m u t u a l strengt h e n i n g of isol ated s t r u g g les, even i n s i t u a t i o n s w h e re t rade
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u n io n i s m is weak and w h e re t h e re a re few t rad i t i o n s of s t r u g g l e . The U n ivers i t y
has been used as a focal p o i n t . E ve n t h i s " s q u a l i d b u re a u c rat i c antec h a m ber"
has p roved capable of becom i n g somet h i n g d ifferent - a meet i n g p o i n t , a n ag
g rega t i o n poi n t for a system of strugg les that i s itself also i n f i n itely decentra l i s
ed. Meanwh i le , after years of w a i t i n g , t h e o l d mole of t h e student stru g g l e has
a lso started d ig g i n g again, on i s s u e s l i ke canteens, h o u s i n g , t ra n s port, a n d f i n a l l y
o n c o u rse contents, exams, a n d vot i n g r i g h t s . T h e p roletarian ( a n d proletari a n i s
ed) s t u d e n t sectors were a b l e to f u se t h emselves w i t h t h e w h o l e arc of stru g g l es
that t h e c r i s i s was sett i n g i n m o t i o n .
The q u estion of d ru g s now arises. Control of drug usage i s bei n g reap p ro p riated
by t h e i ns t i t u t i o n s of t h e p o l i t i c a l cycle. N o sooner have young peo p l e had a taste
of soft d ru g s , g i v i n g them a f i rst-hand taste of how m u c h this society has robbed
them of t h e i r perceptive pote n t i a l , than the hero i n m u l t i n a t i o n a l s decide to step i n
a n d i m pose h a rd d ru g s . A space o f pol i t i ca l confrontat i o n opens u p , between use
va l u e (se lf-managed, w i t h i n certa i n l i m its) a n d exc h a n g e v a l u e of d rug s , and t h i s
i n vo lves org a n isation a n d i n sta nces of armed self-defence. N o r i s the mec h a n i s m
of t h e p rod u c t i o n of n e w n e e d s t h e exc l u s ive p re rog at ive of t h e " l i berat ion
m ovements" . . . . . . i t has its roots i n t h e "We Want Everyt h i n g " of t h e M i ra f i o r i
workers i n t h e S u m me r of ' 6 9 . The " I ta l i a n Utopia" has a s o l i d work i n g c l ass
stamp, w h i c h no t heorists of a n A m e rica n-sty l e " move m e n t " - g h ettoi sed and
s e l f-s u f f i c i e n t - w i l l be able to erase.
TH E C RISIS O F As we h ave see n , the recon q u est of " perso n a l l i fe" has also dealt a deat h b l ow to
POLITICAL FORMS. t h e organisations of t h e revo l u t i o n a ry Left. B u t t h e roots of their o rg a n i sa t i o n a l
b reakdown d o not l ie o n l y i n q u es t i o n s of sex u a l re l a t i o n s , of a l ienat i n g h i erar
T H E M EA NI N G O F ch ies, t h e d e n i a l of s u bj ectivity, etc.: t h ey l i e in p recise, d o c u m e n t a b l e errors of
T H E AREA O F po l i t ic al choice, m i staken theories of orga n i sa t i o n . For exam p l e , the c u rrent con
AUTO N O M Y cept of po wer, has been based on t h e o l d po l i t i cal cyc l e (stru g g l e/party/t ransi
tion/c i v i l war/State power). I n other words, a p rojection i nto t h e f u t u re, rat h e r t h a n
a l ived e x p e r i e n c e w i t h i n t h e l i berated s p a c e s of t h e p resen t . T h i s e r r o r t u rn s i n t o
parody w h en t h e g ro u p s a l l t roop d o w n i n t o t h e e l ectoral a r e n a . The rotten i n s t i t u
t i o n a l f o r m s of p o l i t ic s , e a t e n away f r o m t h e i ns i d e a n d abandoned by t h e m ore
aware e l e m e n t s , become a form of o p p ress i o n .
The ex p l o s i o n of 1 977, w i t h the occ u pation of U n ivers ity fac u l t ies, was a v i o l e n t
confrontat ion between t h e State-form and t h e new p o l i t i c a l compos i t i o n of t h e
c l ass. For a wh i l e t h i s new c l ass compos i t i o n met and based i t s e l f i n t h e U n iversi
ty, taking i t as a material base w h e re d i fferent needs, d i fferent c l ass seg ments,
soc i a l g rou ps, po l i t i c a l g ro u p s and d i ss e m i nated g ro u p s cou l d come together. The
U n ivers ity as a n i n s t i t u t i o n beca me a s t ru g g l e-base, capable of rep resent i n g a l l
t h e various part i a l programmes o f t h e n e w c l a s s compos i t i o n .
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Meanw h i le, in t h e actual s t ru g g l e , i m portant t h i n gs were h a p pen i n g . The cu rrent
i n t e rpretat i o n s of t h e m (bot h t hose of t h e D P t e n d e n cy a n d t hose of the
Autonomy tendency) a re e i t h e r wrong , or only half r i g h t . Part i c u l arly as regards
t h e i n ternal m e c h a n i c s of t h e eve n t s of Bologna.
The Com m u n ist Party i n Bologna, on t h e other hand, has deve l oped a n d ex
peri mented p ract i c a l l y with a more mat u re State-form, a form w h i c h i s m o re i n
l i ne w i t h mass soc i a l -d e m oc racy i n a period o f t r a n s i t i o n . A State-form i n w h i c h i t
is the masses themselves who act a s judge a n d jury, j u d g i n g w h o i s deviant and
w h o i s not, w h o i s p rod u c t ive and w h o i s not, w h o i s soc i a l ly d a n g e ro u s a n d w h o
i s n o t . N ow it i s to be t h e factory m a s s meet i n g that ex p e l s the extre m i st: t h e
m a s s tenants' meet i n g t h a t d e c i d e s to e x p e l t h e y o u n g hoo l i g a n ; and t h e col l ege
asse m b l y to expel t h e ' u ndes i ra b l e ' student with h i s pistol and i ron bar. Of
cou rse, t h e i nstances I a m t h i n k i n g of have been extreme cases - b u t t h e fact
that t h i s State-form i s being t r i ed o u t on the " a u to n o m ists" as g u i nea pigs d oes
not lessen t h e m a rg i na l i s i n g pote n t i a l of such a State-form w i t h i n a framework of
deve l o p i n g austerity, of the " p o l i t i c s of sacr i f i ce" and of m o n ey b e i n g g iven h a n d
o v e r f i st to capita l i st enterprises. Once you h ave t h e c o l lective act i n g as j u d g e
and j u ry, t h e n t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l forces of t h e l a w (wigs and robes, e t c ) h a v e o n l y a
rat i fy i n g f u n c t i o n : t h ey take d e l i very of t h e hostage, t h e t u mor that has been
d riven o u t of t h e otherwise healthy body. The State-form a p pears as a kind of i m
m u n i s i n g p rocess of c i v i l society. T h i s is a h u g e step forward - it is a m o m e n t of
"socia l i sation of t h e State," w h i c h wou l d be i n n ovative were it not h a p pe n i n g
w i t h i n a framework of a f reez i n g of t h e c lass power balance, w i t h a restoration o f
capita l i st control at a l l leve l s , and a general a m n esty f o r a l l t h e c ri m i n a l s , past
and p resen t , b e l o n g i n g to t h e apparatus of c l i e n t i s m , corru p t i o n and rep ress i o n .
At the level of power-i n s t i t u t i o n s it i s u n d o u bted ly a f u rt h e r e l e m e n t c o n t r i b u t i n g
to the sticki ness of t h e s i t u a t i o n , b u t at t h e same t i m e we m u st u nderstand i t s
" p rogressive" c h a racter. I t transcends t w o aspects of t h e p resent State-form: i t s
aspect as a " party system " , and its aspect as a b u rea u c rat i c-repressive ap
parat u s , bot h of w h i c h a re separate from a n d host i l e to c i v i l society. I t is a n in
f i n itely more advanced form, a form w h i c h , among other t h i ng s , has no n eed to
break u p t h e p rese n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l apparat u s o r p u rge it by s u bst i t u t i n g more
democ rat ic person n e l . . . . This State-form does m o re t h a n that. I t overt u rns the
re l at i o n s h i p between c i v i l society and t h e a p pa rat u s . I t a p p ro p r i ates t h e
q u a l i tative f u n c t i o n of t h e j u d i c i a ry, and leaves t h e ap parat u s w i t h t h e q u a n
t itat ive tra n s l a t i o n , i n terms of t h e penalties to be i m posed . H e n ceforth it is c i v i l
society, t h e co l l ectivity, w h i c h f ixes the n o r m a n d form u l ates t h e sentence, w h i l e
t h e ap parat u s i s l e f t w i t h t h e tec h n i c a l t a s k of p u n i s h ment.
A ll this presen ts enormous problems for the legitima tion of politica l a c tions, in
asmuch as organisa tion is obliged to measure itself day by day again s t the new
composition of the class; and must find its political progra mme only in the
beha viour of the class and not in some set of s ta tu tes; and thus must pra ctice,
not political clandes tinity, but its opposite. Those who practice techn ical
c landest i n ity g e n e ra l l y d o not even see t h i s State-form. They cont i n u e to relate to
t h e State ap paratuses, a n d by foc u s s i n g a l l t h e i r atte n t i o n on them, t hey then f i n d
t h e m s e l ves separated f ro m t h e mass move m e n t . O n t h e other h a n d , t hose w h o
c h oose politica l c l a n d e s t i n ity - ie refusal t o seek o r crea te a base for criticism
and legitima tion of a c tions - not o n l y u ndergo t h a t same segregat i o n from t h e
m a s s move m e n t , b u t are a l so s m a s h ed by t h e a pparat u s , because t h ey d o not
have the defences and the weapons possessed by t h ose in tec h n i c a l c l a ndest i n i
ty.
N ow w h i l e it i s true that the PCI has p roposed (and i n some i nstances put i nto ef
fect) t h i s new, m o re advanced form of the State, as a n ex p e r i m e n t , in act u a l fact
it has osc i l l ated between t h i s type of " p o l i t i c a l p reve n t i o n " of s u bversive
behav i o u r a n d a c o m pete delegation of repres s i o n to t h e State apparat u s . In my
own o p i n i o n , t h e f i rst o p t i o n has carried far more w e i g h t , a n d i n this sense I f i n d
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t i resome and a l s o i n correct t h e references that a r e p resen t l y be i n g made to "a
new Prag u e " or " a new C h i l e " . B u t what we must c l arify i s t h e extent to w h i c h
t h i s propos i t i o n of a "soc i a l " State-form has m e t a n d w i l l meet res istance a n d
ref u s a l at t h e va r i o u s leve l s of t h e present c lass com pos i t i o n .
TOWA R D S A The t h eo ry that t h e U n iversity has f u nctioned as a point of aggregation for the
MOBI LISATION O F M ovement runs a l o n g s i d e a t h eo ry rega rd i n g t h e f i g u re of t h e u n e m p l oyed in
THE ENTIRE MASS tellectual (or rather the intellectual unemployed), who has been taken, uncritically,
OF DISSEMINATED as the most representative figure of the movement . The theory is that the exclusion
LABO U R of t h e i nt e l l ec t u a l u n e m p l oyed from t h e l a b o u r market p u t s t h e m on a par w i t h
o t h e r m a rg i n a l i sed sectors, for w h o m t h e i nt e l lect u a l u n e m p l oyed t h e n a c t as a
voice. I have a l ready stated my c o m p l ete d i sagreement w i t h t h i s k i n d of i nter
p retat i o n . The U n iversity was taken by t h e c u rrent c l ass c o m pos i t i o n as a poi n t of
a g g regation, m o re tor reasons of the p o l i t i c a l forms of the s t ru g g l e ( i e for certa i n
l ev el s o f violence a n d power) t h a n f o r t h e fact t h at i t i s a factory p rod u c i n g
e m p l oyed i n t e l lect u a l s ; i t w a s taken u p becau s e i t p u t a n e n d to t h i s p rocess o f
t h e m a rg i na l isation of d e m a n d s , s u bject ive behaviou rs a n d o rg a n isation. B u t once
agai n we m u s t go beyond t h e U n iversity, both as a base for t h e M ovement a n d as
a point of a g g regat i o n , i n ord e r to i d e n t i fy t h e c h a n n e l s t h a t can bring about a
m o bi l i sation of t h e e n t i re mass of d issemi nated labou r - ie i n order to prov i d e a
way i n t o t h e factory th at p rod u ces relat ive s u r p l u s v a l u e . For t h i s reason I have
taken p a i n s t o e m p ha s i s e the q uestion of p recarious labor, together w i t h i h e
system of decentra l i sa t i o n of p rod u c t i o n , a n d t h a t soc i a l a rea w h e re t h e p ro-
tected system of trade u n io n " g u a rantees" a n d cond i t i o n s has entered i nto c r i s i s .
I n o r d e r to m a k e t h i s t ra n s i t i o n i t i s v i t a l that we f i rst rej ect t h e " rhetoric of pover
ty" - moral p rotests on beh a l f of t h e poor. I nstead, we s h o u l d once agai n ask
o u rse lves whether i t i s poss i b l e to t h i n k i n terms of " m a s s obj e c t i ves" of t h e type
which c h a racterized t h e a n t i - a u t horitari a n i s m of 1 968 (t h e F I AT workers' demand
for "G rade 2 for a l l " , w h i c h led i nto t h e e g a l i t a r i a n i s m of t h e d e m a n d s p u t for
ward i n the Hot A u t u m n of 1 969).
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i l/5 Andreotti tomb Video/photo: Seth Tile!
i l/6 Arrested hospital workers, Polyc l l n lcal Hospital, Rome
i l/7 Chemical plant worker; Ottana, Sard i n i a
i l/8 C R O 1 729468 ROM E: Luciano Lams, leader of t h e Com m u n i st-led General Confederat ion
of Italian Labor (CG I L), add resses h u n d reds of pl acard-carry i n g stri kers i n St. John's Sq uare
here Feb. 3 as the Eternal City is h i t by a second general strike in 77 days, seri ously d i s ru p
t i n g normal l i fe for some 2.7 m i l l i o n I n habitants and thousands of touri sts. The strike was call
ed by Com m u n ist, Catholic and Soc i a l i st-led u n i ons to dramatize the prob lems of the Rome
work i n g m a n - u nemployment. 213172
i l/1 0 Paol o Tomass i n i , victim of Rome's Spec ial Squadron 212177
i l/1 1 SOP 091 402 D EATH COUCH SANTIAGO: This is the couch where Pres. Salvador Al lende
of Chile reported ly shot and k i l led h i mself during the coup d'etat i n the Pres idential Palace
here Sept. 1 1 (UPI) 9/1 5173
Dom i n ation a nd
S a bot a g e
Ton i N eg ri
P A R E N T H ESIS When I t heorise a n i ndependence of the p rocess of proletarian sel fva lorisation,
N0. 1 : and when I exa m i n e t h e poss i b i l ity of i t s h av i n g a n i nternal d i a lect i c of con
O N M ET H O D t i n u o u s recom post i o n between structural f u n c t i o n s and attac k i n g f u n c t i o n s , I a m
bound to d raw cert a i n methodolog i c a l conc l u s i ons. F i rst, i t seems to m e f u n
damental to consider t h e tot a l ity of t h e p rocess of proletarian self-va iorisation as
a lterna tive to, a n d rad i c a l l y different f ro m , t h e total ity of t h e process of c a p i t a l i s t
p rod u c t i o n and rep rod u c t i o n . I rea l ise that I a m exaggerat i n g t h e pos i t i o n , a n d
overs i m p l if y i n g its c o m p lexity. B u t I also know that t h i s " i ntens ive road " , t h i s
rad ic al break w i t h t h e total ity of c a p i ta l i st deve l o p m e n t , i s a f u n d a m e n t a l ex
perience of the move m e n t as i t stands today.
Today the process of cons titu ting class independence is first and foremost a pro
cess of separa tion.
62
w i t h t h e pas s i n g of t h e years, becomes i nc reas i n g l y i m portant), t h e tota l ity of
c l a s s consciousness is f i rst a n d foremost an i nt e n s ive cond i t i o n , a process of i n
t e n s i f i cation of class s e l f - i d e n t i t y as a p rod uct ive be i n g , w h i c h destroys t h e rela
t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e tota l ity of the c a p i t a l i s t system.
63
And t h u s (here is t h e t h i rd methodolog i c a l i m p l ication) - t h e re is no homology,
no poss i b l e i m med i ate translata b i l ity of l a n g u ages, of l o g i c s , of s i g ns, between
t h e rea l i ty of the movement as I experience i t and the overa l l framework of
capital ist deve l o p m e n t , with its contents a n d its objectives.
Let u s now pause and consider t h e q uestion from another a n g l e . The f u ndamental
p o i n t , however you look at t h e q u es t i o n , i s obviously still t h e nexus between t h e
p rocess of sel f-va l orisation and its effects i n destruct u ration. I h a v e t a k e n t h i s
n e x u s to extremes, a n d I have d e f i n e d i t as separat i o n . B a s i n g myse l f o n t h e ex
perience of the move m e n t , I have st ressed f i rst and foremost the s u bjective e l e
ment. I f I now a p p roach t h e q uest ion from t h e objective p o i n t of view - t h e v i ew
p o i n t of the C r i s i s-State (Sta to-cris1), the pos i t i o n is n o d ifferent. W h e n the State,
faced with t h e c r i s i s in the f u n c t i o n i n g of the law of va l u e , attem pts to rei m pose
that law by force, m ed i a t i n g its own rel a t i o n to capital in relation to the com mod i
ty form, i t reg i sters u po n itse l f , i n effect, t h e c r i s i s of all h o m o l o g o u s f u n c t i o n s .
Force d o e s not s u bstitute for va l ue, b u t provides a s u rrogate for its form.
T h i s i s a l so c l e a r - a n d , f u rthermore, scanda l o u s - i n t h e v a r i o u s s u r re p t i t i o u s
attempts that are b e i n g made to rei m pose a s e n se of conc l u s iveness o n t h i s
destructu red h o r i z o n . (These attempts, be t hey h u m a n i s t i c i n i n s p i ra t i o n , o r c o n
ceived i n t e r m s of Wille z u r Macht, d o n o n e t h eless start from a correct percept i o n
of t h e b l i n d object ivity of t h e deve l o p m e n t of c a p i t a l ' s system . Regard i n g Cac
c i a r i ' s Krisis - F e l t r i ne l l i , M i la n 1 977 - see m y review in Nos. 1 55-1 56 of
A u t-A u t). But t h i s s u rrept i t i o u s ly-related h o m o l ogy t h i s " revo l u t i o n from above" I n
t h e absence o f rad i c a l s i g n i f icance - c a n b e seen clearly, i n t h e l i g h t o f what we
h ave said, for w h a t i t i s - a fraud.
64
We a re not suggest i n g that methodology i n any sense resolves t h e problems that
face u s (a l t h o u g h a correct f ra m i n g of t h e solution i s g reat l y fac i l i tated). We know
that t h e methodolog i c a l hypothesis req u i res c o n f i r m a t i o n from c l ass analysis. It
i s only t h e t heoret ica l-po l i t i c a l deter m i nation of t h e c o m p o s i t i o n of t h e work i n g
c l ass t h a t c a n offer a s o u n d bas i s f o r a method o l o g i c a l hypothes i s s u c h as o u rs .
And i n f a c t t h e f o l l o w i n g m e t h o d o l o g i c a l a p p rox i ma t i o n s , w i t h o u t prete n d i n g to
be exhaustive, c o n f i r m our i n i t i a l method o l o g i c a l assu m pt i o n that, today, the
estab l i s h m e n t of work i n g class i ndependence takes p l ace f i rst and foremost i n its
separat i o n . B u t separa tion i n this i n st a n ce means breaking the capita l rela tion.
Separat i o n a l so means that, havi n g reac h ed the h i g hest p o i n t of soc i a l isation, t h e
work i n g class b reaks t h e la ws of the socia l media tion of c a p i t a l . M a rx i n Capital
Vol . I I , 1 , ca l l s for "another mode of i n q u i ry" in the a n a l y s i s of the metamorphoses
of overa l l soc i a l capita l . Is t h i s to be a l o g i c of separat i o n ? Is it to be a
Dars tellung b u i l t on carry i n g to extre m i ty t h i s i ndependent proletarian s u bjectivity
b u i l t on t h e move ments of proletarian sel f-va l o r i sation as s u c h ?
66
of M a n d evi l le ' s Fable of the Bees ; t h i s p l ea s u re he l eaves to the " p h i l i s t i n e
a p o l o g i sts of t h e b o u r g e o i s s ch oo l " . I t i s , rat her, a k e y to u nd e rstan d i ng . I n p o i n t
of f a c t , t h e m o r e we sabotag e t h e State and t h e m o re we g ive ex p res s i o n to t h e
s e l f-va l o r i sat i o n/destruct u ra t i o n n e x u s , t h e m o r e t h e r u l es g overn i n g t h e develop
m e n t of cap i t a l ' s State-system become feroci o u s , monstrous a n d i rrat i o n a l . So
now let u s l ook at how t h e State a n d t h e system of soc i a l d o m i n at i o n res pond to
t h e soc i a l sabotage w h i c h res u l t s from self-va l o r i s a t i o n , a n d let u s l oo k at the
logic th at t hey express - a logic w h i c h i s i nterna l ly coherent, b u t w h i c h i s
n o n e t h e l ess negat ive; a l o g i c o f destructuration w h i c h can never be s u b l i mated,
b u t only p rec i p i t ated f u rt her.
/.
I
- /,
and that t h e a p parent c o n t i n u ity of t h e s t ru g g l e is t h e outcome of an i n f i n i te
series of i nd i v i d u a l c r i s is-po i n t s . The econ o m i c and po l i t i c a l s c i ences of restruc
t u ration m u s t take acco u n t of t h i s . I t is no l o n g e r poss i b l e to i nvent i n d et e r m i nate
macro-eco n o m i c eq u i l i b r i a w h i c h a re i ndependent of s h o rt-ru n variat i o n s and i n
dependent of t h e m i c ro-econom ic components w h i c h a re variable w i t h i n t h e u n
foreseea b l e t i m i n g determ i ned b y t h e s t r u g g l e s of t h e col lect ive worker. Based on
t h i s necess ity, we now see t h e formation of t h e State-as-Cr i s i s , t h e C r i s i s-State
(Stato-cris1), on the fo l l o w i n g l i nes: to d ivide up the overa l l t h ru s t of t h e work i n g
c l ass; to control i t f ro m w i t h i n the mecha n i s m s of its o w n accu m u l a t i o n ; a n d t o
fo rest a l l i t , b y attac k i n g it i n i t s c l ass compos i t i o n . Keynes' b road eq u i l i br i a a re
rep l aced by an i n t e r n a l operat ion of deco m p o s i t i o n , w i t h i n t h e c l ass, i n an attack
that is p rec isely o r i e n tated towards dea l i n g with s i n g l e a n d part i c u l a r c l ass c r i s i s
p o i n t s - a m ic r o p h y s i c s of p o l i t i c a l eco n o m y . " T h e l o n g-term t rend i s n ot h i n g
other t h a n a c o m p o n e n t - w h i c h a l ters s l o w l y - of a c h a i n of s h o rt-term s i t u a
t i o n s " . . . . " i t is not an i ndependent e n t i t y " . ( M i c h a e l Ka l e c k i , i n Trend and
Business Cycles Reconsidered, i n Economic Journal, J u l y 1968, p p 263 seq.). Thus
it becomes i m po s s i b l e to p rod uce a model of deve l o p ment u n less i t takes ex p l i c i t
acco u n t of t h e i n terru p t i o n s that occ u r i n t h e p rocess of p rod u c t i o n a n d reprod uc
tion, and thus a fresh f o u n d a t i o n i s laid for a t h eo ry of deve l o p m e n t based o n the
t heory of cyc l i c a l f l u ct u a t i o n s , i ncorporat i n g t h e d y n a m i c s that occ u r at a
m i c roeco n o m i c leve l .
68
i n sert ion of another d i m e n s i o n of a n a l y s i s , i n order to re l a t i v i se t h e contents of
that a n a y l s i s . But t h i s i s i ndeed a strange k i n d of relativity: i t i s above a l l a
relativity of time, t h e red u c t i o n of t i m e to an indifference of command. I n p rac
t i c a l p o l i t i c a l terms we h ave a n a n a l y t i c mec h a n i s m w h i c h ass u m es c i rc u l a t i o n
t i me as a terra i n of both theory a n d contro l . The tota l ity of c i rc u l at i o n - t i m e i s
d rawn i nto t h e eco n o m i c a n a l y s i s ; t h e tota l i ty of c i rc u l a t i o n -t i m e i s to be contro l l
ed b y econom i c po l i cy: t h e hypothes i s of t h e s i m u l t a n e i ty of f u n c t i o n s a n d o pera
t i o n s w i t h i n the cycle i s not assu med in advance and abst ract (a l a neo-c l a s s i cs),
but operat i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l (a l a M i lton F r i ed m a n and h i s monetarist bed fe l l ows).
The Kaleckian i n terru p t i o n s of the s h o rt cycle a re s t i l l m e d i a t i o n s between the
t re n d and t h e overa l l cycle: h e re science does not become separated in i t s ap
p l i c a t i o n , does not waste i t s efforts i n forecas t i n g , b u t i nt e n s i f ies its a n a l y s i s o n
every m o m e n t , every t ran s i t i o n . I t i s a p h y s i c s of e l e me n t a ry part i c l es - and
science stands watc h f u l , l i ke a p o l i ceman, over everyt h i n g .
The destru c t u red log i c of the economic compat i b i l i t ies m u st in fact be extended
downwards, to reach s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l soc i a l g ro u ps, i n such a way as to destroy
any conso l i dation of proletarian sel f-val o r izat i o n . At every level . G e n e ral ized con
trol m u st be deepened a n d i nt e n s i f i e d , to act o n every point of l i n kage in the p ro
cess of reprod u c t i o n ; i t m u s t a l low the destr u c t i o n of every r i g i d ity; i t m u s t
f l u i d ity, i n a n e w m a n n er, t h e cyc l e of c a p i t a l i s t reprod u c t i o n . B u t - y o u s a y -
t h i s has a l ways h a pp e n ed ! T h i s is one of t h e laws of capital ! Certa i n ly . B u t what
makes t h e present s i t u a t i o n spec i f i c i s t h e depth, t h e i nt e n s i ty , t h e ext e n s i veness
of t h e control. Capital has been s u bjected to a c l ass p res s u re at t h e soc i a l leve l ,
w h i c h h a s d ef i n i t ively destruct u red i t s terms of reference. R i g ht down to t h e level
of factory-com m a n d (comando-impresa), c o m m a n d i s in c r i s i s . Restr u c t u rat i o n ,
at t h i s p o i n t , i s p u re form of d o m i n a t i o n . I t a i m s to be effective even at t h e level
of the i n d iv i d u a l u n i t of prod u c t i o n , the s i n g l e soc i a l g r o u p , the s i n g l e i n d iv i d u a l .
T h u s it i s n o a c c i d e n t that, act i n g at s u c h a d e p t h and w i t h i n s u c h m i c ro
econom i c d i me n s i o n s , State power is once aga i n , for the f i rst t i m e in several
decades, resu rrec t i n g the ideology of F reed o m !
70
So, c o n c rete l y spea k i n g , what is t h e center of t h e c a p i ta l ist rest r u c t u rat ion p ro
j ect today? H ow is the form of d o m i nation bei n g rea l ized ? The fact of c o m m a n d
o v e r l iv i n g labor t a k i n g t h e u pp e r hand o v e r t h e law of va l u e i s not somet h i n g
new: b u t wha t i s specific t o today 's res tructura tion i s the conjuncture of com
mand together with the indifference of the con ten ts of command, of its articula
tions. T h i s c a p i t a l ist conc l u s i o n d erives from t h e powerf u l soc i a l izat ion of t h e
revo l u t i o n a ry movement of t h e proletarian c l ass; it i s t h e obverse of t h is. I n t h i s
s i t u a t i o n , capita l ' s i n i t iat ive becomes reg ressive - i n o t h e r words, i t has to base
i t s e l f on a l o g i c that i s as e m pty as i t i s separate. Once a g a i n a premise w h i c h , to
u s , i s f u n d a m e n t a l - ie t h e separateness of t h e cycles of c a p i t a l and its State
form from the cyc l e of work i n g c l ass s e l f-va l o rizat i o n - i s veri f i e d . But at t h i s
p o i n t a w h o l e series of prob l e m s re-e merge. I n part i c u l ar, i f we w a n t to i d e n t i fy
not so m u c h t h e center, as t h e spec i f i c content of c a p i t a l ist rest ructu ra t i o n . T h i s
terri b l e v o i d a n d i n d i fference, t h i s terr i b l y w e a k and t h e same t i m e feroc i o u s
f reedo m of c a p i t a l - how is i t dete r m i ned today?
For the m o m e n t I know only one t h i n g , that from the work i n g c l ass poi nt of v i ew
- havi n g arrived at t h i s level of awareness - t h e effects of t h e destruct u ri n g ac
tion t hat I have set in m o t i o n f o rce m e to confront - in a destructive m a n n e r -
c a p i t a l ' s powers of stab i l izat i o n . And t h i s means, above a l l , confro n t i n g that
power which provides t h e b reed i n g g ro u n d for t h e m u l t i p l e i n d ifferent poss i b i l i t ies
of d o m i n a t i o n . Dest r u ct u ra t i o n of t h e enemy system i nvo lves the i m m e d i ate
necessity of attac k i n g and destab i l iz i n g its p o l i t i c a l reg i m e .
Tra n s la te d b y R e d N otes
Ed dy Cherk i /
Michel W i eviorka
THE ITALIAN A bove a n d beyond the " c lassica l " forms of econ o m i c crisis a n d t h e bankru ptcy
C RISIS (or rat h e r absence) of the I t a l i a n govern m e n t ' s eco n o m i c p o l i cy , t h e most
e n l i g h tened sectors of the tec h n oc racy a n d certa i n leaders of the l a rg e I t a l i a n
monopo l i es (suc h as A g n e l l i , F I AT), centered arou nd Car l i , pres i d e n t of t h e I t a l i a n
b a n k , propose a n d , i n J u n e 1 974, c o m p e l t h e gove r n m e n t to accept a p l a n o f
reform, t h e C a r l i P l a n . Fou nded on t h e fu n d a m e n t a l hypothesis of t h e t a c i t s u p
port of t h e l .C . P . , or at least its n e u t ra l ity, t h i s p l a n proposes two esse n t i a l objec-
72
t i ves. On t h e one h a n d , rest r u c t u r i n g t h e p rod u c t i o n (divers i f ication of some i n
d u st r i a l sectors, notably t h e automob i l e i n d u st ry, form u l ation of a n u c lear energy
prog ram) a n d , on t h e other hand, red u c i n g , i n t h e a rea of con s u m pt i o n , p u b l i c ex
pend i t u res - i n part i c u l ar, c u rb i n g t h e prod u c t i o n of c o l l ect ive too l s a n d a r
rangements (eq u i pements c o l lecti fs). On a m o re general leve l . t h e Carl i P l a n seeks
to p l ace t h e b u rden of the I t a l i a n eco n o m i c reform on the work i n g c l asses by
red u c i n g i nternal d e m a n d , t h u s h o u s e h o l d consu m p t i o n . Concretely, the govern
m e n t ' s p r i n c i p l e of " f a i r p r i c i n g " of p u b l i c services e n ta i l s a massive price i n
c rease i n transpo rta t i o n , e l e c t r i c i ty, telephone, h e a l t h c a re a n d h o u s i n g . I n J u ly ,
b e s i d e s a f e w amend ments p roposed by the l .C . P . , t h e Assem b l y a p p roved t h i s
p r o g r a m w i t h i n c reases exceed i n g 5 0 per c e n t .
Mas s ive stru g g l es: i n I t a l y between 1 969 and 1 975, twenty-t housand h a b i t a t i o n s
a re " s q u atterized " . Rent a u t o red u c t i o n w a s t h e f i rst form of act i o n ; t h e p o l i t i c a l
obj e c t i ve was to l i m i t rents to 1 0 % of one's s a l a ry .
73
n i n g t h e i r b u ses. I n each bu s , d e l egates, are d e s i g nated to gather s u b s c r i p t i o n s
at t h e o l d price i n exchange for a rece i p t p re p a red by t h e u n i o n s . The m o n ey col
l ected i s t h e n t u rned over to t h e companies.1
The fact that a direct a c tion res u l ted i n s u c h rap i d s u ccess i s of u t most i m por
tance, i f o n l y on the level of the debate w i t h i n the u n ions and leftist organ iza
tions.
A utored u c t i o n was not p ract iced by i s o lated m i l itants: i t was organ ized , a n d t h i s
i s a f u n d a m e n t a l p o i n t , b y u n i o n s w h i c h b ro u g h t t h e i r active s u p po rt a n d
s i m u l t aneous l y i m posed a coherent l i n e of act i o n . S u c h a pos i t i o n wou l d have
been u n t h i n ka b l e a few years earlier: it s t ro n g ly s u g g ests a breakt h ro u g h , of cer
t a i n t hemes of the extreme left. We s h o u l d , h owever, assess the scope of t h i s
breakt h rou g h : t h e a u tored u c t i o n of reg i o n a l t ra n s p o rtat i o n h a s a l ways been a
local ized p h e n o m e n o n i nvol v i n g merely t h e m ac h i nery of local meta l l u rg i ca l
u n ions, f o r a set o bj e c t i ve. At no t i me w a s it a q u es t i o n o f genera l iz i n g t h e m ove
ment on a n a t i o n a l scale. The movement on e l ectricity, i n s t i gated by the p rovi n
cial leaders h i p of the F L M w i l l g ive a new d i m e n s i o n to a u t o red u c t i o n , its t r u l y
m a s s c h aracter.
THE Tak i n g adva ntage o f the s u m me r and in t h e context of t h El, Carli P l a n , t h e g overn
AUTO R E D U CTION ment, at t h e beg i n n i n g of J u ly , decides to i n c rease t h e electricity rates. This i n
OF ELECTRICITY c rease a n t i c i pates an e n t i re series of comparable measu res a n d , as a resu l t , con
s t i t u tes a p o l i t i c a l test for t h e a u t h o r i t i es. They w i l l be a b l e to i m pose t h e f o l l ow
i n g i n c reases (te l e p h o ne, p u b l i c transportat i o n , etc.) a l l t h e more q u i c k l y a n d eas i
l y i f t h e react i o n to their f i rst d e c i s i o n is weak a n d i ndecis ive. Th!: u n i o n s m ust
act, a n d act fast.
74
M o reover, t hey were ready to warn the tenants so t h a t a m o b i l iza t i o n to p reve n t
e l e c t r i c i t y f r o m bei n g t u rned off be u n leashed. The i m portant f a c t to n o t e is t h e
r o l e of a worker's u n i on i n i n it i a t i n g s t ru g g l es o u t s i d e of t h e factory. The workers '
unions have come to somewh a t replace parties or political organiza tions.
It
au tored u c t i o n . T h e workers settle t h e a u t o red u ced b i l l s by u s i n g d rafts prepared
by the u n i o n s or the s t ru g g l e com m i ttees.
76
The strong ret icence of some con federat i o n s and t h e l . C . P . ' s d i s a g ree m e n t isolate
more a n d m o re t h e Turin m i l i t a n t s as t h e date of t h e second wave of a u tored uc
tion a p p roaches (the first bills a re expected in mid December).
CONCLUSION One can derive severa l p o l i t i c a l and t h eoret i c a l lessons from the a u t o red u ct i o n
movem e n t i n T u r i n .
The a u toreduction movemen t opens up the old a lterna tive between urban s trug
gles (secondary fron t), subordina ted to factory s truggles, and the a u tonomy, if n o t
t h e isola tion of urban s truggles led exclusively by t h e ex treme left. I t
d e m o n s t rates t h e poss i b i l i ty of a coord i nated s t r u g g l e , t h e f i rst c o n c rete ac
com p l i s h me n t of the t h eoret i c a l and p ract i c a l i n t u i t i o n s of extra-parl i a m e n t a ry
g ro u ps. I t is t h e workers ' unions w h o d e c i s i vely g u a ra nteed t h i s coord i nat i o n ,
beca use t hey t o o k t h e i n i t iat ive a n d c o n t r i b u ted org a n izat i o n a l s u p p o rt to t h e
move m e n t .
It
t h e I t a l i a n u n i o n s . I t is e x p ressed , for exa m p l e , i n t h e n a t i o n a l workers' stri kes o n
t h e p r o b l e m of h o u s i n g ( i n 1 969) o r i n t h e s u p port of t h e F L M for n u merous oc
c u pat ions of e m pty h o u ses.
78
It
F ro m
G u a ra n tee i s m
t o Arm ed
P o l i t i cs
O reste Sca l zo n e
ADVANTAGES A N D A name can be g iven to the w e l l - k n i t web, to the sys tem of s truggles w h i c h has
D I SADVAN TAGES g iven l i fe to the strongest and most ext e n s i ve fabric of socia l coun terpo wer w h i c h
O F G U A RA N TEE I S M c a n be reca l led i n recent years i n t h e capita l i s t i c metropo l i s: guara n teeis m .
The "sou l , " the b l o od l i ne of g u a ranteeism has been a total rigidity of the labor
fac tor (ei t h e r in the m a n - power m a rket p l ace or in the factory, in the organ izat i o n s
of prod u c t i on). The j u s t i f i cation and cont i n u at i o n of t h i s rigidity, w h i c h is f o u n d ed
on a n etwork of guara n tees (j ob sec u rity, l i m i ts p l aced on t h e " f reedom to
ex p l o i t , " exerc i s i n g of u n i o n r i g h t s , protec t i o n f rom d i s m i s s a l , p rotec t i o n from
transferra l of t h e worker) have const i t u ted the " le i t motif" of t h e s t ru g g l e of re
cent years.
80
see how p rofou nd h ave been t h e mod i f icat i o n s which g u a rantee i s m has bro u g h t
to t h e eco n o m i c-soc i a l p i c t u re.
