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DISPONIBILIDADE, INOVAQO E MERCADO DA ARTE (1415-1580)

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AO MODO DA
FLANDRES
DISPONIBILIDADE, INOVACO E MERCADO DE ARTE
NA EPOCA DOS DESCOBRIMENTOS (1415-1580)

Coordenago de
Bernardo J. Garcia Garcia e Fernando Grilo

A C T A S DO C O N G R E S S O I N t E R N A C I O N AL
C E L E B R A D O EM A R E I T O R I A DA U N I V E R S I D A D E DE LISBOA
( 1 1 - 1 3 DE A B R I L DE 2005)
INDICE

I. REDES COMERCIAIS E MERCADO DA ARTE FLAMENGA NA EUROPA DOS

DESCOBRIMENTOS

17 Hilario Casado Alonso

EL PAPEL DE LAS COLONIAS MERCANTILES CASTELLANAS DE LOS PAISES BAJOS EN EL EJE COMERCIAL FLANDES-
PORTUGAL E ISLAS ATLNTICAS (SIGLOS XV Y XVl)

37 Amndio Jrge Morais Barros

RELAQES CULTURAIS ENTRE O PORTO E A FLANDRES NOS SECULOS XV E XVl

47 Maria do Rosario Themudo Barata

A FEITORIA PORTUGUESA EM ANTUERPIA. ACTMDADE MERCANTIL E MECENATISMO NO TEMPO DE DRER

53 Florbela C. Veiga Frade

A ACTIVIDADE MECENTICA DA NACO PORTUGUESA EM ANTUERPIA NA SEGUNDA METADE DO SECULO XVl

67 Filip Vermeylen
PAINTINGS FOR PORTUGAL. THE EXPORT OF FLEMISH ART FROM ANTWERP TO LISBON DURING THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

II. MECENATISMO C O R T E S A N O E CONSUMO DA A R T E F L A M E N G A ENTRE AS C O R T E S DE

FLANDRES, CASTELA E PORTUGAL

75 Maria Joo Grilo

A ACCO MECENTICA DE D. ISABEL DE PORTUGAL, DUQUESA DE BORGONHA (1397-1471). UMA PRINCESA ENTRE
PORTUGAL, A FLANDRES E A ITLIA

91 Annemarie Jordan Gschwend

THE MANUFACTURE AND MARKETING OF FLEMISH TAPESTRIES IN MID-SIXTEENTH CENTURY BRSSELS. TWO HABSBURG
PATRONS AND COLLECTORS! MARY OF HUNGARY AND CATHERINE OF AUSTRIA

115 Almudena Perez de Tudela

LA GALERiA DE RETRATOS DE MARGARITA DE AUSTRIA (1522-1586), GOBERNADORA DE LOS PAISES BAJOS

131 Bernardo J. Garcia Garcia

REGALOS Y CONSUMOS SUNTUARIOS ENTRE LAS CORTES DE MADRID Y BRUSELAS EN LOS REINADOS DE FELIPE II Y FELIPE III

III. DIFUSO E 1NFLUENCIA DOS MODELOS FLAMENGOS NA ARTE DO RE N A SC l M EN TO .

INSPIRACO E RECONVERSO

159 Antonio Filipe Pimentel

FLANDRES POR DEVOCO E A ITLIA POR OSTENTACO OU AO 1NVESI AS RAZES DO MANUELINO

169 Fernando Grilo

A ESCULTURA FLAMENGA EM PORTUGAL AO TEMPO DOS DESCOBRIMENTOS. ARTISTAS, OBRAS E INFLUENCIAS

181 Jesus Muniz Petralanda

ENTRE FLANDES Y CASTILLA. UNA APROXIMACIN AL PATRIMONIO MUEBLE TARDOGOTICO EN VIZCAYA

193 Manuel Batoreo

O MESTRE DA LOURINH E A PINTURA LUSO FLAMENGA EM PORTUGAL NO PRIMEIRO TERCO DO SECULO XVl

197 Sylvie Deswarte-Rosa

ENLUMINEURS EVORA DANS LES ANNEES 1530. JAN RUYSCH, ANTONIO DE HOLANDA, ANTONIO FERNANDES
 THE MANUFACTURE AND MARKETING
OF FLEMISH TAPESTRIES
IN MID-SIXTEENTH CENTURY BRSSELS
TWO HABSBURG PATRONS AND COLLECTORS:
MARY OF HUNGARY AND CATHERINE OF AUSTRIA*
Annemarie Jordan Gschwend
USBON-BRUSSELS: BRIDGING FAMILY T1ES
Flemish tapestries constituted an essential component of Habsburg collecting in the sixteenth
Century 1 . Many members of the family (male and female) were discerning connoisseurs and
collectors, investing large sums of money and time in the acquisition and commission of signif-
icant cycles and series, which not only enhanced their collections, but also their residences and
palaces-. For Habsburg patrons in the Renaissance, tapestries functioned s princely decora-
tion, and were esteemed more than court portraits, paintings or sculptures. In cost and pro-
duction, they were more valuable than the latter media, because of the extensive use of silver
and gold thread. As prime examples of conspicuous consumption, few people could afford
them. Tapestries provided a measure with which to judge the Status of a great house3, symboli-
cal exponents of royal and imperial splendor. For Habsburg collectors, they mirrored dynastic
Claims and political aspirations4. At the height of tapestry production and manufacture in Brs-
sels in the second half of the sixteenth Century, Habsburg patrons were ordering and purchas-
ing the most significant sets woven in Brssels in the Renaissance.
One of the most dynamic and engaged patrons of tapestry was the younger sister of the
emperor, Charles V (1500-1558), Mary of Hungary (1505-1558), who governed s regent of
the Netherlands 3 . She dominated and presided over the tapestry industry with numerous
commissions for the Habsburg court for over twenty-four years. Her passion for tapestries
belonged to a tradition long established at the Burgundian court, where Mary had been
raised by her aunt, Margaret of Austria (1480-1530), at the Palais de Sauoie in Malines
(echelen). VVhen Mary assumed the regency, she continued to engage artists who had
once vvorked for her aunt. She contracted Barend van Orley (c. 1491-1559) and Pieter Co-
ecke van Aelst (1502-1550) to work on tapestry designs she commissioned; the sketches and
Cartoons of which she kept for her collection, underscoring her connoisseurship of and ap-
preciation for tapestry.
1 G. DELMARCEL, Introduction, Tissus d'Or. Tapis-
series Flamandes de la Couronne d'Espagne, Malines,
1993, pp. 10-16; I. BUCHANAN, Designers, weavers and en-
trepreneurs: sixteenth-century Flemish tapestries in the
Patrimonio National, Burlington Magazine, 134 (1992),
pp. 380-384, and G. DF.LMARCEL, The Habsburgs and Ta-
pestry, In Flemish Tapestry, London, 1999, pp. 95-105.
- For tapestries commissioned and collected by Philip II of
Spain, niany extant today in the Patrimonio Nacional
(Madrid), consult I. BLICHANAN, The tapestries acquired
by Philip II in the Netherlands in 1549-50 and 1555-59.
New Documentation, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, CXXXIV
(October 1999), pp. 131-152, and G. DF.LMARCEL, Le roi
Philippe II d'Espagne et la tapisserie. L'inventaire de
Madrid de 1598, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, CXXXIXV (Oc-
tober 1999), pp. 153-178.
3 B. DAVIDSON, The Furti dt Gioue Tapestries Designed
by Pcrino del Vaga for Andrea Doria, Art Bulletin, LXX
(September 1988), pp. 424-450, espedally p. 425. Cfr. B.
FRANKE, Tapisserie-'portable grandeur' und Medium der
Erzhlknnst, in B. FRANKE and B. WELZEL (eds.), Die Kun-
st der Burgundischen Niederlande. Eine Einfhrung,
Berlin. 1997. pp. 121-139, espedally p. 125.
! T. CAMPBELL, Tapestry in the Renaissance. Art and
Magnificence, New York, 2002, pp. 18-19, s well s pp.
267-270.
J The most authoritative biography remains L. GORTF.R-
VAN ROYEN, Maria van Hongarije regentes der Nederlan-
den. Een politieke analyse op basis van haar re-
gentschapsordonnanties en haar correspondentie rnel
Kare/ V, Hilversum, 1995. Also J. DUVERGER, Marie de
Hongrie, Governante des Pays-Bas et la Renaissance, in
Actes du xxif congres internationale d'histoire de l'arl,
Budapest, 1969, pp. 715-726, and Maria uan Hongarije.
Koningin tussen keizers en kunstenaars, 1505-1558,
Utrecht, 1993.
ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND 91
" D. EICHBF.RGER, Leben mit Kunst. Wirken durch Kun- She equally possessed immense knowledge of the processes of tapestry manufacture and
st. Sammelwesen und Hofkunst unter Margarete von
its various stages of production. Petits and grands patrons, some executed by another of
sterreich Regentin der Niederlande, Turnhout, Belgiuin,
2002; D. EICHBERGER, A Culturc Centre in the Southern Mary's court painters and a pupil of Van Orley, Michiel Coxcie (1499-1592), for nine tapestries
Netherlands: the Court of Archduchess Margaret of Aus-
tria (1480-1530) in Mcchelen, in M. GOSMAN, A. MACDON-
depicting Charles V's victories over the Duke of Saxony and the German Protestants in 1547,
ALD and A.J. VANDERJAGT (eds.), Princes and Princely Cul- which apparently were never woven, appear in Mary's 1558 unpublished inventory7, s dopa-
ture 1450-1650, vol. l, Leiden-Boston, 2003, pp. 239-258.
trons for panels with mille-fleurs (foliage and animals) and 254 tapestries the regent took with
7 See Archivo General de Simancas (AGS), Contaduria
her to Cigales (Spain)8. In 1550, Coxcie executed not only nine, small oil paintings that served
Mayor de Cuentas (CMC), l' epoca, legs. 1017 and 1093,
for inventories and payments (cuentas) of Mary's collec- s models, but also two small patrons with Spanish inscriptions intended for each individual
tion, household and estate in 1558. Some sections from
leg. 1017 were published by R. BEER, Acten, Registen - panel. Until the recent reading of this unpublished inventory, the fate of his petitz patrons de
und Inventare aus dem Archivo General de Simancas, la victoire de Saxe remained unknown9. The fact that Mary bothered to take such preliminary
Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des Aller-
hchsten Kaiserhauses, 12 (1891), pp. XC1-CCIV (reg. paintings, patterns and drawings for tapestry in her baggage to Spain, indicates how much she
8436). The sections of Mary's inventory unknown to Beer
esteemed them and her painter Coxcie10. The emperor's victory over the Protestants and the
indude the following entries recorded under portraits and
paintings in her collection: CMC, l a epoca, leg. 1017, fol. imprisonment of John Frederick of Saxony was a symbolic triumph for the Habsburg court; a
3v: dos papeles en que estan los letreros en espahol de
los dichos lienzos que heran para poner en la tapizeria military feat Mary must have greatly appreciated, s she also owned the renowned equestrian
que se acaba de hazer de los dichos lienzos con otro portrait of her brother by Titian (Charles Vat the Battle of Mhlberg, Museo del Prado), which
pergamino en questa la prison del duque de saxa: dos
papeles grandes que son patrones para tapizeria de ver- also went with her to Spain. Commissioning paintings and tapestries that celebrated the pinna-
dura; veinte embultorios de papeles para tapizeria e
otras cosas grandes y pequehos, and fol. 5v: muchas
cles of Charles V's military career and the most significant victories of the Habsburg house,
papeles y patrones de doseles y otras cosas metidos en formed an essential component of Mary's collection. For Charles and Mary tapestry was first
una caxa blanca. From the first entry, it can be inferred
that Coxcie initially executed nine oil paintings s and foremost a medium manipulated to glorify Habsburg power11.
preparatory models. The two paper Cartoons cited here Pierre de Bourdeille, Seigneur de Brantme (c. 1530-1614), in his book on contemporary il-
contained in Spanish the inscriptions for these tapestries.
According to the inventory scribe, these had recentiy lustrious women, describes Charles V's complete trust in Mary, and recounts how he placed
been woven, perhaps in Flanders, and if the inventory
can be trusted then this sei has since been lost.
the government of Flanders entirely in her hands when she took up the regency of the Nether-
lands in 153l12. According to Brantme, Mary was a most suitable candidate, s the emperor
" CMC, l d epoca, leg. 1017, fol. 120bis-121, 17 folios in
length, records lists of tapestries not published by Beer. was otherwise engaged in his wars against Italy, France and Germany13. Whenever Charles did
These tapestry entries cite in detail those panels and sets
manage to visit Flanders, the royal counsel continued to preside under his sister, and during his
(the majority of Mary's tapestry collection) which were
bequeathed to her niece, Juana of Austria, in 1558, then absences, Mary kept the emperor well-informed of his affairs, deferring whenever possible to
regent of Spain. In 1571, some but not all sets Juana had
inherited were passed on to her brother, Philip II.
his wishes: s her only desire was to serve and obey the emperor14. Brantme thought Mary
to be a sagacious Amazon, a female soldier that ruled like a man, admiring the way she per-
'' A. PINCIIART, Tableaux et sculptures de Marie
d'Autriche, la reine douairiere de Hongrie, Revue Uni- sonally rode out to battle against the French armies on her horse. Despite political restrictions
verselle des Ms, 3 (1856), pp. 132-133, and E. DUVF.RGER,
and the enormous obligations placed upon Mary by Charles V's dynastic policies, she was able
De Brusselse stadspatroonschilder voor de tapijtkunst
Michiel van Cocxyen (ca. 1497-1592). Een inleidende to fulfill her intellectual curiosity and express her personal views through patronage of the arts
Studie, in R. DE SMEDT (ed.), Michel Coxcie, pictor regis
(1499-1592). Internationa/ Co/loquium, Mechelen 5-6 and music. When it came to questions of collecting, especially tapestry, Mary acted s an aide-
June 1992, Mechelen, 1993, p. 167, n. 27. de-camp for the emperor, himself a passionate collector of tapestry15. She took Charge, and
10 Coxcie moved from Malines to Brssels in 1547, without her direct Intervention, Charles would probably have bought less, and not seen tapes-
where he lived until 1557, working there s a pattern and
Cartoon painter for tapestry-makers. He produced models
try commissions brought to their completion. Mary's total freedom in the domain of collecting
for numerous sets during this residency, earning the repu- and patronage allowed her to develop a sensibility and discriminating taste matched by no oth-
tation of the Flemish Raphael. See G. DELMARCEL, Flem-
ish Tapestry, London, 1999, p. 130. The fate of Coxde's er in her immediate family.
petits patrons after 1558 is not known.
As regent, Mary demonstrated a need for self-identification in the male-dominated milieu
11 CAMPBELL, op. dt. (note 4), pp. 3, 18 and 24, where she circulated in. The cultural sphere was the one area in which she could exercise significant
Campbell points out that patrons displayed tapestries
which demonstrated role models and concepts with
influence16. Charles V created a unique Situation for Mary, by allowing her to operate with a
which he or she wished to be allied. freedom not seen at other contemporary courts17. Mary often shared Charles's world on equal
12 P. DE BOURDEILLE (BRANTME), Recueil des Domes, footing, and despite the constraints and limitations he imposed, Charles promoted her to a po-
poesies et tombeaux, ed. E. Vaucheret, Paris, 1991,
sition of power and authority. As a result, her fascination for hunting, music and the arts fre-
p.511.
quently extended beyond domestic spheres into the political arena18. Through her patronage,
1' This opinion was voiced by Charles V personally in a
letter written from Cologne to Mary on 3 January 1531:
Mary always sought to enhance the imperial dignity and reputation of the Habsburg house19.
vu mes continuelles absences, U m 'a semble impossibie Through tapestry commissions and the collecting of art works, Mary, like most women of her
de trouver une personne plus qualifiee que vous. Cited
by G. DE BOOM in Le tournant Beige de la destinee de family, was able to promote herseif, while at the same time define her official role at court20.

ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND

Patronage provided her and other female relations with a platform upon which they could ad-
vance their interests and tastes, beside underscoring their role and Status with the Habsburg
family hierarchy and network21.
At Mary's instigation, Barend van Orley designed between 1528 and 1533 the series of
twelve tapestries of the Hunts of Maximilian for Charles V (Louvre, Paris)22, in which Mary is
depicted enjoying the pleasures of hunting (her favorite pastime), and theoW/e ofPavia (Lou-
vre, Paris), which celebrate the emperor's victory over Frangois I in 152523. As regent, Mary was
extremely conscious of the use of tapestries s a form of Propaganda, and s visual metaphors
of politics and rule. Mary displayed tapestries in her residences in Brssels (Coudenberg, the
former palace of the Burgundian dukes), Binche and Mariemont, s Symbols of princely glorifi-
cation, and from 1531 to 1555 was involved in the commission and purchase of the most sig-
nificant tapestry cycles of her brother's reign: the Labors of Hercules, the Seuen Deadly Sins,
Cupid and Psyche, the History of Scipio, Venus, Moses, Tobias, David, Acteon, Carolianus,
Paul, Vertumnus and Pomona, Calisto, and Esther: the latter, one of the most potent Images of
ruling queenship in the Renaissance which stressed a queen's role s virtuous consort, model
ruler and intercessor for her people; an image the regent Mary, s Habsburg princess and
dowager queen of Hungary most identified with24. Her close involvement with the single, most
important tapestry commission of her brother's reign, the Conquest of Tunis, is well docu-
mented25. This series promoted the fame and repute of the Habsburg dynasty, celebrating
Charles V s defender of the Catholic faith and glorifying his victory over Turkish forces at La
Goleta and Tunis in 1535. They became the flagship of the dynasty, used to mark every cere-
monial event and state occasion at Mary of Hungary's and Charles V's courts26.
Mary of Hungary served s a vital link between the Iberian peninsula and the Netherlands
in the mid-sixteenth Century, where she had introduced Renaissance styles and ideas. She
equally bridged cultural and artistic relations between Spain and the Netherlands, first estab-
lished between the courts of her aunt, Margaret of Austria, and, Margaret's mother-in-Iaw, Is-
abella of Castile (1451-1504), when Margaret married Isabel's son, Prince Juan, in 1497. The
fact that Mary later brought a number of Margaret's tapestries, paintings and objects she had
inherited in 1530 to Spain, where she retired in 1556, bridged these lies even more. Mary's
own collection of exceptional court portraits, Flemish tapestries, paintings by Titian, Coxcie
and Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen (1500-1559), sculptures, books, musical instruments, luxury
goods, Asian exotica and curiosities, patterned after her aunt Margaret's mode of collecting
and manner of display, and the way these were exhibited in Mary's residences in Flanders to
promote her own political agenda and that of the Habsburg dynasty, provided a model for oth-
er Habsburg courts, in particular those of female relations. The development of family portrait
galleries in Spain and Portugal, for instance, would not have been possible without Mary of
Hungary's impetus and the example she set in the Brssels palace27. Margaret of Austria's in-
heritance, the backbone of Mary's outstanding collection, became a fundamental cornerstone
of the collections of tapestry, decorative arts and paintings later assembled by Philip II (1527-
1598) and his sister, Juana of Austria (1535-1573), exerting enormous influence upon the direc-
tion royal collecting and palace decoration in Spain would take after Mary's death in 155828.
This essay will examine in greater detail precisely those links established by Mary of Hun-
gary with Iberia, more importantly, with Portugal and the Lisbon court, where Mary's youngest
sister, Catherine of Portugal (1507-1578), ruled s queen since her marriage to John III in
152529. Charles V's sisters, Mary and Catherine, were elite women whose wealth, financial re-
sources, independence and social connections played a decisive role. Their political Status s
regent and queen was characterized by their patronage and the acquisition of art works, Flem-
Marie de Hongrie, veuve royale, Cahiers Historiques, 6,
3 (1971), pp. 87-95, especially p. 87. See also idem, Marie
de Hongrie, Brssels, 1956.
" Letter from Mary of Hungary to Charles V, dated 29
January 1531: Je viens seulement le sewir et lui obeir.
Cited in DE BOOM, op. dt. (note 13, 1971), p. 87.
15 D. HEINTZ, Karl V als Mzen der Niederlandischen
Tapisserie Kunst, in Alte und Moderne Kunst, vol. XI,
1958, pp. 25-29.
"; C. LAWRENCE (ed.), Women and Art in Early Modem
Europe. Patrons, Collectors and Connoisseurs, University
Park, Penn., 1997, p. 9, and D.R. DOYI.F., The Sinews of
Hahsburg Governance in the Sixteenth Century: Mary of
Hungary and Political Patronage, Sixteenth Century
Journal, 31,2 (2000), pp. 349-360.
17 Over time, Mary saw herseif becorning Charles's al-
ter ego, and even Charles himself treated Mary s his
equal. L. GORTER-VAN ROYF.N, Maria de Hungria, regente
de los Paises Bajos, a la luz de su correspondencia, in A.
KOHLER (ed.), Carlos V/Kar! V 1500-2000, Madrid, 2001.
pp. 198-199, and M.J. RODRI'GUEZ-SALGADO, Charles V and
the Dynasty, in H. SOLY (ed.), Charles V 1500-1558 and
his Time, Antwerp, 1999, pp. 27-111.
18 For various aspects of Mary's patronage and collec-
tion consult the following: G. GLCK, Bildnisse aus dem
Hause Habsburg II: Knigin Maria von Ungarn,
Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien, 8
(1934), pp. 173-196; G. GOSS THOMPSON, Mary of Hungary
and Music Patronage, The Sixteenth Century Journal,
15, 4 (1984), pp. 401-418; Jacques Du Broeucq, sculpteur
et architecte de la Renaissance, Mons, 1985; J. DE KERK-
HOFF, Tot plichtsbetrachting uiterkoren. Aspecten uit leu-
en uan Maria uan Hongari/e 1505-1558, Ph.D. Diss., Uni-
versity of Nijmegen, 1989; J. DE KERKHOFF, Het hof van
landvoogdes Maria van Hongarije in de Jaren 1531-1555,
Ex Tempore, Historisch Tijdschrift KU Nijmegen, 10, 28
(1991), pp. 23-33; A. JORDAN, Mujeres mecenas de la
casa de Austria y la infanta lsabel Clara Eugenia, in El
arte en la corte de los Archiduques Alberto de Austria e
lsabel Clara Eugenia (1598-1633). Un reino imaginado,
Madrid, 1999, pp. 118-137, and idem, A Dynasty of Col-
lectors: The Patronage and Collecting of Habsburg
Wonnen in the Renaissance, in Female Dynasties: The
Patronage, Collecting, and Bequeathing of Portraits by
Sixteenth-Century Royal Women, Renaissance Society of
America Annual Meeting, Scottsdale, Arizona, April 11-13,
2002 (unpublished paper).
ra Carolas. Charles Quint, 1500-1558, Ghent, 1999,
pp. 196-197, cat. 44.
-" Cfr. A. JORDAN, /V/a Meilleur Soeur: Leonor of Aus-
tria, Queen of Portugal and France (1498-1558) and
idem, Verdadero padre y senor. Catherine of Austria,
Queen of Portugal (1507-1578), in Royal Inuentories of
Charles V and the Imperial Family, ed. F. Checa (forth-
coming).
-1 Dagrnar Eichberger points out how the Habsburg
network of dynastic relationships functioned s an effi-
dent System of distribution of luxury goods and gifts
among relatives, such s Netherlandish tapestries, paint-
ings and manuscripts. This family network equally func-
tioned s a platform for an international cultural ex-
change. D. EICHBERGER, The Habsburgs and the Cultural
Heritage of Burgundy, in T.-H. BORCIIERT (ed.), The Age
of Van Eyck. The Mediterranean World and Early Nether-
landish Painting 1430-1530, London, 2002, pp. 185-194,
in particular p. 187.
ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND 93
22 A. BAUS, K. DE Jo\riE, G. DELMARCEL and A. LEFEBURE, ish tapestries, portraits, luxury goods, exotica and animals. Through cultural sponsorship, they
Les C'hasses de Maximalen, Paris, 1993. were able to promote themselves and carve out their official position at their respective courts.
23 I. Bi CHANAN, The 'Battle of Pavia' and the tapestry Mary and Catherine belonged to a particular tradition of patronage, which they set about ex-
collection of Don Carlos: new documentation, Burling-
ton Maqazine, CXLIV (June 2002), pp. 345-351.
tending30.
Mary and Catherine never met one another and despite distance, time and space, they
-' B. FRANKE, Assuerns und Esther am Burgunderhof.
Zur Rezeption des Buches Esther in den Niederlanden maintained a close relationship, s some surviving letters can corroborate31. Documents in the
(1450-1530), Berlin, 1998. p. 118. n. 154.
Lisbon archive have disclosed these sisters exchanged ideas on artistic and political matters.
Gifts, court portraits and exotica from Portuguese Asia were reciprocated; Mary even received
from Catherine a female slave in 154l32. Catherine's collection and patronage reflect patterns
of collecting and modes of patronage established by Mary in Flanders33, and the Portuguese
2(1 For the most up-to-date bibliography of the Tunis
tape.stries consult the recent exhibition catalogucs: Kaiser queen's preference for Flemish art works and craftsmen underscore the influence her eider sis-
Karl V. (1500-1558). Macht und Ohmacht Europas, ed. W.
ter exerted upon her and the rest of the family34.
Seipcl. Vienna, 2000, pp. 196-205, cats. 154-164; 0. Ku-
GLER and R. BAI >ER, Die editio princeps fr Kaiser Karl V, Mary of Hungary's 1558 inventory reveals a fascination for exotica, underscoring once
Brssel 1548-1554, und weitere Tapisserien Willem de
Pannemaker, in Der Kriegszug Kaiser Karls V. gegen Tu- again her close links with the Lisbon court: a piece of unicorn hrn, a nautilus Shell, a coconut,
nis. Kartons und Tapisserien, ed. W. Seipel, Vienna, 2000. a wooden casket filled with ground unicorn hrn and coral branches35. The Indian, Ceylonese
pp. 53-58, and CAMPBEI.I., op. dt. (note 4). pp. 385-391 and
428-434, cat. 50. and Asian objects were gifts from her sister Catherine: medicinal stones, a Ceylonese ivory cas-
ket that contained a piece of jasper to staunch the flow of blood, a tortoiseshell fan from India,
27 A. JORDAN, Retrato de Corte ein Portugal. O Legado
de Antonio Moro (1552-1572), Lisbon, 1994; idem, O a silver incense burner from India, Indian pillows, several Gujarati mother-of-pearl caskets and
Manierismo e o retrato da corte em Portugal; s fontes, s
inovaces e a importago de um estilo, A Pintara tables:ii;, two Chinese or Japanese lacquer caskets, a lacquer table from China, a table made of
Manierista em Portugal. Arie no Tempo de Cames, Lis- tortoiseshell, a painted ivory gaming board, a coconut uenera from India and a rhinoceros
bon, 1995, pp. 114-121, and idem. The Image of a King:
Court Portraits in the Collection of Philip 11. in Philipp/is hrn vessel3'. Mary's prestige and Status at the impeiial court in Brssels was augmented by
II Rex, Madrid. 1998, pp. 383-436. For Habsburg portrait
galleries and collections in the Netherlands and at the Par-
her relationship and exchange with Catherine, upon whom shc played an influential role. In re-
ma court see the essay by Almudena Perez de Tudela in turn, Catherine's self-imaging s queen, patron and collector relied immensely upon the incen-
thisvolume.
tive and Stimulation she received from Brssels.
2S Cfr. A. JORDAN, Las dos guilas del emperador Car-
los V Las colecciones y el mecenazgo de Juana y Maria
de Austria en la corte de Felipe II, in La Monarquia de
Fe/ipe II a debate, coord. L. Ribot Garcia, Madrid, 2000,
pp. 429-472. A QUEEN'S SHOPPING LIST: BRSSELS, 1551