T h e bas i c limita tion i n t h e s tra tegy of this move m e n t for soc i a l red ress and
g u arantee i s m l i es i n t h e fact t h at w h i l e i t cal l s i nto q u es t i o n t h e " f i xed p ropor
t i o n s " of s a l a r i e s , it does not c a l l i n t o q u est i o n wage sca les as such. In the s trug
gle for social redress and in con tract nego tia tions the work-force is not denied a s
such; ra ther, i t i s represented as such : t h i s c l a r i f i ca t i o n m u s t be m a d e - for ex
a m p l e - in order to u n derstand that bas i c i s s u e of I t a l i a n opera ismo ("worker
i s m ") in the S i x t i es , w h i c h was the s truggle over wage 1 .
81
on t h e stage of h i story?" H ow can one t h i n k t h at in p l ace of a s tra tegica lly
revolu tionary l i ne of action one can s u b s t i t u t e t h e w h i ms i c a l n o t i o n of " p reve n
t i ng c a p i t a l f ro m ext ract i n g relat ive s u r p l u s-va l u e (wa s n ' t that, after a l l , the c o n d i
t i o n for determ i n i n g t h e d rop i n t h e r a t e of p ro f i t?). H ow can one say no to " l abor
sav i n g " devices a n d not f i rst b r i n g u p t h e q u es t i o n of transformat i o n of
tech n o l o g i c a l i n n ovat ion i nto a red u c t i o n of total labor - t h a t i s to say, i n t o a n
acq u i s i t i o n of p a r t of t h e time saved from labor by each person?
O n t h e other s i d e of t h e a rg u m e n t l i es t h e s t r e n g t h of an unprejudiced c o n s i d e ra
t i o n of welfare, of p u b l i c assistance tied to t h e e m e rg i ng needs of society, and
82
not concent rated on t h e i n f i n ite s p l i t t i n g of t h e soc i a l proletarian body, not t i ed to
t h e s i m u l taneous stren g t h e n i n g of t h e system of parties.
I. The struggle over salary - the pivot-point of tha t which we from Potere Operaio c a l l e d
" revo l u t i o nary strategy of objectives" - has certa i n l y b e e n a form i d a b l e ve h i c l e of unity and
of self-identification of c l ass, has certa i n l y had a f u n c t i o n of destabilization of the "develop
ment mod e l " a n d , more genera l l y , of the ex i s t i n g pol i t i cal-soc i a l reg i me; b u t i t has not had -
nor c o u l d it have had - a resol u t i ve capacity for destru c t u r i n g the system.
The stre n g t h and - at the same time - the l i m i t s of the autonomous stru g g l e for redress of
the l ast decade i n Italy (and, i n part i c u l ar, the r i c h ness and the poverty of the u n forgettab l e
"trou bled a u t u m n " ) l i e i n t h i s a m b i g u i ty , i n t h i s re l a t i ve "compat i b i l i t y " - compat i b i lty w i t h
the pers i stence of the c a p i ta l i s t i c soc i a l f o r m as such - of a d y n a m i c s of stru g g l e w h i c h i s ,
rat her incompa tible w i t h any part i c u l a r form, w i t h any l evel of development determined by i t .
T h i s the source of the a m b i g u o u s dest i n y of a c o m p l ete h i stori cal a r c of stru g g l es: t h e i r
capac i ty to promote and to polarize c l ass autonomy and t h e i r s i m u l taneous i na b i l ity to b r i n g
i t to power.
In the S i x t ies, operaismo ("worker- i s m ") was what led to a theore t i c a l -prac t i c a l " break" con
s i s t i n g of the a f f i r m a t i o n that - o n the level of the post-Keynesian planned Sta te and o f the
operaio-massa ("mass worker") - the d i s t i n c t i o n between "econom i c stru g g l e " and " p o l i t i ca l
stru g g l e " i s be i n g red u ced to the p o i n t of van i s h i n g , and t h a t t h e re i s a d i rect conf l i ct bet
ween worker struggles and the Sta ta-Piano ("State-as- P l a n ner"). This l i ne of i n terpretat i o n is
correct only in as much as i t i s a part i a l affirmation. Today we must c o m p lete it: the
"econom i c " stru g g l e is, to t he very core, political (the veh i c l e, that i s , of con crete a n t i -State
consequences); it is not, howe ver, revolutionary (the veh i c l e , that is, of res o l u t i ve steps toward
destru c t u r i n g the system). Its l i m i ta t i o n , in fact, i s that i t reve a l s i ts e l f , in every case, u nder
the d o m i n a t i o n of money f l ow ; that i s , i t does not bri n g u p the q ue s t i o n of the f u ndamental
categories of p o l i t i c a l econo m i c s .
2.There i s a l s o - i n add i t i o n to t h e social residuality - a politica l residuality.
Residual is the ideology and the l i ne of action of the "oppos i t i o n , " w i t h its s q u a l i d ,
m i n i m a l i st i c , paras i t i c and s u ba l tern d i a l ec t i c .
E v e n the milita n t line of action c a n b e c o m e residual - i f i t d o e s not exert i t s e l f toward a
rad i c a l re-q u a l i f i cation of t h i n g s . H e re we cou l d def i n e the general l i m i tation of the m i l i ta n t
l i ne of act i o n : jus t a s wage has de-stabilized t h e economic "model, " but not broken down the
structure of the social form of capitalism - so too, the armed struggle, in itself, de-stabilizes
the regime, but does not break down the structure of the system. The risks for deteriora t i o n of
the m i l itant l i n e of action are, however, two: on the one hand, by becom i n g " ro u t i n e " and
endemic, i t may be red u ced to a "deviant soc i a l " phenomenon; o n the other hand, i t may be
set forth as war, as if a civil war were act u a l l y going o n .
I n e i t h e r case, t h a t " m i d d l e p o i n t " i s m i s s i n g - where the spec i f i c phases of the p ro b l e m are
u nderstood - that poi nt w h i c h we can c a l l armed politics.
H e n ri Webe r
T h i s i s , of cou rse, merely a joke. The State i n Italy con t i n ues to be f i n e , f i t and
even f u rt h e r fort i f ie d . B u t c o n t ra ry to t h e F re n c h State, which has l o n g been
u n i f i ed a n d centra l ized , t h e I t a l i a n State has f o r b u t a cent u ry encom passed t h e
ma ny-thousand-headed p o p u l a t i o n s , so r i c h i n t rad i t i o n s a n d h i story. As
Longanesi ex p l a i ned, " I t a l y i s a col lection of f a m i l ies, not a State . " A n d D i d i e r
M otchane properly u nd e r l i nes t h i s pondero u s l y i m port a n t f a c t : " I t i s n o t t h e State
w h i c h fashioned the I t a l i a n conscie nce but rat h e r t h e C h u rc h , or better st i l l , t hat
soc i a l , m e n t a l , and p o l i t i c a l i ns t i t u t i o n w h i c h i s I t a l i a n Catho l i c i s m . . . The State,
that ideo l og ic al axis of French conscience . . . was never, n e i t h e r as i ns t i t u t i o n nor
as concept, t h e f o u n d a t i o n a n d t h e g u a ra ntee of soc i a l order in l ta l y . " 1
84
Party), a l l t hose w h o i n a n y way partake of an iota of power, estab l i s h l i nes from
t h e o b l i g e r to t h e o b l i ged with their " base," a rel a t i o n of pers o n a l protec t i o n
s u bo rd i n a t i o n , dou b l i n g a n d transce n d i n g ad m i n i s t ra t ive- l e g a l re l a t i o n s . F rom t h i s
p rope n s i t y towards patronage, t h e C h ri s t i a n Democratic Party forged a system of
g ove r n m e n t : the C i v i l Service i s g l u tted w i t h its p roteges, havi ng obta i n ed t h e i r
pos i t i o n s i n payment f o r s e rvices rendered a n d i n token of p o l i t i c a l f i d e l i t y. Even
in the rare case i n w h i c h t h ese posts correspond to a rea l service, t h e pro m i sed
c l i e n t s regard t h e i r j o b as a n a n n u i t y m o re than as a n apostolate . . . Thus occurs
t h e p a radox of an u n d e r-ad m i n i stered c o u n t y with a behemoth bu rea u c racy, a n d a
deg ree of u n pa ra l l e l ed i n te rpenetration between t h e ru l i n g party a n d t h e State
m a c h i nery. T h e i n efficacy, t h e forma l i s m , the p a ras i t i s m , t h e corru p t i o n of t h i s
b u re a u c racy of t h e I t a l i a n State a r e t h e object of constant d e n u n c i a t i o n . A f rac
tion of the u p per m i d d l e c l ass view the cont rast between the p rog ress of I t a l i a n
economy a n d t h e a rc h a i c state of t h e State s t r u c t u res as t h e p r i n c i p a l cont rad i c
t i o n of modern I t a l y , t h e b a s i s of m a lgoverno.
85
T h u s , a period of soc i a l desta b i l izat i o n i n a u g u rated i n 1 968 by t h e so-ca l l ed " r u p
t u re of a l l b a l a n ces of system" p rese nt a l l t h e f u n d a m e n t a l c h a ract e r i s t i c s of a
pre-revo l u t i o n a ry s i t u a t i o n . On at l east two occas i o n s , i n 1 968-9 and 1 975-6, t h i s
p re- revo l u t i o n a ry set- u p coa lesced i n to a n a c u t e c r i s i s , c a p a b l e o f deepe n i n g i n to
a n i r revoca b l e d iv i s i o n of power i f a s i g n i f i c a n t fract i o n of the labor move m e n t
had acted a p p r o p r i a t e l y . U n fo r t u n a t e l y , i n both c a s e s , t h e I t a l i a n Com m u n i s t Par
ty (the l . C. P.) p l aced a l l of its p o l i t i c a l c l o u t b e h i n d the sta b i l izat i o n of the syste m .
As w i t h t h e p re- 1 9 1 4 Soc i a l -Democrat i c pa rty i n G e r m a n y , i t had s i m u l t a n e o u s l y
offered a p l atform f o r ex press i o n a n d n a t i o n a l central izat i o n to t h e res u rg e n t
work i n g-class, p a rt i a l l y adapt i n g i t s e l f to t h e i r a s p i ra t i o n s , as i t c h a n n e l ed t h i s
s u rge i n to t h e g o a l s of rat i o n a l izat i o n o f t h e estab l i s hed order. I t s reform i s t
po l i t i c s a p pea red as t h e su rest s u p port for t h e d ec l i n i n g power of t h e bou rgeo i s i e .
I f Sta l i n ist part i es a r e n a t i o n a l Com m u n ist parties abso l u tely s u bord i nated to t h e
ideolog i c a l , po l i t i c a l , m a t e r i a l a n d organ izat i o n a l p u rpose a n d p ract i c e of t h e
Soviet b u re a u c racy; parties w h i c h beca u s e of t h e i r s u bord i n a t i o n va l u e foremost
t h e defense of t h e i n terests of t h e Soviet State, as conceived by t h e sec reta riat of
t h e Com m u n ist Party of t h e Soviet U n i o n ; then c l early t h e l . C . P . , for a l l the
Sta l i n i st e l e m e n t s h e l dover from i t s past, i s not Sta l i n i s t .
The l . C . P . ' s desta l i n izat i o n thus res e m b l e s the p rocess of soc i a l -democrat izat i o n :
i f t h e Com m u n i s t b u re a u c racy has l o n g ass u m ed p r i n c i p a l l y a f u n c t i o n of med i a
t i o n between t h e i n t e rests of t h e I t a l i a n work i n g c l ass a n d t hose of t h e Soviet
bu rea u c racy (to t h e b e n e f i t of t h e latter), i t h e reafter assumes a f u n c t i o n of
med i a t i o n between t h e i n terests of t h e work i n g class a n d t h ose of the bou rgeo i s
State.
86
IN THE To estab l i s h its concept of t h e " I ta l i a n road to soc i a l i s m , " t h e l . C . P. a p pea l s to
BEGINNING t h e a u t hority of G ra m s c i , for i n t h e Prison Diaries h e u nd e r l i nes t h e spec i f i c i t y of
WAS G RAMSCI t h e revo l u t i on i n t h e West as d i ffere n t i ated f rom t h e R u s s i a n October revo l u t i o n .
THE HISTORICAL Accord i n g to E n r i c o Berl i n g u er, "The s t rategy of reform c a n advance only i f i t i s
COMPROMISE s u p p o rted by a s t rategy of a l l i a nces, w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e t h e decis ive c o n d i t i o n ; for
i f t h e a l l i a n ces of t h e w o rk i n g c l ass a re res t r i cted a n d i f t h e soc i a l base of t h e r u l
i n g g ro u p s expands, t h e very rea l izat ion of reforms, before or after, w i l l be i m
poss i b l e and t h e w h o l e po l i t i c a l s i t u at i o n w i l l rebou n d i n t o a tota l reversa l . "
T h e accord w i t h t h e Soc i a l - Democratic leaders h i p is i nd i s pe n s a b l e if t h e col lec
t ive action is to a t t a i n its widest scope. T h e d y n a m i c s of t h e s t ru g g l e w h i c h the
u n ited proleta r i a n front con t i n u a l l y i n vokes forces t h e ref o r m i s t masses to t h e left
and a l l ows for t h e u l t i mate obviation of t h e e a r l i e r a g reements.
Ill GRANDEUR AND The l .C . P . ' s s t rategy does have the benef i t of coherence. Does i t e m body a
POVE RTY O F " c reative a p p l i c a t i o n of M a rx i s t t h eo ry to t h e cond i t i o n s of western Eu rope," as
G RA D U A L I S M its part i s a n s c l a i m ? Does i t d e f i n e a " rea l i s t i c revo l u t i o n a ry l i ne " f o r the workers'
move m e n t ? O r i s i t i n stead t h e most recent a n d s o p h i s t icated avatar of g rad u a l ist
reform i s m , as t h e extreme left c l a i ms?
O n l y t h ro u g h s o m e f ra u d u l e n t a l c h emy c a n G ra m s c i a p p e a r as a theoret i c i a n o f
g rad u a l i s m , t h e st rate g i s t of t h e peace f u l road to soc i a l i s m , t h e c h a m p i o n of t h e
s n a i l ' s-pace acc u m u l a t i o n of reforms c reat i n g a n economy of revo l u t i o n .
88
Faced w i t h t h e State's i n a b i l i t y to c lean u p t h e mess i n t h e factories, t h e I t a l i a n
bourgeo i s i e reacts as d o a l l o t h e r bourgeo i s i e s : by t h e w i t h d rawal of i nvest m e n t s ,
t h e f l i g ht of c a p i t a l , and spec u l a t i o n a g a i n s t t h e lira . W h i c h for t h e workers
means at least mass ive u n e m p l o y m e n t , g a l l o p i n g i n f l a t i o n , seri a l ban kru ptcy a n d
g e n e ra l i n sta b i l i ty .
A COM P ROMISI N G The u to p i a n i s m of t h i s s t rategy i s rei n forced by i t s pol i t i c s of a l l i ances. One can
COM P R O M I SE ad m i t va r i o u s t h i n g s concern i n g t h e spec i f i c i t y of t h e C h r i s t i a n Democrats, i t s
t i es to t h e Catho l i c w o r l d and t h u s to t h e workers, b u t o n l y w i t h g reat d i ff i c u lty
cou l d one c l a i m th at t h e C h r i s t i a n Democra t i c Party represents a " m u l t i -c l ass
bloc," at t h e heart of w h i c h d i verse soc i a l c l asses a p pear on t h e same p l a n e .
Rather than seiz i n g the t i mes and actively s t r i v i n g to detach the Cat h o l i c masses
from the C h r i s t i a n D e m o c rat p o l i t i c i a n s who p l ace them in bondage to t h e
bou rgeo i s ie, t h e l . C . P. e n c l oses i t s e l f i n a stat i c a n a l y s i s , t reats i t s d i rectors a s
t h e l e g i t i mate spokespeo p l e of Cat h o l i c workers, a n d sees a n a l l i a n c e w i t h t hese
workers as m e re l y a u n i o n w i t h the party that served them u n t i l today for
parl i a mentary rep res e n t a t i o n but from w h i c h t h ey have beg u n to t u r n .
90
acts l i ke a rej u venat i n g s p r i n g on t h e C h ri s t i a n Democrats, w h i l e t h e l . C . P . is f o rc
ed to p l ay the i g n o m i n i o u s u s u re r of I t a l i a n c a p i t a l , t h e re i s only o n e res ponse
poss i b l e , w h i c h m a n y party m i l i t a n t s are making at this m o m e n t .
The s t rate g i c d e m a n d s c reated by the col lapse of the Sta l i n ist m o no l i t h , the ex
t rem ity of the c a p i t a l i s t c r i s i s , the s t ri k i n g i n e q u ivalence between neo-refo r m i s t
g rad u a l i s m and t h e revo l u t i on a ry pote n t i a l i t ies of t h e period req u i re a massive
work of e l a borat i o n . I t is at t h i s leve l , perhaps, that t h e E u ropean extreme left h a s
revea led m o s t c learly i t s own s hortco m i n g s . I t i s on t h i s p o i n t , a p pare n t l y , t h a t i t
w i l l d i rect i t s efforts.
Censor
From now o n , t hey are over, t h ose seasons of games of verbal p rest i g e by w h i c h
o u r p o l i t i c a l trapeze a rt i sts measu red themse lves i n " p a ra l l e l converg ence" w i t h
t h e com m u n ists, offe r i n g t h e m w h a t w a s c a l l ed the "strategy of atte n t i o n , " a
w a i t i n g room of i nd ef i n ite d u ration before t h e H i storical Com p ro m i se; and w h i c h
t h e Pres ident of t h e Cou n c i l , t h e honorable M oro, defined, w i t h s u c h c a u t i o u s ness
that he was o b l i ged to walk on eggs, as "a sort of h a l f-way meet i n g , somet h i n g
new, w h i c h a t t h e s a m e t i me is and is n o t a relaxation o f t h e roles of t h e majority
and t h e oppos i t i o n , taking advantage of a d iversity w h i c h does not consist i n a
c h a n g e of t h e forces of d i rect i o n , b u t i n t h e mod i fy i n g ad d i t i o n of t h e com m u n ist
e l e m e n t to others . " MUCH ADO ABOUT N O T H I N G .
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p o l i c e perform in front of t h e factories? Even t h e ex-M i n ister of Labor, t h e
soc i a l ist Berto l d i , c o n s i d e red by a m a n f rom t h e r i g h t , D o m e n i c o B a rto l i , as " a
s u bt l e i n terpreter of H e g e l i a n d i a lect i c s , " s a i d i t better t h a n a n y o n e e l s e a n d once
a n d for a l l : "We m u s t d e c i d e w h e t h e r we wish to g overn with t h e u n i o n s or w i t h
t h e g u n me n . "
93
of strateg i c reaso n i n g wh at - t h at s u p posed revo l u t i onary tendancy of t h e PCI
- has never been a n yt h i n g other than a n i d e o l o g i c a l " a rt i c l e of export" destined
for t h e people. Which makes t hese worn-out l eaders fall u nder this severe con
demnation: w h a t t h ey i n fact w a n t , w h e n t h e y c l i ng to their o l d spec i a l izat i o n ,
w h i l e a necessary m o d e r n i z a t i o n i m poses t h e i r " recyc l i ng , " i s not e v e n to p ro
l o n g , for t h e i r own l i m ited i n t erests, t h e apparent existence of t h e p rofess i o n they
s t i l l k n ow how to o perate, b u t i n d eed t h e existence of a profession they did not
know h o w to opera te.
94
ceed, we w i l l t h row o u t t h e c o m m u n ists, at t h e same t i me as a large port i o n of
the present p o l i t i c a l perso n n e l , l i ke serva nts, w i t h the g reatest of ease. The com
m u n is ts t h e m se l ves a l ready o p e n l y ad m i t t h i s as a n a r t i c l e of t h e i r c o n t ract of
cooperat i o n ; a n d s i nce H erac l i t u s , we know that " a l l t hat c raw l s o n the earth i s
governed by b l ow s . " A n d i f w e d o not su cceed , n ot h i n g e l s e matters a n y m o re;
because everyo n e wou l d admit t h at i t would be t h e w o rst of Byza n t i n e d i s c u s
s i o n s , at t h e t i m e w h e n t h e T u r k is on t h e ramparts, to g u ess w h i c h t r o p h i e s
m i g h t h ave bee n w o n i n t h e G reen and B l u e c i rc u s , i n a w o r l d w h i c h w i l l have
c r u m b led.
G u y D e b o rd
T h i s t e x t , w r i t t e n by o n e of t h e l e a d e rs of t h e
I n t e r n a t i o n a l S i t u a t i o n i s t s , w a s p u b l i shed as
a n I n t ro d u c t i o n to t h e 4 t h I t a l i a n e d i t i o n of
his book, The Society of Specta cle.
96
l y c h a n g e i nto foxes to take p rey from t raps, i nto l i o n s w h o fear no o n e for as
long as t hey keep t h e i r prey, a n d i nto sheep so as not to cause t h e s l i g htest
h a rm f u l effect to t h e reg i m e w h i c h t hey pretend to defy. They tel l u s that t h ey a re
l u cky to be d e a l i n g w i t h t h e most i n com petent of p o l i ce f o rces, a n d t h at, bes i des,
t h ey have been able to i n f i l t rate t h e h i g h est ranks w i t h o u t a p ro b l e m . B u t this ex
p l a n a t i o n i s h a rd l y d i a lectica l . A sed i t i o u s org a n izat i o n that wou l d put some of its
m e m bers in contact w i t h the State sec u rity forces, u n less it had i n f i l t rated agents
years before i n ord e r to make s u re of their l oy a l t y w h e n t h e occa s i o n for their u se
a rose, s h o u l d expect that s o m et i mes i t s m a n i p u l ators be t h e m s el ves ma n i p u l ated .
T h u s t hey wou l d be d e p rived of that o l y m p i c assurance of i m p u n i ty w h i c h
c h a racterizes the R e d B ri g a d e ' s ch ief of staff. B u t t h e I t a l i a n State g o e s f u rt h e r,
w i t h t h e u n a n i mo u s a p p rova l of those w h o u p h o l d i t . Like any other State, i t
t h o u g ht of i n f i l t rat i n g a g e n t s of its s p ec i a l forces i n t o c l a ndest i n e terrorist net
works, w h e re t hey cou l d then be assu red of a swift a n d easy passage up to the
l eaders h i p , f i rst by gett i 119 r i d of t h e i r s u periors in the m a n n e r of M a l i novsk i , w h o
fooled even t h e s h rewd Len i n for t h e s a k e of t h e tza r i s t O k rana, o r l i ke Azev, w h o ,
once at t h e h ead of t h e "c o m bat organ izat i o n " of t h e revo l u t i o n a ry soc i a l i s t party,
p u shed his mastery to t h e point of havi n g t h e prime m i n ister Stoly Pine h i m s e l f
assassi nated. A s i n g l e u n fortu nate c o i n c i d e n ce c a m e to h i nd e r t h e g ood w i l l of
t h e State: i t s spec i a l forces were just t h e n d i ssolved. B u t a secret service u n t i l
n o w h a s never been d i ssolved i n t h e m a n n e r o f , say, a petro l e u m tanker's cargo i n
coastal waters, or a p o rt i o n o f modern i n d u st r i a l p rod u c t i o n i n Seveso. B y m a i n
t a i n i n g its record s , its s t o o l p i geons, its worki ng o p e ratives, it s i m p l y c h a n g ed i t s
n a m e . T h u s i n I t a l y t h e S . l . M . , o r Service of M i l i t a ry I n formation from t h e fascist
reg i m e , f a m o u s for its sabotages a n d i t s fore i g n assas s i n at i o n s , became t h e
S . l . D. , or Service of Defense I n formation u nd e r t h e C h ri s t i a n-Democrat i c reg i m e .
M o reover, w h e n a k i n d of robot doct r i n e of t h e Red B ri g a d e was p rogrammed o n a
c o m p u ter, d i s m a l caricat u re of what one m i g h t h ave t h o u g h t and d o n e if o n e had
wa nted to advocate t h e d i sa ppearance of t h e State, a s l i p of t h e computer - so
true i s it that t hese m a c h i nes depend on the u nc o n s c i o u s of t hose who feed in i n
formation - caused t h e s a m e acronym S . l . M . , t h i s t i m e d e s i g n at i n g t h e " I nterna
t i o n a l Society of M u lt i n a t i o n a l s , " to be attri b u ted to t h e s i n g l e pseudo-concept
repeated automat i c a l l y by the Red B r i g ade. This S . l . D . , " bathed i n I t a l i a n b l ood , "
m u st have been d i ssolved recen t l y because, as t h e State avows post fes tum , i t
was t h e o n e w h i c h s i n c e 1 969 c o m m itted, m o s t o f t e n b u t n o t a lways by bom b i n g ,
t h a t l o n g series of massacres w h i c h were att r i b u ted, accord i n g to t h e seaso n , t o
a n a rc h ist, n eo-fas c i s t , o r s i t u a t i o n i st. N ow t h a t t h e R e d B rigade does exac t l y t h e
same w o r k a n d for once at l e a s t w i t h a n operat i o n a l e f f i c i e ncy w h i c h i s q u ite
s u perior, obv i o u s l y S. l . D. c a n not combat it, s i nce it i s d i ssolved. In a secret s e r
vice wort h y of its name, i t s very d i s s o l u t i o n is secret. O n e can not t e l l t h e refore
what proport i o n of t h e total force was a l l owed a n h o n o r a b l e ret i re m e n t , w h at was
a l l otted to t h e Red B r i gade, or perhaps loaned to t h e Shah of I ra n to b u rn a movie
t heater i n Abad a n , a n d w h a t was d i sc reet l y exterm i nated by a State proba b l y i n
d i g na n t to learn that i t s i ns t r u c t i o n s were someti mes su rpassed. I n p o i n t of fact
we k n ow that t h e State w i l l never hesitate to k i l l B r u t u s ' sons to have its own
laws respected , s i nce i t s i n t r a n s i g e n t refu s a l to envisage even t h e most m i n i ma l
concession to save M oro f i n a l l y p roved that h e h a d a l l t h e f i rm v i rtues of
repu b l ican Rome.
97
render in any case, s h o u l d not be spared, t h a t it is necessary to beat t h e m harder
so that t hey d o not become too i n s o l e n t . We saw that this analysis was not
w i t h o u t va l u e s i nce, w i t h M o ro k i d nap ped as a n i n a u g u ra l affro n t to the H i storical
Compromise f i n a l l y m ad e authentic by a n act of parliament, t h e Sta l i n i s t party
cont i n u ed to p retend t o bel ieve i n the i nd e p e n d e nce of the Red B r i g a d e . T h ey kept
the prisoner a l ive as long as t h ey t h o u g h t they cou l d p ro l o n g the h u m i l i a t i o n and
d i scomfort of the f r i e n d s , who had to s u b m i t to b l a c k m a i l w h i l e p rete n d i n g n o b l y
not to u nderstand w hat t hese u n known barba r i a n s expected of t h e m . T h e a f f a i r
e n d ed a n y w a y as soon as t h e Sta l i n ists s howed t h e i r teet h , p u b l ic l y a l l u d i n g to
obsc u re manoeu v re s a n d M o ro d ied deceived. But act u a l l y , t h e Red B ri g a d e has
another f u n c t i o n , o f m o re general i n terest, w h i c h i s to d i sconcert o r d i sc red i t p ro
letarians who rea l ly r i s e a g a i n s t the State, and perhaps to one day e l i m i nate
some of t h e more d a n g e ro u s . This f u n c t i o n the Sta l i n i st s a p p rove, s i nce i t h e l p s
t h e m i n t h e i r d i f f i c u l t t a s k . T h e s i d e i n j u r i o u s to t h e m i s rest ra i ned by i n s i n u a
t i o n s crypt ica l l y m a d e i n p u b l i c at c r u c i a l m o m e n t s , and by prec ise t h reats voiced
i n t h e i r constant n e g o t i a t i o n s i n private w i t h the State power. T h e i r a r m o f d i ss u a
s i o n is t hat they c o u l d s u d d e n l y t e l l a l l t h at t h ey know about t h e Red B r i g ad e
from its i ncept i o n . B u t no one i s i g norant of t h e f a c t that t hey cou l d not u s e t h i s
weapon w i t h o u t brea k i n g t h e H i storical C o m p r o m i s e, a n d t h e refore t hey h o p e
s i ncerely t h a t t h ey c a n rem a i n as d i screet on t h i s s u bject as t hey were about t h e
d o i n g s of t h e S . l . D . i n i t s t i me. What wou l d b e c o m e of t h e Sta l i n ists i n a revo l u
t i o n ? We cont i n u e to u pset t h e m , b u t n o t t o o m u c h . W h e n , t e n m o n t h s a f t e r t h e
k i d n a p p i n g of M oro, t h e s a m e i nv i n c i b l e R e d B r i g ad e knocks d o w n a t rade- u n i o n
Sta l i n i s t for t h e f i rs t t i m e , t h e so c a l led Com m u n i s t Party reacts s o o n after, b u t
o n l y i n t h e rea l m of p rotoco l , by t h reate n i n g i t s a l l ies to force t h e m t h e reafter to
desig nate i t as a p a rty, a lways loyal and construct ive cert a i n ly, b u t w h i c h w i l l be
beside the m aj o r i t y and no l o n g e r on the side of the majority.
98
i l/1 RO P-041 906-4/19/78-DUCH ESS LA KE, I taly: An army skier p robes a hole in the ice cover i n g
Duc hess Lake with h i s ski pole 4/1 9 after detonation s q u a d s bl asted the frozen l a k e . Frog men
are d ragg i ng the lake where the Red Bri gades gang say they d u m ped the body of ex-Pre m i er
Aldo Moro after h i s "execution". (UPI) (ITALY)
La m a
Sabachthan i
It was the morn i n g o f T h u rsday February 17, 1977 . The U n ivers i t y c a m p u s had
been occup ied for over a week by students, t h e u ne m p l oyed, t h e c o m rades. The
t a l l , severe- l ook i n g b u i l d i ng s , with their Fa s c i s t a rc h i tectu re, had been t ra nsform
ed . The white facade o f the Facu lty of Letters was covered with s l o g a n s and
wri t i n gs . One, w h i c h was vert i c a l a n d many yards h i g h , warned t h e c a p i ta l i st s and
rev i s i o n i sts that t hey would be " b u ried by a b u rst of l a u g hter". It was s i g ned
"Godere Opera i o " ("Workers' J oy") a n d " G o d i mento Studentesco" (St u d e n t s ' En
joyment)-a pun o n t h e o l d Potere Opera i o ('Workers' Power") a n d Movimento
Studentesco ("St u d e n t M ovement"). These writings were the work of t h e
Metropol it a n I n d ia n s , a non-org a n i sed c u l t u ra l movement of you n g c o m rades, who
t u rned t h e i r biting w i t a n d sarcasm o n t h e G overnment, the Com m u n i s t Party, and
even on revol u t i o n a ry " leader-f i g u res" w h o tried to assert their d o m i n a n ce over
the mass. The q u a l i t y o f t h i s new revo l u t i o n a ry movement was, in fact, t h a t the
mass ref used to be led in the t rad i t i o n a l style, from above. I t was, to a g reat ex
tent, s elf-d i rect i n g a n d sel f-org a n i s i n g .
1 00
wome n ' s c o m m i s s ion). There were a l s o t h e (often stormy) g e n e ra l asse m b l i es ,
w here t h e Movement decided i t s p o l i cies.
I t wou l d be h a rd to say w h i c h side t h rew the f i rst stone. Cert a i n l y there was
p u s h i n g a n d s h ov i n g a n d exchanges of i ns u l t s which led u p to i t . V i o lence soon
broke o u t . Bricks, stones and bottles f lew t h ro u g h t h e a i r. Some Com m u n i s t Party
m e mbers received t reat m e n t (the n o n - I C P wou nd ed c o u l d not go to hospital for
fear of arrest).
The vast majority of those present, both workers and s t u d e n t s , d i d not take part
in the f i g h t i n g . They stood a ro u n d in g ro u p s . I met some reps. from a n e n g i neer
i n g factory. O n e s aid th at Lama was ' a s k i n g for i t ' . . . . H e had come to t h e
U n ivers ity to ' pou r w a t e r o n t h e f i re ' . A n o t h e r r e p . corrected h i m : ' N ot
water- g as ! ' Other workers were com p l a i n i n g that t h e U n i o n s had been very h i g h
h a n d ed i n r i n g i n g th em u p a n d tel l i n g them to come to t h e U n ivers ity, w i t h o u t a n y
ex p l a n a t i o n or d is c u s s i o n . A c l ea n i n g l a d y , w h o worked at t h e U n ivers ity Teac h i n g
H os p i t a l (a bad l y p a i d a n d overworked category ; a l so a n A u t o n o m i s t s t rong ho l d )
was heard to say: " T h e y o u g h t to s h oot h i m i n t h e m o u t h ! "
D u r i n g t h e afternoon, the riot-pol ice moved i nto the C a m p u s , and c l eared out a l l
t h e occ u p i e rs - w h o left b y a secondary e n t rance. About 1,000 Com m u n ist Party
m i l i t a n t s stood o u t s i d e and c l a p ped and cheered. The f o l l o w i n g day, a you n g I C P
lect u re r i n sociology at t h e U n ivers ity remarked: T h e p o l i c e were r i g h t to c l ea r t h e
U n ivers ity. There were n ' t a n y real s t u d e n t s i n t here, o n l y h i ppies, q u eers a n d peo
ple from the s l u m-d i s t r i c t s " .
101
P a i n te d
P o l i t i cs
M a u ri z i o
To re a l t a
I n t h e S p r i n g of ' 7 7 , i n t h e m i d s t of v i o l e n t
d e m o n s t r a t i o n s , n i h i l i s t i c h a p pe n i n g s were
staged in various c i t i es , e s p e c i a l l y B o l o g n a
a n d R o m e . The i r e x i s t e n ce was s h o r t- l i ved
but t h e i n ve n t i ve n e s s o f t h e M e t ropo l i t a n I n
d i a n s , t h e i r d i f f i d e n c e of rad i c a l r h e t o r i c ,
t h e i r u s e of s i m u l a t i o n a n d p a r o d y as
pol i t i c a l weapons were n o t forgotten by t h e
Move m e n t .
The term " M etropo l i t a n I nd i a n s " i s a n i nvented one. The p ress descri bes t h e m as
the i l l eg i t i mate c h i l d of a c l a ndest i n e mother and a t rad i t i o n a l M a rx i s t father. The
deta i led physical d e s c r i p t i o n presents them with m a rks pai nted on t h e i r faces as
a g ro u p whose d ec i s i o n s are not very t r u stworthy ( m o re than once t hey h ave
made arrangements for demonstrations that never occu rred) and w h i c h is u na b l e
to part i c i pate i n p u b l i c assem b l ies w i t h sen s i b l e s peec hes. The p ress conceal s
t h e fact that t hey h a b i t u a l l y break i nto shops a n d a p p ro p r i ate u se less goods
(record a l b u m s , l i q uor, s po rts clot hes). They a l so f req u e n t l y ap pear at t h e most
elegant movie t h eaters i n g ro u p s of about t h i rty peo p l e , n at u ra l l y after v i s i t i n g the
most expensive restau ran ts w h e re t hey obv i o u s l y did not pay.
The p ress often p refers to occupy itself with the m a rks o n t h e g ro u p ' s faces, w i t h
t h e i r s o n g s a n d d a n ces, w i t h t h e i r paradox i c a l s l og a n s , relegat i n g t h e "expropria
t i o n s " to t h e " s e m i - c l a n d e s t i n e i ndependents" w h o a re on t h e verge of acq u i ri n g
t h e c la ndest i n e c h a racter of t h e B u n ker.
1 02
a n d , despite t h i s o m i s s i o n , does n ' t stop robb i n g , n o r i n fact engages i n a n y col
lective practice - such a person i s t h e agent of s u bvers i o n s which h ave g reat
s i g n i f i cance. Every e l e m e n t in the s u bvers i o n of a system m u s t be of a s u pe r i o r
l o g i c a l order.
1 03
anagrammatic s i g n h a s d i s pensed w i t h order: t h e poet i c p leas u re comes d i rect l y
f rom v i o l at i n g t h e f u n d a m e n t a l l a w s of h u m a n l a n g u age, f r o m s u bvert i n g t h e
d i s c i p l i n e of t h e i r v a l o r izat i o n . The a n a g ra m i n t h i s c a s e i s t h e mark of a n a n
tag o n i s t i c f o r m , a l a n g u ag e w i t h o u t e x p res s i o n , now beyond l a w s a n d t h e p u r
poses that l i n g u i s t i c s ass i g n s i t .
1 04
camps and med i eva l f o rt resses.
1 06
T h e P ro l i fe ra t i o n
o f M a rg i n s
Fe l ix G u a tt a ri
1 08
rad i c a l l y i n to q u estion . W h a t c h aracterizes t h e " m o l e c u l a r " h e re is t h e fact t h a t
th e Jines of fligh t m erge with th e objective lines of deterritoria liza tion of t h e
s y s tem a n d c reate a n i r revers i b l e asp i ra t i o n for new s paces of l i berty. ( A n exam
ple of one of t h ese l i nes of f l i g h t : t h e Free R a d i o s . T h e tec h no l o g i c a l evol u t i o n , in
p a rt i c u l a r t h e m i n i a t u rizat i o n of t ra n s m i tters and t h e fact t h at t he y can be
" t i n ke red with" by a m a t e u r s , meets a col lect ive a s p i rat i o n for a new means of ex
pres s i o n . )
- A l l t h i s a m o u n t s to a s k i n g w h e t h e r we w i l l be a b l e to g o beyo nd t h e various
utopias of " re t u r n t o ' : Return to t h e sou rces, to n a t u re, to t ra nsc e n d e n ce . . . The
" obj ective" l i nes of dete r r i t o r i a l izat i o n are i rrevers i b l e. We m u s t make t h e best of
" p ro g ress" in s c i e n c e and t ec h n o l ogy, or not h i n g w i l l be poss i b l e, and world
c a p i ta l i s m w i l l always reg a i n t h e u p p e r h a n d . For i n stance, i t i s c l e a r t h a t , i n the
next few years, t h e s t r u g g l e for s e l f-dete r m i n a t i o n in Cors i ca, B r i t a n n y , e t c . , w i l l
not cease t o g a i n mome n t u m . I s n ' t t h i s a case o f " re t u rn to"? B u t w h a t i s a t
i s s u e h e re i s t h e p romot i o n o f a new Cors ica, a new B r i t a n n y , a s we l l a s a new
Sa rce l l es, a new Yve l i nes . . . S h a m e l e s s l y rew r i t i n g t h e past on t h e p l o t of an
open f u t u re. T h e d e m a n d s of t h e m i n o r i t i e s , for exa m p l e , as wel l as t hose of the
n a t i o n a l i sts, can be carri ers of a cert a i n type of State Power, a power of s u bj u ga
tion, t hat i s , a cap i t a l ist v i r u s .
1 09
- It is i m poss i b l e to p red ict w hat form s of s truggle and organiza tion t h e revo l u
t i o n j u st beg i n n i n g w i l l a s s u m e i n t h e f u t u re. A l l a n swers re m a i n eq u a l l y o p e n
now . . .
1 10
U nd e r t hese cond i t i o n s , t h e p e rspective of revo l u t i o n a ry t ra n sformat i o n s , the col
l e c t i ve re-a p p r o p r i a t i o n of d a i l y l i fe, and a f u l l acknow l e d g e m e n t of d e s i res o n a l l
l ev el s o f society have become i n se p a ra b l e .
P a o l o V i rn o
112
m od i f i ed - makes of u s e va l u e, of p h y s i c a l ity, a criterion for u n dersta n d i n g w h i c h
i s n o t a t a l l retrog rade, b u t rather, i n the e n d , " post-G a l i l e a n " , t h a t i s to say, m o re
s i g n i f i ca n t th an t h e q u a n t i f i cation a n d t h e e q u iva l ent-as s i g n i n g w h i c h p reva i l i n
exchange system s .
"OUT OF DELICACY The conseq uence of this " i m passe" i s that t h e ret h i n k i ng for p u r poses of eman
I HAVE FOR FEITE D c i pation of t h e re l at i o ns h i p between labor a n d soc i a l izat i o n , i nstead of a r r i v i n g at
MY LI FE" OR: THE a transformed a n d e n r i ched conception of p rod u c t i o n , g ives rise to an ext raor
PAIN F U L MYTH O F d i n ary b u rgeo n i n g of i d e o l ogy, the p r i n c i pa l c h a racter i s t i c of w h i c h i s a p i n i ng f o r
A "PU RE a " p u re " soc i a l izat i o n , d e t a c h e d from t h e s p here of material a c t i v i t y and by
SOCIALIZATION" d e s i g n not re lated to the h i storical forms by w h i c h n a t u re i s a p propriated. I f
bod ies cont i n u e t o b e meas u re d , t h e i r eq u ivalents determ i ned, i f they con t i n u e to
be mortified by t h e c a p i t a l - l abor exchange, t h e n t h e poss i b i l ity of reac h i n g a n o n
m u t i l ated soc i a l i za t i o n seems to l i e i n a n i n d e f i n ite e x p a n s i o n of i n terpers o n a l
re l at i o n s h i ps , brou g h t about t h ro u g h i nterac t i o n : a g i t a t i o n , behavior, need s ,
l a n g u ages.
Work and i nterac t i o n , or " i n s t r u m e n t a l act i o n " a n d "com m u n i cative act i o n " , are
seen - i n this c o n f u sed pot of idology-as two tota l ly separated poles, w i t h o u t
a n y rec i p rocal c o n n e c t i o n : on t h e o n e h a n d t h e p rax i s of l a bor, d i v i ded d o w n t h e
m id d l e b u t conceived u n d e r a s i n g l e head i n g as t h e i m pa rt i n g of va l u e ( a n d
t h u s - as far as t h e a c t i v i t y o f t h e i n d iv i d u a l i s concerned - tota l l y d e v o i d of rela
t i o n s h i ps, operat i n g as m o n o l og); on t h e other h a n d , f ree relat i o n s h i p s based o n
d ia log between peo p l e w h o g ra n t e a c h other " re c i p rocal recog n i t i o n " as bearers
of pet i t i o n s for e m a n c i p a t i o n . In s h o rt: in the rea l m of p rod u c t i o n , a sanct i o n i n g
of the u ncontested hegemony of exchange va l u e ; i n t h e rea l m of d i st r i b u t i o n on ly,
a red i s covery of u s e v a l u e .
1 13
dividuals seem worthless.
The ideology of libera tion, frozen in the purity of those guaran tees which have
been given to workers, is n o t capable of envisaging the degree of liberty which
can result from the use of violence as a function specific to the further s ocia liza
tion of labor.
1 14
s p ec i f i c theme of t h e t ra n s i t io n to com m u n is m . Q u i t e early, Hegel and S m i t h
p o i n ted u n hesitat i n g l y to t h e i n f i n ite m u l t i p l ication a n d spec i f ication of needs a s
t h e d i s t i n ct ive tra i t of post-feu d a l society. T h u s t hey t u rned f rom t h e market p l ace
to l a bor: the o m n i present exc h a n g e of p rod ucts i s such that t h e i nd iv i d u a l no
l o n g e r works for his own concrete need, b u t for t h e abstract ion of a general ized
need; conseq u e n t l y labor too becomes abst ract and g e n e ra l ized. The q u a l ity of
t h e need cond i t i o n s the q u a l ity of t h e l a bor; t h e abst ract i o n of need is precu rsor
to the abstraction of l a bor; the modern form taken by the d is t r i b u t i o n of wea l t h
dete r m i nes, for H e g e l a n d S m i t h , t h e f o r m of t h e prod u ct ion of wea l t h .
LABOR AND NEE DS: M arx, in f i x i n g t h e rel at i o n s h i p between needs a n d l a bor, reverses t h e order of t h e
TOWAR D A CRITI seq uence a n d locates t h e g e n e s i s of needs w i t h i n t h e s t r u ct u re of abstract l a bor:
QUE OF THE MOVE " I n a s m u c h as labor i s labor to earn wages a n d its i mm ed i ate goal i s m o n ey, a
MENT g e n e ra l wea l t h is set as i t s object and a i m . . . M oney as goal h e re becomes t h e
means for t h e g e n e r a l laboriosity. Peo p l e p rod uce g e n e r a l wea l t h so t hat t h e y can
gain possess io n s of i t s toke n . " I f t h e i m med iate goal of abstract labor i s not t h i s
o r t h a t part i c u l a r prod uct b u t rather " t h e general form of wea l t h " (money), t h e n i t
i s c l e a r that soc i a l needs n o l o n g e r represent e i t h e r t h e p o i n t of departu re or t h e
p o i n t of arrival f o r t h e p rocess of prod u c t i o n ; i n stead t h ey constitute a " m id d l e
t e r m " i n t h e route t ravel ed by " money as c a p i t a l " . N eeds t h e m se l ves a r e s e e n as
needs for a general e q u i va l e n t . A n d , g iven that t h i s g e n e ra l eq u ivalent is t h e
s p ec i f i c p rod u c t of p a i d l a bor, t h e " system of need s " necessar i l y t e n d s to
rep rod uce th at part i c u l a r l i n k between i n d i v i d u a l s a n d g e neral wea l t h w h i c h is
esta b l i s h ed p rec isely by t h e c a p i ta l i st form of labor. T h e refore: the needs of paid
labor consist in the reproduction of paid labor.
7
... -
. ..
..
t -
l .
state from w h i c h o n e f l e d . "
116
d i v i d u a l a n d h i s or h e r body. I f cap i t a l i s t i c society c o n cea l s t h e connection bet
ween labor and n a t u re ("The b o u rgeoi s i e has good reason to att r i b u t e a s u per
n a t u r a l c reative force to l abor", as M a rx s a i d) - s u bs u m i n g t h e connection
beneath the r u b r i c of p rod uctive l a bor, i n which p rod u c t i v i ty i s somet h i n g p u re l y
soc i a l - o n t h e o t h e r h a n d t h e connection i s reh a b i l i tated i n " q u a l itat ive" t i me,
w h i c h i nf i l t rates t h e work-day, p o i n t i n g to t h e contrad i c t i o n s i n i t .
E ri c A l l i ez
The State has been red u ced to a senseless mac h i n e that nevert h e less works; a
center-less mac h i n e that absorbs val ue-t i m e a n d s peaks t h e abstract l a n g ua g e of
mobi l i ty of labor, of work s p read t h ro u g h s pace a n d through dai l y l ife. The
m a rg i n s are at t h e center: at t h e center of t h e a ssi g n i n g of va l u e , at t h e center of
soc i a l ized prod u c t i o n . The Wobbly f i g u re re-emerges in t h e form of the fragmented
worker. A n ex p e r i e n c e l o n g - removed from i ns t i t u t i o n a l ized worker move m e n t s ap
pears to u s as the p resent-day form of organ izat i o n . The h o bo. H e g e l , at o n e
p o i n t , can n o l o n g e r ex p l a i n or u nderstand t h e f a c t that t h e lack of territor i a l ity
(of Power a n d of t h e i n s u bo rd i nate c l ass) i s not e q u iva l e n t to t h e territo r i a l i t y of
t h e I nd i v i d u a l , t h e State, Pol it ics, a n d t h e Po l i t i c a l Party. At that point, perhaps,
o n e may beg i n to g ra s p w hat route freedom a n d autonomy take w i t h i n t h e u rban
society.
118
b l i e s i n t h e '20 ' s a m o u n t to t ho u s a n d s u p o n t ho u s a n d s of m ob i l e workers w h o
move f rom o n e p a r t of t h e c o n t i n e n t to t h e o t h e r . An experience w h i c h tota l ly
escapes t h e t rad i t i o n a l i d e o l o g i c a l and organ izat i o n a l schemes of t h e M a rx i sts,
Len i n i sts, L i n kskom m u n i sts, a n d i n -factory u n i o n s . T h e Hegelian categories of
d i a lect i c s c a n n ot deal w i t h the rea l i ty of a soc i a l organ izat i o n of labor, t h e d i sa p
p e a r a n c e of t h e labori n g i n d i v i d u a l , nor t h e practi ces of a move m e n t w h i c h
ref uses t o b e red uced to t h e terri t o r i a l izat i o n of a party or p rog ra m . I t i s t r u e t ha t
t h e American rebe l l i o n s h ave n e v e r p rod u ced a form of c o n s c i o u s ness of soc i a l
rea l i ty as a l l-encom pass i n g as t h e H e g e l i a n - M a rx i s t d i a lect i c s , nor a f o r m o f
p o l i t i c a l p l a n n i n g as a l l-encom pass i n g as the i ns u rrec t i o n to c o n q u e r Power. A
weakness of t h e A m e r i c a n move m e n t , as is ex p l a i ned by t rad i t i o n a l M a rx i s m ,
w h i c h i n fact d i sregards t h e h i story o f t h i s u n orthodox move m e n t ; or i s i t rather
t h a t a rea l society in move m e n t cannot be red uced to t h e formal schemes of a n
a l l-encom pass i n g d es i g n ?
1 19
Let ' s d o
J u s t i ce t o o u r
C o m ra d e P . 38
1 20
t h e other.
1 .The SOS, ex-reserve affai rs, ex-a nti -terrorism, i s a kind of I t a l i a n political anti-gang bri gade;
a soc i a l i st I t a l i a n deputy accu sed it, i n August 1 977, of having part i c i pated in the "strategy of
tension": assassi nation atte mpts, attempted govern ment overthrows.
1 21
N o n v i o l e n ce i n
B o l og n a
J ud ith M a l i na
1 22
T h e p o l ice received a l l t h e i n fo r m a t i o n a l o n g w i t h t h e compagni - t ha t i s , i t was
a l ways public i n format i o n - i f a n yt h i n g was i n c i t i n g , i t was t h e act i o n s of t he
p o l i c e w h i c h were be i n g reported; of cou rse, t h ere's a deeper p r o b l e m , of w h i c h
w e ' re a l l a part - a n d t h ere's n o sense f o r t h e peo p l e i n j a i l to be t h e scapegoats
f o r our col l ect ive f a i l u re to p rovide peacef u l revo l u t i o na ry tact i c s t h a t work. In a
corner u nd e r t h e portici at t h e doorway of t h e M u n i c i p a l B u i ld i n g , t hey are l y i n g
o n t h e s i dewa l k on b l a n kets a n d s l ee p i n g bags. Posters a rou nd t h e m , t h e i r c h a i n s
v i s i b l e arou nd t h e i r a n k l es . . . We g reet e a c h other. I p r o m i s e we' l l ret u rn . B u t f o r
n o w , we m u s t g o w i t h t h e F u n c t i o n a ries a n d t h e O f f i c i a l s , t h e Po l i ce, t h e C h u rc h .
M a r i o rem a i n s i n t h e o u t e r o f f i c e - h i s po l i t i ca l re l at i o n s h i p - t h a t is to say, t h e
p o l i t i c a l relat i o ns h i p of t h e Comune w i t h t h e p o l i ce, i s t o o d e l i cate to d i s t u rb.
We g o t h e n w i t h M a r i o to t h e quartiere S a n R u f f i e l l o a n d w a l k a r o u n d t h e caser
m a . We f i n d a park i n g lot beh i n d i t , b u t c h oose rat h e r a spot i n front of some
stores dow n t h e st reet. We set t l e for i t , t h o u g h t h e 'funzionario ', as h e ca l l s
h i m s e l f s t i l l h a s t re p i d a t i o n s .
1 23
W h o is h u n g ry i s good.
W h o i s w e l l-fed i s bad.
It's better to be h u n g ry
t h a n to be r i c h .
- I r i s h s ay i n g
The l atest news: the inca tena ti ret u rned to the p i azza, they were taken in by the
pol i ce, w h o took away t h e i r c h a i n s . Tomorrow t h e re w i l l be a d e m o n s t r a t i o n i n
P i azza M a g g iore. T h e p o l ice have g iven perm i s s i o n for i t t o go o n from s i x o ' c l ock
t i l l n i ne o ' c l ock. A n d t h ey have d e c i ded d ef i n i t e l y to c l e a r t h e p i azza at m i d n i g h t .
1 24
J U N E 1 3, 1 977 M u c h ado t h i s m o r n i n g for t h e preparat i o n of t h e p l ay .
BOLOG N A
We e n t e r t h e po l i ce c a r a n d d rive t h e w h o l e route, p o i n t i n g o u t each s pot w h e re
we' l l perform. O n l y t h e C h u rc h p resents p r o b l e m s . T h ey w a n t us away i n a h i d d e n
p a rk i n g s pace; we wan t t h e C h u rc h as a b a c k d r o p . We settle for the s i d e e n
trance, w here a w o rk i n g c l a s s h i g h-rise w i t h perfect b a l c o n i e s for a new a u d i e n c e
adds to t h e u t i l i t y .
. . . t h i s p i azza as t h e H o u s e of V i o l ence
this p i azza as t h e House o f H op e
th is i s t h e H o u se of O ur B ro t h e rs t h e p o l i c e . ..
t h i s is t h e H o u s e of O u r B rothers i n carcere . . .
1 26
peacefu l att i t u d es a n d menta l i ty is evid e n t in a l l they say - more t h a n t h at, even
in how t h ey move, t h e i r e x p res s i o n s , t h e i r l a n g u ag e , t h e i r R e i c h i a n postu res -
n o n-agg ressive peop l e - b u t t h ey a re at t h e e n d of t h e i r tether. . . T h e m u rd e r of
Francesco LoRusso, the i ncarceration of t h e i r f e l low workers, t h e pol ice fears
t h at a re tan g i b l e i n t h e a i r, v i s i b l e i n t h e s t reet s , evident i n t h e b i t t e r i n g of t h e
sweet faces . . .
A n d h e s h o u ts . A n d I s h o u t a n d J u l i a n s h o u t s .
l s h a comes s h ri e k i n g a l o n g t h e h a l lway to J u l i a n , i n t o h i s a r m s - t h e n o u t a g a i n ,
a n d to m e , c ry i n g I w a n t to g o h o m e . . .
J U N E 1 6, 1 977 C h r i s c a n ' t be " i n terrogated" - heard - t i l l t o m o rrow. We t ry, b u t i t ' s " N o" a l l
BOLOG N A t h e way.
1 28
O n t h e s t reet we a re stop ped several t i mes a n d as ked about Chris. Late i n t h e day
we hear th at h e was, in fact, p retty bad l y beate n . After t h e a r rest, he was taken to
the h o s p i t a l - s t i tches in his head - t h e p o l i c e say that he beat h i s own head
a g a i n s t t h e wa l l ! And t h e Resto def Carlino p r i n t s t h i s ! L 'Unita assumes t hat he
was v i o l e n t . Manifesto a n d Lo tta Con tinua s u p port u s . . .
J U N E 20, 1 979 M u c h consternat i o n in the c o m p a n y that C h r i s i s not rel eased t h i s morn i n g , and
B O LOG N A t h e y ' re say i ng tomorrow, maybe - maybe a few days - U g h !
C o l l ec t i ve
A/T rave rs o
The body, sexuality, the desire to sleep in the morning, the liberation from labor,
t h e pos s i b i l ity to be overw h e l m ed , to make o n e s e l f u n p roduct ive and open to tac
t i le, u ncod i f i ed com m u n i c a t i o n : a l l t h i s has for c e n t u ries been h i d d e n , s u bmerged,
denied, u nstated. Vade Retro, Satanas.
1 30
All t h e " u nstated" i s e m e rg i ng : from t h e Chan ts de Ma ldoror to t h e strugg l e s for
red u c i n g t h e work-day. I t speaks i n t h e Paris Com m u ne a n d i n Art a u d ' s poetry, i t
speaks i n S u rrea l i s m a n d i n t h e F re n c h M a y , i n t h e I t a l i a n A u t u m n a n d i n i m
mediate l i berat i o n ; it s peaks across t h e separate orders of t h e l a n g u a g e of
rebe l l i o n . Des i re i s g iven a voice, a n d for them, i t i s obscene.
T H E VOICE A l ice l ooks arou n d , p l ay s , j u m ps, wastes time i n t h e midst of papers i l l u m i nated
O F THOSE by t h e s u n , runs ahead, sett les d o w n e l se w h e re.
P U S H E D ASI D E
And yet every t h i n g f u n c t i o n s in the order of d i scou rse.
Like an in vita tion to ta lk with you about your work where they don 't give you
a nything to ea t.
S i lence.
A mirror.
131
O n e c a n n ot pass from o n e d i scou rse to a n o t h e r (from i n s i d e I t a l i a n Rad i o to out
s i d e I t a l i a n Rad i o).
S i lence: a h o l e .
Wonderland.
A n ot h e r d i rect p h o n e ca l l :
A n o t h e r d i rect p h o n e ca l l :
A n o t h e r d i rect o n e :
1 32
rested me on t h e f i ftee n t h , s u b m a c h i ne g u n s i n h a n d , i n t h e h o u s e w h e re I was
s l eep i n g with my com rades. F i rst t h ey accu sed m e of b e l o n g i n g to t h e Red
B r i g ades. In t h e s pace of two days this accusat i o n becam e so r i d i c u l o u s t hat t hey
had to i nvent a n o t h e r one. So t h ey accu sed me of be i n g the ideolog i c a l o r g a n i z e r
of a n i n c red i b l e series of c r i m i n a l p l ots com m i tted i n B o l o g n e i n t h e last f e w
months.
B u t then l et t h e m say i t c l e a r l y :
B u t t h e n l e t t h e m say i t c l e a r l y :
B u t t h e n let t h e m s a y i t c l ea r l y :
1 34
-v. .
,.,, '
"
T h e C i ty i n
t h e Fe m a l e
Gender
Lia M ag a l e
1 36
S u s p e n s i o n of sex u a l ity . Sed u c t i o n i n words, m ea n i n g , speech a n d t h e n f i n a l ly ,
w h y n o t , self-d i sc l o s u re .
A t i m e that i n vokes m u l t i p l i c i ty . . .
B E I N G I N TO U C H " T h e s u b j u g a t i o n of t h e fem i n i n e ( i n w o m a n , n a t u ra l l y , b u t a l s o i n m a n ) h a s p ro
WITH THE d u ced a body that i s n o l o n g e r posessed by desi res, but by the laws of market i n g ,
U N CO N S C I O U S b y a desi re t h a t does n o t e n t e r t h e body b u t i s bartered i n a g a m e t h a t red u ces
l i fe to eco n o m i c l aws w i t h death as its e n d . The d e s t r u c t i o n of the fem i n i ne i s t h e
t h read th at r u n s t h ro u g h a n d accom pa n i es t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f h u m a n ity, i t s
d i s i ntegration t h ro u g h i n h u ma n r o l e c o n s t ra i n t s , t h e c o l o n ization of existence, t h e
p a rce l izat i o n of t i me a n d s pace, t h e u p h o l d i n g of t h e p u rported objectivity of c o n
s c i o u s ness over t h e f l u x of t h e u nc o nsc i o us. T h e prog ressive separat ion
estrangement of t h e mascu l i n e from t h e fem i n i n e , a n d of t h e fe m i n i n e from itself
res u l t s i n t h e fictional appearance of woman on t h e scene; res u l ts in t h e d i sap
pearance of p l eas u re, w h i c h i s seen as fem i n i n e a n d n o n p roduct ive, rat h e r t h a n
econom i c a n d p rod uctive. W o m a n becomes t h e o p p o s i t e of somet h i n g e l s e , t h e
o p p o s i t e of a m a n , t h e refore a b e i n g t ha t c a n not e x i s t by herse l f . A move to h e l p
u s g o beyond t h e s t a g e of not-be i n g -f u l ly- rea l ized y e t no-longer-lac k i n g-somet h i n g
m u st b e t h e rejection o f t h e v i s i o n o f ou rselves as w o m e n - h o l e s , women
separated f rom o u r l ivable fem i n i ne, a n d t h e refore condem ned to t h e n o n l i v a b l e .
T h i s en tail s d i s r u pt i n g t h e u s u a l m a nne r of spea k i n g , n a rrat i n g , by means of i n
c i s ive, forcefu l frag m e n t s of d es i res, d re a m s , u n c o n s c i o u s states. I t e n t a i l s
refra i n i n g f r o m the w h i n i n g acco u n t s of o n e ' s m i sery, attac k i n g the mecha n i s m
t h a t n o t o n l y p rodu ces re p re s s i o n i n t h e u nc o n s c i o u s , b u t t h a t represses t h e u n
c o n s c i o u s i t s e l f . T h i s c a l l s f o r a p roj ect to resea rch t h e d i versity of wome n , not
t h e i r i d e n t ity. It e n t a i l s c a p s i z i n g t h e rea l i ty p r i n c i p l e a n d c o n s i d e r i n g desi res t h e
t r u e rea l i ty . . . "
( M a r i l i na)
But desi re, such a mag i c word, sometimes ex p resses itself i n a strange m a n ner,
as a " s u s p e n s i o n " of d e s i re.
1 37
to a p pear h a rd and p r o b l e m a t i c . I n my l i fe, as a woman w h o l o n g ago rej ected t h e
role of rep rod u c er of t h e s p e c i e s , t h e a l i e n a t i o n of motherhood, w h o chose to b e
separated from m a n e v e n sex u a l l y , t h e sense of op p res s i o n cont i n u e s , leav i n g me
with rare moments of l u c i d ity, when I rea l ize t h a t my negative relat i o n s h i p w i t h
t h e w o r l d derives from t h e f a c t that I i n t rojected t h e l a w of " d o u t d e s , " i n produc
ing, i f even j u st a n i mage of myse l f , in order to show to myse l f that I exist.
Then o n e looks for a way beyond, for stepp i n g beyond o n e s e l f , for ways to use
t h e body as a b r i d g e .
( T h e w o m e n of S t u d i o R i petta)
One may object: "What n a rc i s s i s m ! " Why not ! S i nce representation i s h i st ory ,
and w o m e n h a v e n e v e r b e e n h i story, b u t j u st " l e repos d u g u errier, " a warm l a p to
come back to, then w h y not start c reat i n g a c h a racter o u t of ou rselves !
L i t t l e comedy in o n e act:
After a whole day spent at t h e t e l evi s i o n center, p u shed from t h e f i rst f l oo r to the
secon d , then back a g a i n to t h e f i rst, g o i n g around i n c i rc l es and gett i n g n ot h i n g
acco m p l i shed, An to n e l l a a n d I d rove back d o w n t ow n .
1 38
ed?" I te l l her, s h e l a u g h s . I try to represe n t myself, a c t o u t t h e i n c o n s i st e n c i e s ,
c o n t rad i c t i o n s , h o w I p l ay, d e s i re, l a bor. I t ' s not e n o u g h f o r m e j u st to g ive a n
acco u n t of m y s e l f . B e h i n d t hat p o i n t i n g f i n g er, raised to accu se, I w a n t to h e a r
n o t o n l y " I heard you ! " b u t a l s o " I s a w you ! " Y e s , t h i s c h a racter of m i ne i s
p o s i t i v e l y po l i t i c a l . "
(Alessa n d ra)
. . . I F T H E OCTO B E R R EVOLUT I O N
H A D B E E N I N MAY
IF YOU WERE ST I LL A L I V E
I F M Y P E N W E R E A V I CTO R ' S W E A P O N
I F M Y F E A R EXPLO D E D I N T H E SQUAR ES
I F T H E F LOW E R S W E G A V E
TO Y O U R C O U R A G E O U S LI F E I N O U R D EAT H
W O U L D AT LEAST B E CO M E W R EAT H S
I N T H E ST R U G G L E O F A L L U S WO M E N
I F. . .
IT W E R E NOT W O R D S T RY I N G TO A F F I R M LI F E
BUT L I F E I TS E L F , W I T H OUT A D D I N G M O R E .
W i t h i n p o l i t i c a l c o l l ectives, a n d a l s o i n s m a l l c o n s c i o u s ness-ra i s i n g o r d e p t h
a n a l y s i s g ro u ps, t h e m a s c u l i n e a n d fem i n i ne roles, t h e m a t e r n a l a n d pater n a l
r o l e s recreate t h e m s e l ves t h ro u g h t h e i n t ricate i nt e r- re l a t i o n s h i ps of leaders h i p
a n d d e l e g at i o n , c o m p l i c i t y a n d d i scomfort t h a t emerge f ro m t h e p rog ressive
d i scovery of i nd i v i d u a l d i f ferences. As soon as t h e p o l i t i c a l d ef i n i t i o n of " id e n t i ty
agai n s t" col l a pses a n d t h e m a l e qua oppos i t i o n f u ses w i t h a h y p o t h e t i c a l " o u t
s i d e , " it is t h e i n s i d e of t h e col lective t h a t is t h reatened by a ref l ect i o n of t h e
m a l e-fem a l e b i po l a ri t y , u nd e r t h e g u ise of a g g ression-passivity. T h e w o m a n w h o
i s a b l e to t a k e t h e f lo o r m o r e eas i l y becomes, i n t h e M ovem e n t , a t y p i c a l f i g u re of
m a l e power. Power, i n fact, takes t h e form of a t e n d e n c y to exc l u d e someone d i f
ferent f ro m onese l f a n d to s o l i d i fy a col lect ive u sage i nto l i n g u i s t i c a n d i d e o l o g i c
norm. Word p o w e r i s t h e refore exerted by w o m e n w h o a p p e a r to be sex u a l l y
repressed a n d w i t h dependency needs.
1 40
p a rt i a l ref l e c t i o n of t h e rea l re l a t i o n s h i ps of power a c t i ve in t h e so-ca l l ed " o u t -
side."
( B i a n ca m a r i a)
1 42
from t h e private; a p o l i t i c a l cou rse of a c t i o n t h a t forces o n e to an e i t h e r/or s i t ua
t i o n - w i t h u s o r against u s . O n v i o lence, I wou l d l i ke to h e a r more concrete
d i sc u s s i o n s , w i t h o u t l a p s i n g in such abstrac t i o n s a s 'every t h i n g i s v i ol e n c e , '
' everybody prac tic es i t . ' N o r d o I c o n s i d e r i t r i g h t t h a t t h ose w h o reject t h e p l a n n
ed a n d spec i f i c t y p e of v i o l e n c e m u s t r i g h t a w a y be l a b e l ed pac i f ists. I a m n o t a
p a c i f i s t , but I bel i eve t h a t p o l i t i c a l c h o i ces m u s t be m a d e i n t h e p rese n t , now.
From a general h i sto ric al point of view, t h e re i s an enormous d i fference between
h o m i c ides a n d t h e p o l i t i c a l v i o l ence practi ced now, a n d a s i t u a t i o n of revo l u
t i o n a ry m a s s v i o l e n ce . We a r e f o rced to t h e u s u a l modes of s u rviva l : e i t h e r total
e m a n c i pa t i o n , tota l i d e n t i f icat i o n with man o r becom i n g s u p e r-em a n c i pated ter
rorists or s u per-e m a n c i pated women w i t h i n State i n s t i t u t i o n s , i n t h e m idst of t h e
u s u a l f o r m s of ' e m a rg i na t i o n . ' I t h i n k , t h e refore, t h a t i t i s v i t a l not to rema i n
s i l e n t , but to denou nce, as we h ave a l ways d o n e , even t h i s form of p h y s i c a l a n d
p o l i t i ca l v i o l e nce. S i nce p o l i t i c a l v i o lence i s d e n o u n ced nowadays b y t hose i n
power i n a g e n e r i c a n d ' i nstru m e n ta l ized ' m a n n e r, t o s e rve t h e i r p o l i t i c a l a i m s , on
l y we women can reiterate t h e c o n d e m n a t i o n of t h e var i o u s leve l s of v i o l e nce of
w h i c h t h e p h y s i c a l type i s j u st t h e tip of t h e iceberg. J u st as we have l earned t hat
rape i s a repressive weapon t u rned a g a i nst women, s i nce i t keeps fear a l ive, and
with i t h i g h l eve l s of moral a n d psych o l o g i c a l v i o l e n ce p racti ced o n women.
O n e m o re statement.
1 44
Read i n g makes me s ic k . I have a ton of
books here. But read i n g makes me sick. 1 95
days In j a i l . 1 96 days i n j a i l . 1 97 days. 1 98.
1 99. 200 days In jai l . H u rray, let's have a
dri nk. When I get out I ' m going to sett le on
one of Saturn's rings so nobody can ever
agai n break M Y BALLS ! ! ! 201 days in j a i l .
202 days I n j a i l . 203 days i n jai l . 204 days i n
j a i l a n d so o n . 205 days I n j a i l . 206 days I n
j a i l . 207 days i n j a i l . 208 days I n j a i l . And 209
da . . . wait a m i nute, the other day, my 206th
day In j ai l , was my b i rthday . . . FUCK . . . 2 1 0
days I n j a i l I hate y o u you make me sick. 2 1 1
days In j a i l . 2 1 2 days in j ai l . How w i l l t h i ngs
be when I get out? Normal? 213 days I n j a i l .
I 've learned h o w to sew. Yesterday I h a d sex
w i t h a man. F i rst I took It - then I gave It. I
couldn't j erk off any more, I ' d had enough of
that. He is very young. 2 1 4, 1 5, 1 6, 1 7, 1 8, 1 9,
220 days in j a i l . U h . 221 days in jai l . 222 days
in j a i l 223 days in j a i l 224 days in j a i l . 225
days in j a i l . 226 days in j a i l . Today t here are
some new arrivals. Three men sent u p for
armed robbery. A m u rderer. And a pu rse
snatcher. 227 days in j a i l . 228 days in j a i l .
229 days I n j ai l . 230 , 3 1 , 3 2 , 33, 34, 35, 36, 37,
38, 39 DAYS IN J A I L. 240 days, eight months
in jai l . Today I saw Daria. I saw her a month
ago too. The way she looks at me is d i fferent
from before . . . . I'm afra i d she doesn't l ove
me any more. 241 days in j a i l . D l l ng-sd l i ng .
It's n i ghtti me. They've woken me up.
ENOUGH WITH THAT FUCKI N G N O I S E . . .
l ' M H ERE . . . W H E R E DO YOU TH I N K l ' M
G O I N G ? . . . 242. Days i n j a i l . 243 days i n j a i l .
244 days I n j a i l and 245. Days l e s s to do i n
j a i l . U p your ass w i t h t h i s shit, I won't g ive
you the satisfaction of k i l l i ng you l i ke dogs
so you can beat me for the next 246 days I n
j a i l . 247 days i n jai l . 248 days i n jai l . 249 days
in j a i l . 250 days In j a i l . Tried speed, heroi n ,
acid, opi u m , g rass, and h a s h . U h . I n o n e
week. I 've put my h e a d o u t s i d e t h i s s h i tty
j a i l , they can't stop m e from doing
everything. My bra i n i s m i n e . . . I n jail. 251
days I n jail. 252 days I n jail. 253 days I n jail.
254 days I n jai l . 255, 6, 7, 8, 9, 260 days in
jail. SOLI N G , SOLI N G . I t 's ni g ht agai n . the
26 1 st n i g h t of the 26 1 st day I n j ai l . 263 days
in j a i l . 264 days In j a i l . 265 days in j a i l . I 'd
l i ke to sleep t h rough 500 days of freedom on
an I ceberg and I wou ldn ' t g i ve a fuck whether
I d i ed from pneu m o n i a . . . . 266 days i n j a i l ,
268 days i n jai l . 269. 260 days i n j a i l . 271 , 72,
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 280 days in j a i l . I ' m afrai d .
SOLITU D E I S A DARK ARMY O N T H E
HORIZON . . . . 281 d ays i n j a i l . Bum. 283 days
in jai l . Bum. 284 days in j a i l . Bum. 285 days
In j a i l . Bum. 286 days in j a i l . Bum. 287 days
in 288 days in, 289 days in JAI L. A i l a i l a i l a i l
a l l a l l a i l a i l . W h o remem bers anyt h i ng . . .
when I came . . . it m u st h ave been a - 290
d ays I n j a i l - Thursday. A Thu rsday in j ai l .
2 9 1 days I n j a i l . 293 days i n j a i l . 294 days i n
j a i l . That g u y i n t h e next cel l has f i n i s hed h i s
sentence. Lucky h i m . Ten years. M aybe I ' l l
make I I too. 295 days i n j a i l . U h . 296 days I n
j a i l 297 days, 98, 99. T H R E E H U N D R E D DAYS
IN JAI L. Was there a s u i c i d e last n i g ht? Ah,
3 Apri l 7 Arrests
Anatomy
of A u t o n o my
B i fo
1 48
F I RST: The c r i s i s of Cap i t a l i s m a n d of t h e I t a l i a n State s u bseq u e n t to t h e
workers' s t r u g g l e d u ri n g t h e S i x t ies.
S ECO N D: The H istorical C o m p rom ise, a n atte m p t to get beyond this crisis a n d to
d efeat t h e revo l u t i o n a ry movement.
It i s precisely because the p rog ress of the workers and of Autonomy const i t u tes
the most i nterest i n g a n d essent i a l e l e m e n t of the e n t i re revo l u t i o n a ry movem e n t
i n I ta l y d u ri n g t h e s e 1 2 y e a r s t h a t we s h o u l d c o n s i d e r t h e repressive i n i t iat ive o n
t h e part of t h e j u d i c i a ry i n Pad u a . I t i s t h e Pad u a n cou rt w h i c h w a s respo n s i b l e
for t h e arrest of m o s t of t h e m i l itants and i n t e l lect u a l s w h o took p a r t i n t h e move
m e n t . And the court's a c t i o n m u s t be seen as a real attempt at a f i n a l sol u t i o n , an
attack d i rected toward the e l i m i nation of t h ose forces t h a t const i t u te t h e
e l e me n ts of cont i n u ity i n t h e h i story of t h e revo l u t i o n a ry m ovement, t h ose forces
that h ave p rovided t h e catalyst for very s i g n i f icant theoret i c a l departu res.
1 49
s i o n s emerge w h i c h t h e Center- Left cou l d not a b s o l u t e l y contro l . A n d i n a general
way t h e M ovement brou g h t t h e politics of t h e D. C . u n d e r accusat i o n - fo r being
part l y respon s i b l e f o r t h e d i ctators h i p of t h e bou rgeo i s i e i n I t a l i a n society a n d f o r
t h e n a t i o n ' s dependency on t h e C h u rch a n d a u t h o ritarian e l e m e n t s .
But t h e M ovem e n t was n e i t h e r broken n o r d riven back by the " s t rateg i a d e l l a ten
s i o n e . " In the years f o l l o w i n g 1 970, i t g rew in new sectors, a m o n g the youth a n d
students. A n d t h e M ovement g a i ned cont i n u ity t h ro u g h t h e format i o n of revol u
t i o n a ry organ izat i o n s w h i c h arose t h ro u g h o u t t h e cou n t ry. These q u i c k l y acq u i red
the capacity to m ob i l ize peo p l e , g a t h e r i n g the rem na n t s of the s t u d e n t movem e n t
of 1 968, and a seg m e n t of t h e workers reorg a n ized d u r i n g t h e s t ru g g l es of 1 969.
The strongest of t hese g ro u ps were " Lotta Con t i n u a " (part i c u l arly a m o n g Fiat
workers), "Ava n g u a rd i a Opera i a " (entrenched i n M i la n a m o n g workers i n large fac
tories and a m o n g s t u d ents), and f i n a l ly " Potere Operaio" - w h i c h was a major
p resence at Pad u a , in t h e factories of Port o m a rg h e ra, and at t h e U n i versity of
Rome.
1 50
These groups organized in factories, schools, and at the local level (promoting
political strikes, the occupation of schools, student demonstrations against the
government, and occupation of vacant houses by homeless proletarians - in
Rome and Milan especially) . They assumed a position of opposition to the Italian
Communist Party, which, after decades of Stalinist loyalty, was taking on the
characteristics of a social-democratic party and was condemning the most radical
working-class and student demonstrations in the name of unity with the middle
classes and in the name of a policy of legality and respect for the fundamental
rule of the capitalist order .
This position of opposition had already been manifest in 1968, when the P C I had
been criticized and superseded by the student movement . And again, in 1969, the
methods of the decisive struggle in the factories had been resisted by the P C I .
But the antagonism grew more acute and became a n open break when, i n 1973,
the P C I arrived at its choice of a Historical Compromise, that is, of an alliance
with the Christian Democrats, and of subordination to the will of Big Capital in
the name of economic revival .
Meanwhile other significant events took place that same year. The first was the
occupation of F I A T by thousands of young workers . Acting with complete
autonomy from union decision-making, they decided to occupy the factory and
set up barricades in order to impose their demands for significant wage increases
and reduced work loads . Revolutionary groups such as " Lotta Continua" and
" Potere Operaio" were a marginal presence in this occupation . Thus within the
takeover itself was contained the possibility of transcending those vanguard
organizations that had come near to assuming the role traditionally played by the
workers' movement: a role of authoritarian leadership, of bureaucratic intran
sigence in the face of the passions and the new types of needs expressed, above
all, by the young .