2i) A. JORDAN, The Development of Catherine of Aus-

tria's Collection in the Queen's Household: Its Character At the beginning of the 1550s, Catherine increased cultural ties with Mary, which continued un-
and Cos/, Ph.D. Thesis, Brown University, Providencc.
til her sister's retirement from government in 1556. Their artistic relationship and exchange,
R.L, 1994.
particularly in the acquisition of Flemish tapestries, has come to light in an extraordinary docu-
2(1 T. TOLLEY, States of independence: women regents
s patrons of the visual arts in Renaissance France, Re- ment38. A thirty-four page report, written by Catherine's servant, Francisco Carneiro, from Brs-
naissance Studies, 10, 2 (1996), pp. 237-258, espedally p. sels in 1551, itemizes in detail numerous purchases made there on her behalf (appendix: doc-
252. Also A. GARCI'A SANZ and K. RUDOLF, Mujeres coiec-
cionistas de la Casa de Austria en el siglo xvi, in La Mujer ument 1). Carneiro had been entrusted with a delicate and difficult mission: it is not an easy
en el Arte Espanol, Vlll Jornadas de Arte, Centro de Estu-
dios Histricos, CSIC, Madrid, 1997, pp. 143-154.
task to fulfill the Shopping needs of a demanding queen, let alone buy objects she would like
and find acceptable. Catherine had exquisite taste and was familir with high-quality objects
:il It is possible future archival research will yield more
letters which can elucidate more on their friendship and and merchandise from Flanders. Therefore, Carneiro knew well his queen's tastes, collecting
cultural exchange. habits and collection; enough so s to undertake this task with such self-assurance. As a gen-
32 Instituto dos Arquivos Nacionais/Torre do Tombo tleman of her household (moco da camara), Carneiro undoubtedly was well-educated and
(IAN/TT), Ncleo Antigo (NA) 792, fol. 147: if rs que no
dito dia despemdeo para se vestir hu escraoa que ha
sawy in artistic, court and diplomatic matters, versed in several languages, probably French. in
dita senora mamdou a sua Irma. Also A. JORDAN, Im- order to be capable of successfully accomplishing his assignment39. Catherine evidently knew
ages of Empire: Slaves in the household and court of
Catherine of Austria, in T. EARLE and K. LWE (eds.). this courtier well, confided in him and in his abilities.
Black Africans in Renaissance Europe, Cambridge, 2005, In any case, his Shopping spree, on behalf of his queen, took him four months to conclude
pp. 155-180.
and brought him into close contact with the regent Mary, her courtiers (espedally the con-
33 A. JORDAN, Patterns of Patronage among Habsburg
Queens, Regents and Princesses, in idem, op. cit. (note trolleur of her household40) and artisans in Brssels who worked for her. Carneiro undertook a
29), pp. 417-431; idem, Portuguese Royal Collecting after difficult journey, traveling by post through Spain and France, where he stayed in Fontainebleau
1521: the choice between Flanders and Italy, in K.J.P.
LWE (ed.), Cultural Links between Portugal and Italy in 16 days (awaiting his travel papers41), before continuing on to Brssels. He equally crisscrossed

ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND

Flanders, traveling two times to Oudenaarde and thirteen times between Brssels and
Antwerp, finally boarding the ship Santiago in Zeeland for the trip home. During bis four
month sojourn, Carneiro hired a male servant boy, who cooked his meals and helped dress
him, for which Services he was paid 2681/, cmzados. Carneiro was helped immensely during
his entire stay in Brssels by Mary and her courtiers, and it appears from correspondence
which has not survived, or not yet been found in the Lisbon archive, that some purchases and
commissions may have been worked out between the two sisters prior to his arrival. Mary
carefully advised Catherine in her choice of what to buy, where and from whom; even giving
her sister tapestry commissions she no longer wanted or needed, s will be discussed below.
Carneiro did not operate alone in this enterprise; without the Intervention of several key fig-
ures, who acted s intermediaries between Lisbon and Brssels, he could not have carried out
the queen's Orders in Flanders. Catherine first recruited a reliable resource based in Lisbon, the
merchant Bento Roiz, to arrange credit in the amount of 5000 cruzados to pay for Carneiro's
expenses in Flanders; the transactions of which, letters of exchange and credit, were handled
through contacts in Spain at Medina del Campo42. The Italian (Genoese) merchants active
there and in Antwerp were directly involved: Giovanni Spinola (Joam Jacome Espindola) and
Company, Nicolao Cattaneo43, Angelo di Marini?, Agostino Gentili44 and Bento Salvago45.
Roiz and the queen were further assisted by two Portuguese in Antwerp: Ruy Mendes46 and
Antonio Palos47, the Portuguese factor from 1549 to 1556 and consul in 1554, who gave
Carneiro the necessary monies to pay the bills, transport and other expenses. Catherine main-
tained long and close contact with Mendes, often recruiting him over the years to buy her luxu-
ry goods, s she did in 1564 when he supplied her with high-quality Florentine and Venetian
silks (appendix: document 2)48. Palos acted s the queen's official agent and negotiator in Flan-
ders, helping her settle financial questions, pay for the goods Carneiro came to buy, even tak-
ing out the insurance policy which covered for the eventual damage or loss of her expensive
tapestries19. As can be seen from document l (appendix), Palos and Mendes often accompa-
nied Carneiro on his Shopping excursions and arranged for various modes of payments: the
merchant Lazarus (Lazaro) Duquar was paid in two installments, and the second dealer and
tapestry weaver, Cornelis de Ronde, in four. Besides arranging Carneiro's trip, Palos also organ-
ized the shipment of the queen's goods back to Lisbon, localizing which ship (the Santiago)
and captain (Antonio Afonso) to Charter. He was Catherine's main Informant in Flanders, keep-
ing her frequently updated s to what merchandise was for sale in Antwerp, Brssels and else-
where in Northern Europe.
Catherine depended on this sort of networking in Europe, s she did in Portuguese Asia. A
system to obtain rarities, animals, exotica and luxury goods was organized from the onset of
her reign: factors, merchants, agents, goldsmiths, Portuguese viceroys and household officials
stationed in Goa, Cochin and Malacca were recruited to aid the queen in her search for exclu-
sive items. Her court goldsmith, Diogo Vaz, lived permanently in Goa for over twenty years, and
was primarily responsible in obtaining the best precious stones, diamonds, Indian and Cey-
lonese jewelry. As early s 1531, Manuel Botelho was commanded by John III to sail in the Far
East for three years, with three ships on the queen's behalf, and, later in 1537, Catherine relo-
cated a valet of her bedchamber, Antonio Correa, to Goa, where he was paid a salary to serve
the queen in India50. As the queen's agent, Correa was to buy from direct sources in Asia, at
cheaper prices, and keep her regularly informed of goods for sale in these markets. Catherine
evolved into a merchant queen with a great deal of business acumen, even undertaking over-
seas ventures to finance her Shopping expenses and costly tastes, s she did when she sold
Portuguese wine in Goa and imported a surplus of Indian textiles and clothes to seil in Lisbon.
the Renaissance, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2000,
drapier 14, pp. 265-293.
31 IAN/TT. NA 792, fol. 95v, for goods (not specified)
the Portuguese factor in Flanders sent Catherine in 1538.
Other documents confirm her long and close rclations
with Portuguese agents in Flanders. Cfr. JORDAN, op. cit.
(note 291, p. 383. Despite excellent lies with the Italian
merchants, Lucas Giraldi and Benedetto Gachone in Lis-
bon (Cfr. lAN-'TT, CC l, maco 92, doc. 51, 29 March 1554),
no Italian or ancient art works: antiquities, medals, coins,
cameos, bronzes, sculpture or portrait busts are recorded
in Catherine's inventories.
'"' These u-crc later inhcrited by her niece, Juana. in
1558. Cited in Mary's unpublished inventory entries in
AGS, CMC, l- 1 epoca, leg. 1017, and in C. PEKEZ PASTOR,
Inventario de los bienos de la reina de Hnngrfa, her-
tnana de Carlos V. Memorias de la Real Academia Es-
panola, 10 (1914). pp. 289-314.
% IAN/TT, NA 792, fol. 161: 10.800 rs cm compra de
hun cofre de madre perolo guarnecido de prala forrada
de c^etlm carmesim que fo\ em maos da Rainha
nosa senora, and fol. 169: prata fina que pos no cofre
e nos moldes e agulhas que sua Alleza mandou a
framdes a Rainha sua Irma por mandado em xxbj de
agosto de 1542. The latter payment for silver suggests
Catherine ordered new European mounts and decoration
to be added to this Gujarati casket.
37 Cfr. A. JORDAN, A Masterpiece of Indo-Portuguese
Art: The Rhinoceros Cup of Maria of Portugal, Princess of
Parma (1538-1577). Oriental Art, 46, 3 (2000), pp. 48-58.
Mary's rhinoceros cup, probably Chinese in manufacture,
is the earliest Asian hrn vessel of its kind recorded in a
European collection.
39 F. LABRADOR ARROYO, La casa de la reina Catalina de
Portugal: estructura y facciones politicas (1550-1560),
Miscelanea Comillas. Revista de Ciencias Humanas y
Sociales, 61 (2003), pp. 203-252, in particular p. 238,
n. 238.
!(1 This person was not named by Carneiro. At this
date, the musician, Rogier Pathie, served s the regent's
treasurer.
41 The French court was in Paris during this Interim
and Carneiro engaged the Service of an agent he named
Danaao to arrange his passport.
Medina was the location for the annual fair held in
Castile, and was the largest international fair of late Me-
dieval and Renaissance Spain, frequented by merchants
from Flanders. Italy and France. Consult M.T. LVAREZ,
Artistic Enterprise and Spanish Patronage: The Art Mar-
ket during the Reign of lsabel of Castile (1471-1504), in
M. NORTH and D. ORMROD (eds.), Art Markets in Europe,
1400-1800, Aldershot, 1998, pp. 45-59. Catherine of Aus-
tria also maintained direct contact with merchants in
Medina. See IAN/TT, CC I, maco 44, doc. 38 (15 Decem-
ber 1529) for payments made to Afonso d'Avila.
!:i Perhaps a relation of Silvestre Cattaneo in Antwerp.
Consult J.A. GORIS, Etde sur les Colonies Marchandes
Merldionales (Portugals, Espagno/s, Italiens) a Anuers de
1488 1567, Louvain, 1925, p. 617. Equally, L. VAN DER ES-
SEN, Contribuition l'histoire du port d'Anoers du com-
merce d'exportation des Pays-Bas uers l'Espagne et le
Portugal l'epoque de Charles-Quint (1553-1554),
Antwerp, 1921.
ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND 95