The workers had learned only too well to fend for themselves, and they began
organizing autonomously . At the same time, the first armed cells began to be
formed inside the factories (first in Milano and then in Torino and Genoa) . They
organized sabotage against machinery, disciplined foremen and guards, besieged
the rotten bosses - in short, they brought into being embryonic stages of a
workers' counter-power .
All of Italian society was affected by this extremely vast network of counter
insurgence . After it had broken owner's control, in the "troubled autumn" of 1969,
and assaulted the rule of low wages and intensive exploitation, it began to deal
directly with political problems - problems of po wer. But it is also true tha t the
problem of power rem a i ned an i n d isso l u b l e k n ot i n Italy, on the theoretical even
more than on the p o l itical level.
What the strugg les d u ri n g all those years act u a l l y amou nted to was a rejection of
the wage-ea r n i n g syste m , and a rejection of t h at ex p l o itation w h i c h transforms
h u man l ife i nto a work i n g death on cred it, forc i n g people to sel l their own l ives i n
exchange for t h e i r wages. A n d t h i s rej ection w h i c h entered i nto the soc i a l t h i n k
i n g of a cu ltura l ly advan ced proletariat conti n u a l ly better edu cated and endowed
with an ever i n c reas i n g tec h n ical and scienti f i c ex pertise - evolved i nto the very
real issues of power and l i beration.
Labor's rejection of work ex pressed itse l f i n m a ny ways: the red uction of the work
week to 40 hou rs: the r i g ht to rest periods and control over prod uction ti me; the
i m position of a cou nter-power i nsi d e factories; the rejection of the ideology of
prod uction; and crit i c i s m of the methodology of ex p l o itat i o n . But a more p ress i n g
need exerted its elf with i n t h e stru gg le; that of transform i n g these objections i nto
a p rogram for the l i beration of ex isting energ ies, i nto a p rogram of self
organ ization of the p rod uction process and of the ent i re social cycle of prod u c
tion and consu m pt i o n . I n t h i s lay the poss i b i l ity for a l i beration of repressed
workers.
D u r i n g those years the utopia of workers' l i beration was a mass ive d r i v i n g force, a
power for organ izat i o n and for cal l s to act i o n . But the ideolog ical baggage of
trad itional M a rx i s m cont i n u es to be borne not o n l y by the off i c i a l Workers' M ove
ment (prima rily that of the PCI) but by the newer g roups of the revol uti onary left
as wel l . As an ideology based on socia l i s m - a n d t h u s on a form of organ ized
soc i a l ex p l o itation that i s al l the more r i g i d in its d o m i n ation of worki n g l i fe
trad itional M a rx i s m cou ld not conta i n the forcef u l energy a nd , above a l l , the
rad ical i s m which t h e movement d i s p l ayed.
At this poi nt, the groups on the revo l utionary l eft itse l f entered a critical period of
their own, and their forms of organ ization, from the bottom up, began to d i vest
themselves of t h e i r own tra p p i ngs. As a new rad i c a l i s m expressed itse l f among
the pro l etariat, espec i a l l y among the y o u n g , these g roups beg an an i n exorable
process of b u reaucratization by which they became the s m a l l a p pendages of the
off i c i a l reform-oriented Workers Movement. They partici pated i n elections, d i stan
c i n g themselves from tactics that cou ld not be recon c i led with the old modes of
making pol i cy. T h i s new process of rad ical ization in w h i c h Power itse l f was
brought under d i s c u s s i o n , was a l ready at work in the occupation of Mirafiori
( F I AT) w h i c h took p l ace in March and Apri l of 1 973. It is u nd e n i a b l e that the only
ones to take cog n izance of the cou rse of t h i s transformation on both the
theoretical and political l evels, were the m i l itants of Workers' Power. In fact, the
PO decided, in M ay of ' 73, to d i ssolve, d i f f u s i n g itse l f t h roughout the c o m m i ttees,
c o l l ectives and base structu res w h i c h constitute the extensi ve network of
Autonomy.
T H E H ISTO RICAL II. I t was i n 1 973 that the PCI , g u ided by the lessons of the C h i lean ex-
COMPROMISE perience, worked out its so-ca l l ed policy of H i storical Comprom i se. The p o l i cy
was based on the h ypothesis that Italy c a n n ot be governed except by an i n stitu
tional ized pol itical accord between Com m u n i sts and C h r i stian Democrats. T h i s
political "about-face" w a s a l ready i m p l ied a t every p o i nt along the I ta l ian road to
soc i a l i s m and represented less a rad ical b reak with the trad ition of Tog l i atti ' s PC I
than a log ical devo l o p m ent of it. Yet the conseq uense of the"about-face" was the
f u rther exacerbat i o n of the r u pt u re between the off i c i a l Workers' M ovement (PCI
and U n ion) and the new g roups i n the factories and large cities, w h o were organ iz
ing at the g rou nd l eve l , conso l i d ati n g themselves and work i n g together for the
soc i a l and political rea l ization of Autonomy.
The d i s p utes between the PCI and the M ovement toward Autonomy became i n
creas i n g l y more v i o lent d u r i n g the f o l l ow i n g years, and i n 1 975 pari c u larly, when
Autonomy emerged as a true mass movement which u n ited young workers, the
1 52
u n e m p l oyed , students, and others l iv i ng on the marg i n s of soci ety. I n S p r i n g of
1 975, Autonomy was p u t to its f i rst test as comm ittee mem bers took on fascists
a n d p o l i ce i n a confron tation in Rome. The conf l i ct s p read to M i l an, where, i n m i d
Apri l , a you ng fasc ist w a s k i l l ed , as we l l as a m e m b e r of t h e "cara b i n ieri."
Thousands of young workers, m a i n ly from s m a l l factories, joined w i t h students
a n d u nemp loyed youth and p u t the i n ner c i ty u nder s iege, demonstrat i n g and
riot i ng. Other organ ized demonstrations occu rred i n Bologna, F lorence (where a
m a n was k i l led by pol i ce), Tor i n o, (where a worker at F I AT was k i l led by an armed
g u ard), and i n Na p les. These were heated days, i n w h i c h Autonomy had its f i rst
experiences among t h e masses.
The State recog n ized , at t h at p o i n t , its p r i n c i p a l ene my: A u tonomy rep resented a
new level of soc i a l orga n izat ion w h i c h no longer accepted t h e u n ion as a
med i a t i n g agent, no longer accepted the l i n e of the PCI and its strategy of com
p rom i se and acq u i escen ce.
The State rep l i ed to Autonomy's efforts d u r i n g t hat week in t h e severest man ner:
repression, t h e legal ization of pol ice vio lence, and t h e systemat ic use of arms in
p u b l i c confrontat ions. In M ay of 1 975, the Christian Democrats and their a l l ies in
the government passed a Parliamentary act called the Reale La w (Legge Reale). Its
terms provide that p o l i ce can s h oot any t i m e p u b l i c order is felt to be t h reatened.
F u rt hermore, ja i l sentences w o u l d be more severe for anyone fou nd in possess ion
of defensive weapons, s u c h as bottles, m o lotov cockt a i l s or hand kerc h iefs, ski
masks and hel mets t hat c o u l d mask faces i n demon strat io ns. The law was ex
p l ic i t l y d i rected against the you t h f u l proletariat who were orga n i z i n g w i t h i n t h e
r a n k s of Auto nomy. And i t w a s s u p ported b y every party, w i t h the exception of
t h e PCI , w h i c h feebly absta i ned from vot i ng. B u t the Com m u n i sts wou l d not op
pose the law and thereby endanger their i ntended accord with the Christian
Democrats.
The d ay the law was passed m a rked the beg i n n i ng of t h e most violent and b l oody
p h ase of the c l ass struggle i n I t a ly. Demonstrators, or t h e marg i nal and del i n
q ue n t elements i n genera l , bega n to be wounded or k i l led by police f i rearms.
C i t izens who did not come to a h a l t at pol ice b lockades, c h a nce passersby w h o
f o u n d t h emselves i n the p ress of a demonstrat i o n - t hey t o o m e t t h e i r d e a t h s b y
v i rt u e of a law "for t h e p u b l i c order. "
The revo l ut i o n ary left and Auto nomy had to pay the price for the i n c reased
v i o lence of the State and of the pol i ce. The casualty l i st w i t h i n the M ovement is
end less. It i s e n o u g h to m e n t i o n here Pietro Bruno ( 1 8 years o l d , m i l itant m e m ber
of " Lotta Conti n u a ' ' , w h o d i ed in the s p r i n g of '75); G i a n n i no Zi becch i (anti fasc i st
committee, k i l led i n May 1 975); Mario Salvi (worker for Autonomy, 2 1 years o l d ,
k i l led a t San Bas i l io, R o m e , duri ng a h o u s i n g occu pation i n October 1 976);
Francesco Loruzzo (23, " Lotta Conti n u a " , k i l led at Bologna, March 1 1 , 1 977);
G i org iana Masi ( k i l led i n Rome, May 1 2, 1 977, a fem i n ist l i n ked to " Lotta Con
t i n u a"). But these are only the most notable. I t is est i m ated that the vict i m s of the
" Legge Rea le" n u m bered 1 50 i n the period between May '75 and December '76.
We a l so need to rem e m ber the other s ide, the pol icy of the off i c i a l Workers' M ove
ment (chiefly, the PCI): a policy that was f i rst of a l l dependent on the dec i s i o n s of
the Ch ristian Democrats, and s u bord i nate to the movement of repres s i o n . In add i
tion, t h i s pol icy sought to isolate the yout h f u l elements of Autonomy, caus i n g a
d iv i s i o n with i n the work i n g class and the p ro l etarian movement. The PCI became
a sort of political p o l i ce made u p of enforcers, spies and stooges.
In the f o l l ow i n g years, rather than being reso l ved t h rou g h the accord between the
Com m u n i sts and the C h ristian Democrats, the i n stitutional crisis i n Italy assu med
an i n c reas i n g ly d ramatic character. The i m poss i b i l ity of govern i n g the cou ntry
was h i g h l i g hted . The bas i c reason for the c r i s i s was the g row i n g d i stance bet
ween representative pol itical i n stitutions (parties, the Parl iament, and other struc
tu res of part i c i pation) and a popu l ation of hopeless young people. Autonomy was
at once a sym ptom and a cause of this d i stance.
In the political elections of 1 976 the PCI considerably i n c reased its vot i n g
strength, pos i n g a t h reat t o C h r i stian-Democratic power: the DC w a s no longer
g u a ra nteed a parl i a me nta ry majority with its trad itional a l l ies (centrist parties)
without either the a g reement or the neutra l ity of the Com m u n i sts. O n the other
hand, C h ristian-Democ ractic r u l e cou ld not be s u b stantiated by a Leftist majority
either, because the Left s i m p l y d i d not have the strength. Conv i n ced that it need
ed to q u icken the pace of an a l l iance with the DC, the PCI began in 1 976, to press
for the H i storical C o m p ro m i se. I t s u p ported the C h r i stian-Democrati c govern ment
without, however, ente r i n g i nto that governme nt. The situation, then, was paradox
i c a l : w h i l e the masses had s u p ported the PCI , bel iev i ng this was the best way to
p romote a pol icy of rad ica l change, the p o l icy of the H istorical Com p ro m ise end
ed u p bolste r i n g the totter i n g forces of the DC.
In terms of I ta l i a n society at large, this meant that workers had to pay for the
econom i c crisis (wh i c h cont i n ued to g row worse between 1 973 and 1 976, as a
resu lt of the o i l c r i s i s). The PCI and the u n i o ns exp l i c itly ass u m ed the task of for
c i n g the work i n g class to accept a policy of sacri f i ce, consumer restricti ons, and
red uced p u b l i c spend i n g . In the autu m n of 1 976, a few months after the elections,
the And reotti gove r n ment i nsti g ated an eco n o m i c offens ive against workers'
salaries, i n c reas i n g t h e prices of the most essent i a l good s - gasol i n e , bread ,
pasta, and serv i ces. The PCI and the u n io n s were u sed i n order to del iver t h i s
b l o w . Workers i n the large i n d u strial centers of the North reacted i n a wave o f
fu rious protests, l a u n c hed autonomously and agai nst t h e w i l l a n d i ntent i o n s o f
t h e u n ions: a t A l fa-Romeo, a t F I AT, a t ITALI S I D E R , and el sewhere, t h e y waged i n
dependent stri kes. B u t the " c r u n c h " passed: l iv i n g conditions worsened n otably
for workers; their faith i n the u n ions c o l l a psed . And f rom that time, rejection of
the forms and d i rect i o n s of u n ion organ izat i o n i n c reased. What i s m o re, the p o l i c y
of " s a c r i f i c e " w h i c h cut cons u m ption and p u b l i c spend i n g and p romoted worker
lay-offs, rebou nded back on those who were e m p l oyed . I t prod u ced a constantly
g row i n g u n e m p loyment rate, w h i c h at the beg i n n i n g of 1 977 reached a n u n
p recedented f i g u re ( 1 , 700,000 off i c i a l ly; i n rea l ity more than 2 m i l l ion).
1 54
T H E ORI G I NALITY Ill. F in a lly we arrive a t 1 977. The poi nt of arriva l , i n m a ny respects, of ten
O F AUTON O M Y years of class stru g g l e . The point of arrival for the student strug g l e beg u n in '68,
for the workers' stru g g l e of '69. It i s the moment at w h i c h a l l the f u ndamental
contrad ictions acc u m u l ate a n d exp lode, provoki n g a p rofo u n d crisis for State con
trol over soci ety, for party a n d u n io n control over the m asses of youth. But at the
sa m e ti me, the revolutionary movement prod u ced its most m at u re form of ex p res
s i o n , in w h i c h a f u l ly art i c u l ated n eed is ex pressed for a com m u n is m that i s the
d i rect tra n s l ation of proletaria n society, without any necess ity for external or
ideological organ ization. The M ovement of '77 represents, i n all its aspects
soc i a l , p o l itical and c u ltu ral-the moment of c u l m i nati on in the asce n d i n g p h ase
of the c lass stru g g l e i n Italy. B u t for the very reason that it i s fra u g ht with con
trad ictions, and for the very reason that it poses with u n relenting u rgency the
q uestion of the tra n s ition to com m u n i s m , the year 1 977 i s , for everyone, a
def i n itive test. I ta l ian soc iety has been tested by ten years of u n i nterru pted soc i a l
conf l i ct. T h e masses are d i s i l l u sioned and t i red o f the p o l itics of the offi c i a l
Workers' M ovement, of reforms and of com p ro m i se. N ow t h e y await a rad i ca l l y
n e w perspective that w i l l abandon a n d su rpass t h e o l d categories o f p o l itical i n
stitutions, a perspective that w i l l at the same t i m e p rod uce a workable program
for s u persed i n g capita l i s m . Such a prog ram wou ld h ave to be i n novative com
pared with the Soviet type of social ist experience, w h i c h i s authoritarian,
b u reaucrati c , and based o n a new soc i a l ized form of labor exploitat i o n . The in
novation i s awa ited everywhere, but the hopef u l expectation can eas i l y turn i nto
passivity and d i s i l l u s i o n ment if s i g n s of someth i n g new do not emerge.
The M ovement of '77 gathers together the new p roletarian strata: young p ro
letarians in the b i g cities who refuse to devote their w h o l e l ives to salaried labor,
w h o refuse any kind of work at al l . The u ne m p loyed w h o issue from the schools
o r u n ivers ities as possessors of a h i g h level of tec h n ical-scient i f i c knowledge, are
compel led to waste t h e i r p rod u ctive potent i a l , or not use it at a l l . The forms of
soc i a l behavior, of cu ltural i d entity that these strata prod uce isolate them from
the pol itical trad ition; rather than s peak of marg i n a l l i v i n g (emarginazione), we
can ta l k at this p o i nt of self-d i rected marg i na l l iv i n g . The cu ltural revol ution of
1 968, w h i c h u pset forms of behavior, va l ues, h u m a n re lat i o ns h i ps, sexu a l relation
s h i ps , the re latio n s h i p to cou ntry and to the home, has ended by c reat i n g a soc i a l
strat u m that i s reca l c itrant before the notions of salaried work, f ixed residence,
a n d f i xed pos ition of work.
M o reover, the enormous tec h n i cal-scient i f i c and inte l l ectu a l potential that the
education of the masses has p rodu ced - a potential w h i c h fermented on contact
with the p rocess of mass sel f-ed u cation that the revo l ut i onary movement has
represented for 10 years - a l l this renders even more i n s u pportab l e that contrad ic
lion of capita l i s m , accord i n g to w h i c h , as tec h n ological and scient i f i c capacities
i ncrease, i ntel lectu a l a n d c reative energ ies a re wasted, w h i le the poss i b i l ities for
i n n ovations i n prod uction are s u p p ressed so t h at the ex i st i n g labor organ ization
and the organ izat i o n of knowledge crucial to labor's f u n cti o n i n g are not d i stu rb
ed. Cu ltural transformation, mass c reativity, and refusal of work are the d o m i nant
themes of the Movement of '77. But o n l y with d if f i c u lty cou ld the M ovement suc
ceed in orga n iz i n g a l l that potential constituted by the i ntel l ectu a l energy,
,echn ica l-sc ienti f i c expertise a n d i n n ovative e ne rgy that the young-pro l etarian
strata possess. The enormous rich ness that t h e M ovement of '77 ex p resses cou ld
not su cceed i n f i n d i n g a formal program and positive organ izat i o n . This i s
because o f capita l i st rep ress i o n , b u t a l s o bec a u se o f t h e i n ab i l ity of t h e revo l u
tion ary movement t o adj u st w i t h rap i d ity i t s i nterpretive categories a n d i t s p rac
tices to the rea l ity of a mature, post-socia l i st p ro l etariat.
All d u ri n g 1 976, new forms of organ izat i o n s - c o n n ected with Autonomy, but
rel ated to all as pects of col lective l i fe and c u l t u ral identity- were being esta b l i s h
ed . The rejection of the f a m i l y and of i n d iv i d u a l i s m had found a form of organ iza
tion in the experience of proletarian youth assoc iations. These assoc i ations were
com m u nes set up by s q u atters in certa i n neig h borhoods of big cities; young pro
letarians t h u s organ ized territoria l ly and experi mented w ith forms of col lective
l i fe-i n-transformat i o n .
The storm that the fem i n i st movement provoked i n ma le-female relations and t h e
su bseq uent ex p l o s i o n of homosex u a l col lectives t h u s found a territory i n w h i c h to
conso l i d ate, in w h i c h to transform the custom s of l i v i n g , s l eep i n g , eat i n g , s mok
i n g . In the same period, the movement for f ree rad i o spread widely. In every c ity,
n e i g h borhood and v i l lage the young proleta r i a ns, together with students and com
m u n ications workers, used the occas ion of a l e g i s l ative vac u u m (the resu lt of
w h i c h was t h at the State monopoly on i nformat i o n lapsed and was not rep l aced
by any other sort of reg u l ation) to g i ve l i fe to a network of s m a l l " w i l d cat" sta
tions. The rad io stat i o n s were operated with l u c k and very l ittle money, but they
cou ld cover a territorial s pace adeq uate for the organ izational forms a n d com
m u n i cation needs of the emerg i n g proletarian strata. This was a tru ly revo l u
tionary fact: w ith f ree rad io it w a s poss i b l e t o com m u n i cate rap i d l y the dec i s ions
and appoi ntments of revo l ution ary organ izat i o n s or base organ izations. Through
t h i s channel c i rc u lated an u n i nterru pted f l ood of music and words, a f l ood of
transformations on the symbo l i c , perceptive a n d i m a g i n ative p l a nes. This f l ood
entered every house, and anyone cou ld i nterven e in the f l ow , te l e p h o n i n g , i nter
rupt i n g , add i n g , co rrect i n g . The des i g n , the d ream of the artistic ava nt-garde-to
bridge the separat i o n between artistic com m u n i cation and revol utionary transfor
mation or s u bversive p ractice- became i n t h i s experience a rea l ity. The brief, hap
py experience of Rad i o A l ice- w h i c h from February 1 976 to March 1 977 tra n s m it
ted from Bolog n a - re m a i n s the symbol of t h i s period, of that u n forgettab l e year
of experi mentation and acc u m u l ation of i ntel l ectu a l , organ izati o n a l , pol itical, and
creative energ ies.
The year 1 976 i s a l s o the year of the g reat concert-festivals of proletar i a n youth: a
last wave of pop m u s i c , w h i c h arrived i n Italy f i ve or six years l ater than i n the
U . S . or G reat Brita i n , but which fou nd here a n extremely fert i l e c u ltural terra i n .
T h e sweet s o u n d of pop i m med iately combi ned w i t h a certa i n d i m e nsi o n of mass
cu ltural transformat i o n . It became the constituent element i n a v i s i o n of the
"soft" cu ltural a n d soc i a l revo lution.
The hars h n ess of org a n izational l ife i n the Workers' Autonomy was u n ited and
merged with the sweet experiences of c u ltural transformation a n d the easy f low
of i n format i o n . Lam b ro Park, 1 976, in M i lano: 1 8,000 proletarian youths performed
a g i gantic sun dance, the l i kes of w h i c h had never been seen before-then foug ht
with pol ice for several h o u rs.
156
Bologna, laid s i ege to the city centers, confi scated merc h a n d i se f rom l u x u ry
shops, "autonomously red u ced " t h e prices of movies, t h eaters and restau rants
(that is, they paid what their pol i t i cs req u i red -a t h i rd or a fourth of the u su al
p rice). B u t t h e f i nal test of t h e movement toward "autonomous pri ce-set t i n g " was
a violent clas h , a foreru n ner of the violence that would ex plode in 1 977: the battle
of La Scala, on December 7, 1 976.
La Scala i s the bou rgeois t h eater of M ilano. Decem ber 7 marks the i n a u g u ration
of t h e new season , t h e "open i n g n i g ht" gala. B u t young M ilanese proletarians
said that they would not perm i t t h e M ila n bou rgeois to stage this yearly p rovoca
t i o n w i t h its pomp, f i n e ry and 80,000-l i re t i c kets. They declared war on the M ilan
b o u rgeois and t h e i r fest ival. The government accepted the c h allenge, and
t h o u sands of police i n battle formation defended La Scala. H o u rs and h o u rs of
conflict, 300 i m prisoned, doze n s arrested , 7 g ravely wounded. The you t h m ove
ment reflected for a m o n t h on t h i s battle and on its catastro p h i c outcome. B u t
only i n order to be better prepared the n e x t t i me.
The struggles that ex ploded in 1 977 were com pletely o u t of proport i o n to what oc
casioned them: t hey began w i t h a small u n iversity c a m p a i g n against a Christian
Democrat i c " reform " . On Febru ary 3, the fasc ists wounded a student i n Rome,
and t h e u n ivers ity was s u bseq u ently occ u p ied. F i rst i n Rome, Palermo, and
N a ples, th en i n Florence a n d Torino, f i n ally i n Bolog na. The occu pation of the
u n ivers i t ies was a pretext: t h e acad e m i c i ns t i t u t i o n s were occ u p ied not only by
students, but by young workers who worked in small factories, and had no other
possi bility for organ izat ion and concerted act i o n . Then t h e re were the
u ne m ployed , t h ose w h o lived i n t h e c i ty outskirts, t h e j uven ile del i n q uents, the
d i se n f ra n c h i sed . . . U n ivers ity com m u n i t ies became general q u a rters for a wave of
social struggle that had as a f u ndamental theme the refu s al of the capitalist
orga n izat ion of work, the reject i o n of that system w h i c h generates exploitation
and u ne m ployment as t h e two poles of socialized work. " All work for less [t i m e]"
became the watchword for t h i s wave of stru ggle of young p roletarians-a g ro u p
h eterogeneous from t h e p o i n t of view of prod uctivity, b u t homogeneous from t h e
p o i n t of view o f cult u re. "All work f o r less" i s a watchword w h i c h h a s not h i ng t o
do w i t h q uest ions s u c h a s " t h e r i g h t t o a j o b " , or t h e r i g h t to a full- t i m e pos i t i o n .
W o r k i s necessary evil-or at least rema i n s so for a h i stori cal period t hat we w i s h
event u ally to s u rpass and ext i n g u i s h w i t h collect ive force. W h a t we w a n t i s to ap
ply, totally and coherently, t h e e nerg ies and t h e potential that exist for a soc i aliz
ed i ntelligence, for a general i n t ellect. We want to make possi ble a general red uc-
t i o n in work i n g t i me and we want to transform t h e organ izat ion of work i n s u c h a
way that an autonomous organization of sectors of prod uct ive exper i m e ntal
organ izat ion may become possi ble. These sectors would g ive rise to experimental
forms of prod u c t i o n in w h i c h the object of worker cooperat ion would not be profit,
but the red uction of necessary work, the i n telligent applicat ion of tec h n ical and
scient i f i c knowled ge, and i n novat i o n .
T h i s prog ram actu ally ex isted a m o n g the you n g proletarian soc ial st rata that i n
February 1 977 f illed t h e c i t ies w i t h t h e i r demonstrations.
The cultu ral transformat ion and the rej ection of p reva ili ng values that t h e cultu ral
experience of '76 (rad io stat ions, assoc i a t i o n s , jou rnals, " g rass roots poetry") had
accu m ulated , ex ploded with a wave of a n t i - i n s t i t u t i onal c reat ivity. The c r i t i q u e of
power i s the c r i t i q u e of t h e lang uage of power. On the 1 7t h of February, the criti
q u e of power, t h e critique of rep resentative i n s t i t u t i ons, and the cri t i q u e of i ns t i t u
tional lan g u age w e r e u n i ted i n a u n iq u e act i o n . 7000 young proletarians w h o ( a
f a c t w i t h o u t precede n t i n the Movement's h i story i n Italy) ex pelled , w i t h u ncon
trollable rage and f u ry, the most i m portant f i g u re among I tali a n labor leaders, Lu
ciano Lama, secretary of CG I L and ex ponent of PC I , from a lect u re h all at the
U n ivers ity of Rome, w h e re he was delivering a policy statement. The PCI accu sed
the young p roleta r i a n s of being "enem ies of the work i n g class" and t r i ed to d ivide
them f rom factory workers. B u t this move d i d not succeed; no factory s u pported
the g reat u n ion leader. I nstead , the young workers of the Nort hern factories ex
pressed sympathy for the you ng proletarians of Rome who had expelled Lama.
The split between t h e PCI and the M ovement reached its apex at this period, and
w ill li kely never be rep a i red. On the 1 7t h of February a mass sector of t h e I talian
proletariat was li berated with violence from socialist trad itions, both Stali n i s t and
reformist. The autonomy of the movement had been assu red , i n the con
sciou sness and i n t h e organ izat ion of ever-g row i n g strata. And the stage was be
i n g set for the i n s u rrec t i o n of March.
M a rch of 1 977 was t h e moment of g reatest i ntensity i n the ex plos ion of t h e strug
gle for autonomy. The social strata that were mobilized i n this m o n t h were the
you ng u nem ployed i n t ellectuals, toget her w i t h "off-the-books labor a n d seasonal
workers ' - t hat is, all sectors of i rreg ular or m a rg i nal workers. At the same t i me,
M a rch was the moment of the g reatest tension and d istance between the new
movement for autonomy and the Com m u n ist Party. The act of ex pell i n g Lama
from the U n ivers i ty of Rome establis hed a precedent from w h i c h the people at t h e
Un ivers ity of Bolog n a p roceeded i n the d a y s of M a rc h . The occ u pation of t h e e n
t i re u n ivers ity z o n e by h u ge n u m bers of young p roletarians com i n g from every
area was t ransformed i nto a true i n s u rrection w h e n on March 2, a youth was killed
by police. B u t Bolo g n a is also the c i ty in w h i c h the PCI has always been strong;
the local govern men t i s a leftist coalition and bosses and organ izat i o ns of the
Workers' M ovement collaborate to e n s u re soc i al peace. The exploitation of y o u n g
workers i n Bologna i s controlled by a network of little bosses and b u rea u c rats,
often l i n ked with t h e Com m u n ist Party. In brief: Bolog na i s t h e city of t h e realized
H i stori cal Com p ro m i se. And for that reason (as well as for the reasons of t h e
Movements' ext raord i n a ry creat ive vi tality) t h e Bologna experience ma rked a mo
ment of absolutely cent ral pol i t i cal i m portance.
The ext raord i n a ry v i olence of the days i n March, t h e mass follow i n g attracted by
the Movement, and the rad i cal nat u re of its objectives created a crisis for the
city's H i storical C o m p ro m ise by offeri ng evidence of the government's i n a b ility to
fu nction as an i n strument of cont rol over vast p roletarian sectors.
For ten days, two large c i t ies (Bolog na and Rome) were in the hands of the M ove
men t - i n very violent conflict in Rome on March 7; on the 2nd and the 1 2t h of
M arc h i n Bolog n a . O n the 1 2t h , Rome was t h e t h eater for a six-hour battle in
w h i c h tens of t h o u s a n d s of youths were engaged, wh ile 1 00,000 f iled by i n
demonstrat i o n s . A n d t h e n i n t h e follow i n g days a t Bolog na t h e Movement i nvaded
the c i ty . The I tali a n bou rgeo i s i e recog n ized at t h i s t i m e the seri ous danger t hat its
des i g n for i n s t i t u t i onal order faced, and saw that the PCl's ability to g u aran tee
158
order had been u nd e r m i n e d . Consequent ly, the PCI lost c red ibi l ity bot h as the
g ove r n i n g pa rty, and beca u se i t had let con t ro l of so vast a movement s l i p away
f rom i t. The State was forced to resort to brutal rep ression: h u n d reds of arrests i n
Bologna, a n d t h e n the u n leas h i n g of a ca m p a i g n o f repression a l l over I t a l y that
st ruck most heav i ly at g ro u p s that worked on t h e cu l t u ra l level: rad ios, jou rn a l s ,
publ i s h i n g hou ses, and bookstores w e r e closed and searched.
But the M ovement was not broken: in M i lano, T u r i n , and then once more in Rome
the mass demonstrat ions co n t i n ued. The s u m me r beg an w i t h a violent
polem ic- i n s p i red by an appeal lau nched by F rench i ntel l ect u a l s aga i n st the
repress i o n - o n the repressive n at u re of the H i storica l Com p ro m i se as an i ns t i t u
t i o n a l des i g n for the e l i m i na t i o n of all d i ssent.
Conf ronted w i t h the wave of repression t hat followed t h e events of M a rch, and
m i nd f ul of the d iscu s s i o n that h ad deve l oped on the nat u re of t h e State after t he
H i storical Com promise, t h e Bolog na movement set forth a p roposa l for a Conve n
tion to be held at the end of September. At the Conve n t i o n , all com ponents of the
M ovemen t i n I taly could come together, along with all t h e E u ropean i n tel l ect u a l s
or pol i t ical g ro u ps t h a t were i n terested i n t h e I talian revol u t i o n as a fore r u n n e r o f
t h i n g s to come. The September Convention w a s the g reat opport u n i ty - m i ssed ,
h owever-for the Movement to overcome its pu rely negat ive, destruct ive connota
t i o n s , and form ulate a p rog rammatic pos i t i o n for the autonomous organ izat ion of
a rea l society a g a i n s t t h e State, an a u t o n o m o u s organ izat i o n of soc i a l , i n tel lec
t u a l , a n d p rod u c t ive energ i es that m i g ht m a ke poss i b le a p rog ressive l i be ra t i o n o f
l ives f r o m s a l a ried w o r k . U nfortunately, t h e Conve n t i o n t u r n ed i nto a reu n i o n
a g a i n s t rep ress i o n , a n d t h i s g reatly red uced t h e t h eoret i c a l i m portance a n d t h e
poss i b i l i ties of t h i s p e ri o d . N o n et h e less, 70,000 peop le were p resent at t h e con
ve n t i o n and t h e atte n t i o n of t h e whole I t a l i a n p ro letariat (as we l l as t h a t of vast
n u m bers of i n t e l l e c t u a l s all over Eu rope) was d i rected toward t h e Convent i o n . But
t h e gatheri n g c o n c l u ded w i t h o u t p rod u c i n g a n y d i rect i o n for t h e f u t u re, a n y new
p rog ram, a n d w i t h o u t advan c i n g t h e Move m e n t . I n stead i t was rest r i cted to hear
i n g tales of rep ress i o n a n d t h e n def i n i n g , i n negat ive terms, its react i o n . A l o n g
p h ase of c r i s i s had beg u n for t h e M ovement, a c r i s i s that i nvolved d i s p e rs i o n ,
d i sorg a n izat i o n a n d above a l l , t h e l a c k of p ros pects.
160
s t ru g g l es (acts of sabotage, b u r n i n g of e m p l oyment offi ces), w h i l e t h e act i o n s of
t h e Red B r i g ades had an effect a l m ost exc l u s ively p o l i t i c a l , d i rected as t hey were
at t h e DC or at t h e head q u a rters of the maj o r i t y party.
162
T h e d es i re of t h e S t a t e to e l i m i nate every attem p t at s u p e rsed i n g terror i s m
b e c a m e y e t c l earer w h e n t h e e d i tors of Metropo/i w e r e a rrested a n d t h e p u b l i ca
t ion s u p pressed. Metropoli in fact is a j o u r n a l d evoted s p ec i f i c a l l y to the goa l of
s u rpass i ng terror i s m and recon s t r u ct i n g a u tonomo u s con d i t ions for t h e c l ass
struggle.
164
b re ak d o w n of t h e p resent system a n d t h e p e rm a n e n t t h reat of destruct i o n ,
ecocatastro p h e a n d psychocatastrophe. A n d t h e c h o i c e w i l l have to be made very
s o o n , very q u i c k l y . The acce l e r a t i o n of pace in u rb a n a reas, the mad i n h u m a n ity
Of rel at i o n s h i p s between p eo p l e , t h e h a l l u c i natory q u a l i t y Of every form Of e x p res
s i o n and every form of e x i s te n c e , and the i n c rease in m i l i t a r izat i o n - a l l t hese
deve l o p me n t s co m b i n e to set a n u rg e n t c h o i ce before revo l u t i o n a ries: b reakd own
o r b arba r i s m . A n d even i f t h e poss i b i l it i es for a breakdo w n were very l i m ited, even
i f every t h i n g were tend i n g in a d i re c t i o n o p p osed to t h e poss i b i l ity of l i berat i n g
h u m a n i t y ' s tec h n i c a l , s c i e n t i f i c , c reative a n d i nventive e n ergies f ro m t h e destruc
t ive d o m i n a t i o n of c a p i ta l i s m and ecocatastrophe, even i f t h e idea of l i berat i n g
these poten t i a l s were a u t o p i a n o n e - we l l , eve n s o , t h e o n l y rea l i s t i c c h o i ce
w o u l d be revo l u t i o n . I f we are i nt e rested i n l ife, t h e n o n l y revo l u t i o n i s a rea l i s t i c
a l ternat ive.
I
u nd e r t h at g u ise. T h e f u nction i n g of t h i s type of pol i t i c s is not g u i d ed by a ny
coh e re n t strateg i c p l a n n i n g , b u t by a g a m e of i nt e r n a l s e l f-reg u l a t i o n . To o ppose
t h i s mec h a n i s m of s e l f-reg u l ation ( i n w h i c h the off i c i a l d e c l a rations and the an
nou nced strateg i e s are o n l y s i m u lations of tact i c a l scena rios t hat c a n not act u a l l y
con t rol t h e forces t h ey s u m mon u p) - to op pose t h i s mec h a n i s m o f s e l f-reg u l ation
by offe r i n g a cohere n t a lternat ive s t rategy - a s Organ ized A u tonomy h a s sou g h t
t o do- o n l y amou n t s t o rema i n i n g e n s n a red i n a g a m e , t h e r u l es o f w h i c h n o n e of
the p l ayers can m a k e operat i ve. So: t h e re is n o s t rategy, no c r i terion of t r u t h i n
tact i c s . B u t t h e re i s a poi n t o f contac t - at least o n t h e tac t i c a l leve l - between
t h e p roletar i a t ' s i m port u nate d es i re for l i beration f rom the s lavery of work a n d
c a p i t a l i s m ' s i n terests i n i nc reas i n g t h e rel a t i ve rate o f s u r p l u s-va l u e a n d i n c reas
i n g soc i a l p rod u c t i v i ty . It i s at t h i s poi n t of contact that one can occasion a l l y
break t h e power o f t h a t Dom i nation w h i c h w i s hes t o foresta l l A u tonomy, w h i c h
rest ra i n s t h e i nt e l lect u a l energ i es o f t h e p roletariat, w h i c h orga n izes K n ow ledge
a n d K now-how in a f u n ct i o n a l d es i g n a i med at r e p rod u c i n g t h e form of C a p i t a l
a n d t h e f o r m o f V a l u e , so t h a t t h e road to t h e l i beration o f l i fe f rom w o r k i s
c losed off, so t h a t t h e pote n t i a l cont a i ned i n t h e i n tel l i gence a n d a c t i v i ty o f t h e
i n d iv i d u a l i s h e l d i n c h eck, w h i l e h e i s com p e l l ed to de- i n d i v i d u a l ize h i m s e l f a n d
s u b m i t to bei n g m a d e i n to Abstract Work.
THE INDETER T h u s we stand before the paradox of a dom i n at ion w h i c h i s exerc ised w i t hout a n y
Ml NACY gove r n m e n t , a con t rol l i ng o f t h e s y s t e m w i t ho u t a govern i n g of t h e syst e m . W h e n
OF LAW AND THE a s y s t e m becomes very com p l ex a n d h a s n u m e rous i n d ep e n d e n t va r i a b l e s , t h e n
SELF-REGULATION t h e a d a g e " a n e m pty m i n d i s a n open m i n d " seems to a p p l y . I t i s t h e absence o f
OF THE IMAGINARY " p l a n n i n g " w h i c h m a kes t h e s y s t e m con t ro l l a b l e . The " f u l l wei g h t " of a n a r
t i c u l ated p l a n t e n d s to polarize soc i ety by m a k i n g peo p l e erect " wa l l s of j u d ge
m e n t " . In com p lex systems pol arization is e l i m i nated and the m e a n s of reg u lation
tend to be i n confor m i ty with t h e i ndeter m i nacy of t h e syste m . This rule of t h u m b
p reva i l s even on i d eolog i c a l a n d j u d i c i a l level s . S o l e t u s exa m i n e o n c e a g a i n t h a t
j ud i c i a l cam p a i g n l a u n c h ed on t h e 7th o f A p r i l .
T h e l a w ' s l a c k o f fou ndat ions becomes stri k i n g l y a p parent w h e n t h e " l aw" l ives i n
a state o f " e m e rg e n c y " , w h e n i t becomes a " j u d i c i a l emergency m e a s u r e " . B u t
emergency m e a n s a c u t-off o f rat ion a l i ty; t h u s t h e hyp e m u s t s how i t s e l f a s
hype- i t can o n l y be effective i f i t i s lived as hype. The " l aw" fee l s t h e n eed t o
m a k e i t s e l f i n determ i n ate i n order t o b e a b l e to p rosec ute a l l t hose b e i n g s w h o
a re dete r m i ned by soc iety, i n ord e r t o con t rol every determ i nation.
The i ndete r m i nacy of t h e " l aw" i n fact amou n t s to the i n determ i n acy of soc i a l
types: w h a t , after a l l , i s t h e t y p i c a l revo l u t i o n a ry o f tod ay? T h i s i ndeter m i nate
" l a w ' ' , i n s p i te of a p pearan ces a n d i n spite of t h e p r i ce that has been p a i d by the
va n g u a rd movem e n t s , i s not i ntent on hou n d i n g t hese movem e n t s ( i f i t were, then
166
the " law" w o u l d be a q u i t e determ i n ate t h i n g , w o u l d have f o u n d at i o n s - t h i s i s
t h e p os i t i o n o f t h e PCI), b u t rat h e r d i rects i t s atte n t i o n s toward i n determ i n ate
e l e m e n t s . An American researc her w rote in a recent a n a l y s i s of the p h e n o m e n o n
of terro r i s m t h at " t h e ' m oral sens i b i l it y' of t h e n o r m a l c i t izen i s not very d i fferent
form t h at of t h e terro r i s t " (J a n Schrei ber), s i n ce, in a c o m p lex system in w h i c h
" med i a t i o n " a s a struct u re h a s f a i led, every g r o u p , d o w n to t h e level o f t h e i n
d i v i d u a l , t e n d s to def i ne i t s e l f a u t o n o m o u s l y , and not s e e i t s e l f i n re l a t i o n t o
" o t h e rs". I n a s i m i l a r ve i n , B r i a n J e n k i n s h a s d e f i ned terro r i s m as t h e " i nstru m e n t
for g a i n i n g pol i t i cal object i ves t h at have b e e n s e t a u t o n o m o u s l y . " The i ndeter
m i nacy of t h e " l aw" se rves as a means for p u rsu i n g soc i a l be i n g s w h o
a u t o n o m o u s l y def i n e t h e m selves to t h e e x t e n t that t h ey are no l o n g e r i d e n t i f i a b l e
by t h e i r soc i a l "stat u s " . To " p rosecute" soc i a l be i n g s t h u s m e a n s t h at t h e l a w
m u s t m a k e i t s e l f " i m-persona l " to s u c h a d e g ree that i t becomes a sy m bo l i c
re p resenta t i o n , a perform a n ce o r spectacle o f accusat i o n a n d t r i a l . Rather t h a n
p rosec ute p r i vate c i t ize n s , i t a i m s at p rosec u t i n g sy m bo l i c f i g u res, prod ucts of a
col lective i ma g i n a t i o n ; t h e G u i lty Party i s a p rod uct of everyone's i ma g i nat i o n . At
t h i s level of abstract i o n of be i n g s , t h e law can no l o n g e r s u sta i n i t s e l f and h as
need for abstrac t i o n s p ro m u l gated by the mass med i a . I n determ i n acy req u i res a
re lat i o n s h i p w i t h t h e mass med i a - o n ly t h e n can t h e " t h eater of cruelty" be
staged .
The law t u rn s i nto a com b i nat i o n of emergency and mass med i a , exists i n t h e
form of e m e r g e n c y as i t b e c o m e s i d e n t i f ied w i t h t h e mass med i a , i s t h e o n e i n v i r
t u e of be i n g t h e other.
To t h i s end, lexica l items from N e g r i ' s texts and i d eas h ave been put o n t r i a l ; it i s
of n o i nterest wh ose lexicon it i s - ra ther, it i s t h e l e x i c o n , t h e i d eas of t h e i m
a g i nary soc i a l be i n g w h i c h have been c h a rged . The p rosec u t i o n is not seek i n g a
s i n g l e g u i lty party, b u t rath e r t h e G u i l t y Party- t h e col l ective i m a g i n a t i o n of t h e
G u i lty Party. The d e c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d constru c t i o n of texts and l e x i c o n are f u nc
t i o n a l e l ements in t h e esta b l i s h m e n t of t h e lex i c a l and l i n g u i s t i c G u i l t y Party. I t is
not acc i d e n t a l t h at U m berto Eco fee l s t h e need to use a m b i g u i t i es i n his a r t i c l e .
Put t i n g w o r d s o n t r i a l i s not poss i b l e i n t h e c o u rtroom; it i s done i n stead i n t h e
m a s s med ia a n d i n t h e symbo l i c p rocess.
1 68
t hat h o r r i b l e a n d i m p recise word). The o n l y t h eory of power and t ra n s i t i o n that we
possess, t h e t h eory to w h i c h we m u st consta n t l y refer- perhaps i n order to
deviate from i t , t h o u g h a l ways rema i n i n g i n some ways e n t ra p ped w i t h i n i t - i s the
Len i n ist one. Essent i a l l y , t h e Le n i n ist t h eory can be form u l ated as fo l l ows: the
p ro l etariat m u s t take possess i o n of t h e State, b olster t h e m a c h i nery of t h e State
and the d o m i n a t i o n of the State's w i l l over soci ety in order to abo l i s h cap i t a l i s m
( o n l y afterward w i l l t h e ext i n c t i o n of t h e State be poss i b l e) . W e have h a d t h e
d ream of rea l iz i n g t h i s p r o g r a m o n o u r m i nd s for fifty years n o w , f r o m t h e t i me o f
"war com m u n i s m " , from t h e t i m e of t h e N E P, t h rou g h t h e period of Sta l i n i s m , u p
to t h e C h i nese experience, u p to t h e awf u l rea l i ty of p resen t-day soc i a l i s m .
C a p i ta l i s m h a s been n e i t h e r abo l i s hed n o r transformed, b u t rat her h a s become
o s s i f i e d , i n a s m u c h as t h e State, w h i c h o u g h t to i n carnate t h e w i l l to su persede,
has i n stead been noth i n g m o re than t h e re i f i ca t i o n of t h ose re lat i o n s h i ps of p ro
d u c t i o n i n heri ted from c a p i ta l i s m . I n other words, the State has represented a
terrori st-sty l e forced reca p i t u l a t i o n of t h e ex i s t i n g modes of prod u c t i o n , a t h rottl
ing of every poss i b l e m ove toward autonomy i n t h e soc i a l system.
i l/1 B0-1 -8/4 1 974-Bologna, Italy: A view of a wrecked car on the Rome-M u n i c h ltalicus Ex
press. After two ex plosions and a f i re i n a t u n nel through the Appen i n e M o u n t a i n s south of B . ,
Pol ice s a i d a t i m e-bo m b apparently expl oded i n a toi l ette, triggering a second b l a s t and t h e
f i re, w h i c h k i l led 1 2 persons a n d i n j u red more than 3 0 others. I n foreg rou nd 1 2 bod ies covered
w i t h sheets. (UPl/AN SA)
i l/2 M L-603-4/1 7/75- M I LA N , I taly: a priest bless i n g the body of G i a n n i Zi becc h i , 26, k i l led d u r
i n g the riots today in M i l a n . (UPI)
i l/3 Flat M i rafiori p l a n t , Turi n
i l/4 Pier Paolo Paso l i n i Photo A.F. P./Agence France-Presse
i l/5 Tables for 34 Persons, 1 974-75 Mario Merz I nstallation in an abandoned factory near Stutt
gart, G a l lery Hetzler & Ke l le r G m b H
i l/7 Photo: D. Cortez
i l /8-9 via Fani
il/10 Su per-8/photo: Seth T i l e!
i l/1 1 ROM 1 205 1 0 1 D R U M BEATERS R O M E : Len d i n g emphasis by pound i n g on metal drums,
stri k i n g metal workers stage a noisy demonstrat ion demanding h i g her wages and a 40-hour
week. More than 50,000 persons took part i n the b i g gest labor march of the year, N ov. 28.
Despite fears of p o l i ce authorities, the mani festat i o n was orderly. (UPI) 1 2/5/69
1 70
A p ri l 7 :
Re p re s s i o n
i n I ta l y
C a ri
O n April 7, 1 979 the police arrested about 20 people cla i m i n g that t h ey were
"dangerous terrorists" and ch a rg i ng one of t h e m , Ton i Negri, w i t h bei n g t h e
"secret leader" of t h e R e d Brigades. T h o s e arrested were neither u n derg rou n d ter
rorists cau g h t red - h a nded i n the act nor were t h ey found i n secret h ideouts w i t h
com pro m i s i n g docu ments. A l l the defendants have been openly active for many
years i n the polit ical movement of the ext ra-parliamentary left and c o m p r i se most
of the department of Pol i t i cal Science at t h e U n iversity of Pad u a as well as t h e
ed itorial s t a f f of two rad i cal magazi nes.
The accusat ions are extremely serious a n d some carry sentences of up to life im
prisonment. Here i s a s u m mary of t h e off i c i al c h a rges; n i ne of the defendants
face accusat io n s such as "cons p i r i n g to form a n d part i c i pate i n armed groups,"
carry i n g " i n s u rrec t i o n against the State" as well as "being respon s i ble for the
organ izat ion and leaders h i p of t h e Red B ridages . " F u rt hermore, all t h e defendants
are accu sed of " s u bvers i o n " for hav i n g organ ized and led a g ro u p called " Potere
Operaio" (d issolved i n 1 973 ! ) as well as other g roups related to " A u t o n o m i a
Opera i a . "
A POLITICAL Despite the g ravity of t h e ch a rges, the arrests were m a d e w i t h o u t any factu al i n
OPERATION cri m i nat i n g evi d e n ce. The accusat ions were m a i nly based u pon t h e w r i t i n g s of t h e
172
d efendants, who have been primarily charged for their politica l ideas. O t h e r
" e v i d e n c e " c o n s i s t s of t e l e p h o n e t a p e s , sec ret w i t n esses a n d i n formants. For ex
a m p le, the major "evidence' l i n k i n g N e g r i and the j o u rn a l ist N i cotri w i t h the M o ro
k i d n a p p i n g is a l leged p h o n e conversat i o n s between t h e two defendants a n d
m e m bers of t h e M o ro f a m i l y . N ocot r i w a s eve n t u a l l y f reed o n J u ly 7, a f t e r 3 m o n
t h s i n j a i l . A s for N e g r i , voice- p r i n t a n a l y s i s c on d ucted b o t h i n I t a l y a n d at t h e
U n ivers i t y of M i c h i g a n c l e a red h i m e nt i re l y of t h e c h a rge. The I t a l i a n p ress, so i n
s i stent on t h e t e l e p h o n e accusat i o n , h a rd l y m e n t i oned t h e res u l t s of t h e voi ce
p r i n t a n a l y s i s reac h ed in J u ly 1 979. Ton i Neg ri i s st i l l in p r i s o n .
1 73
The I C P a n d t he C h r i s t i a n Democrats b l a m e t h e problems of t h e I t a l i a n soci ety o n
"terro r i s m " i nstead of a d m i t t i n g t h a t the c ri s i s i s a res u l t o f broad soc i a l p ro
b l e m s . H e n ce, t h e a t t e m p t to " c ri m i n a l ize" t h e extra-parl i a m e n ta ry left M ovement.
The search for " terrorists" has been a i med at t hose g ro u p s a n d activists w h o
have t heorized o n t h e new soc i a l p h e n o m e n a . I n part i c u lar, t h e m e m be rs o f
A u t o n o m y , a l o o s e network of g ro u p s , p u b l i ca t i o n s , rad ios, e t c . Accord i n g to t h e
p rosec u tor, A u t o n o m y i s a b reed i ng-g rou n d of terrorists. H e c l a i m s t h a t A u tonomy
and the Red Briga des a re one and the same. R epeated l y , in t h e i r w r i t i n g s , T o n i
N e g r i , O reste S c a l z o n e a n d t h e others h a v e seve r l y c r i t i c ized t h e act i o n s a n d
p o l i t i c a l pos i t i o n s of t h e R e d B r i g ades, w h o m t h ey have accu sed of bypass i n g t h e
M ovem e n t a n d d i s possess i n g i t of its r e a l s t re n g t h : m a s s mobiliza tion ins tead o f
individua l a c ts of terrorism.
NO FACTUAL Seven m o n t h s after the a rrests , the m a g i s t rates st i l l refu s e to p rod u c e any d i rect
EVIDEN CE fact u a l evi d e n c e for t h e i r case. In t h e words of Pad u a Prosecu t o r C a l o gero: "To
i m ag i ne that a n i n ve s t i g a t i o n of t h i s type may q u i c k l y and d i rectly arrive at some
facts a n d evidence m a kes n o sense . . . . t h e re l a t i o n between a leader of a struc
t u re l i ke Autonomy i s hardly ever w i t h a crime, b u t w i t h the organ izati o n "
(L 'Espresso, J u ly 1 5, 1 979).
1 74
scope of the April 7 o perat i o n goes beyond a n d has more a m b i t i o u s aims t h a n an
attack o n Autonomy.
THE PIPERNO Meanw h i le, t h e m a g i strates a n d t h e pol ice h ave d o n e t h e i r best to bu i ld t h e i mage
EXTRAVAGANZA of Pi perno as a d a n gerous cri m i n a l . T h e most " b ri l l i a n t " operat i o n a g a i n s t Pi per
no was t h e o n e o r g a n ized on A u g ust 1 7, 1 979. I n t h e late afternoon, a m a n arrived
at the V i areg g i o ra i l road stat i o n on the Rome-T u r i n o t ra i n . Two men o n the t ra i n
shou ted to a t r a n s i t p o l ice agent " he h a s g o n e d o w n t h a t way . " The a g e n t ran
after the m a n shoot i n g , but t h e man, shoot i n g as wel l , escaped in a car. The
I t a l i a n pol ice d e c l a red that the man was P i perno, a n d that he was armed and
da ngerous. The newspa pers head l i ned P i perno as a n " a rmed band i t . " The i nci
dent wou l d h ave been t h e best evidence of his "connection w i t h t h e a rmed strug
g l e . " U n fo rt u n ate l y P i perno was arrested a few h o u rs later i n a Paris cafe by I nter
p o l . He had been recog n i zed by a vacat i o n i n g member of t h e ICP. The party has
g o n e a long way i nto t ra n sform i n g its m e m bers i nto a l ternat ive p o l i ce. A warrant
of arrest with 46 c h a rges ra n g i n g from t h e M o ro k i l l i n g to traf f i c v i o l a t i o n s , was
sent by t h e Rome j ud ge s to t h e French m a g i s t rate, i n order to j u st i fy the req uest
for extrad i t i o n .
176
Wo rke r i s t
Publ ications
a n d B i os
178
ltaliana def La voro (Federa t i o n of I t a l i a n Trade U n i o n s), t h e u n i o n of t h e soc i a l
c o m m u n ist majority. The f i rst i s s u e is s u bseq u e n t l y p u b l i shed by t h e editoral
staff.
1 962 D u r i n g the metal workers' c o n t ract u a l strugg les, the e d i t o r i a l staff p u b l i shes a
series of p a m p h lets (News from Qua derni Rossi}, i n a d d i t i o n to the review.
179
1 977-78 A utonomia appears at Pad ua. The newspaper I Vo/sci The Volscians appears at
Rome.
1 978-79 Pi perno and Scalzone found Metropoli. Ton i Negri founds Magazzino.
B I OS
S E R G I O BOLOG N A Serg i o Bologna part i c i pated in Quaderni Rossi and Cronache Operaie in 1 964. He
fou nded Classe Operaia w i t h Tro n t i , Negri amd A l q u a t i . As a n e m p l oyee of O l i vet
t i , he part i c i pated in the f i rst attempts at u n i o n iz i n g the new w h ite c o l l a r workers
in electron ics and in data process i n g . In 1 966, he bega n teac h i n g at the U n ivers ity
of Trento. H e also c o n t r i b u ted to Quaderni Pia cen tini. At t h e end of ' 68 h e e d i ted
the f i rst two issues of L inea di Massa. W i t h N e g r i , Scalzone, P i perno, Dal maviva
and others, he fou nded La C/asse ( M ay 1 , 1 969). I n September 1 969 " Potere
Opera io " was founded; Bologna, Negri and Pi perno made up its f i rst n a t i o n a l
secretariat. I n N ovember of 1 970, he left " Potere Opera i o " because o f
d i sagreements o v e r t h e org a n i zation's g e n e r a l pol icy.
In 1 972, with Negri h e e d i ted t h e f i rst fou r vol u mes i n Feltri nel l i ' s " M arx i s t
M ateria ls " series. I n 1 973, he fou nded Primo Maggio, a review of m i l i t a n t h istory.
In 1 978-79, he s u pported t h e p o l i cy of ret u r n i n g to t h e worker's centra l ity, the
analysis of t h e l a rg e factories, a n d above all t o t h e prob lems of t h e workers i n t h e
ware transportat i o n sector. H e has contributed to L o tta Continua, II Manifes to, I I
Quotidiano dei La vora tori, t h e t h ree d a i l ies of t h e n e w I t a l i a n l e f t . F r o m 1 970 o n ,
he has been a p rofessor of t h e H istory of t h e Workers' M ovement at Pad u a , i n the
same depart m e n t with Negri and Ferrari B ravo.
Among Neg r i ' s n u mero u s writings are: Crisi de/lo Sta to-piano, Feltri n e l l i , 1 974;
Proletari e Sta to, Feltri n e l l i , 1 976; L a Forma Sta to, Feltri n e l l i , 1 977. H e i s co
author of Operai e Sta to, Feltri n e l l i , 1 976, and of Crisi e Organizazion e Operaia,
Feltri n e l l i , 1 974.
1 80
FRANCO P I P E R N O Franco Pi perno, hav i n g l e f t t h e I t a l i a n Com m u n ist Party, became one of t h e
lead i n g f i g u res i n t h e student movement i n Italy i n 1 964. Toget her w i t h O reste
Scalzone, h e led the u n i vers ity struggles in Rome in 1 968, for w h i c h he was a r
rested for several months. He also p l ayed an i m portan t role, toget her w i t h
A d r i a n o Sofri (leader of " Lotta Cont i n ua"), i n t h e format ion of t h e
worker-student's cou n c i l i n T u r i n , d u ri n g t h e w i l d-cat strugg les at F I AT i n t h e s u m
mer of 1 969. From 1 970 to its d i ss o l u t i o n , he w a s t h e m a i n f i g u re i n the org a n iza
t i o n a l stuct u re of " Potere Opera i o . " H e s u pported the central izat ion of t h e
pol i t ical leaders h i p aga i nst N e g r i , who w i shed to s e e i t d i ssolved .
Franco P i perno has always been more act ive at t h e organ izat ional rat her t h a n at
t h e t h eoret ical leve l . From 1 975 to 1 977 he w i t h d rew from act ive m i l itancy. After
the '77 Movement he aga i n p l ayed an i m portant ro le in the def i n i t ion of
Autonomy. At t he end of 1 978, together w i t h Oreste Scalzone, he fou nded
Metropoli. H e was arrested in A u g u s t , 1 979, i n Paris and ext rad i ted from France
on October 1 6.
O R ESTE SCA LZO N E Oreste Scalzone was, toget her w i t h Franco Pi perno, o n e o f t h e most represe n
tative f i g u res of the students' movement in Rome in 1 968. H e was i n j u red by the
fascists d u r i n g the occu pation of the u n iversity. In 1 969 he ed i ted La Classe a n d ,
i n September, fou n d ed " Potere Opera i o . " I n 1 970 h e moved to M i l an and became
one of the most act ive m i l itants i n mass demonstrat ions. In " Potere Opera i o " he
was i nstrumental i n bu i l d i ng con nect i o ns between the organ izat ion and t h e
general movement. H e s u pported t h e p o l i t ical prisoners and the stru g g l e a g a i n s t
t h e spec i a l j a i l s . For t h ese reasons he sti l l i s t h e m o s t p o p u l a r f i g u re o f t h e
" Potere Operaio" experience among t h e ran k and f i le, a n d t h e spokes man of t h e
organ izati o n .
II momento dei contratti sara quello in c u i la forza repressive dello Stato verra a l la
l uce. Dobbiamo avere la forza di a nticiparli sul terreno dello scontro.
CO NTRO I C ON TRATTI
CONTRO LA GABBIA CONTRATTUALE, PROGRAMMA OPERAIO E VIOLENZA
PROLETARIA
G i l l e s D e l e u ze
1 82
Firstly, j u stice m u s t c o n f o r m to a p r i n c i p l e t hat t h e c o n t e n t of t h e c h a rge m u s t
h ave a certa i n i d e n t i t y . N o t on l y m u s t t h e accused be i d e n t i f ied p rec i s e l y , b u t so
m u st t h e su bstance of t h e c h a rge. I t m u st h ave been a precise iden tity a n d m u s t
be non-con tradictory. I f o t h e r , d i fferi n g , e l e me n t s of accusat i o n emerge l ater, t h e n
t h i s i nvolves a n e w case. I n s h brt, t h e c h arge brou g h t m u s t c onta i n i n i t s
s u bstance a m i n i m u m of iden tifiable consistency. U n l ess s u c h a p recise i d e n
t i f i cat i o n exists as to t h e c h a rges l a i d a g a i n s t t h e accused, as l o n g as t h e a c
c u s a t i o n s re m a i n general a n d u n s p e c i f i e d , t h e l e g a l d e f e n c e c a n n ot o perate.
As Franco P i perno, one of the accu sed " i n h i d i n g " 1 has p o i nted o u t , t h i s i m p l ies
a n extre m e l y curious way of eva l u a t i n g t h e s i g n i f i ca n c e of p o l i t i ca l a n d
t h eo ret i c a l t e x t s . Those bri n g i n g t h e accusat i o n s a g a i n s t N e g r i are so u s e d to t h e
b e l i e f t h a t i n a p o l i t i c a l d i scou rse i t is poss i b l e to say a n y t h i n g , s i nce overt
" po l i t i c s " i s a l ways a cover, t h at they s i m p l y c a n n ot conceive of the s i t u a t i o n of a
revo l u t i o nary i nt e l l ec t u a l w h o h as no poss i b i l ity of w r i t i n g a n y t h i n g b u t w h at h e
rea l ly t h i nks. And reot t i , B e r l i n g uer a n d t h e i r l i kes2 c a n a l ways h ide w h a t t hey rea l
l y t h i n k , because i n s u c h p o l i t i c a l d i sco u rse everyt h i n g i s c a l c u lated o p p o rt u n i s m .
S u c h can certa i n ly be s a i d ( t o c i te one notable exa m p l e of a n o t h e r revo l u t i o n a ry
i n t e l l e c t u a l ) i n t h e case of G ra m s c i . I n short, far from p roceed i n g t h ro u g h t h e ex
clusion of a l ternat ives, t h e c o m m i t t a l heari n g s of N e g r i and the ot hers accu sed i n
t h i s case h ave been based o n a p r i n c i p l e o f inclusion, t h e adding together o f con
t rad i ctory e l e m e n t s .
1 83
eac h day, a n d s i n ce re p u d i a t i o n s or contrad i c t i o n s from t h e p rev i o u s day have n o
i n f l uence w h atever o n t h e " n ews" of t h e f o l l o w i n g d a y , t h e Press a n d med i a c a n
operate an accu m u l at i o n of everyth i n g that i s s a i d f r o m one d a y to t h e next
w i t h o u t fear i n g a n y c o n t rad i c t i o n . The use of t h e " c o n d i t i o n a l tense" a l l ows a l l
poss i b i l i t ies to b e m u l t i p l ied a n d t o co-ex i s t . T h u s i t i s " poss i b l e " t o p resent
Negri as bei n g in Rome, Paris or M i l a n on t h e s a m e day ! The t h ree " poss i b i l i t i e s "
a r e s i m p l y acc u m u lated. H e i s p resented at o n e p o i n t as an "act ive m e m ber" of
t h e Red B r i g ades, o r t h e i r " h idden leader", a n d at another as rep rese n t a t i ve of a
tota l l y o p posed t e n d e n cy and tactics. No matter . . . t h e d i ffer i n g vers i o n s are
a g a i n acc u m u lated.
The Press has a b a n d o ned itself i n this affa i r to a f a n tast i c acc u m u l a t i o n of make
bel ieve, w h i c h has not to/lo wed a fter, in t h e wake of, the j u d i c i ary, but by t h e i r
" p re-tri a l " , h a s actively p repared t h e way for t h e j u d i c i ary and t h e p o l ice to con
ceal their total l ac k of evidence o r s u bstance to t h e c h a rges. The new s pace for
j u d i c i a l and pol ice repress i o n i n E u rope today can o n ly f u n c t i o n through a c r u c i a l
p reparatory role of t h e P ress a n d med i a . A l l o r g a n s of t h e med ia, from L e f t to f a r
R i g h t , have i n t h i s c a s e , "made u p for", made acceptab le t h i s g ross b reec h o f
j u stice a n d d u e p rocess. I t seems that t h e t i m e has come i n E u rope, w h e n t h e o l d
reproach t h at t h e P ress s h o u l d " keep a cert a i n d i stance" , s h o u l d rep resent a cer
t a i n res istance to " o f f i c i a l s l o g a n s " , w i l l soon no l o n g e r a p p l y .
I . P i perno was arrested in Paris on September 1 8. The I t a l i a n a u t h o r i t i e s h ave asked for his ex
t rad i t i o n u nder the c h arge of "armed i n s u rrec t i o n a g a i n s t the State."
2 . G i u g l i o A n d reot t i : a leader of the DC. he often headed u p t h e I ta l i a n gove r n m e n t . E n ri c o
Ber l i n g uer: G e n e ra l Sec retary of the I C P . H e was i n s t r u m e n t a l i n i m p l e m e n t i n g the H i s t o r i c a l
Compromise.
3. T h i s reproach was made by I t a l i a n pol i t i c i a n s o f both Left and R i g h t , fol l o w i n g t h e " P rotest
by French I nt e l l ec t u a l s a g a i n s t Repress i o n i n I t a l y " i n 1 977.
1 84
Th e A N SA Story
Fe rru c i o G a m b i n o/
Set h T i l et
Seth Tl/et H ow effective i s a " B lacko u t " in the I t a l i a n press, how does i t f u nc-
tion, what i s t h e leverage that's u sed?
Ferrucio Gambino The I t a l i a n bou rgoi s i e has a l ways worked q u ite i n formal ly.
In the 1 870' s o r 1 880's, even early i n this cen t u ry, the I t a l i a n pol icy m a ke rs u sed
to meet at the M o n t e Cat i n i baths in Tuscany in the s u m mer, and t h ey wou l d
decide u pon the n e x t p o l i cies, espec i a l l y fore i g n pol i cies, w h i l e t hey were t a k i n g
therapeut i c waters t h e re.
After 1 945, some p u b l i s h e r p u b l i s hed the orders that the facist reg i m e was g iv i n g
to t h e so cal led Agencla Stephane, w h i c h was t h e m a i n n a t i o n a l n e w s agency.
Every day t h e Agencia Stephane u sed to receive orders d i rectly from t h e ex
ecut ive, someti mes s t ra i g h t from M ussol i n n i . After the second World War a n d the
fall of facism, t h i ng s have become somehow better. That Is, orders may not be so
d i rect, t hey can be c i rc u mvented, and they focu s bas i c a l l y , I t h i nk, o n the
econo m i cs of pri n t i n g a n d p u b l i s h i n g . Govern ment has a d i rect control o n the
price of cel l u lose a n d paper. It has establ i shed a so cal led N a t i o n a l Organisation
for Cel l u l ose. I t sets t h e price of newspapers, espec i a l l y d a i l y newspapers. I t has
a wide range of power over newspaper, TV, a n d rad i o advert i s i n g , especi a l l y
t h ro u g h the Sta te O wned Industry and i t s advert i s i n g needs. A n d It c a n
1 86
m a n i p u l ate also w i t h i t s own d a i l ies. II Giorno i n M i la n , for i nstance, is d i rect l y
owned by state-owned E N l - E N I , t h e o i l company. I t can man i pu late t h ro u g h i t s
own party newspapers, f o r i nstance t h e d a i ly, I I Popolo, a C h r i s t i a n Democrat i c
newspaper. I t can m a n i p u l ate t h ro u g h l a r g e concentrat ions, t h e l a rgest p u b l i s h i n g
concentrat ion bei n g R i zzo l i ( M ondad ove comes i n second). I t c a n i n t i m idate o r
m a k e j o u r na l i sts s h y , at t h e very least, as G io rg i o Bocca, t h e I t a l i a n jou rna l i st i s
say i n g . H e says: " W h e n a n American journal i st i n terviews a Secretary of State o r
t h e Secretary of Labor, h e i s bo l d or s h e i s bold. I n I t a l y , w h e n t hey i nterview t h e
power struct u re, t hey s h y away. I t i s l i ke apolog i z i n g for pos i ng a q uest i o n. S o
t h at ' s one s ide of the story. The o t h e r si d e i s , of cou rse, t h e general pol i t i c a l
s i tu a t i o n .
T h ey know the ebb tide a n d the f l ow t ide, let u s put i t t hat way, politically. So that
acco u nts for l a rge seg ments of t h e Italian press. What cannot be contro l l ed
d i rectly t h ro u g h t h e capi t a l i s t press is contro l led t h ro u g h t h e parties. Of cou rse,
the Com m u n ist Party has a d a i l y paper, L 'Unita , and it has open orders, so to
speak. I t has a very stra i g h t pos t u re on the case. The Soc i a l ist Party has L 'A va n ti,
a d a i l y paper and it is t h e same t h i ng .
Then t here are t h e support i n g papers. Paese Sera i s a s u pport i n g communis t dai
/y. So that is more or less t h e p i c t u re, I t h i n k.
G No.
1 87
N eg ri ' s
I n te rrog a t i o n
Arrested o n A p r i l 7, 1 979, T o n i N e g r i ap
peared a few days l at er before his j udges. As
opposed to Oreste Scalzone, N e g r i t h e n
fou n d i t adv i s a b l e t o a n s w e r q u e s t i o n s to h i s
w r i t i n g s . The fo l l ow i n g t r a n s c r i p t i s i n
va l u a b l e i na s m u c h as it ex e m p l i f i e s t h e
" b i zarre" proced u re a d o p t e d by t h e j u dges.
As i t happens, the A u t o n o m i sts were in
c ri m i nated o n t h e bas i s not of any p rev i o u s
e v i d e n c e , but o n t h e i r very a n swers.
1 88
N They are l e a f l ets t h a t c o u l d have been fou nd a m o n g the d o c u m e n t s of a n y
of t h e orga n i zat i o n s of '68. I n any c a s e , tney do not i n d i cate a P . O . l i ne as m u c h
as t h e i nd i sc r i m i nate a n d ge n e r a l p r a i s e that the M ovement bestowed on t h e f i rst
i n i t iat ives of mass armed s t r u g g l e .
1 90
J For c o m p leteness I now s h ow you t h e other t h ree d o c u m e n t s : a m a n u s c r i p t ,
"The Patro l , t h e B r i gade, t h e R e d G u a rd w i t h Ten n i s S hoes " ; typew r i tten mate r i a l
i n w h i c h , among other t h i ng s , i t i s stated that " t h e p a t r o l i n te n n i s shoes covers
the master's territory and s t r i kes the enemy recom p os i n g the c l ass"; and a letter
add ressed to y o u , i n w h i c h t h e sender ag rees with you concern i n g t h e p rac t i c a l ity
of t h e patrols.
J We bel ieve that what you d e f i n e as t h e " r i pen i n g c l ass s t r u g g l e " i s carried
o u t by t h e patrols t h rou g h t h e use of i l legal a n d violent means.
J W h o a re t hese people?
N I am not a b l e to te l l you t h e i r names. They were peop l e w h o h u n g around i n
t h e coord i nates o f " A u tonom i a . " The org a n i za t i o n a l model i n t h ose d o c u ments,
however, i s p retty much terro r i s t i c . A debate o n t hese i s s u es went o n a r o u n d
1976, w i t h t hese i d eas meet i n g su bsta n t i a l o p p os i t i o n i n t h e M ove m e n t .
DL I d e m a n d t h a t t h i s i n c i d e n t be p u t i n t h e record.
1 92
J Who are the persons who supported, as you said earlier, the "directive line
of the B.R." and the B.R.'s initiatives as a moment of unification for the Move
ment? And who formed the "little groups" that supported the "clandestine" and
"terrorist line"?
J You keep talking about the constant rejection of armed struggle. We have
obtained a transcript of your statements during the third organizational con
ference of P.O. in September 1971. You had stated then that "appropriation" on
the one hand and "militarization" on the other were absolutely related, and that
the development of the "clash" and the "organization" had to proceed together.
N That position (even simply expressed off the cuff and in the course of a
very complex and confused conference) was consistent with the positions that I
later supported. It is clear that the perspective of armed struggle, as it is called
here, refers to the perspective defined in the Marxist classics and does not cor
respond at all to a particular program for the militarization of the Movement.
D L These are not relevent questions. The accused is being forced at each
point to provide not concrete answers on factual elements, but rather to engage
in analysis concerning philosophical premises, a specialized lexicon, and correla
tions among political and historical issues. It seems to us that you expect some
element of evidence from the answers. We thus ask that the accused be question
ed directly in relation to the charges. In particular, the two reports by the Oigos
(secret police) and the witnesses who will testify.
J I agree. Let us invite the accused to prove his innocence in relation to the
following probative elements against him, the sources of which cannot be in
dicated without prejudicing the judicial inquiry. 1) Statements according to which
Negri helped to develop, on the one hand, the military actions of the B.R., and on
the other, the mass actions of "Autonomia", the one being coordinated with the
other through centralized (central and peripheral) structures. The link between the
armed vanguard and the base of the Movement had to be assured by the rigid
centralization (the so-called "workers' centralism") of the mass and vanguard in
itiatives. 2) Statements according to which, in the course of meetings among
members of the organization, Negri advocated the necessity to raise the level of
confrontation (sabotage of industrial plants, the beating of factory supervisors,
proletarian expropriations, and kidnapping and confiscations in reference to union
leaders, judges, and factory managers), with the aim of conquering power. 3)
Statements according to which Negri pointed to the B.R. and P.O. as connected
i'ione! Ouandu, 1
lcttu 11ansoccan
1. The o n l y " e v i d e n c e " brou g h t by the j u dges to j u s t i fy N e g r i 's arrest were tapes o f p h o n e
c a l l s made by t h e Red B ri g ades to t h e M oro fam i l y, p r e s u m a b l y p rov i n g t h a t i t was N e g r i ' s
v o i c e . I t t u rned o u t t h a t t h e t a p e had never b e e n a n a l yzed. The i r rec e n t a n a l y s i s by t h e
A m e r i c a n expert a p po i n te d by t h e prosec u t o r rema i ns u nc o n c l u s i ve .
1 94
M e m o ri a l
f ro m P ri s o n
T h i s d o c u m e n t was w r i t t e n o n M a y 24 , 1 979
f rom the "Spec i a l W i n g - G 8" of the Reb i b
b i a j a i l i n Rome by M a r i o D a l m av i va, L u c i a n o
Ferrari B ravo, T o n i N e g r i , O reste Scalzone,
E m i l i o Vesce a n d Lau s o Zagato. Footnotes
were added by t h e E d i t o r s.
1 96
party i n I ta l y " , so t h at, by c ri m i n a l iz i n g t h e M ovement, it can resolve i t s own i n
a b i l ity to f u nction. W e are m i l itants and intel l ec t u a l s of t h e autonomous Left
movement. In stri k i n g its blow at us, the State i s attri b u t i n g to u s a power as
" leaders " , a representative role, that we do not posess.
T H E R ET R OACTIVE The f i rst accusation a g a i n s t u s all relates to h av i n g const i t u ted and part i c i pated
C H A R G ES AGAI N ST in Potere Operaio ( 1 969- 1 973)1 . I na s m u c h as PO i s taken by the prosecu t i o n to be
" POTE R E O P E RAIO" the "ori g i nal source" of armed terrori sm -of hav i n g therefore been col lectively
(WO R K E R'S POW E R). respo n s i b l e for the ent i re t rajectory of armed stru g g l e i n I taly in recent years -
i t s d issol u t i o n i n 1 973 is reg arded as hav i n g been " f i c t i c i o u s " : it is al leged to
h ave cont i n u ed its existence as an armed con s p i racy.
T H E V I O LATI O N S O F We shall take o n l y a few exa m p les of the leg a l p roce d u re adopted by the p rosecu
PROC E D U R E B Y tion in t h e "Apri l 7th case " . T h i s i s only a s u m mary of a few of t h e most f l a g ra n t
T H E PROSECUTI O N . abuses o f due process that we - and we a r e not t h e f i rst - h a v e had to face.
T h i s i s a l ist of points w h i c h are taken from a m u c h f u l ler documentation of ex
a m p l es contai ned in the memorand u m p resented by o u r legal defence tea m .
(A) Viola tions o f t h e rights o f defence i n t h e p hase of the p rel i m i nary i nves t i ga
t i o n s ordered by the exa m i n i ng j udge. Fa i l u re to notify, in some cases, of p ro
ceed i n g s against t hose bei n g i nvestigated, despite t h e fact that t h e prosec u t i n g
j u d ge, Calogero, h a s ad m i tted t h a t t h i s j u d i c i a l i n q u i ry has been g o i n g on over a
period of two years before t h e arrests;
(B) A rbitrary use o f coercitive po wers:
- I s s u e of arrest warrants e i t h e r w i t ho u t leg a l g rou n d s at a l l , or on "apparent"
g ro u n ds , altered later, at w i l l .
- U s e o f p reven t ive dete n t i o n f o r ends other t h a n t h ose specif ied b y law.
(C) A rbitrary m ode of imprisonment:
- U n s pecif ied reasons for d i ffering prison t reatm e nt (so l i t a ry confi nement, etc.)
i m posed on those deta i ned.
1 97
- Refusal to notify , for a period, t h e whereabouts of those detai ned, or to notify
fam i l ies of prison transfers, etc.