'" Gentili was appointed Genovese consul in Antwerp The items Carneiro bought for Catherine ranged from expensive cloth to pewter, silver-gilt
in 1556 (GoRis, op. dt. [note 43]. p. 624). plate to Flemish tapestries (28 panels and 3 portieres in all), spending a total of 1,865,472
'' Perhaps a relation of Antonio Salovago Piccanoto reais. Even more extraordinary are the names of dealers, craftsmen and Workshops Mary of
CGoRis, op. dt. [note 43], p. 617 and p. 619).
Hungary recommended to Catherine, whom Carneiro subsequently visited to make all the pur-
ki Mendes worked s secretary of the Portuguese feito- chases itemized for him before his departure from the Lisbon court. His report reads like a tele-
ria in Antwerp, and later was appointed consul in Flan-
ders from 1562 to 1565. He is also recorded s a gentle- phone directory of artisans working in Brssels at this date; many of whom remain to be iden-
man (morador) in the household of King John III, from
tified in the future by scholars, such s the merchant/dealer Lazarus Duquar. More importantly,
which he received a salary. More on Mendes and Palos in
GORIS, op. dt. (note 43), pp. 217-218 and 623. it provides a behind-the-scenes look of how a royal collector of Catherine's Status and position,
;: Palos never failed to assist the queen with her affairs
with financial means, operated, besides understanding the economic channels and resources
in Flanders, s in 1553 when he supervised the shipment available to her to buy luxury goods from abroad. This document offers a unique description
of five chests (with gifts from Lisbon) she sent Charles V.
IAN/TT, CG l, maco 92, doc. 95: paguei por hun scrito of how expensive, high-quality tapestries were marketed, bought and transported to a royal
de Antonio Palos que esta em frandes tres mit e sei's cen-
customer. The mechanics behind such a business deal are minutely outlined, and s can be in-
tos e nouenta rs que fez de despesa por mandado de
V.A. mm hos cinquo caixes que mandou ao emperador ferred from reading between the lines, so were the diplomatic and family lies Catherine de-
seu irmo. Cfr. JORDAN, op. dt. (note 29), p. 102, cat. 81
(where Palos was mis-identified by the author s a mer- ployed to obtain everything on her wish list. She relied entirely upon the goodwill of a sister,
chant). whom she did not know but admired greatly, and who dominated the artistic milieu at this
K Catherine's appreciation of Italian luxury textiles is date, to guide her, or rather her faithful servant, through the Shopping streets of Brssels.
apparent in an undated letter addressed to Ruy Mendes,
commissioned to procure the best damask on the market
Mary's expertise was mobilized on all levels, even the regent's hunting skills and know-how in
in Milan and Venice for the queen, who also sent him a this domain were tapped. Carneiro bought twenty-two young falcons, which required the paid
detailed list with samples. See Biblioteca Pblica Munici-
pal do Porto, Ms 85, fols. 1065-1066 (ca. 1564-1565): tfuy assistance of three falconers for 19 days, besides the construction of special perches and cages
Mendes EU a Rainha, etc. uos enoyo hu Rol e certas for the ship journey back to Lisbon.
amostras douro e damasco da Sorte que quella que me
enuieys o ouro prata damasco e borlas e telas con- Textiles and cloth of various sizes, quality and manufacture, some described s lauor de
theudas no dyto Rol e tudo queria que fose muyto per-
feyto por que he para cousas de muyto gosto e conlenta-
damasco de flores, others s lauor de ueneza or pavia, and others embroidered with Old Tes-
mento meu e o que se ouvese de mandar fazer fose por tament scenes (Cain and Abel), were acquired from the following dealers or merchants: Adri-
muyto de sobre mo e em tanta perfeicarri como se cus-
tuma quando se laz para paragone/a amostra do dam- an Borlamaque, Euerarte de Ovelar, Jean Dingas, Jaques, Luis Carler (Carlet?), Gerard Baques,
asco me dyzem que foy feyta cm Milo mas tenho en-
Francisca da Cruz (a woman of Portuguese origin), Derrick van der Mauruen and Caspar Roiz
tendido que se fara muyto milhor em Veneza pelo que o
mandareys loguo alj fazer ao milhor mestre que ahy ou- (another Portuguese). Pewter vessels of assorted shapes and sizes were obtained from the
ver ao qul emcomendareys que tenha o dyto damasco
muito seda para questa corpulente como se contem no
pewtersmith Laurence (Lourenqo estanheiro) and the merchant Lazarus Duquar. Silver bas-
dyto Rol e a seda em que se ouuer de fazer sera suriana kets commissioned from Mary of Hungary's goldsmith, who was not named by Carneiro, may
e no despanha por que me dyzen que numqua se faz
amarela/Avisa meys loguo do que estas cousas podera have been executed by Christoffel Radnecker, who worked in Brssels for the regent's court31.
custar para uos mandar prouer com o dinheiro nece-
The latter were made of the finest silver, each of which decorated with a steel escutcheon in
saryo o qul faco fundamento deuy mandar em pymen-
ta trazem os Noso nellas naos da India por que se es- the middle. Each basket had its own leather storage case. Finally, Jean Embre supplied
pera e podem me loguo enoiar o ouro e prata conteudos
no dyto Rol ou alguma parta dele faloeys osy enoyra a Carneiro with twenty-four chests to stre and transport these goods, which in June of 1552
muyto breue Recado e de tal maneyra que se narrt took ten seamen to carry from the ship Santiago docked at the Lisbon waterfront to the
dane/o qul sera da Sorte y calydade que se contem no
dyto Rol. The list follows on fol. 1066. Mendes was in- queen's apartments in the royal palace.
strumental in shipping from Flanders to Lisbon an elabo-
rate mule-drawn litter or carriage the queen had commis-
Carneiro's report confirms that certain items, like the silver baskets, had been especially
sioned in Paris with the assistance of her ambassador, made for Catherine; perhaps this commission arranged before his departure, and executed un-
Joo Periera Dantas, in 1564. IAN/TT, C.C l, maco 106,
doc. 131 cited in JORDAN, op. dt. (note 29), p. 369. der Mary's watchful eye. Her controlleur was involved in the financial transactions of this order
made according to Mary's specifications, s one entry describes: ao ouriuez da Rainha dom-
'D The Portuguese factors in Flanders were invariably
well educated men, usually of noble birth, often em- gria aquem ela mandou fazer hos ditos seis acafates. Payments were made to several un-
ployed s gentlemen in Portuguese royal households,
who assumed diplomatic functions at the Habsburg
named artisans (obreiros) who assisted the goldsmith in making silver models (que fezero
court. They were multi-lingual and because of their gen- em uerga a mostra) and the Courier who brought the required silver for the latter men from
erous salaries could engage in artistic patronage, s did
Joo Brando with Albrecht Drer in 1521-1522. These Antwerp to Brssels. Extra monies were paid out by Carneiro to the goldsmith and to several
men were very familir with the markets in Flanders, up
of Mary's household officials because the commission had been expedited quickly and dili-
to date about paintings, tapestries, textiles, gold plate, In-
struments and other luxury goods for sale. Palos and gently: f isto ha deligemqia que pos em nos fazer he ofeaais que para isto tomou. Carneiro
Mendes appear to have been quite knowledgeable about
tapestries, their subject matter and the quality of their
supervised everything done to the last detail and fortunately for us was just s meticulous in his
manufacture. written report to his queen.
''" IAN/TT, NA 792, fol. 109.

ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND

CORNELIS DE RONDE AND THE HISTORY OF AENEAS TAPESTRIES
At this juncture, Catherine purchased three large tapestry sets, numbering twenty-eight panels.
From the merchant/dealer Lazarus Duquar, the Portuguese queen bought nine panels of the
biblical History of Queen Esther. From the weaver-entrepreneur, Cornelis de Ronde (t 1569)52,
she purchased nine panels of the Story of King Ahab (figures l and 2) and eleven of the Histo-
ry of Solomon. Another cycle Catherine intended to buy from De Ronde is mentioned and dis-
cussed in some length in Carneiro's report. The Portuguese queen, keen in acquiring the best,
appears to have been well-informed by her Portuguese intermediaries, or even by De Ronde
himself, of tapestries available from his Workshop and stre. In particular, a set he had for sale
of seven panels of the History ofAeneas, modeled after the editio princeps, based on designs
by Perino del Vaga, which belonged to Andrea Doria, for whom a set had been woven in Flan-
ders between 1531 and 153653. These tapestries, recorded in Doria's inventories until 1825,
were woven in silk and gold and called the Nauigatione d'Enea54. Two preparatory drawings
by Perino have survived and were identified by Bernice Davidson, who related them to the lat-
er weavings of Aeneas sets executed in the 1540s and 1550s. Scholars generally agree that
these \aterAeneas tapestries executed in Brssels, are based upon cartoons deriving from Peri-
no's models, but which may not faithfully reproduce Andrea Doria's original designs and tapes-
tries. Rather, these extant Aeneas tapestries derive from second-generation cartoons, provided
by a Netherlandish painter, developed from Perino's original conception for a commercial
market35.
Carneiro had been dispatched from Lisbon to specifically buy this Aeneas cycle. However,
upon his arrival, he found it had already been sold, in all probability, to Catherine's sister, Mary.
A History of Ahab and the Kings of Israel (figures 1-3)' was purchased from De Ronde in its
place56, but whether Catherine was satisfied with this replacement is not recorded. Three pan-
els of the Life of Ahab, two woven by De Ronde, whose present whereabouts are unknown,
formerly in collection of Monsieur de Somzee in Brssels, were purchased by Charles Ffoulke
in 1901. Later, these were in his collection in Washington, D. C., purchased after his death by
French & Co. in New York around 1926 and exhibited at the Wadsworth Atheneum (Connecti-
cut) in December 193257. The surviving Ahab panels, identified by Delmarcel and Dumortier,
depict episodes of the First Book of Kings (l Kings 22: 1-40): King Jehoshaphat ofJudah uisits
King Ahab (figure 1), the Third War against Syria: Ahab prepares for battle (figure 2) and the
Third War against Syria: death of Ahab (figure 3), and may be related to Catherine's lost set.
The borders of all three are identical: flowers and strapwork are interspersed with various ani-
mals, putti, female figures in Swings and couples, while the cartouches above, with inscrip-
tions, are flanked by festoons. Delmarcel and Dumortier compare the conception and figures
of the Ahab panels with those of another famous tapestry cycle at the Lisbon court, now in Vi-
enna, D. Joo de Castro, which Catherine knew well58. What connection, if any between the
two commissions, cannot, s yet, be defined.
Many questions remain unanswered: did De Ronde weave this later Aeneas set on his own
initiative s a speculative venture, or was he instructed by a particular patron to do so? Would
have De Ronde confidently taken on the financial risk of investing in such an expensive cycle
without a specific buyer in mind, or did he already have someone waiting for the set to be
completed and woven? Was Catherine in any way directly involved with this commission, or
was she merely buying de Ronde's existing stock? She must have known about the number of
panels and their size before Carneiro's departure from some informant, either from Mary, De
Ronde or from her Portuguese agents, since Carneiro had express orders to buy the Aeneas
51 These silver baskets are recorded in Catherine's
1550-1553 unpublished inventory, IAN/TT, Lisbon, NA
794, fol. 209v: En lixboa a xbij de Julhn de 1552 Rece-
beo a camareira dona me^ia dandmde do thesoureiro
aluai'o lopez seis azafates de uerga de prata fina de
frandes os quoaes truxo frandsco carneiro moco da ca-
mara da Rainha nosa senora de frandes todos Junta-
mente con hun escudo dat^o que cada hun deles ten no
meyo oyfenta seis marcos hu OT?CG e tres oytavas. E
cada hun destes aqafates tem hu caixa con sua
tapadoura de barnheico cubertas de coyro preto e forra-
dos de pano por dentro-. Mary of Hungary's own collec-
tion of goid and silver plate was extensive, s her invento-
ry and one of the surviving drawings of the Binche
festivities can confirm. Cfr. Maria oan Hongarije..., op. dt.
(note 5), pp. 312-313, cat. 214. Also B. VAN DEN BOOGERT,
Macht cn Pracht. Het mecenaat van Maria van Hongari-
je, in Maria van Hongarije..., op. cit. (note 5), pp. 269-
353, specifically pp. 290-291.
52 G. DELMARCEL and C. DUMORTIER, Cornelis de Ronde,
Wandtapijtwever Te Brssel (t!569), Revue Beige
d'archeologie et d'histoire de l'art, 55 (1986), pp. 41-67,
and C.M. BROWN and G. DELMARCEL, Tapestries for the
Courts of Ercole II, Ercole. and Ferrante Gonzaga, 1522-
63, Seattle-London, 1996, pp. 64-65.
5:i B. DAVIDSON, The Nauigatione d'Enea Tapestries De-
signed by Perino del Vaga for Andrea Doria, Art Bulletin,
72(March 1990), pp. 35-50.
"'' BROWN and DELMARCEL, op. cit. (note 52), pp. 64-65,
and CAMPBELL, op. cit. (note 4), pp. 357-359.
5ti IAN/TT, CC I, maco 87, doc. 34, 1551 (appendix:
document 11: he em lugar da de Eneas que era uemdi-
da leua outra da Estorea de! Rey Acab nas ditas tres ca-
maras de tapecaria.
37 Until 1967 these three panels were still in the collec-
tion of French and Co. See Catalogue des tapisseries...
faisant partie de la collection de Somzee. Vente
publique, Brssels, 20-25 May 1901, pp. 79-80, nos. 544-
546; C. FFOULKE, The Ffoulke Collection of Tapestries,
New York, 1913, pp. 73-78, and DELMARCEL and DUMORTIER,
op. cit. (note 53), pp. 61-63. Photos of Ffoulke's tapes-
tries, once in the photo archive of French & Co., have
been purchased by the Getty Foundation. These are avail-
able for study and consultation on the internet:
http:/Iuna.getty.edu/images/tapestry, record nos. 0237722,
0237715,0237717.
30 The ten tapestries devoted to the victories of the Por-
tuguese Vice-roy in India are dated by Delmarcel around
1557, woven in Brssels after cartoons in Michiel Coxcie's
style. See DELMARCEL, op. cit. (note 52), p. 136, and
Tapecarias de D. Joo de Castro, Lisbon, 1995.
ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND 97