(D) A rbitrary use o f norm s of territorial judicial competence ( i .e. the d iv i s i o n of
j u d i c i a l competence in the case, between Rome and Padova):
- Abnormal unila teral decision on the part of prosecuting judge Calogero as to
j u d i c i a l com petence (transferr i n g part of the case to Rome) a fter the req uest for
form a l i sation of p roceed i n g s (i.e. that t hey be bro u g h t before the competent j u d g e
i n Padova) had b e e n made.
- Subsequen t add i t i o n of the charge re l ated t o the via Fani (the M o ro k i d na p p
i n g ) case, for the sole p u rpose of j u st i f y i n g transferral of the j u d i c i a l com petence
in the case of some of those accused (to Rome), in order to bypass any poten t i a l
con f l i ct w i t h the j u d ges i n Padova. T h i s w a s a fter c harges of "format ion of armed
bands" had alrea dy been bro u g h t in Padova.
This rel ates to other p recedents (e. g . in the Va l p reda case) w h i c h i n volve the ar
b i t rary t ransfer of p roceed i n g s to Rome - i.e. t h e i nformal , but no less rea l , use
of this tact i c in order to set up a " s pecial t r i b u n a l " for p o l i t ical persecu t i o ns2.
(E) Sys tema tic viola tion o f the rights of legal defence in this case; in t h e cou rse of
the committal heari n g s :
- V i o l a t i o n of a rt i c l e 3 6 5 i n the Proced u ra l C o d e ("the j udge must p roceed to the
formal ' i nterrogat i o n ' w i t ho u t delay").
- Systematic i nvers i o n of the b u rden of p roof onto the defence.
- Acq u i s i t i o n of "evidence" a long time after t h e warrants for c ustody a n d deten-
tion of the accused had a l ready been made o u t .
- L a c k of any evidence, or p recise accusat i o n s ( t o b e p roved or d i s p roved)
related to the charg e of " s u bversive assoc i at i o n " . The accusat ions are e n t i rely
" hy pothet ical-ded u c t i ve " , of a " log i c a l " a n d hence spec u lative nature.
- I l legal rete n t i o n of p rec ise i nformat i o n , evidence etc., related to the prosecu
tion charges, thus a l l o w i n g a cont i n uous f l u i d ity, reformu lation and a l terat ion i n
t h e accusatory s u bstance o f t h e charges (e. g . req u est b y j u d g e G uasco f o r for
m a l i sation of the c harges " pend i n g " la ter spec i f i cation of t h e act u a l c r i mes a l leg
ed to have been c o m m i tted ! ) .
- Systemat i c a n d u n derhand v i o l a t i o n of the confidential secrecy of t h e c o m m i t
tal hea r i n g s b y the p rosec u t i n g mag istrates (use of i n s i n u at i n g " leaks", i n forma l ly
passed to the Press a n d med ia t h ro u g h o u t t h e p roceed i ngs - and often later
d ropped ! ) .
The pres u m p t i o n of g u i l t based on deductive hypothesis has been the leitmo tif i n
t h e p rosec u t i o n p roced u re r i g h t from t h e start. I t covered , from t h e word g o , i n s u r
rection, leaders h i p of the Red Brigades, a n d leaders h i p of the armed s t ru g g l e in
general. I n other word s , t h e "generic" and t h e " p a rt i c u lar" are conflated , strung
together, to make u s respo n s i b le, as a "col lect ive p l o t ' ' , for v i rt u a l l y all that has
happened i n I t a l y over t h e past ten years. T h i s i s the start i n g p o i n t - t h e initia l
thesis of the prosecu t ion .
1 98
The method of the prosec u t i o n ' s case has been the separat i o n of sel ected
elements and ideas from t h e i r overa l l context. T h i s i s done by arbitrary select ion
of i n d iv i d u a l p h rases from a vast m ass of published and entirely public writings or
s ta tements. M oreover, t hese are selected f rom a long t i me-span, often separated
by years. T h i s method of arb i t rary separat ion and reconstruction or hypot hetical
l i n ks between ideas - and events - has been the bas i c norm i n the constru ction
of t h e prosec u t i o n ' s case ag a i nst us.
The c h o i ce i s obviously not in our hands ! But the p rosecu t i o n and proceed i ng s
a g a i n s t u s a r e an essent i a l part of t h i s proj ect, a key test-case. W e a r e f i g h t i n g
f o r a n ou tcome on t h e s ide o f t h e c l ass movement, and i t is on t h i s t h a t w e base
our c a l l s for sol idarity. Let it also be c lear t hat we a lso i nsist on the defence of
certa i n legal g u arantees. T h i s i s not opport u n is m on our part, but re lates d i rectly
to t h e stru g g l e and t h e goals of the c l ass movement itself. Both before, d u ri n g
a n d after the revo l u t ionary process.
This a p peal to civi l l i bert ies a n d defence of legal "due p rocess" i s not i n our case
restricted to the m u m m i f i ed l i bera l t rad i t i o n of c i v i l r i g h t s (open to many abu ses).
We ca l l for the g u a ra n tee of f reedoms t hat are his torica lly and dynamically con
s tituted by the re lation of class forces as i t ex ists in a l l the i ndustrial ised coun
tries today.
We bel ieve t hat in I t a l y , today, and in E u rope, t h e p o l i t i cal p rosecu t i o n of t h e
"Worker's A u t o n o m y " movement has a wider s i g n i f i cance, w h i c h concerns t h e
broadest poss i b l e sect io n s of the c lass movement i n a l l its v a r i o u s art i c u lations.
T h i s i s because it rep resents a spec i f i c attem p t , an attempt w i t h o m i no u s i m p l i ca
tions, to " t u rn the clock back" h i storica l ly to set up and forma l i se on a permanent
bas i s a new level of State repression, a i med to attack and destroy t h e space for
i ndependent c l ass po l i t ics; to attack the g u a ra ntees of rig hts to express
t heoret i c a l l y and exerc ise i n pract ice any alternative bas i s of power for t h e
transformat ion of soc i ety; and to attack t h e s paces f o r the exerc ise of "cou nter
power" - a l l of w h i c h s paces have been fou g h t for and won over the cou rse of
the last ten years.
200
T h e N a ked T ru t h
a b o u t M o ro ' s
D e te n t i o n
F ra n co P i pe rn o
202
P He takes notes on w hatever is sa i d .
Q And you?
Q W h i c h Massi mo?
P Cacc iari nat u ra l l y ! Thus searc h i n g Massimo's home, t hey fou nd the a u t h e n -
t i c tape of t h e meet i n g of t h e st rateg i c d i rect ion on M ay 1 , 1 978, w h i c h w a s a n
n u a l l y h e l d i n C h iava ri.
P Tro m badori does what Ton i does, and bes ides, Ton i h as learned from h i m .
203
P Do you mean t h e effect ive m e m bers or t h e c a n d i d ate m e m bers?
Q No. No. the effect i ve ones. The o t h e rs d o n ' t count a n d we also d o n ' t have
e n o u g h space. H e n ce, who are t h ey? M oret t i ?
P P i ntor a n d Sof r i ,6 b u t I must tell you that they did not come to the m e n t i on-
ed meet i n g , c l a i m i n g to be s i c k . In rea l i ty, they p referred , as many t i mes before,
not to take p os i t i o n s o n h eated a r g u ments.
Q I n s h o rt , w h o w e re t h e m a rs h a l ls?
Q A n d you?
P I voted i n favor.
1. Mario Tro n t i , A l berto Asor Rosa, M a s s i mo Cac c i a r i , Rita de Leo are ex-m i l i ta n t s of Po tere
Opera io w h o eve n t u a l l y j o i ned the I C P . V i d a l i and Trom badori are orthodox m i l i t a n t s of t h e
ICP.
2 . V i a Rase l l a : part i s a n a c t i o n a g a i n s t the Germans d u r i n g t h e W W I I . Doze n s of c i t izens o f
Rome w e r e assass i nated as a rep r i s a l .
3 . G . G . F e l t r i ne l l i : l e f t -w i ng p u b l i s h e r f o u n d d e a d i n s u s p i c i ou s cond i t i on s . I t was assu med
that he belonged to t h e G ro u p for Part i s a n Act i o n .
4. M a r i o M oret t i has b e e m presented by the m ed i a as t h e m y s t e r i o u s h e a d of t h e B R .
5. M a r i o Tron t i : t heoret i c i a n of t h e I ta l i a n "Worke r i s t " Left, n o w i n t h e I C P .
6. L u i g i P i ntor: a leader of II M a nifes to, a pol i t i c a l grou p ( a n d j o u r n a l ) at t h e l e f t of t h e I C P .
A d r i a n o S o f r i : a leader of " Lotta C o n t i n u a " .
7 . S e e n o t e 1 . A r i s Acornero a n d U m berto Terra c i n i a r e prom i nent m e m bers of t h e I C P .
8. V i l l a r i : h i st o r i c a l off i c i a l of t h e I C P.
9. F i ora P i rri Ard i zzone: P i perno's w i fe, s u s pected of terro r i s m a n d i n carcerated. Pace: wanted
204
by t h e p o l i ce. l n sparab l e from P i perno.
Q Why?
Q For exam p l e ?
206
Q Th i s is a yacht? I t rather looks l i ke a s ma l l v i l l a to u s . . .
P True, but you forget t hat prison has a pec u l iar atmosphere, and bes ides,
you p robably d o n ' t know that we managed to send him a few grams of cocai n e
t h ro u g h Ferrari B ravo. After a good healthy snort, Oreste l ost a l l h i s i n h i b i
t i o n s - a n d he h a d many of t h e m .
207
1 . Croc i a n i is a manager of the State-ow ned I t a l i a n i nd u stry who escaped the country after a
f i nancial scandal.
2. G i u l i a no Spazza l i i s To n i Negri's defe nse l awyer. H e became famous d u r i n g t h e V a l p reda
case.
3. G i org i o Bocca i s a wel l-known journal i st of La Repubblica and L 'Espresso.
4. Both were k i d napped by the Red Bri dages In 1 973. Amerio, a F I AT e n g i neer, headed the per
sonnel off ice.
5. Umberto Agnel l i i s t h e head of F I AT. Fanfan i i s a h i g h-ra n k i n g member of the C h r i s t i a n
Democrats. I n 1 963, he headed the "center-left" coa l i t i o n w i t h the Soc i a l i st Party.
6. Pecc h i o l i i s the c h i ef of the federat ion of Turi n ' s Com m u n i st Party. H e heads the I C P ' s
Bu reau of State's Pro b l e m s and i s considered the "s hadow" M i n ister of the I n terior.
7. G i useppe Saragat founded the Soc i a l Democrat i c Party. He was Pres ident of the I t a l i a n
Republ i c d u r i n g the V a l p reda affa i r and w a s the f i rst to a c c u s e the anarc h i sts f o r the bom b i n g
o f the b a n k i n M i l a n .
8. G i acomo M a rramao i s a p h i l osopher-h istorian of the I C P.
208
V i o l e n ce of
the S t a te
I Vo l sc i
We a r e convi nced of one t h i n g : t h e arrest of com rades i n Pad ua, M i l an and Rome
and t h e e n t i re i nvest i g a t i o n opened by t h e Pad u a mag istracy a re the outcome of
i n i t i at ives taken by democrat i c people; that is, by men who bel i eve in the i ns t i t u
tions, s u p port t h e m u l t i-party system and w h o therefore w o r k for t h e defense o f
t h e res u ltant soc i a l o rder, a l l of w h i c h comprise t h e ex i s t i n g democ racy of o u r
cou n t ry.
These and many other persons have often a l l u ded, i n the newspapers a n d from
the seats of Parl i a m e n t , to t h e necess ity of p u t t i n g an end to t h e organ ized and
d iffuse violence, u rg i ng u s on to the very l i m it s of o u r const i t u t i o n a l freedoms up
to t h e p o i n t of req u e st i n g , as La M a l fa1 did, t h e i ns t i t u t i o n of t h e death penalty.
I nc i tement to violence i n each one of t h ese forms (except for t h e death penalty) i s
m a n i fest i n what L e o Va l ia n i2, j ust to name s o m e o n e who we l l symbol izes t h e i n
s t i t u t ions, has been capable of w r i t i n g i n t h e Corriere de/la Sera from February to
Apri l .
210
Someone m i g h t t h i n k that by c i t i n g V a l i a n i we w i s h , as u s u a l , to show that he,
l i ke democracy, adopts a d o u b l e standard. H e does n ' t attack t h e cri mes of the
powerf u l w i t h eq u a l ve hemence (rat her, he acq u i t s t h e m a priori as he d i d with
Baff i , Sarc i nel l i3, and all t h e l it t l e b u reaucrats whom h e moreover wants to j ud g e
" f isca l ly" and n o t penal ly). Or someone m i g h t bel ieve t hat we w i s h to show that
Va l i a n i com p l a i n s of t h e "senseless d i smant l i ng of t h e most severe laws" when
to a g reat extent t h e Reale law i s more " severe" t h a n t h e Rocco Codex4, and
besides, i t is st i l l i n effect. Someone might even bel i eve that we w i s h to p o i n t o u t
that V a l i a n i does n ' t e v e n h i d e h i s p l eas u re w i t h t h e a rrest of Ton i Negri and the
other com rades. (By t h e way, even Pert i n i com p l i mented t h e Pad u a magistrates,
but t here i s no evidence that he telegrap hed his i n d i g nation to the Catanzaro
ma g is trates when Fred a a n d Ventu ras escaped). Anyway, if anyone be l i eves t h i s
h e is m i staken.
I t i s not o u r intention to com p l a i n about the non-eq u a l ity of the law nor to em
p h as ize t h e non-eq u i d i stance of t h e democracy w h i c h we u nd o u bted ly are. Rather
we wish to reveal how this state of affa i rs is i nevitable and necessary for t h e in
s t i t u t i o ns. From t h e p o i n t of view of democrats l i ke Leo Va l i a n i , i n fact, it i s right
that t h i ngs are this way because it i s r i g h t that men l i ke him come to t he p o i n t of
cal l i n g for t h e a p p l ication of viol ence when i t i s to be u sed i n the defense of
somet h i ng that exists-democracy, to be exact - a n d against e p i sodes or persons
w h o i n t h e name of somet h i n g t hat does n ' t ex i s t - co m m u n i sm -combat t h ese in
s t i t u t i o ns without exc l u d i ng vio lence. From one s i de, t h e re is the tendency to
overt h row it. W hoever defends the f i rst i s j u st i f ied in h i s use of violence, w h oever
i s for the second, i s not.
I f i t were to be shown t hat democracy does n ' t exist, i n t h e sense t h at i t has not
been f u l ly rea l ized , t here wou ld no longer be any leg i t i macy for the violence of t h e
state, or at least t here wou ld be an e q u a l meas u re of l eg i t i macy f o r the violence
used to overt h row the state.
The idea t hat democracy does n ' t exist does n ' t even occur to Va l i a n i . H e sides
with Baffi and Sarci ne l l i , that i s , with the i ns t i t u t i o n s and the m u l t i -party system,
start i n g from t h e i r ev i l s and t h e i r contradictions (scandals, frauds, k i l l i ngs, etc.)
w h i c h are erased in one b l ow by the demon of terror i s m , w h i c h can only be com
bated with an i n c rease in the n u m ber of pol i ce, p reve n t ive (wh i c h i n pract ice
becomes def i n i t ive) i n carcerat i o n , and an u lterior arm i n g of the forces of order. I n
other words, the general ized ap p l i cation o f repression and violence w i t h o u t ever
d o u bt i n g the true bas i s of its leg i t i macy.
H E W H O DOESN'T In order to res pond i n a prac t i c a l and non-e l u s i ve manner to t h ese pos i t ions, and
T E R R O RIZE t h e refore w i t h o u t fal l i n g i nto an ideolog ical debate, i t is left to us to exam i n e
B EC O M ES f r o m a very concrete (even i f g u arded) p o i n t of v i e w what t h e p u l p i t o f democracy,
SICK WITH T E R R O R from w h i c h the sermons l i ke t h ose of Val i a n i are p reached, i s made of.
3. H u nd reds of deat hs, thousands of cri p p l i ngs and m u t i lations at the workp lace
because of the i m p u n ity a l l owed to the capita l i sts, w h i c h therefore transforms t h e
const i t u t ional declarat i o n of t h e " r i g h t to work" i nto a " c o n d e m n a t i o n to work " ;
21 1
ween h u nger, robbery, d r u g s , a n d s u bmerged economy, w h i c h w o u l d act u a l l y be
t h e c o n d e m n a t i o n to worki n g w i t h o u t t h e r i g h t to work;
Even a l i beral l i ke Locke a f f i rmed as early as 1 690 that n o reason of State can
stand before abuses and p revari cat i o n s of power, nor are t h e re any m o t i vat i o n s
for d i sorders a n d b l oo d s h ed that can stop t h e j u st rebel l i o n agai nst t h e State.
21 2
t h a t we a re better off t h a n u nd e r Fasc i s m or t h a n t h e C h i leans u nd e r P i nochet.
For t h at someone t h e fact t h a t democ racy has not been f u l l y rea l ized becomes
s t i l l a n o t h e r reason to defend the stat u s q uo, even i f o n l y to broaden i t t h ro u g h
s t ru g g l e .
T h e s t ru g g l e for democracy in Italy began more than t h i rty years ago a n d i t was
an armed s t r u g g l e : t h e workers saved t h e factories from t h e Germans i n order to
see them ret u rned safe a n d sou nd to t h e same bosses as before; t h e N a p o l i t a n s
l i berated t h e i r city by t h e m se lves i n o r d e r to s e e it sacked by t h e Lau ros a n d t h e
G avas1 1 ; A l m i rante a n d t h e ot h e r f a s c i s t s w e r e g ive n t h e i r f reed om by Tog l i att i .
EO 10 VI OFFIZO
UNA FINE OEL
PfZOSLEMA OEL
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The Sa n d storm
M et h od
D a ri o Fo
Terrorism compels u s to d i s g u ise in t h e facts the " i n fernal d u e l " between State
214
a n d terrorists i n a log i c o f confl ict between two armed organ izat ions. The c l a s h
g oes w e l l over the heads o f t hose who are i n volved o n l y on t h e level of d i smay
and fear. Thus an i m potent (fatal) tension i s created, w h i c h u psets any reaction
a n d any real part i c i pation i n p o l i t ical events, m a k i n g any d i sco u rse d rown i n t h e
form u la: "There i s need to esta b l i s h order, no matter what the cost."
T h i s i s how a broad, a n d very d ivers i fied, s l ice of the e l ectorate m a n i fested its
d i sa p p o i n t m e n t . A l l to t h e advantage of Power, which g a i ned i m mensely from i t .
Power has no rea l i n terest i n rea l l y f i g h t i n g terrorism w i t h dete r m i nation, b y co
i nvolv i n g , on the democrat i c plane, the respo n s i b l e p resence of the c i t ize n ; t h i s
wou ld mean ta k i n g away the basic motivations t h a t constitute i t , t h at g ive i t a
space for action and a consensus, espec i a l l y among t h e emarg i nated and t h e
hopeless, w i t hout any r e a l perspect ives.
Power has no rea l i n terest in reorg a n i z i n g (in a contro l led. more eff i c i e n t and
democrat i c form) the pol ice, but prefers to delegate every t h i n g to a su per-cop
(Gen. D e l l a C h i esa) g i v i n g h i m carte blanche so that the big s hots may be b rou g h t
to j u s t ice.
In t h i s " b l izzard , " where everyone i s screa m i n g "he has t h e p l a g u e , " Power has
f reed itself f i rst of all f rom t h e presence of the so-cal led front- l i ne democrats, t h e
i n t e l l ectuals, the artists, the free- t h i n kers: i t has assig ned them t h e ro le o f
perplexed observers w h o awai t c l earer developments: " W e are w a i t i n g f o r proofs
and c o n f i rmations, we d o not w i s h to i nterfere w i t h the p rocess-i n q u i ry, we all a re
for lawf u l ness . "
I n the mea n t i me, the power of s pectac le has f ree rei g n i n t h i s " pot-s hot" scene:
leaki n g of news, m a k i n g of i n ferences.
215
H ow poorly t h e mec h a n i s m works.
216
yes. A s u i c i de. W i t h a razor. It was a neat l i t
t i e job, he passed away q u ietly. They won't
p i c k on that g u y ag a i n . 301 days in t h i s fu ck
ing s h i tty j a i l . 302. 303. 304 days in j a i l . T H E
H A R D E N E D H EA RT I S A R A R E Q U A LI TY
VALUABLE TO MY B I TI E R LY M E LA N C H O L I C
S E L F , H A R D LY A L I V E A N D COM PACTLY
SAD FOR 305 DAYS IN J A I L. 306 days in j ai l .
307 days i n j ai l . 308 days i n j a i l . 309 days i n
j a i l . 3 1 0 days i n j a i l . Ted i u m . Ted i u m . Ted i u m .
Ted i u m . Ted i u m . Ted i u m . Ted i u m . Ted i u m .
Ted i u m . Ted i u m . Ted i u m . Ted i u m . Ted i u m .
Ted i u m . Ted i u m . Ted i u m . Ted i u m . Ted i u m .
Ted i u m . Ted i u m . Ted i u m . 3 1 1 days i n j a i l . 3 1 2
days i n j a i l . 3 1 3. Days. U h . I n . U h . J a i l . 3 1 4
days i n j a i l . 3 1 5 days days days days days
and days. Uh. 316 days in jai l with m e . All for
me. Oh how s p l e n d i d . 31 7 days in j a i l . Oh
how s p l e n d i d . 318 days i n j a i l . O h how s p l e n
d i d . 3 1 9 d a y s i n j ai l . O h h o w s p l e n d i d . 320
days, 2 1 , 22, 23. Yes. 23. 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29.
A h h h . 330 days in t h i s m a rve l o u s j a i l and it's
all j u s t for me. Are you satisfied, dear
j udges? I ndeed. 331 days in j a i l . 332 days in
j a i l . 333 days i n j ai l . 334 days i n j ai l . 335 days
in jai l . 336 days in j a i l , 337, 38, 39, 40, 4 1 , 2,
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9. 350 days in j ai l . What w i l l a l l
t h i s t i m e i n j a i l do to m e ? What 3 5 1 w i l l 352
a l l 353 t h i s 354 t i m e 355 in 356 j a i l 357 do
358 to 358 me days in j a i l ? P i g s . 359 days i n
j a i l . 360 p i g s . 360 p i g s days. 360 p i g s days i n
j a i l . When I get out I ' m g o i n g t o h o l d a n ex
h i bi t i o n in some squ are. I ' l l ex h i b i t a c u b i c le.
And I ' l l s h u t people i ns i d e i t for a day. So
t hey can see what j a i l i s l i ke. 36 1 , 2. 3. 4. 5.
4. 5. 4. 5. O h . O h . 365 days i n j a i l . A YEAR
A L R EA DY. H EY l 'V E A L R EADY SPENT A
YEAR I N J A I L. H EY. 366 days in j a i l . 367
days i n j ai l . 368 days i n j a i l . Oh q u i c k , h u rry
up p l ease, another year in j a i l and then j u st
s i x more months. A n d t h e n I ' m f i n i shed. U h .
369 days i n j a i l i n j a i l i n j a i l i n j a i l i n j a i l i n
j a i l i n j a i l i nj a i l i n i nj a i l i n . A l ready. I n j a i l . 370
days in j a i l . 371 days in j a i l . 372 days of how
w i l l I manage to f u c k the d ra i n C h r i s t si nce I
have n ' t seen an ass, I d o n ' t say a c u n t , an
ass, for 373 days in j a i l . A n d 374 a n d 375 a n d
3 7 6 and 3 7 7 and 3 7 8 and 3 7 9 and 380
T. H . R. E . E . H . U . N . D . R . E . D.A. N . D . E . 1 . G . H .T.Y.
D.A.Y.S. l . N . J. A. I . L. I am forb i d d e n to take
the d a i l y stro l l for two days s i nce I had a
s m a l l p a i r of s c i ssors. 382, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9,
90. 391 days in j a i l . 392 days in j a i l . Oh w h e n
I get out. O h w h e n I get out. Oh w h e n I g e t
out. Oh when I get o u t . Oh when I get out.
393 days in j a i l . 394 days i n j a i l . 5, 6, 7, 8.
399, 400 days in j a i l . What can I hope for at
t h i s point. Who w i l l g i ve m e back these 401
days in j a i l . Eh? Eh? Eh? Eh? Eh? Eh? Eh?
Eh? Eh? Eh? 402, 3, 4, 5. 406 days i n j a i l . My
room i s my roo m . I am I . The w a l l i s the wal l .
Th ree meters by t h ree meters, a l l m i ne. N i ne
heave n l y squ are meters over w h i c h I pace. I
have wal ked k i l ometers i n a few meters. O h .
U h . H ow many k i l ometers have I covered . . .
407 days i n j a i l . 408 days i n j a i l . 409 days i n
j a i l . 4 1 0 days i n j ai l . 4 1 1 days i n j a i l . 4 1 2 days
in j a i l . Oh Daria how were you? I 've forgotten
you Christ I 've forgotten you how a n g ry how
4 Beyond Terrorism
F ro m
Te rro r i s m
To G u e rri l l a
Wa rf a re
F ra n co P i p e r n o
1 In the last ten years we h ave w i t nessed a q u iet u pheaval " i n the mode of p rod uc
ing wea l t h . " The p rod u c t ive p rocess e x p l o i t s n at u re as a resou rce rath e r t h a n re
d i stri b u t i n g s u r p l u s work and con seq u e n t l y red u c i n g work i n g t i me. To say it i n
other words, t h e d i fferent forms o f soc i a l p rod u c t i o n a re n o l o n g e r o rg a n i c a l l y
con nected by t h e l a w of va l ue. T h i s conseq u e n ce i s of g reat i m portance s i nce i t
i nvolves n o t o n l y s o c i a l issues b u t a l s o l a b o r co-operat i o n . I n t h i s context a new
proletarian s u bject i s born, w h o i s t h e p ro d u c e r of wea l t h but i s n o l o n g e r perceiv
ed i n terms of p rod u c t ive or u n p roduct ive work. T h u s , t h e c l ass c o m p os i t i o n of
t h e proletariat is c h a n ge d . I n p a rt i c u lar, t h e tec h n o l o g i c a l i ntel l i ge n t s i a (wh i c h
c o u l d b e rou g h ly def i n ed a s " n on-worker l a bor") takes o n a central pos i t i o n i n t h e
p rod u c t i o n o f soc i a l wea l t h . H owever, w e a r e n o t t a l k i n g about t h e p r o l etariza
t i o n of t h e m id d l e c l ass. The " n o n-worker laborer, " by act i n g not as part of a
res i d u a l class b u t as a material s u bject of t h i s new mode of prod u c t i o n , carries
with h i m behavior, c u l t u ra l refe rences, a n d i d eo l o g ies w h i c h can not be red uced
to t h e h i storical p reced e n t s of workers' s t ru g g l es.
220
sense that i t s a p p r o p r i a t i o n eq u a l s i t s " e n j oy m e n t . " T h e refore, p rod u c t i on stops
bei ng a n a priori h u ma n c h a racteri s t i c o r a moral necess i t y . Prod u c t i o n i s i n
ves t i g ated a n d re-d i me n s i o n ed as t h e p rod u c t i o n of " h u m a n l y enjoyable" wea l t h .
H e re a re s o m e of t h e t y p i c a l m a n i festat i o n s of t h i s n e w s p o n t a n e i t y : absentee i s m
as m a s s sabotage a g a i n s t t h e w o r k e t h i c ; s h o p l i f t i n g i n s u permarkets as an i n
d iv i d u a l re-a p p ro p r i a t i o n of objects, t h e enjoyment of w h i c h has been h i nd e red by
m onetary med i a t i o n ; e m p l o y m e n t s i m p l y as a sou rce of i ncome; a " g e ne ro u s
ava i l a b i l i t y " i n re l a t i o n to t h ose m o m e n t s of soc i a l act i v i ty i n w h i c h " w o r k a n d
need c o i n c i d e " ; t h e m a n y d i f ferent forms of rebe l l i o n i n w h i c h a rad i c a l a n d
somet i mes v i o l e n t soc i a l m a l a i s e i s expanded i n t h e " a n o n y m i t y of d a i l y l i f e . "
These t y p e s of b e h a v i o r b r e a k a n y re l at i o n s h i p between p a rt i c i pa t i o n i n p rod uc
tion a n d t h e amount of s a l a ry received , between work i n g t i me a n d t h e n u m ber of
objects req u i red for our existence. I t i s sel f-ev i d e n t that, t h ese act i v i t ies be i n g
behavior (and n o t h arm less i d eas), t h e i r m a n i festat i o n req u i res t h e p ractice o f i l
l e g a l i t y as a necessary c o n d i t i o n for ex istence.
221
the conseq uent need of i n d i v i d u a l self-rea l izat i o n . It is for t h i s reaso n t h a t t h e
Workers' M ovem e n t i s o u t-dated when i t f i g h t s p r o f i t as t h e sou rce of weal t h
w h e reas t h e entrepre n e u r i a l form h a s g o n e b a n k ru pt o u t of an excess of develop
ment; when it fights for a national i ndependence w h e reas t h e re i s no l o n g e r a na
t i o n a l market; w h e n i t p romotes m a n u a l work i n a n era of automat i o n ; w h e n it
p reaches sacrifice w h e reas people practice consumption as freed o m i n daily l i fe.
The tragedy of t h e Workers' M ovement i s its o u t dated rhetoric. In t h e e n d t h i s
proud i n it i at ive, so-ca l l ed "worker beco m i n g t h e State ' ' , i s o n l y a res i d u e of t h e
social l eg i t i m izat i o n of t h e modern corporate State. A t t h e s a m e t i me a n o t h e r
Workers' M ovem e n t i s emerg i n g from ot h e r n e e d s and forms of stru g g l es. T h i s
other M ovem e n t not o n l y i s becom i n g a u t o n o m o u s vi s-a-vi s t h e f i rst one, b u t i t i s
al s o antag o n i s t i c to a n d o p e n l y f i g h t i n g t h e f i rst one.
222
10 Let u s now exam i n e some o f t h e facts rel ated t o M o ro ' s k i d n a p p i n g . F i rst o f a l l
we have to make a m a rg i na l b u t n o t i rrelevant observat i o n : t here i s n o s u bsta n t i a l
d i fference between M oro's k i d n a p p i n g a n d the terrorist a c t s a g a i n s t t h e bosses.
They c o n st i t u te the same path for the mass s t r u g g l e : from t h e factory to po l i t i c a l
p o w e r. N eed less to s ay , t h e new spon taneity i s t h e e l e m e n t that has affected t h i s
deve l o p m e n t , b u t i t i s t h e s u c cess reached i n t h e attacks u po n t h e d a i l y l i fe o f
t h e masses t h a t h a s made i t a necessary pat h . Bes ides, i s n ' t it t r u e t h at a State
fet i s h i s m i s present in the I t a l i a n Com m u n ist Party, a fet i s h i s m w h i c h has been
m a n i fested as hysteria a m o n g some of the party's leaders? Terro r i s m , too, has
gone from t h e c o n t ro l of t h e factory to soc i a l contro l . Such a c r i t i c a l a n a l y s i s
s h ows t h e p re m i ses of M oro's k i d n a p p i n g .
224
reversal revea l s , i n t h e i n tolerance pec u l i a r t o i t , a foo l i s h ideolog i c a l scheme: t o
remove a n d exorc i se what i s n e w i n order t o sanct i fy t h e means, t h e po l i t i c a l
c h o i ces, a n d t h e " v u l g a r a n d sel f-sat i s f i e d " w a y of l i fe of t h e red bou rg e o i s i e .
T h u s , a l l t h at ta l k about l i fe t hat we h ave h e a r d , as bew i l dered spectators, i n t h e
weeks of t h e M oro affa i r, s m e l l s i rremed i a b l y of rheto r i c a n d deat h . The p roof of
t h i s comes f rom t h e very com rades of Lotta Con tin ua who, i nvolved w i t h u nwar
ranted generos ity in an u n p reced e n ted p r i es t l y m i s s i o n , have red i scovered very
rec e n t l y t h e sac red ness of l i fe qua b i o l og i ca l l i fe - a n d t h ey retreat w i t h m o re
moral h o rror before t h e eve n t u a l i ty of " g i v i n g or rece iv i n g " - experie nced as a
catastro p h e for t h e h u m a n essence. I n rea l i ty, h u m a n l i fe is not merely a
b i o l o g i cal m i racle. I t t h r i ves as a network of s o c i a l re lat i o n s ; a n d , i n t h e case of
t h e " a g e n t s of d o m i n at i o n , " i t c o m p r i ses a power s u f f i c i e n t for c reat i n g and/or i n
terd i ct i n g t h e l i fe of other m e n . T h u s i t can h a p p e n - a n d t h i s i s t h e sca n d a l -
t h at t h e death of a man res u l t s i n f reed o m and l i fe for others. T h i s i s a " b a n a l
p i ece of ev i d e n ce, " d i f f i c u l t to accept as a f a c t ; i t determ i n es t h e b e h a v i o r of a l l
of u s i n t h e f a c e of d e a t h as d a i l y eve n t . I n f a c t , t h e i n e q u a l ity t h at g ives h iera r
c h y to t h e l i fe of m e n obv i o u s l y c o n fers va r i o u s w e i g h t s to t h e i r deaths. S u c h i s
t h e way of t h e w o r l d . A n d to p retend t h at " t h e r u l es" are d i ffere n t , t h at " h u m a n i ty
has a l ready been rea l ized , " i s an e x p ress i o n of sheer " d e s i derata" w h e n it i s not
a v u l g a r ideological l ie. A n d s i nce i t i s p l a i n today t h a t t h e f u t u re w i l l be i n h u ma n ,
decency req u i res t h a t every o n e c h oose h i s wou nded a n d h i s dead, t h at he m o u r n
t h e l a t t e r a n d c u re - i f h e c a n - t h e former.
226
16 T o s u m u p , w e c a n state t h a t t h e " s e re n d i p i t o u s u n i q ueness" o f the I t a l i a n s i t u a
t i o n c o n s i sts p rec i s e l y i n t h e c i rc u m st a n ces descri bed earl ier. Prese n t l y i n a state
of t u m u l t u o u s ex p a n s i o n a m o n g youth i s a way of l i fe based on need, that is, on
u se-va l u e. This deve l o p m e n t i s acco m p a n i ed by, in a rel at i o n s h i p not devoid of
tension a n d host i l ity, the def i n i t i o n of a p o l i t i c a l bei n g which rai ses i n m i l itary
terms t h e q u es t i o n of t h e break- u p of t h e State , m ac h i nery. As a consequence, i n
I ta l y , t h e soc i a l p ractice of u se-va l u e i s c h a rged w i t h offensive s i g n i f i ca nc e a n d
d e m a n d s a m u t a t i o n i n t h e mode of prod u c t i o n , w h e reas i n other c o u n t ries t h e
sa m e p ract i c e , p e r h a p s w i d e r a n d richer, l ives a v i rt u a l , i n terst i t i a l , a n d somewhat
t ra n s i e n t l i fe side by side with t h e c a p i t a l i s t society a n d i t s State.
The new corporate State i s not capable, at least for t h e time bei n g , of ac
comodat i n g t h e new behav i o r t h ro u g h a n y med i a t i o n o r m a n agement of its
d y n a m i c s . The reg i m e i s t h e refore forced t o confront head to head t h e new spon
t a n e i ty (wh i c h i t rej ects even as p u re datum by deny i n g i t s existence) w h i l e i t at
tem pts t o dest roy i t , w i s h i n g t o res pond o n ly in terms of i nterd i c t i o n a n d d eat h .
Lucio
C a s te l l a n o
228
t h at p rocess w h i c h eq u a l izes men in the abst rac t i o n of the State, i s o l at i n g t h e m
i n t h e c o n c reteness of t h e i r d ivers i t y by p l a c i n g i t s e l f i n o p p os i t i o n to eac h o f
t h e m i n t h e name of t h e " g e n eral i n terest " w h i c h d o m i nates t h e m - i s t h e s y n
t h e t i c i mage of t h i s passage.
229
t i o n s : exc l u s i o n , des p e rat i o n a n d a n g er. Des p e rat i o n as a col lective i d e n t i ty, as a
s i g n of recog n i t i o n a n d a l o n g w i t h i t , i m potence. I t is a reass u r i n g i d e n t i ty, both
for itself a n d for o th e rs : " I ' m a n a n g ered m a rg i n a l , I h ave n o need to co rrect my
errors, w h e n I ' m h u n g ry, I screa m " ; " he ' s a poor m a rg i n a l , t h e harm he i s capable
of i s small, h e h a r m s h i m s e l f above a l l " . I t i s at this point t h at t h e letters to Lo tta
Con tin ua become a n a t i o n a l occu rrence, a l i terary boom and are p r i n ted i n
Espresso. E m a rg i n a t i o n a n d desperat i o n u nd o u bted ly ex i s t , b u t t h i s i s not t h e
p o i n t ; here we a r e d ea l i n g w i t h somet h i n g e l s e , w i t h a c u l t u re, w i t h a l a n g u age,
with a p rofess i o n : we are deal i n g w i t h a large ideolog i c a l f i l ter t h ro u g h w h i c h
every t h i n g w i s h i n g to rem a i n " w i t h i n t h e M ovement" m u s t pass; i t i s a n
o b l i gatory f o r m of e x p res s i o n , a l a n g uage w h i c h g ives l eg i t i macy a n d w h i c h com
p e l s m i m i c ry . This l a n g uage has i t s c u l t ivators a n d ad m i n i s t rators t h e sacred
teachers, i nf l ex i b l e a n d a u t h o r i t a r i a n in d i ctat i n g t h e r u l es of t h e game, t h e ones
w h o have s u ffered fro m t h e 's hake- u p ' a n d t h e ex-s i n gers of t h e prai ses of the
service orders, t h e experts of " h u ma n rel at i o n s h i ps " a n d t h e fem i n ist p rofes
sionals.
In actua lity it is - it can 't help but be so - a critique of the obliga tory dis tinc
tion between peace and war, between army and society, be tween soldier and
civilian.
230
a n d ' p rivate ' , ' g e n e r a l a n d ' p rivate' . The general i nterest is armed w h e reas t h e
p rivate i n terest i s eva l u ated o n t h e bas i s of t h e laws t h a t g o v e r n peace. The arm
i n g of t h e State g u a ra n tees t h e d i sarm i n g of society; t h e fact that o n e part of
soci ety - the re p ress ive and m i l i t a ry a p parat u s - e rects i t s e l f as a separate
body a n d fu n c t i o n s accord i n g to t h e laws of "war", g u arantees that the rest of
society l ive in " peace " . " Peace" means o n l y that "war" has become t h e priva te
ma tter of a few m e n w h o t h r i ve on it (t h e p o l ice and t h e m i l i ta ry), or of t h ose
p r i vate men w h o take com m a n d over a l l others, d e m o n s t rat i n g t h ro u g h fact t h at
t h ey - b e i n g the g u a ra n tors of the peace of a l l - a l s o govern i t by b e i n g a r u l i n g
p a rt o f i t . W a r g u aran tees peace, t h e t h reat of w a r c o n s e rves peace, w i t h i n States
a n d in t h e relat i o n s h i p s between d i fferent States. The concept of State i n
Western po l i t i c a l c u l t u re see m s to b e f o u nded o n t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between peace
and war.
Two a re t h e roa ds (a n d t h e "pa c ifis ts " a re a lways demons tra ting it) which c a n b e
t a k e n : a) politica l s truggle ex cludes the use o f violence i n its horizon a n d conse
quen tly respects the exis ting m ilitary appara tus, or else it h a s tens to orga n ize
one tha t is a n a ltern a tive a n d a n equiva len t to the exis ting one, eventua lly p a s s
i n g on to a p h a s e o f war, o p e n or "legitim a te ", a rm y a g a in s t a rm y, Sta te a g a in s t
S t a t e (it i s a s tory which w e a lrea dy k n o w, a n d like p a rro ts h a ve lea rn ed to a s k
t h e ques tion: w h o will dis so lve t h e R e d A rm y ? who will fig h t a g a in s t the S ta te
when the working cla s s has become the Sta t e ?); b) the process o f libera tion is n o t
firs t "politica l " a n d then "m ilita ry "; i t learns t h e use of a rm s throug h o u t its
co urse; it frees the a rm y to ca rry out the t h o u s a n d fun c tions o f politica l s truggle;
it m ixes in the life of e veryone, the civilia n with the figh ter; it forces e veryon e to
lea rn the art o f war or pea ce.
One can not c l a i m to l ive the p rocess of com m u n i st l i berat i o n and to h ave t h e
s a m e relat i o n s h i p to v i o l ence, t h e s a m e i d ea of beauty a n d of g ood a n d r i g h t , o f
des i rable, t h e same i d ea of n o r m a l c y , t h e same h a b i t s of a m i dd le-aged b a n k
clerk from Tu r i n : living with earthquakes i s living a lways with terrorism a n d in
order n o t to h a ve an "hero ic " idea of war one m u s t firs t of a ll a vo id a begga rly
idea of peace.
Pac i f ists such as Lama e n l ist pol i ce m e n , w h i l e t h ose " m ost to the left" ask for
t h e leg i t i m izat i o n of " v i o l e n ce of t h e masses " , of the "armed p roleta r i a t " . The ac
t u a l M ovement was m ore rea l i s t i c and less bel l i cose, m o re h u m a n and h e ro i c : it
put peace up for d e bate because i t c r i t i c ized war and i t s h atte red the c r i t e r i o n of
d e l egat i o n a n d of leg i t i m izat i o n bec a u se i t rej ected t h e army; i t has d o n e t h i s
w i t h errors a n d i n acc u rate a p p rox i m a t i o n s , w i t h t e r r i b l e dev i a t i o n s , by c u l t i vat i n g
absu rd myths, a l l w i t h i n a h i st o ry. I t h a s been c o n t rad i ctory, b u t i t h a s learned
and has i m p roved a p rocess t h a t has mod i f ied rea l i ty m o re than an i n s u rrect i o n .
232
categ o r i es w h i c h are t h e f o u n d a t i o n of t h e stru g g l e between d e m oc racy a n d com
m u n i s m , between d e m o c ra t i c power a n d com m u n i s t l i be rat i o n . The rest i s dest i t u
t i o n , e n t a n g l e m e n t s a d u s u m delp h ini.
Fe l ix G u atta ri
Why I ta ly? The f i rst e n t ry is relat ively con t i n g e n t . A n u m ber of peo p l e res p o n s i b l e
f o r a f ree I t a l i a n rad i o s t a t i o n i n B o l o g n a , Rad i o A l ice, a s k e d me to i n t rod u ce a
French ed i t i o n of t h e i r texts. That i nterested me because t h e i r i n s p i ra t i o n was at
once S i t u a t i o n ist a n d " d e leuzog uatta r i a n , " if o n e can say that.
234
E n g l a n d is very d i ffere n t from the ex i s t i n g reg i me i n Germany, France or Italy. B u t
stepp i n g back, one c a n see t h at a cert a i n k i n d of tot a l itarian i s m i s bei ng set u p
w h i c h goes along very w e l l w i t h trad i t i o n a l d ivisions. The m a c h i nes o f prod u c t i o n ,
form a t i o n , and reprod u c t i o n of the w o r k force i m p l y a n i m mense mac h i nery of
State power, and then a l l k i nds of cogwhee l s in pol i t ics, u n ions, education ,
sports, etc . . . . l n t h i s regard I be l i eve the I ta l i a n experience to be the most ex
e m p l a ry, for there we can see the l i nes of f l i g ht and the road that l ies ahead. I t
does n ' t lead to a n a lternat ive o f t h e E n g l i s h type, or a French p o p u l a r fro n t ,
w h e t h e r on the l e f t or on t h e r i g h t . I t amounts to m a k i n g s u re that the Com m u n ist
Party, mass organ izat i o n s , a n d u n ions w i l l f u nction at full capac ity w i t h i n a na
t ional consensus l i ke t h e I t a l i a n pol i t ical spect r u m .
A certa i n type of bruta l ity i n herited from cap i t a l i s t societies of the 1 9t h cen t u ry
was symmetrical w i t h a cert a i n truth of des i re. Some people c o u l d sti l l free
t hemselves. The prog ress i ve t i g hten i n g up by the M a rx i st worker's movement has
put a stop to that. Today you can't des i re ru p t u re, you can't des i re revo l u t i o n , or
i ndeed anyt h i n g w h i c h puts in q u estion the framework and val u es of contem
porary society. Now the control beg i n s in c h i l d hood , i n the n u rsery and i n school,
for everyone m u s t be forced i nto the dominant red u n d a n c i es of the syste m . The
repress ive soc ieties now bei n g estab l i s hed have two new characteristics: rep res
s i o n is softer, more d if f u se, more general ized , but at the same t i m e m u c h more
violent. For a l l who can s u b m i t , adapt, and be c h a n n e l ed i n , there w i l l be a lessen
ing of po l ice i nterve n t i o n . There w i l l be more and more psych o l og ists, even
psychoanalysts, in the police department; there w i l l be more com m u n ity therapy
ava i l able; the problems of the i nd i v i d u a l and of the c o u p l e w i l l be tal ked about
everywhere; repression w i l l be more psycholog i c a l l y comprehensive. The work of
prost i t u tes w i l l have to be recog n ized , there w i l l be a d ru g advisor on the
rad i o - i n short, there w i l l be a general c l i mate of u n derstand i n g acceptance. B u t
i f t here a r e categories a n d i n d iv i d u a l s who escape t h i s i n c l u s i o n , i f people at
tempt to q uestion the general system of con f i nement, then they w i l l be exter
m i nated l i ke t h e B lack Panthers i n the U.S., or t h e i r perso n a l i t ies exterm i nated as
i t happened with the Red Army Fract ion in Germany. S k i n nerian cond i t i o n i n g w i l l
b e used a l l over.
235
I n no way is terro r i s m spec i f i c to Germany a n d I t a l y . I n t h ree m o n t h s France
cou ld be craw l i n g with Red Brigades. Consi d e r i ng how power and t h e med i a
operate, h o w peo ple a r e cornered, prisoners i n t hese systems of conta i n me nt , i t ' s
no w o n d e r t h at some become e n raged, and s t a r t s h oot i n g at people's legs or
wherever.
The I t a l i a n s of Rad i o A l ice have a bea u t i f u l say i n g : when t h ey are asked what has
to be b u i l t , t h ey a n swer t h at the forces capabl e of destroyi n g t h i s soc iety s u rely
are capable of b u i l d i n g somet h i n g el se, yet tha t will happen on the way. I have no
idea what t h e f u t u re model of society or of rel a t i o ns h i ps will be. I t h i n k i t ' s a false
problem, t h e kind of false problem that M a rx a n d Engels tried to avo i d . We can
o n l y do one t h i n g , a n d that's to acknowledge t h e end of a society. The revo l u
t i o nary process w o n ' t s t e m from a rat i o n a l , Hegel i a n , o r d i a lectical framework. I n
stead it w i l l be a general ized revo l u t ion, a conj u nction of sex u a l , relat i o n a l ,
esthetic, and scient i f i c revo l u t i ons, a l l m a k i n g c ross-overs, mark i ngs, and c u rrents
of deterritor i a l izat i o n .
236
On t h e mo lec u l a r leve l , t h i ng s fu nction otherwise. Loo k i n g t h ro u g h t h e g lasses of
t rad i t i o n a l p o l i t ics, t h ere is n ot h i n g left, for exa m p le, of t h e American rad i c a l
movement. I f one changes g l asses, i f one peers t h ro u g h t h e m i c roscope, t h e re i s
another p i c t u re a ltoget her. There i s a n ew sens i b i l i ty, a n e w w a y o f re lat i n g , a
new sort of k i n d ness, a l l very d i f f i c u l t to define. H i storians have a hard t i me deal
i n g with t h ese objects - h istory of tenderness ! In all sorts of complex ways,
t h rou g h the h i story of the fem i n i st movement and the h istory of homosex u a l ity,
t h ro u g h relat ions h i ps i n general , this new type of sens i b i l ity is also the revo l u t i o n .
I f revo l u t ionary g l asses d o n ' t al low u s to s e e t hat, t h e n t h e re i s no more revol u
t i o n , i t ' s a l l f i n is h ed .
P a o l o V i rn o
238
syste m . The "Autonomy of t h e ' Po l i t i ca l ' " i s , so to s peak, i t s truest pres u m pt i o n .
I n rea l ity, t h e "Autonomy of t h e ' P o l i t i c a l ' " has bea r i n g not so m u c h o n g ueri l l a
a c t i o n a s o n t rad i t i o n a l d i s c u s s i o n s of i n s u rrect i o n , c i v i l war, format i o n o f a " Red
A r m y , " and that type of power-eq u iva l e n t to " m i g ht m a kes r i g h t " tact i c s - w h i c h
i s wa i t i n g to be seized.
G ueri l l a act i o n , on t h e other hand, (as exe m p l i f i ed also by other less freq u e n t ac
t i v i t i e s of the Red B r i g ades, s u c h as the m u rd e r of the head of the Schett i n i
h omes) exerc ises d i rect power, a decentral ized a n d d i ff u sed power, a s p l u ra l i s t i c
as t h e e n e m y ' s power. I t d o e s not a l l u de to t h e " b rea k i n g u p " of t h e State
m a c h i ne, but rather severs its term i n a l s ; t hese are rooted in the c o n d i t i o n of m e r
c h a n d i se i m posed u po n t h e labor force, a n d , i n t h e i r toget herness a n d s p o nt a n e i
ty, t hey a l s o c o n s t i t u t e t h e sec ret mec h a n i s m , d e l icate a n d i rrep l acea b l e , b y
w h i c h the S tate m ac h i n e f u n c t i o n s .
T h i s l a t t e r , i n f a c t , corrodes t h e u n i ty between c a p i ta l i s t i c c o m m a n d a n d t h e f u nc
t i o n i n g of t h e coord i n a t i o n o f soc i a l p rod u c t i o n , ren d e r i n g c a p i ta l i s t i c c o m m a n d
frag i le a n d expos i n g i t to destruct ive attack. M a s s stru g g l e exposes t h e res t r i c t i ve
a n d o p p ressive c h a racter of s o c i a l relat i o n s ; on t h i s b a s i s we see t h at armed ac
t i o n t u r n s a g a i nst t h at f u n ct i o n i n g a n d t h ose men, a l ready dest i t u t e of a n y soc i a l
j u s t i f i ca t i o n , t h a t rem a i n sta n d i n g because t hey a re i m posed by force. T h i s
e n m es h m e n t , we be l i eve, c a n not h e l p b u t i n f l u e n c e t h e very " f o r m " of t h e a rmed
organ izat i o n , n o u r i s h i n g t h ose of t h e M ovemen t ' s roots t h at lie in soc i a l power,
and d i sco u rag i n g t h e g rowth of t h e M ovement as a self-s u f f i c i e n t m i l i t a ry i n stru
ment. V i ceversa, t h e assa u l t o n t h e po l i t i ca l heaven reve a l s t h e absence of a
" pr i n c i p l e of c o n t r o l " on t h e effects p rovoked . T h e l o n g-term d i sorganization of
the p a rty system does not i n d uce in and of i t s e l f the M ovem e n t ' s p rog ress.
Rather, t h i s d i so rg a n izat i o n may h ave t h e effect of d i s pe rs i n g t h e M ovement
because of t h e speed with w h i c h part i es a p proac h their g o a l s , e n c l os i n g
t h e m s elves i n t h e c i rc l e of c h a l k - very " private" - of t h e " A u t o n o m y o f t h e
' P o l i t i ca l ' . "
Th u s we h ave m a d e a p re l i m i n a ry eva l u a t i o n of t h e u nsteady cou rse of g u e ri l l a
activity from V i a Fa n i to P i azza N i cos i a . I t is c l ea r t h a t we m u s t ret u rn to t h i s
t o p i c . N o t o n l y because d i s c u s s i o n leads to u ndersta n d i n g a n d i s t h e refore good ,
b u t a l s o because it is not poss i b l e to reconstruct t h e cond i t i o n s u nd e r w h i c h I ta
l y ' s new types of soc i a l behavior are m a n i fested w i t h o u t i n terweav i n g w i t h t h e i r
deve l o p m e n t - w h e t h e r o n e w i shes or n ot - t h e q ue s t i o n of " m i l i t a ry p h i loso p h y , "
as posed i n i t i a l l y by t h e Red B r i g ades.
239
On the
Recog n i t i o n of
Armed S t r u g g l e
L a n f ra n co P a ce/
F ra n c o P i pe rn o
The pretext i s r i d i c u lous: an art i c l e t hat cou ld h ave and can at most f i g u re as a
serious " u n premed itated" cri me, had it been read (and transcri bed) i n its e n t i rety,
w i t hout the old t r i c k of h avi ng only its t i t l e reported 1 . T h i s i s proof of an u n
j u s t i f ied t r u s t i n t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s ' s capacity to l earn f r o m recent t raged i es and t o
correct i t s e l f by b r i n g i n g charges a g a i n s t t hose respons i b l e f o r harmf u l i l legal ac
tions, espec i a l l y p u b l i c off i c i a l s .
240
s i b i l i t i es w h ic h a re att r i b u ted to them: t h e a rt i c les w h i c h were written o r s i m p l y
e n d o rsed by t h e m , t h e i r j o i n t m i l itancy i n Po tere Opera io, o r the act u a l p a rt i c i pa
t i o n in what for G a l l u c c i has become the March 16 p roces s i o n , in Via Fan i3. For
t h e j u d g es, t h e c o u n t s of t h e i n d ictment are all of eq u a l seriousness. Therefore i t
i s not n ecessary to s pecify: i t i s n o s i n g l e o n e of t h e m , b u t i t i s (a b i t o f ) a l l of
t h e m . The w e l l - p roven method i s that of kee p i n g to vag u e terms, c o n t i n u a l l y
c h a n g i n g t h e " p roof a n d p res u m pt ive" materi a l . T h e res u l t of a l l t h i s is t h a t at
ce l l G . 8 of Reb i b b i a somet h i n g l i ke ten years of o u r l ives is bei n g c o n f i scated . We
d e c l are in clear terms that, as far as we a re concerned, we are w i l l i n g to s u r
ren d e r ou rselves on ly if t h e I nq u i s itors can s h ow w i t h act u a l , c o n c rete acts t h a t
t h ey are retreat i n g from t h e territory of a r b i t rarity a n d i l l e g a l ity.
Written ru les notw i t h s ta n d i n g , we have long been we l l aware of t h e fact that the
power stru c t u re possesses a decis ive, even p e rem ptory a u t h ority. For our p a rt we
cannot b u t acknowledge that at t h e p rese n t stage of t h i ng s , t h e power stru c t u re
w orks e n t i re l y agai nst u s : t h a t i s o n l y too obv i o u s . Everyt h i n g converges to
i s olate u s : o u r f a i l u re to def i n e our p os i t i o n ; t h e " a m b i g u o u s " role w h i c h we are
atte m p t i n g to p l ay (an a m b i g u ity w h i c h , by the way, we c l a i m as the p roper
stance i n v i ew of t h e "facts" with which we deal); t h e d i scomfort i n g a n d " p ro
vocative" natu re of the a rg u m e n t s we have set fort h : a l l c o m b i nes to c reate
arou n d u s j u st i f i a b l e w ari ness and to m a ke us p l ay the p a rt of "Jews"; w h e t h e r
we w an t to o r not. A n d so we m a ke tem p t i n g t a r g e t s f o r t h ose w h o h a v e t h e
k n ow-how a n d t h e capability to p l ay t h e r o l e of " N az i " .
T H E N EG OTIATI N G 5. O n e can say that Metropoli took o n its own d is t i nct ive feat u res with respect
PA RTY to organ ized A u t o n o m y p rec i s e l y at t h e t i m e of M o ro ' s k i d n a p p i n g . In some ways,
Metropoli's pol i t i ca l prog ram was s h arpened a n d f i n a l ized w h i le the magaz i ne
o perated w i t h i n t h e " ne g ot i a t i n g p a rty ' ' , a n d i t s s h o rt existence was a n yt h i n g b u t
f u t i l e i n s p i te of the h a r s h d e feat i t s u ffered at the e n d . Act u a l ly, t h e " p a rty" i n
q uest i o n b ro u g h t u nder d is c u s s i o n f o r t h e f i rst t i m e - w i t h t h e h e l p of A l d o
M o ro ' s en forced b u t n o n e t h e l ess l u c i d cooperat i o n - t h e q uest i o n of p o l i t i ca l
recog n it i o n for t h e a r m e d party. T h i s q uest i o n i s obvi o u s l y q u ite d i fferent f r o m
p rete n d i n g or i m ag i n i n g a c i v i l war s i t u a t i o n i n o u r cou n t ry ; i t i s a q u est i o n , w e
be l i eve, that i s dest i ned to o c c u p y a p r i m a ry p os i t i o n i n t h e soc i a l a n d p o l i t i cal
c o n f l i ct i n I t a l y .
Nor d oes recog n i t i o n of the armed p a rty necess a r i l y mean accept i n g o r tak i n g i n
to acco u n t t h e p o l i t i c a l p l a n s of t h e f i g h t i n g s q u a d s . These programs, w h e n t h ey
are set fort h , are i n fact e i t h e r c o n f u sed - a n d t herefore t h e object ives p u rsued
241
are not d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e - or uselessly c l ear, tautolog i c a l l y entwi ned by t h e stale
category of the d i ctators h i p of the proletariat, a n d thus sorri ly lacking i n any iden
t i f i able and real izable object ives.
242
We expect at t h i s p o i n t t h e i ro n y a n d t h e s l i g ht l y i n s o l e n t a n d v u l g a r sarcasm of
t h e press: "They ask for a m nesty n ow t h at t h e i r friends are in j a i l . " As a
res p o n s e , on ly t h i s remark: t h e am nesty a p p l ies to t h e " c om m u n ist f i g hters " , a
stat u s w h i c h , d e s p i te w h at J ud ges Calogero a n d G a l l u c c i seem to b e l i eve, t h e
c o m rades a r rested o n A p r i l 7 d o not have.
M a s s i m o C a cc i a ri
I t a ppears to me t hat the proposal for am nesty f o r the " c om m u n ist f i g hters , " ad
vanced by P i perno and Pace's a rt i c l e , d oes not c o n t a i n at a l l the " t u r n i n g p o i n t s "
that s o m e i ns i s t o n see i n g i n i t , b u t i t i s rat h e r o n e of t h e m o s t e q u ivocal a n d
myst i f y i n g p roducts of i t s a u t hors. The m i s u nd ersta n d i n g h i nges c o m p letely, w i t h
o b v i o u s " m a l i c e , " o n t h e t e r m " recog n i t i o n . " P i perno h o l d s t h a t t h i s m e a n s
n e i t h e r t h e i ns t i t u t i o n a l izat i o n of t h e a r m e d g ro u p s , n o r t h e a c c e p t a n c e of t h e i r
p o l i t i ca l p l a n s , b u t i nstead t h e "tak i n g u p of s o c i a l p ro b l e m s f r o m t h e area w h e re
it ( i . e . the armed s truggle) d raws its o r i g i n s a n d w i t h i n w h i c h it f i n d s i t s n o u r i s h
m e n t . " T h e s e soc i a l p r o b l e m s a re t h e n t raced back to o n e g reat, u n i q u e q u est i o n :
t h e d ra m a t i c " i nc rease" i n t h e d i fference between t h e transformat i o n of s o c i a l
make- u p , t h e new s u bj ects w h i c h a r e t h u s g e n e rated, a n d t h e P o w e r s t ru c t u re a n d
its deg ree of " a b i l i ty t o t r a n s f o r m " itself (a c o n c e p t not red u c i b l e to t hat of
gove r n m e n t o r of f o r m a l i n s t i t u t ion). W h o w i l l d e n y that this q uest i o n m u s t be
"taken up"? I t becomes evident t h a t t h e weakness of the left, w h i c h i s t h eoret i c a l
before b e i n g p o l i t i c a l , i n dea l i n g w i t h t h i s q u est i o n , i s o n e of t h e e l e m e n t s t h a t
ex p l a i n t h e res u l t of t h e l a s t e l ect i o n s .
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terro r i s m " re p resents " the new demand for the deve l o p m e n t and the t ran sforma
tion of democracy. B u t exact l y t h e opposite i s true: t h e effects a n d t h e "theory"
of t h e armed party b l ock in all ways t h e p rocess of d e m oc rat i c g rowt h , a n d t h ey
are, in fact, fou nded u po n t h e a x i o m of the total u n feas i b i l ity of t h i s pat h . It is
s a i d that t h e h i nterland of terro r i s m i s bas i c a l l y p ro d u ced by t h e f a i l u re to solve
t h a t p o l i t i ca l problem. I t i s obv i o u s that t h e massive reversal of t h e whole c r i s i s
u po n t h e n e w generat i o n s s h a pes a n e n v i r o n m e n t t h a t fosters terrorist po l l u t i o n .
A n d i t i s obv i o u s - o r i t s h o u l d become s o i m me d i a te l y - t h at i n order to s u sta i n
t h e s t ru g g l e a g a i n s t t h e armed party, t h i s e n v i ro n me n t m u s t b e t ransformed f rom
t h e g ro u n d up.
1 . A n d rea Casa l e g n o , vice-di rector of La Stampa , (consi d e red a strong s u pporter of F i a t ' s
pol i cy) was k i l led by t h e B R .
245
The Red
H a rves t
Leo n a rd o Sc i a sc i a
246
s u rely be right, w h i l e enjoy i n g a l l const i t u t i o n a l priv i l eges.
There i s a passage i n P i perno and Pace's art i c l e t hat g reatly i m p ressed me, and I
hope it w i l l have t h e same effect on every law-abid i n g I t a l i a n who abhors violence:
"We ou rselves are t herefore t h e last ones to bet on o u r s u ccess; and t h ese days
- let i t be said w i t h rage and fear - even on our own i n d i v i d u a l l ives . "
T h i s i s a passage t hat d e m a n d s ref lect ion and concern and, f o r t h ose respo n s i b l e
for i t , t hose steps a i med at avo i d i ng the " red harves t . "
247
B eyo n d
Te rro ri s m
O re s t e Sca l z o n e
The prob l e m , i t see m s to me, was g rossly put in t hese terms: havi n g m o m e n t a r i l y
s e t a s i d e t h e i r own o p i n i o n s of "a rmed s t ru g g l e , " of i t s featu res, its roots a n d t h e
i nd i v i d u a l s w h o a re i t s a g e n t s , t h e a u t ho rs a rg u ed that a n y " p ro g ressive" com po
nent i n terested in soc i a l c h a n g e i s b l i nd i f i t does not u nderstand t h at the path
fo l l owed by t h e State to erad icate " terrori s m " l eads to a vert i c a l r i s e of t h e con
flict in terms of c i v i l war, to a n i nexora b l e a n d g ra d u a l l y i r revers i b l e barbarizat i o n
of t h e cond i t i o n s a n d modal ity of t h e e n g a g e m e n t .
248
cards a b l e to reve rse t h i s cou rse. U nder t h i s p rof i l e, t h e left has r u i ned i t s e l f by
cove r i n g its eyes for years, g i v i n g c red i t to t h e most i n cred i b l e " backward- l o g i ca l "
b u f foonery, p u tt i n g a s i d e t h e p r o b l e m a n d ref u s i n g to recog n ize i t s nat u re. The
" get-t hee-be h i nd-me-Sat a n ' s , " t h e p l eas, t h e t o m f o o l e ry , t h e " e l e m e n t a ry-my-dear
Watso n ' s , " t h e nonsense about t h e " r i g h t-at-t he-moment-w h e n ' s " a n d t h e "who
does- i t - he l p ' s " a re u s e l ess in terms of revers i n g this tendency even o n e step, o r of
forc i n g a s i n g l e proletarian to w i t h d raw, a s i n g l e com rade who m i g h t eve n t u a l l y
d e c i d e to e n t e r t h e f i e l d of " c o m batant p ract i ces" b y h i s o w n dec i s i o n . T h e ext ra
p a r l i amentary g ro u p s - or t h e g h osts of t hose w h o s u rv ived the consecut ive
c r i ses of recen t years - h ave seen d roves of com rades b reak away from " l eg a l "
p o l i t i c a l p ract ice, a n d become " I n d i a n s " or cont i n u e t o u n l eash powerl ess c u rses.
It seems to me, then, t h at P i perno's central cons i d erat i o n o n " p rovocat i o n " i s
t h i s : t h e opposing l eft (bou n d to a v i s i o n w h i c h we st i l l reg a rd as " p rog ress i ve" -
a part from t h e rad i c al p o l i t i co-t h eoret i c a l d i fferences - because it is i nterested
in the emergence of a " c o n f l i c t u a l " a n d not a " u n i f i e d " soci ety) f i nd s i t s e l f before
the fact t h at the State, its parties, its separate bodies have em barked o n the p a t h
toward a military s o l u ti o n to t h e p r o b l e m of "terror i s m . "
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termed iate" sectors t h a t const i t u te the area o p p os i n g prog ress toward a s i t u a t i o n
of u n e n d u ra b l e dest r u c t i o n .
250
I t is i n t h i s l o g i c that a d isco u rse of "pac i f i cat i o n " starts to c i rc u l ate.
I t i s in this logic that - apart f rom every noble i nten t i o n - this d i scou rse
assu mes a c haracteris t i c w i t h a u n i q u e mea n i n g : the exhortat ion to desert i o n , to
u ncon d i t i o n a l , u n i lateral and p rec au t i o na ry s u rrender, o n t h e part of t h e i n d iv i d u a l
s u bjects or components of the variegated a rc h i pelago of armed stru g g le. I t may
be said w i t h o u t m a l i ce: the d ream of Boato and his comrades seems to be that of
st i m u l a t i n g a myriad of cases l i ke B a u m a n n and Kiein.4
In this context, i t seem s to me that apart from every t h i n g , t h e " p rovocati o n " of
P i perno and Pace touches the sore spot. In fact It i s said to a l l " p rogressi ve" sec
tors, t o what is (or was) the " new left": let us st i l l put aside, for the sake of arg u
ment, the e n t i re content i o u s p o l l t lco-theorit i c a l debate o n soc i a l s u bvers i o n a n d
a r m e d struggle, i t s roots and p rospects. I n any c a s e , y o u forget one s m a l l det a i l :
you f a i l to t a k e the a r m y i nto c o n s iderat i o n . Y o u forget t h a t a l most a thousand
p o l i t ica l prisoners exist i n I t a l y , a g reat part of which are a n d dec l a re themse lves
to be "com m u n i s t com batan t s , " and are therefore dest i ned to a l o ng i m prison
ment. Some are known comrades; others are u n k nowns. As many come from our
ran k s as from yours, but we don't i n tend to deny them, o r red uce them at random
to carriers of the virus of pol i t i c a l evidence that i s a l ways seen as "the i n d iv i d u a l
case , " one p l u s one p l u s one . . . Wel l , comrades, we t e l l you t hat even t h o u g h
(paradox i c a l ly) a l l the p o l i t i c a l motives for t h e development of the revo l u t ionary
stru g g l e m i g h t c o l lapse i n f i ve, ten years, t h i s conte n t i o u s one wou l d represen t a
l i n k for thousands of comrades. You know, therefore, that any d isco u rse against
t h e p reci p itation of the frontal engagement, against the p rec i p i tation of c i v i l war,
against t h e barbarizat lon and sovere i g n d o m i nance - on both sides - of a l i near
military (and even "terrorist") logic m u s t reckon with this problem of pol i t ical
prisoners.
This i s the c h a l lenge. If you r operat ion i s not one that s i m ply proposes self
g hettolzati o n (and not even the g i l ded ghetto of the U.S. Welfare State or German
soc i a l democracy), defeat, u ncond i t i o n a l s u rrender, a n d desert i o n , declare you r
stand on t h i s : a genera l amnesty, w h i c h i n c l u des the l i berat i o n of pol i tical
prisoners at t h e center of a much more extens ive prov i s i o n . (And here, i t i s
useless to g a m b l e on bombast a n d sympath ize w i t h the l e f t b y say i n g "everyon e
i s a p o l i t i c a l prisoner." We a r e w e l l aware of t h i s , but we are also aware that t h i s
i s o f t e n a conven ient screen.)
Besides, c r i t i ca l bou rgeois t h o u g h t offers dec i s i ve arg u ments for a rad i c a l criti
q u e of t h e pen a l i t ies a n d i mprisonment i n s u c h cases. At this poi n t i t i s clear to
\
everyone, except t h e i n sane b i gots, that p r i s o n is a c r i me-ca u s i n g i n st i t u t i o n , a
mach i n e that p rod u ces a n d re prod u ces deviance. T herefore, t h e n eo
h u m a n i t a r i a n s , the neo- l i berta r i a n s , t h e neo-c i v i l izers must g ive t h e i r o p i n io n s on
a m nesty.
Of cou rse (and we h aven ' t been t a l k i n g about i t j u st today o r f o r t h e past few
m o n t h s) this recog n i t i o n can be of i n terest to t h e revo l u t io n a ry m ove m e n t , a n d on
t h e bas i s of i t o n e c a n find a convergence of t h e " p rog ress ive" g ro u p s i nterested
in m a i n tai n i n g a vast c o n f l i c t u a l d y n a m i c .
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A n d , f rater n a l ly, I advise t h e c o m rades of " Rad i o O n d a Rossa" that t h e revo l u t i o n
d o e s n o t need so m a n y se n t i n e l s a n d vest a l s whose i d eo l o g i c a l p u rity i s i n d o u b t .
Therefore, c o m rades, let u s beg i n a d e b a t e w i t h o u t hyste r i a . L e t u s beg i n i t i n a
less hasty, con s p i rato r i a l , a n d s u bj e c t i v i s t i c way t h a n m a n y a re d o i n g ( i n c l u d i n g
myself, s i nce I a m tos s i n g o f f t h i s letter i n a l oose a n d c o n f u sed m a n ner. I t i s
t h ree i n t h e morn i n g ; every so often t h e g u a rd o p e n s t h e pee p h o l e a n d observes
me w i t h a cert a i n t r o u b led s u s p i c i o n . My c e l l -mates m u t t e r in t h e i r s l ee p , forced
to d rowse w i t h the l i g h t on. But I began w r i t i n g at one because tomorrow morn i n g
I m a y b e a b l e to send o r d i ctate t h i s letter; otherw i s e , w h o k n ows w h e n it m a y be
written.)
The State's very l e ap to t h e level of the cou n ter-offe n s ive after 7 A p r i l must be a
s i g n i f i c a n t s i g n a l , a n d m u s t rep resent a va l u a b l e lesson to be absorbed a n d
t h o ro u g h l y u t i l ized .
E u g e n i o Sca l f a ri
Negri Dear Scalfarl, you put me I n an awkward position. In what rol e should I
act u a l l y a nswer? As the promoter of an u n l ikely I n s u rrect ion, as G a l l ucci1 wou ld
have i t ; or as the founder and member of t h e St rateg i c Command of t h e Red
Bri gades, as Calogero2 bel ieves; or rather as the leader of the " hard" line of the
Red Brigades - s u c h i s the opinion of t h e Unita, w h i c h t he n considers M o retti3
head of the "soft" l i ne; or, o n the contrary, head of the said "soft" l i ne, as S ica4
seems to be l i eve? Or s h o u l d I i n stead respond accord i n g to the i l l u s i o n , w h i c h ap
pears to f i lter r i g h t through you r q u estion, w hereoy I am a hostage w i t h whom to
negot i ate? I t ' s up to you to decide, but bear in m i nd that I do not care for
anybody's sticky concern to bestow u po n m e the role of " leader," not even to ex
ercise a "truce."
So to answer, then, I can not but h o l d o n to good sense a n d re iterate what I have
254
a l ready s a i d to Lo tta Con tinua: t h e proposal for an a m nesty and for p a c i f i c a t i o n
e x presses a rat i o n a l concept o n ly i f conceived as a n i nvers i o n of t h e emergency
p o l i t i c s as ad m i n istered by t h e heap of t h e last leg i s l a t u re; only i f correlated to
the d e m o l i t i o n of the except i o n a l , a n t i-terrorist s t r uc t u res of t h e State; o n l y , f i n a l
l y , as t h e res u l t of a t e n d e n c y t h a t reopens t h e p o l i t i c a l spaces for a n i n depen
d e n t c l ass warfare of t h e p r o l etariat.
255
N You k n ow very w e l l - a n d if you st i l l d o n ' t k n ow i t , I ' l l t e l l you , h o p ef u l l y
def i n i te l y - t h a t t h e c o m rades of A u tonomia Operaia a re n e i t h e r t h e i n t e r p reters
n o r t h e a l l ies, b u t rat h e r t h e s h a rpest advers a r i es of t h e progra m , t h e st rategy,
the tactics, a n d the model of organ izat i o n of the Red B r i g ades. As f a r as P i perno
i s concerned, I don't t h i n k y o u r paper ever had a n y d i f f i c u lty i n meet i n g h i m :
t h e refore, a s k h i m d i rectly. I n a n y case, a s f a r a s I know, P i perno rep resents
neither A u tonomia Opera ia n o r t h e Red B r i g ades. H e only represented the PSI
( I t a l i a n Soc i a l i s t Party) in t h e " negot i a t i o n s . " St i l l , I learned all this w h i le in j a i l ,
for i t so h a p p e n s ( o n e of t h e m a n y strange t h i ng s of t h i s t r i a l ) t h at I h ave not h a d
any p o l i t i c a l deal i n g s w i t h P i perno s i n ce 1 973.
256
t i ce f reed o m of s peec h a n d f reed o m of assoc i a t i o n ?
S You said recen t l y that g u arantee i s m i s none other than the f o r m a l ization of
the power relat i o n s h i p a m o n g the c l asses. But o n the bas i s of t h i s t h e s i s of
y o u rs, a strong State should t h e refore have t h e right to keep you i n jail even u n
j u st l y . H ow d o you res o l ve t h i s obvi o u s c o n t rad i c t i o n i n you r t h o u g h t ?
258
on t h e bas i s of false p roofs w h i c h t h e j udges k now to be f a l se: t h e f a m o u s p h o n e
ca 1 1 1 2 1 A Sta l i n i s t or a M cCart hyist tec h n i q ue? You c h oose.
But the matter exten d s beyo n d my i m m e d i ate case. The w h o l e i nvest i g a t i o n , for
t h ose i n d icted A p r i l 7, is a stack of v u l g a r const i t u t i o n a l v i o l a t i o n s : of t h e p r i n c i
p i e of t h e natu ra l j u d g e (Art.25)(an d w i t h w hat i ns t i t u t i o n a l b a d f a i t h a n d
mercenary s l y ness has j u d g e Calogero h i m s e l f rece n t l y d e c l a red i t to be t h e
case ! ) ; of t h e p r i n c i p l e of t h e person a l nat u re o f p e n a l res p o n s i b i l ity (Art. 27); of
t h e p r i n c i p l e of t h e p resu med i n nocence of the accu sed (Art. 27); of t h e f reedom
of the p ress (Art. 21); a n d even of t h e s i m p l y h u ma n p r i n c i p l e of t h e p ro h i b i t i o n to
i n f l i ct moral v i o l e n ce on t h e p risoner (Art. 1 3), as B o rto l i ' s t ragedy - t h e com rade
who c o m m i tted s u i c i d e in Vero na - d e m o n s t rates. I s that e n o u g h for you?
S Re-exam i n i n g today what you h ave done i n the past 1 1 years, from 1 968 on-
wards, do you have a n y self-cri t i c i s m s to make, besides t h e criticism of others?
260
even t I do t h i n k t hat today, perhaps for the f i rst t i m e s i n ce 1 956-58, one can
rea l i s t i c a l l y reopen t h e s pace for a com m u n ist renovat i o n of the worker's move
men t and of the proletariat. In s hort, in the cou rse of t h ese years we have o n l y
sow n , but t h e seed has t a k e n w e l l i nto the g rou nd.
1 . A c h i l l e G a l l u c c i , G e n e ra l Prosec utor.
2 . Prosec u t o r C a l ogero from Pad u a . H e i n i t i ated t h e April 7 arrests.
3. M orett i , probab l y t h e most wanted m a n i n I ta l y , i s t h e ( m y t h i c a l ?) head of t h e BR.
4 . J ud g e Sica i s one of t h e R o m a n p rosec utors.
5. Franco Rodano i s a p ro m i n e n t i n te l l e c t u a l of t h e ICP. Lombardo Rad i ce, a M a r x i s t
p h i l os o p h e r c l ose t o t h e I C P .
6. l b i o Paol u c c i i s a corres p o n d e n t of L 'Unita , o r g a n of t h e I C P . H e coverd the A p r i l 7 prosecu
tion s t a rted in Pad u a .
7 . G i u seppe N i cotri , a j o u r na l i st f r o m Espre s s o , was a c c u s e d of b e i n g the t e l e p h o n i s t of t h e
R e d B r i g ades d u r i n g t h e Moro affa i r. H e was f reed on J u l y 7 for l a c k of ev i d e n c e a f t e r 3
months i n jail.
8. M i c h e l e S i ndona, a m e m b e r of t h e C D , w a s i nvolved i n f i n a n c i a l s c a n d a l s before d i sappear
ing m y s t e r i o u s l y . Prese n t l y wanted by I nterpo l ! . N i n n o Reve l l i , P re s i d e n t of t h e I t a l i a n S o c i ety
of Res i n e (SI R), also i nvolved in f i n a n c i a l m a l versa t i o n s . G i ova n n i Leone, former Pres i d e n t of
t h e I t a l i a n Repu b l i c . I nvol ved in t h e Loc k h eed scandals, he had t o res i g n f rom his f u n c t i o n s .
9. T a m b ro n i , m e m b e r of t h e C D . I n t h e '60s, h e headed a govern m e n t w hose c o n s e rvative
pol i cy led to v i o l e n t pop u l a r protest and a c o n f rontat i o n w i t h t h e pol i c e w h i c h res u l ted i n
n u merous deaths.
262
of t h ose 55 days i n w h i c h a l l of t h e active power of t h e State cou ld not w i n o u t
a g a i nst t h e offe n s i ve of t h e b r i g ades.
All i n all, h owever, t h e rea l problem i s not that of a m n esty. I t wou l d be rat h e r t h at
of t h e effects p rod u ced or poss i b l e , of t h e roots, t h e g rowt h , t h e i mage of
deat h - a nd power, of terro r i s m . The v i o l e n ce of t h e repressive a p parat us we i g h s
n o t o n l y u p o n "com m u n ist f i g hters , " b u t a l s o a n d above a l l u po n t h e emergence
of certa i n behaviors t h a t e x p ress either t h e ref u s a l of m i sery (in every poss i b l e
sense of t h e term) o r t h e effective poss i b i l i ty of f reedo m f r o m i t .
263
The rea l problem is to make poss i b l e an overco m i n g of t h e form t h e s o c i a l con
fl i c t i n I taly seems to p resent as i ne l uctable. We m u st attempt to e l a b o rate r i c h e r
forms of org a n izat i o n of t h e M ovem ent.
and Bibo M aesano (Scalzone and Lauso Zagato h ad al ready been arrested A p r i l
7 ) . B u t i n s p i te of s u c h i n c i dents a l o n g t h e w a y , t h e magaz i n e co n t i n ues to b e
p u b l i s h e d . There i s a l ready a second n u m ber a n d we a re n o w work i n g o n p rojects
for t h e Fa l l , to g ive the magaz i n e an eve n more open c h a racter, capable of p ro
pos i n g a debate t h at w o u l d not be l i m i ted to reg isteri ng the leve l of ex i s t i n g con
f l i c t u a l i ty. This t h e m a t i c ouvertu re w i l l corres p on d to a b roade n i n g of ed i t o r i a l
part i c i pa t i o n t h at w i l l m a k e i t no l o n g e r j u st I ta l i a n . . . .
264
Popu l a r
Defe n s e
a nd P o p u l a r Ass a u l t
P a u l V i ri l i o
266
Popular defense, so why not popular assa ult? That, t h e n , i s the heart of the p ro
blem.
267
q u ences of t h i s rise to t h e extremes of i nd u s t r i a l warfare w h i c h p rovokes t h e
b r u t a l ru p t u re of t h e soc i a l statu s-q u o between c i v i l i a n s a n d t h e m i l i t a ry a n d
re p l aces t h e t ho u s a n d-year-old p a c t of sem i-co l o n izat i o n w i t h a t e n d e n c y toward
total c o l o n izat i o n , t h e os tkolonisa tion asserted by t h e G e r m a n N a t i o n a l
Soc i a l ists. B u t t h i s total war w a s c o n d u cted o n bot h s i d e s , a n d t h e A l l ies a l s o
had a wea l t h of experience i n t h e d o m a i n of eco n o m i c- p h y s i o l og i cal v i o l e n ce, a
past heavy w i t h e t h n oc i d e , de portat i o n , s l avery, a n d c o l o n izat i o n . From t h e n o n
p o p u l a r defense l ost i t s m i l i tary c h a racter as it d i sso lved i n t o a state of
p recar i o u s s u rvival in a devastated habitat a n d became m o re a p h y s i o l o g i c a l
defense t h a n a meas u re of i n s u rrect i o n . M u c h l a t e r t h e peo p l e of V i e t n a m h a d
recou rse to t h i s defens ive p roced u re, b u t a l ready new rea l i t ies w e r e e m e rg i n g , i n
part i c u l a r t h e pol i t i c a l a n d m i l i t a ry l i m i ts of t h e eco l o g i c a l d e f e n s e of p o p u l a t i o n s
before t h e o n s l a u g h t of t h e destruct ive syst e m s b ro u g h t forward by t h e m i l i ta ry
i nd u s t r i a l powers.
268
ceived of t h e i r war as a sort of agraria n revolution w h ose obj e c t i ve was t h e
t o p o l og i ca l c o n q u est of t h e i r o w n s u b-so i l , a n d t h ey s u cceeded i n a p p ro p r i at i n g
i n c reas i n g ly m o re vast areas u nd e rg ro u n d f o r t h e p u rposes of l i fe. B y m a k i n g t h i s
p i o neer adve n t u re t h e i r p r i m a ry s o c i a l p ractice t hey cou l d d i s a p pear c o m p letely
from t h e i r territory a n d thus f i n a l l y save it.
270
i n format i o n b l itz, can be u sed . The abu ndance of s u rrou n d i n g d a n gers, formerly
posed by t h e bel l i g erents armed with e x p l o s ives, p roject i l es, gas, etc. , can
henceforth be created at home, s i m p ly by m a n i p u lat i n g the a u d i o-vi s u a l
e n c l o s u re. Wal led i n at h o m e , beh i n d a l a r m systems a n d secu red doors, t h e
c i t izen i s st i l l never s a f e f rom a televi sed a g g re s s i o n w h i c h com poses, condenses ,
a n d rep rod uces at w i l l a cata c l y s m , cri m i na l atte m p t , or m u rder, t h u s i n stal l i n g
stereo p h o n i c a l l y t h e decor o f d i stant d i saster a n d fore i g n wars i n t h e foyers of
peace . . . .
1. Klaus Croissant: Defense l awyer of the Red Army Frakt i o n . H e was in turn accu sed of ter
ror i s m and e x t radi ted from France to Germany.
2. The f i rst t r i a l of t h e B R took p l ace i n Turin. The po l i t i c a l prison ers appeared c h a i ned in a
g l ass cage.
272
A B ri g a d i s t
Spea ks
Va l e ri o M o ru cc i
274
adeq u ate at the level of the q u a l ity of proletarian s t r u g g les. Real soc i a l i s m , in a l l
i t s variants, h a s p roved to be a soc i a l model w h i c h is a n yt h i ng b u t d e s i rable for
the proletariat.
N I n what sense?
275
D i s se n t i n g
B ri g a d i s t s
Com rades:
The mys t i f i cat i o n s c i rc u l ated by the p ress concern i n g the "case of the 7
deserters" from t h e Red B ri gades, a l o n g w i t h an o u t l i n e of death sentences a n d
i n s i n u a t i o n s of i n f o r m a n t s , h a v e persuaded u s t h at t h e revo l u t i o n a ry movement
needs to know t h e p o l i t i ca l terms of t h e q uest i o n . The labor d o c u m e n t we are
se n d i n g you clearly shows t h e existence of a "struggle between two l i n es , " w h i c h
however bitter has n ot h i n g to d o w i t h t h e ru l es of m a f i a a n d g a n gster feuds.
276
LA B O R DOC U M E N T In t h e early '70s, after t h e powerf u l cycle of workers' s t r u g g les a n d t h e i r i l l eg a l
FROM T H E o u t c o m e , t h e problem of how to con n ect t h i s u nd e rg r o u n d aftermat h to a " le g a l "
DISSENTI N G i n i t iat ive was h o t l y debated at t h e h i g hest leve ls of t h e revo l u t i o n ary m ovement.
B R I G A D I STS
P u t i n these terms, t h e c o n n ec t i o n between armed st r u g g l e a n d legal act i o n
cou l d n ' t be estab l i shed . The t ra n s i t i o n to a r m e d s t ru g g l e had to be acknowledged
in its spec i f i c i ty a n d in i t s p o l i t i c a l a n d organ izat i o n a l i m p l icat i o n s .
Th e refore t h e re is n o o n e m o re l eg a l i s t i c a n d opport u n i s t i c t h a n he w h o co n t i n u es
to assert t h e perma n e n t necessity of an avan t-garde role w h i ch const i t u tes,
t h ro u g h i t s own d i rect i o n s , a l i g h t h o u se in the noct u r n a l darkness of the p ro
l e t a r i a n " u nconsc i o u s " .
THE D I S M I SSAL OF T h e 0 . is consta n t l y forced to red uce the State's i n i t i a t ive to p o l i t i c a l forces (t he
M ASS I N ITIATIVE " C o m m a n d " ) a n d u l t i mately to a s i n g l e p o l i t i c a l force, t h e Christian Democrats.
S u ch an a n a ly s i s , i m posed fro m above, was fou n d to render t h e i r attack a g a i n s t
t hese forces i n eff i c i e n t a n d m is p l aced.
277
p o l i t ical org a n izat i o n of the Co l u m n t hat the B r i g ades received the " st rateg i c " i n
d icat ions to b e a rt i c u l ated i n t h e f i e l d .
W H ATEVER T H E Somet h i n g cou l d h ave been done with t h e enormous power d i s p l ayed in V i a Fan i
D EATH TOLL and i n t h e f o l l ow i n g battle. I t s h o u l d e i t h e r have been conserved , or converted i n
to act ions-w hatever t h e d e a t h tol l - capable of rei n t rod u c i n g t h a t power i nto t h e
d a i l y strug g l e of t h e proletariat (e. g . the destruction of an electro n i c control
system spying o n t h e workers of a b i g factory). I t should h ave been p reserved as
a powerfu l reference, a n d not u sed as a l a u n c h i n g pad towards a n adve n t u ri s t i c
l e a p i nto warfare.
Su ccess goes to one's head: the "strateg i c i s t " tendency has been re i n forced by
the Moro affai r. It a p pears u n l i kely that, a l ready l a u n ched on t h i s d a ngerous
t rack, the veh ic l e can be stopped. Eager to " d e n o u nce" t h e cou n ter-revo l u t i on a ry
nat u re of t h e M I S , t h e 0 . - consciously or not - l i m i ted its goal to acce lerat i n g t h e
p a c e of war and rep ression i n o r d e r to " s h ow" t h e proletariat h o w "feroc i o u s " t h e
enemy i s . I t tota l l y n e g lected t h e fact that premat u rely restrict i n g d e m ocrat i c
spaces cou ld o n l y weaken t h e proletarian organ izat i o n .
Com m u n is m does n ' t amount s i m p ly to overco m i n g t h e crisis. Let 's add ress t h e
mean i n g of t h e statem e n t of t h e St rateg i c D i rective n u m ber 3.
As a conseq uence of i t s i nstrumental and defens ive use, the 0 . rem a i n s on p u rely
formal g rou nds. I t keeps reassert i n g that t h e main p rob lem i s to attack a n d
278
destroy the M I S. It defines comm u n i s m as a " form " , a "system" " a p p l icable"
after this stage only.
"The more t h i s contrad i c t i o n develops, the more d oes i t become evident that t h e
g rowt h of t h e forces of p rod u c t i o n can no longer be bou n d u p w i t h t h e appropria
tion of a l ien labor, b u t that t h e mass of workers m u st t h e m selves a p p ropriate
their own s u r p l u s l a bor . . . The measu re of wea l t h i s t h e n not any longer, i n any
way, l a bor time but rat h e r d i s posable t i me . " (Grundrisse, N otebooks V I I).
W E N EE D A The party and its p rogram can not be form u l ated from t h e point of view of capital
PROG RAM a n d t h e State i t has p u t i nto power. I t cannot ass u m e a n analysis of t h e enemy
a n d its i n i t i at ive as a base on which to model and e l a borate an attack.
M ESSE N G ERS OF These messengers of m i sfort u ne and deat h who h o pe in t h i s way to "conv i n ce"
D EATH the masses of the necessity of t a k i n g up arms do not even rea l ize t h at t hey are
addres s i n g a work i n g c lass w h o h ave far more t h a n t h e i r c h a i n s to lose and w h o
p r o b a b l y w i l l o n l y decide to take u p arms w h e n t h ey w i l l h ave ach i eved a p rogram
of power commen s u rate to t h e i r own development a n d to capital's development.
O n ly at that point w i l l t h e " n ecessity" for war become a pos it ive aff i rmation
w i t h i n the g row i n g confront a t i o n of c l asses.
T H E WO RST The d i storted read i n g of Le n i n proposed by t h e 0 . leads to the absurd affi rmation
SPONTA N EISM of the DS3. The p ract ice of armed stru g g l e by t h e masses i s thereby d e f i n ed as a
m i l itarism of t h e m i nority.
Under these cond i t i o n s , the provocat ion isn't p o l i t ical anymore, it is p rovocat i o n
p u re and s i m p le.
T h i s i s the most d i f f i c u l t moment i n the battle: i f t h e one organ izat i o n which had
acc u m u lated s u f f i c i e n t p rest ige and a u t h o rity i n order to i m pose and d i rect the
construct ion of the PPC, i f that organ izat ion t u rns away from t h i s ro le, a n d i n fact
operates ag ai nst i t , a prisoner of its own u l t ra-st rateg i c i ty, it is necessary to i m
pose mod i f i cations i n t h e l i ne t h at are i n d i spensable to b r i n g back w i t h i n t h e
growth of t h e revo l u t i onary movement t h e rich ness of its own experience.
1 1/1 -2 Photos: S e t h T i l et
280
Who i s
t h e T ra i t o r?
Re n a to C u rc i o
A s i nara, J u ly 3 1 , 1 979
T h i s i s the topic we'd l i ke to d i scuss, so that n o m i l itant can ever say about them
that "t hey a re com rades who make m i stakes ! "
The i m pe r i a l i s t State deals w i t h the c r i s i s o f representat i o n i n the " party system "
282
and w i t h i n the u n io n s by means of a h i g h ly s o p h i s t i cated tec h n i q u e of control,
absorption a n d recovery of revo l u t i o n a ry t h rusts: i t coopts t h e p a c i f i s t a n d l e g a l
g ro u p leaders - w h e th e r sy m pa t h izers of t h e Com m u n ist Party or s m a l l - t i m e
leeches of t h e Soc i a l i st Party - by u s i n g t h e a p p ro p r i ate mec h a n i s m for absorb
ing t hese revo l u t i o n a ry i m p u lses, mec h a n i s m s d i s g u ised as " s p ec i a l services" of
t h e State.
T h e forms of this i nteg rat i n g cooptat i o n are m a n i f o l d . N ewspa pers (like Lo tta
Con tinua w h i c h , as everyon e k n ows and by its own ad m i s s i o n , receives t h e
needed f u n d s from t h e Soc i a l ist P a r t y (PSI); o r l i ke Me tropoli, w h i c h seeks
sustenance from the same t ro u g h , centers for advanced s t u d ies ( l i ke t h e
C E R P ET2, w h i c h feeds o n t h e f u nds f r o m t h e Cassa de/ Mezzogiorno), u n ivers i t i es
(where wou ld-be revo l u t i o naries d i s g u ise t h e mselves as barons, or v i ceversa),
p u b l i s h i n g hou ses, l i tt le-part ies, etcetera.
283
We s h o u l d h owever s p e n d some t i m e w i t h the d o c u m e n t . Now we are not d o i n g
t h i s w i t h any i n t e n t i o n of " beco m i n g d i alect i c a l " w i t h a l l t h a t ideolog i c a l r u b b i s h ,
w i t h a l l that d i s l ocated d i scou rse c o l l ected h e re a n d t here f rom t h e sac red texts
of some u n i versity p rofessor in search of v i o l e n t "emot i o n s : "6 all t h i s i s none of
our b u s i ness and it act u a l ly d i s g u sts us. If to some t h i s sti l l s o u n d s u n convi nc
ing, all he has to d o i s l eaf t h ro u g h our dec l a rat i o n s at each t r i a l ; i f t hey d o not
meet with t h e s t a n d a r d s of t h e l i terary fads of t h e acad e m i c mafias on t h e ex
treme left, t h ey have at least the v i rt u e of c l a r i t y . We come forth because the p ro
paganda ca m p a i g n tacked on to t h i s d o c u m e n t , hypoc r i t i ca l ly att r i b u ted to o u r
organ izat i o n , m a y s p read u n certa i n ty i n t h ose sectors of t h e proleta r i a n m ove
m e n t ' s offe n s i ve res istance of recent format i o n .
284
It may s o u n d l i ke a s l o g a n , b u t it is true nevert h e l ess.
" K now the analys i s t h o ro u g h ly" they cont i n u e , it cou ld l ead to the d i scovery of a
" n ew class compos i t i o n " and t herefore to avo i d i n g " p i t f a l l s of i n terpretat i o n . "
To d i tch the centra l i ty of i m me d i ately prod uct ive work: this i s the d ream of a l l
petit-bourgeois ideologues w h o attempt to r i d e t h e t r u e movements o f t h e non
work i n g components of t h e c i ty proletariat, and t he n abso l u t ize their relat ive im
portance.
T H E MAG IC In t h i s effort the common p l aces on " ma t u re c a p i ta l i s m , " where the bou ndary be
G R U N DISSE tween p rod u c t i ve a n d u n p roduct ive work s ho u l d be d i ssolved, are wasted; the
q u o t i n g of t h e mag i c Grundisse, stretched l i ke American chew i n g g u m to the
point of referri n g them to the e n t i re soc iety i n stead of only to t h e factory, as i n
t h e text, m u l t i p l ies rap i d ly; t h e charges aga i nst those w h o s t i c k t o t h i s keystone
of M a rx i s m become b u r n i n g anathemas, and at t i mes defa m i n g accusations, of
the stal i n i st-pal eo-vetero-marx ist type; the more a u d a c i o u s go as far as t h row i n g
o f f the marx i s t c o w l w h i c h f o r years h a d masked t h e i r l i beral-gobett i a n creed and
which the f i rst b reath of w i nd now u n masks; t h e more c l ever ones p refer to get on
l i ne beh i n d the chorus of laments on "the e n d of M a rx i s m , " c o i n theories on "the
new revo l u t ion ary s u bject," on the "soc i a l laborer (opera io socia le), " and tol l the
f u neral march of t h e mass-worker.
(The document at this point probes a class analysis on the composition o f the ci
ty proletaria t and concludes tha t the revolutionary supremacy belongs to "im
media tely produc tive workers of surplus value " and in particular to the mass
worker.)
286
T here are cute l it t l e " g e n t l e m e n " who write t hat " i n the last two years the s i t u a
t i o n has evolved to s u c h a p o i n t that it forced an overt u r n i n g of what it was i n t h e
early '70's."
Accord i n g to t h e m , party action has seen i t s better days and perhaps yesterday
was necessary, but, u nder the new s i t u a t i o n , to i ns i st u pon t h i s road i s to have
the " a rrogance" and p res u m pt i o n proper of a g ro u p and not of the proletarian
avant-garde. In other words: today t h e proletarian avant-garde, to be such, m u s t
negate i t s r o l e as avant-gard e !
A Q U A LITATIVE I t was prec isely this deve l o p m e n t of the object ive situation cau sed by the crisis
LEAP - a n d by o u r h i story w i t h i n it - that p u t u s face to face w i t h the necessity to
take a q u a l itat ive leap: s k i p p i n g t h e party.
( To prove this, the theses of the s tra tegic leadership are quoted. To sum up: the
fighting party is part of the movement, but at the same time is different because
it possesses its o wn m ilitary, organiza tional, and politica l a u tonomy).
It is a political - a n d t h u s not o n l y organ izat i o n a l - leap beca use bei ng " i n
terns" of a spec i f i c c l ass movement i n t h i s t r a n s i t i o n a l conj u n c t u re req u i res
above a l l the p o l i t i c a l capacity to condense t h e spec i f i c necess i t ies of t h i s move
ment in a n I M M E D I ATE POLITICAL PROG RA M .
( To pla ce above a ll the politica l s truggle, and then the economic one: to
underscore this primacy the document in vokes lengthy quota tions from Marx,
Engels, and Lenin, and concludes with: in this sense we are absolu tely Marxis t.
On this basis the leadership role undertaken by the figh ting party is explained).
The i m med i ate p o l i t i ca l program, t h e refore, w h i l e i t capt u res the spec i f i c traits of
the esse n t i a l i n terests of eac h proletarian sector, su bseq u e n t l y con nects t h e m , by
way of Party i n i t iat ive, to a strateg i c u n i ta ry d es i g n in a c o m m o n p roject to e rect
the RED POW E R , in a G E N E R A L PO L I T I C A L PROG R A M .
(A ccording t o Curcio, t o deny tha t things were exa ctly as he des cribed them, his
adversaries excogita ted the fa lsifica tion of Lenin and of the Red Briga des '
stra tegic resolu tion of February '78.) The two m a n i p u l at i o n s are closely l i n ked, as
t h ey were both a i med at s h ow i n g t h at w i t h i n t h e Red B r i gades t h e spontaneous
mass tendency to fight for concrete econ o m i c a n d soc i a l objec t i ves, i n c l u d i n g
t hose i nvo l v i n g power a n d res t ructu r i n g , i s d i scarded w i t h t h e def i n i t i o n of
"eco n o m i c ist-s p o n t a n e i s t . " T h i s " m ass tendency" i s not, h owever, any better
descri bed ; t h u s , by remai n i n g geog rap h i c a l l y a n d h i storica l ly i ndeterm i n ate, can
be s m u g g led as an o m n i c o m p re h e n s i ve - eco n o m i c , soc i a l , of power - tenden
cy, in other word s , a restruct u r i n g .
(A nother passage follo ws from the Feb. ' 78 s tra tegic resolu tion where, according
to the A s inara prisoners, there is presen ted "a thesis comple tely the opposite of
the one denounced by his poor readers. ")
288
t h i s " o perat i o n " wou l d reveal t h e " m i rror i mage q u a l i ty of t h e Organ izat i o n w h i c h
d oes not revo lve, a s a strategy a n d a struct u ra l set- u p arou nd t h e p ro letarian of
f e n s i ve, but i s ref lected in the s t r u ct u res of the e n e m y . "
(There follo ws o ther polemical uppercuts again s t the concepts expressed in the
paragraph o f the enemy's document en titled "Socia lism and Communism. " The
accusa tion is tha t of being metaphysically abstra ct and of ulterior falsifica tion in
the reading of the s tra tegic resolution "for the sheer desire of an an tis talinis t
polemics. ")
290
J 'Acc u se
To n i N eg ri
Negri I am not a psych iatrist and I don't get i nvolved in the l u nacy of others. I
a l ready have a h a rd t i me kee p i n g sane i n t h e s i t uation I ' m i n . H owever, one t h i n g
I ' m certa i n o f : t h a t u p to n o w t h e t r i a l of A p r i l 7 h a s been u n d e r t h e pal l of a w ret
c h ed and f renzied ideology, an ideology t hat i s opposed t o the log i c , the d i st i nc
t i o n , the f u n c t i o n of j u d i ca l t h o u g h t , w h i c h i s that of s i f t i n g and eva l u a t i n g facts.
Now, facts, proofs , t hese are absent from the t r i a l . Calogero says t h ey a re
useless, G a l l u cc i 2 aff i rm s that mere "affect i o " i s enou g h . What we have h e re i s
f ra n t i c ideology, reactionary fanat i c i s m . I f 1 789 generated terror, w i l l 1 9 1 7
g enerate Sta l i n ? O r yet a J acobi n fanat i c i s m : are a l l popes Borg i as? What's
worse: accord i n g t o t h e last statements by Calogero, all J acobi n s are Borg ias and
all popes are Stal i n s .
292
Potop ( Potere Operaio). We're i n t h e presence of a vast socio-po l i t ical
phenomenon which creates a const i t u t ional problem. Why? Because t h e I t a l i a n
const i t u t ion has been c h a nged b y t h e w a y part ies r u n t h e State. Y e t workers'
a u tonomy is not represented by the part ies; what's more, most proletarian
movements a re no longer represented or med iated by t h e const i t u t ional struct u re.
What i s t h e t h rust of the const i t u t ional problem created by workers' autonomy? I t
i nvolves w i d e n i n g and redefi n i ng t h e bas is of pol i t i c a l part i c i pa t i o n , w a g e negotia
tions among t h e soc i a l c lasses, breaki n g t h e sol i d i ty of t h e presen t block of cor
porative i n terests preserved by t h e DC and PCI .
N I h ave the i m p ression t hat "workers' centra l is m " i s bei n g u sed in two d if-
ferent m ea n i ngs. Let me ex p l a i n : t h ey s h a re a s i m i l a r ideolog i c a l genus (the work
i n g c l ass of the big factories), but not a pol i t i c a l , spec i f i c d i fference: for the Red
B r i gaders a big factory is a lways the revol u t io na ry P u t l l ov of the Soviet i n s u rrec
t i o n ; for Berl i n g uer, a factory i s the focu s of co-management of prod u c t i ve l abor.
293
What is strange is t hat bot h pos i t i o n s do not comprehend, f rom an e m p i rical
p o i n t of view, t h at t h e work i n g class of b i g factories is: 1 ) a small m i nority of pro
d u ct ive l abor; 2) t h a t t h e spec i f i c i ty of the worki n g c l ass in big factories is d isap
pea r i n g w i t h i n the framework of t h e soc i a l organ izat ion of prod u c t ive l abor. Now,
the only esse n t i a l t h i ng t hat, tor t h ose w h o work w i t h i n M a rx i s m , must be done is
analyzi ng more deeply t he pol i t ical make- u p of prod uct ive "soc i a l " work, t h at of
the worker who, soc i a l ly, produces s u r p l u s va l u e and i s t h e refore soc i a l l y ex
p l oited.
This i s , I bel i eve, the only recog n izab l e P u t i l ov of late capital i s m . A n d It i s here
that a l l t hose p rob l e m s arise, of organ izat i o n , of t h e State, of trans i t i o n , that
are - i n spite of t h e obtuse ideology reproposed by the party central c o m m it
tees - t h e center of attent i o n for t h e Com m u n i s t m i l itants of Autonomy. For how
long d o "the rep res s i o n people" t h i n k t h ey can hold out in the face of the degrad
ed l ife cond i t i o n s o f "soc i a l " workers? H ow m u c h longer do "the corporat ion peo
ple" t h i n k t hey can hold out against t h e p ressu re t h e "soc i a l " worker has beg u n
to apply even w i t h i n b i g factories?
N Tota l. I t b u i l t up the case for t h e trial (from t h eory t o pract ice, from
s peeches to j u d ges, w i t nesses, accusers, gossi p m ongers, slanderers, etc.: i t took
care of everyth i ng) a n d boasted about i t . O n A p r i l 7, w h i l e arrests were st i l l g o i n g
on, at 2:00 p . m . Pad u a w a s s n owed i n by h a nd b i l l s w h i c h a n n o u n ced t h e capt u re
of t h e Strateg i c Com m ittee. To be s u re, t h i s t r i a l i s a p rod uct of t h e deg raded
govern men t of the H i storical Comprom i se. I t ' s one of the few moments w h e n t h e
bu reau c racy of t h e democrat i c centra l i s m has s h a ped i t s e l f into a State, g i v i n g u s
a s m a l l exa m p l e of w h a t rea l soc i a l i s m m i g h t be l i ke. B u t i n t h e w h o l e s i t uation
t here i s also a m o re serious and d ramat i c element.
Q Keep i n g in m i nd your past and present pos i t i o n , after the t rag i c escalation
of t h e armed stru g g l e , do you t h i n k t h at , i n a n y way, your writings cou l d h ave in
f l uenced t h e Red B r i g aders?
N No. I t has been said that we are dea l i n g with two d ifferent c u l t u res. It i s
t r u e . B u t somet h i n g else mu st be a d d e d . We a r e dea l i n g w i t h t w o p o l i t i c a l
strateg ies t hat n ev er c rossed. The p o l i t i c a l c l a r i f i cation was offered , at t h e level
of the masses, a ro u n d 1 973, after the occ u pation of M i rafiori by the " red h a n d ker
c h iefs." There an a lternat ive s p ru n g forth w h i c h vert i c a l l y s p l i t t h e revo l u t ionary
f ront on t h e pro b l e m of the relat ions h i p between t h e van g u a rd a n d t h e masses.
(Th is problem, as all the m i l itant c u l t u re of the 60s knows, i s a n u n so l ved leftover
f rom that t i m e of strugg l e.) To t h is a m b i g u o u s problem, w h i c h s t i l l l i ng ers in t h e
post-68 g ro u p s , a s o l u t i o n w a s attem pted at t h e t i me. There were t w o w a y s out:
one cal led for t h e g lo r i f i cation of t h e m i l itary vanguard to s t r i ke at t h e heart of
t h e State, the other, p u rsued by Au tonomy, posited t h e reeval uation of t h e con
cept of power itself as p ract i ced w i t h i n a mass framework; either t h e reproposal
of the Len i n i s t party o r the rev i s i o n of the concept of party itself. O u t s i de the i n
s t i t u t i o n a l b o u n d s , s i n ce 1 973, o n l y t h ese t w o l i nes ex ist. And at n o p o i n t can
t h ey converge, because t hey represent two i rrred u c i b l e ways of conce i v i n g power.
For t h i s reason Autonomy i s far away from the Red B r igades.
294
Q What do you t h i n k of t h e document of t h e Asi nara 1 6, and what do you
answer to the offensive c r i t i c i s m d i rected at you i n t h i s text?
I
Protokolle
der Gefongenen
ous der RAF
Q Are you opt i m i s t i c about t h e outcome of t h e t r i a l ? W h at about you r o u t l ook
on t h e A u tonomy M ovement i n general after t hese events?
296
.
t , : . ' ' h ' ,' ':.'
f ---:-
._., -- ' . -.
a n g ry how a n g ry I am that I 've forgotten you. was s i n g i n g at the top of my voice. "What
I had thought about t a k i n g a long t r i p before a re you doing?" the i d i ot asked me, "what
the j udges gave me 750 days in j ai l . Sti l l , I are doing?" " I ' m s i n g i n g . C a n ' t one s i ng?"
have al ready spent 4 1 3 days and most of my 5 1 6 days i n jail. 51 7 days in j ai l . 5 1 8 days in
sentence is over. 4 1 4 . 4 1 5. 4 1 6. 4 1 7 . 4 1 8. U h . jail. N i neteen, twenty. Twenty-two. Twenty
4 1 9 days i n j ai l . W h a t k i nd of c l ot h i n g styles t h ree. Twenty-four. Twenty-five. My voice is
w i l l there be w hen I get out? 420 days in j a i l . strange. But i t i s reco g n iza b l e among a t hou
4 2 1 days i n j a i l . 422 days i n j a i l 423 days i n sand other voices. Now I know. 526. 527. 528.
j a i l . 424 days i n j a i l . LO N G L I V E C U N T i s 529 days in j a i l I even know my feet very wel l
written i n the t o i l et and a l so W H O EV E R and my legs and my bal l s . 530 days i n j a i l
R EADS T H I S I S F U C K E D UP. But LO N G L I V E I ' m afra i d of becom i n g i m portant. I can't
C U N T i s w r i t t e n t h e re t h e m o s t t i mes. I 've maste rbate any more. 531 days i n j a i l . 532
counted 141 of them. 1 4 1 , got it? 425 days i n days in j a i l . 533 days in j a i l . 534, 554. 564
j a i l . 426 days i n j ai l . Yesterday t h ree i n m ates days in j a i l . N ow I can stay I stop hours and
smashed the color TV. So no game. What hours w i t h my eyes c l osed and when I f i n a l l y
s h i t . What utter s h i t . What bal l s . What s h i t . move i t ' s because I k n o w that i t ' s d a r k and
W h a t a mess. What s h i t . I t ' s the worst s h i t another s h i tty day has s l i pped by me. 565
I 've ever enco u n te re d i n my l i fe. 4 2 7 days i n days in j a i l . In a true j a i l . I n 500 566 days in a
j a i l . 428 days i n j ai l . 429 days i n j a i l . 430, 31 , True B l ack J a i l . 500 76. 586 days, 7, 8, 590
32, 33, 34, 3 . . . H e y . They've gotten another days i n j a i l . 591 days i n j ai l . If I s h u t my eyes
TV. 43 . . . They broke i t agai n . 438 days i n very t i g h t l y I can see g reen and red. 592 days
j a i l . 439 days i n j a i l . Yesterday was 439 days in j a i l . 593 days in j ai l . Four, f i ve, n i nety s i x ,
and the chap l a i n came and I gave h i m a k i c k n i nety-seven , n i nety-e i g h t , 599. S i x h u n d red
i n the a s s . Many. K i c ks . I n . H i s ass. What. days in j a i l . DO YOU BASTARDS REALIZE
Sati sfact i o n . Stop. J a i l . 440 days i n j a i l . T H AT YOU'VE STUC K M E H ER E IN T H I S
They've put me i n s o l i tary confinement f o r a FUCKI N G J A I L F O R S I X H U N D R E D DAYS?
week. Do you t h i n k a week compares w i t h Six h u n d red days. I d o n ' t want to turn back
the sat i s fact i o n I f e l t w h e n I gave t h e as Lot d i d . yet I am a l ready a statue. 601 , 2,
chapl a i n a l l t hose k i c k s i n h i s a s s ? U h . 440 3, 4, 5, 6, 7; 608 days in t h i s i m mob i l e j a i l .
days in j a i l . 4 1 . And 42. And forty-th ree. And V I S I T I N G H O U R S ! T h e warden screamed. I
44. And forty-five. A n d 46. And forty-seven . went to the s i t t i n g room , b u t i n the h a l lway I
Sol i tary confi nement i s over but I s t i l l have a suddenly felt the need to vom i t . Oh Christ,
g ood b i t of my sentence left. 448 days i n j a i l . not now, I have v i s i tors. O h no. U h . I vom i ted
449 days i n j a i l . 450 days i n j a i l . 4 5 1 days i n i ron bars, ce l l w a l l s , years i n j a i l , p i eces of
j a i l . 452 days i n j ai l . I d e l i berately c u t myself the rotten j udge, I vom i ted 609 days in j a i l .
with some broken g l ass. In order to go to the Uh. I n jai l . Uh. I n
i nfi rmary and get some morp h i n e and pass j a i l . Uh. Oh. Uh. Oh. U h h h . U h h h . Uhhh. O h h h .
t i me on the outside. 462 . . . ten days in the O h h h . O h h h . 6 1 0 days i n j a i l . I w a l k so m u c h
i n f i rmary . . . I broke all the w i ndows . . . I c u t that my heels h a v e b e c o m e as hard as a
myse l f a l l over but t i m e passed. 4 6 3 d a y s i n horse's hooves, and a tai l has risen from my
j a i l . 464, 5, 6, 7, days i n j a i l . 468 d a y s i n j a i l . back. A horse's tai l . What u h h h ' s , what
U h . I k n e w an i n mate who occ u p i e d the heeheehee's, I w h i n n y and g a l l o p and j u m p
prison / I knew a n i n mate who knows oc a n d rear u p a n d come back down a n d stroke
c u p i e d the prison I H e cal l ed me " Fort u n ate" myse l f and sweat and fa i n t and f a i n t and get
I H e c a l l ed me / I knew a n i n mate who oc u p agai n and heeheehee and ohhh and
c u p i e d the prison I 400 69 / I I days in j a i l . heeheehee and o h h h h . Like a horse. A horse
470, 7 1 , 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81 , that's been g a l l o p i n g for six hun . . . e l ev . . .
82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90 days In 91 j a i l . twel . . . t h i r . . . fou rt . . . f i f . . . s i x ! . . sev . .
492 days i n j a i l . U h . H o . U h . I 've found a way e i g h . . n i ne! . . . twen . . . t h i r . . . for . . . f i f . .
to make the days pass more q u i c k l y . I con . s i x t . . a h h . . . sev . . . e i g h . . . n i . . . e h h
t i n u a l l y hold my breath u n t i l I ' m ready to 650 days and d a y s and d a y s and d a y s and
b u rst. Then I f a i n t . I got t h ro u g h today very days and days and u h a n d heeheehee and
q u i c k l y . And yesterday too. 493 days in j a i l . a h h h and . . . i n . . . u h . . . u h . . . J A-U H A I L.
494 days i n j a i l . 95, ty-s i x , ty-seven , ty-e i g ht, My sentence is f i n ished. I ' m f ree. I ' m g o i n g
n i nety- n i ne. F I V E H U N D R E D DAYS IN T H I S to party. Why n o t ? B u t . . . O h . . . D I D I
FUCKI N G FUC K I N G FUC K I N G FUC K I N G MAKE A M I STAKE? two a n d a h a l f years -
FUCKED-UP F U C K E D - U P FUCKED-UP F U C K n i ne h u n d red days. I u n d e rstand.
I N G FUC K I N G FUCKED-UP J A I L. A n d one U h h h h h h h h h h . I don't want to count any
and two and t h ree and four and f i ve and six m ore. 651 days in j a i l . 652 days i n j a i l . 653
seve n . And eight and n i ne and 510 days i n days in j a i l . I ' m a horse. Let me go. I shal l
j ai l . O h boys the j a i l the j a i l the j a i l the j a i l c l ose my eyes u n t i l the n i ne-h u n d redth day.
t h e j a i l comes o u t of me w i t h a l l t h e wal l s
t h e j a i l the. 51 1 days i n j a i l . 5 1 2 days i n j a i l . Two and a H a l f
5 1 3 days i n j a i l . 5 1 4 days i n j a i l . 5 1 5 days i n Years i n J a i l
j a i l . I 've decided to stop tal k i n g t o t h e others.
They all say w hat I say. They all think what . J . and V .
. . I ndeed. I n t h e m e a n t i m e I 've started s i n g
i ng , today. And now I have a sore t h roat.
Even the warden came to check i t out s i nce I Transla ted by La wrence Venuti
5 Five
M a rc h 1 6, 1 978
T h e A l d o M o ro
Kid n a ppi ng
B. M ad a udo
M e l vi l l e
300
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