/ Workshop of Cornelis de Ronde, Life ofAhab and
the Israelite Kings (King Jehoshaphat of Judah visits
King Ahab), tapestry panel, Brssels, c. 1550-1570.
Wool and silk, h. 3,40, w. 4,72 m. Ex. Brssels, coll.
De Somzee, and New York, French & Co., present
whereabouts unknown.
M P. JUNQUERA DE VcoA, Tapices del Patrimonio Nacional.
Una serie de la Historia de Dido y Eneas, Reales Sitios, 9
(1974), pp. 17-28; P. JUNQUERA DE VEGA and C. HERRERO
CARRETERO, Catlogo de Tapices del Patrimonio Nacional.
Volumen I: Siglo x\'i, Madrid, 1986, pp. 325-332, and W.
HEFFORD, Another Aeneas Tapestry, Anes textiles, vol. XI
(1986), pp. 75-87.
60 Two sets of Aeneas tapestries were recorded in
Mary's unpublished inventory, one older set with nine
panels dubbed uiejo and the other set she obtained from
De Ronde in 1551. See the unpublished entries in AGS,
CMC, l a epoca, leg. 1017, fol. 120bis (unfoliated): una
tapiceria de seda y lana fina de la ystoria de Heneas en
siete pie^as y cada una tiene de cayda seis anas y todas
juntas tubieron dozentos e ochenta e tres anas: otra
tapiceria uieja de la ystoria de heneas que son nueue
panos y cada uno dellos tiene de cayda c.inco anas y to-
dosjuntos tubieron dozientos e treynta e seis anas e dos
quartas. Both sets were inherited by Juana of Austria in
1558 and later recorded in 1598 in the tapestry collection
of Philip II. Cfr. DELMARCEL, op. cit. (note2),p. 171,nos. 39
and 57.
61 A uara is a Spanish measurement equal to approxi-
mately one yard.
62 A number of tapestry weavers, who repaired and
maintained tapestries in the royal wardrobes, worked in
the households of Catherine of Austria and John III: Cata-
rina Lopez and her husband, Pedro Lopes (IAN/TT, CC l,
maco 41, doc. 83, 21 July 1528), Daniel (IAN/TT, CC II,
maco 244, doc. 160, 24 March 1555), Antonio Fernandes,
Lourenco Prego and Mattheus Fernandes. Daniel was
probably the Flemish tapissier resident in Lisbon, Daniel
Gris. Cfr. E. STOLS, La Nation flamande Lisbonne, in
Flandre et Portugal. Au confluent de deux cultures,
Antwerp, 1991, pp. 119-141, especially, p. 124.
63 IAN/TT, CC I, maco 4, doc. 48 (2 January 1554), cit-
ed in JORDAN, op. cit. (note29),p. 341,cat. 59.
fi4 An ana equals a Flemish eil (68.58 cm) or 45 inch-
es. See JORDAN, op. cit. (note 29), pp. 182-183.
ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND
set. De Ronde must have had a good reputation, with many contacts in Antwerp. He sold tap-
estries there, and is documented in connection with the Italian firm of the Affaitadi in 1555-
1556. There is little reason to doubt similar contacts with the Portuguese factors, Antonio Palos
and Ruy Mendes.
Was Mary of Hungary in any way involved in the Aeneas commission? The regent must
have known De Ronde well and appreciated his talents. However, why she took tapestries ob-
viously reserved for Catherine is unclear. Was De Ronde nervous about having expensive sets
in stock? Was he worried Catherine would not buy them, or that her servant would not come
with the promised payment? Perhaps, the matter operated more simply, on a first-come, first-
serve basis, with the first buyer on the scene being the lucky one. Mary obviously could not re-
sist, despite her loyalties to Catherine, in buying such a beautiful and superbly executed tapes-
try cycle so ideologically related to her dear brother, Charles V. The Carneiro report proves for
the first time that Mary, without any embarrassment or consideration, just snatched \heAeneas
set from Catherine, knowing fll well Carneiro was on his way. Mary bought De Ronde's Ae-
neas set only few years before she retired to Spain, where she took them in 155659, and where
they were later inherited by her niece, Juana of Austria, and her nephew, Philip II6".
Bernice Davidson has shown in her study of Andrea Doria's original commission, that only
a member of Charles V's family, or the imperial court, would have had the finances to pay for a
set of large-scale Aeneas tapestries, and also own the appropriate residence with enough
space to hang them. Another surviving document (a payment mandate) in Lisbon confirms
that Catherine was aware of the size and dimensions of her new tapestries, ordering, after their
arrival at court in 1554, that 28 panels be lined with 595 varas of cloth61, sewn on by her tapi-
ceira (tapestry weaver), Catarina Lopez62, and equipped with 300 copper rings procured from
the copper smith, Diogo Fernandez, with leather bands made for these rings by the leather
maker, Mateos Gomez, in Lisbon63. In 1557, the sets she acquired from Duquar and De Ronde
of King Ahab, Esther and Solomon, measuring a total of 715 anas, were cited for the first time
in an inventory taken of her wardrobe at this date64.
Carneiro's report further informs Catherine of armorial tapestries: fifty hangings made in
Oudenaarde, a center specialized in the production of heraldic tapestries. The latter commis-
sion was first initiated by Mary, who later declined the order for unspecified reasons and
passed it on to her sister; an arrangement perhaps worked out before Carneiro's departure. An
unnamed painter (perhaps Michiel Coxcie) in Brssels had to be paid by Carneiro to execute a
new cartoon to accurately fit the size of these armorial hangings, because, according to
Carneiro, the first cartoon ordered by Mary of Hungary's servant from the same, or another
painter, was too large. Who this painter may have been remains speculation. Upon the re-
gent's order, Carneiro went twice to Oudenaarde from Brssels with her controlleur, in order
to bargain with the weavers, and see if they would agree to complete the commission for a
cheaper price. Whether Carneiro was successful in settling upon a price satisfactory to both
parties is not known.
Although few letters between the two sisters have survived, this document confirms their
intense exchange. More importantly, Carneiro's report reveals Catherine's connoisseurship and
discriminating tastes at the height of her collecting, underscoring how much she relied upon
Mary for assistance and advice. The fact she sought to obtain at great expense the Aeneas cy-
cle, and that the two sisters evidently competed to buy it, is even more illuminating. As with a
set of Romulus and Remus Catherine purchased almost twenty years earlier in Brssels, her
objective was to manipulate, with tapestry, mythological imagery closely associated with the
Habsburg court, and superimpose this at the Avis court for her own political purposes.
 In the Renaissance, Aeneas personified pietas, becoming the exemplar of a hero and later
an exemplar of a Christian soldier, who loved his country and his family. As a quasi-divine an-
cestor of the Romans, rewarded with immortality, he was cherished s the founder of a noble
lineage. The Habsburgs claimed their descent from Aeneas65, and with these tapestries, Cather-
ine hoped to reconfirm her genealogical and political lies to the Habsburg house. Perino del
Vaga's original conception and subject for Andrea Doria's tapestries derive from the first book
of the Aeneid, in which the hero is destined to found a kingdom in Italy and father a new line
that would produce a Roman Caesar and a new empire governed by everlasting peace and
law. This vision of Rome's future supremacy is the central theme of the opening book of the
Aeneid, and in the late Middle Ages was often understood s a prophecy of the coming of 2 Cornelis de Ronde, Life of Ahab and the Israelite
Kings (Third War Against Syria: Ahab prepares for
Christ. The tapestries thus make an allusion to Charles V, s Aeneas's descendant, who would battle), tapestry panel, Brssels, c. 1550-1570. Wool
and silk, h. 3,40, w. 4,72 m. Ex. Brssels, coll. De
fulfill the prophecy of a future Caesar, crowned emperor in Bologna in 1530. Thomas Camp-
Somzee, and New York, French & Co., present
bell reads the Aeneas tapestries s a metaphor of the triumph of the Catholic Church under whereabouts unknown.

Charles V66. In this light, it understandable why Mary snapped them up before Carneiro's ar-
rival. She could not resist such a splendid set with such explicit Roman and Christian concepts.
Catherine shared with Mary a cult of the emperor, and in the expectation of acquiring the Ae-
neas cycle, with its antique and Habsburg associations, Catherine hoped to visualize her pow-
er, association and ties with the imperial court in Flanders.
The seven panels of Aeneas Mary of Hungary literally stole from Catherine and De
Ronde's Workshop, survive today in the Patrimonio Nacional in Madrid. Six panels illustrate
Book I of the Aeneid and the last panel a passage from Book IV All have identical borders,
comprising of strapwork, Vegetation, figures and cartouches with inscriptions similar to bor-
ders of other tapestries attributed to De Ronde's atelier67. Two panels bear the CR monogram of
3 Workshop of Corneiis de Ronde, Life of Ahab and
his Workshop68, and the Cartoons have been attributed to a Flemish Romanist. They are large, the Ismelite Kings (Third War Against Syria: Death of
Ahab), tapestry panel, Brssels, c. 1550-1570. Wool
measuring 12 feet in height and in width approximately 12 3/4 to 16 feet (roughly 385 by 500 and silk, h. 3,40, w. 4,72 m. Ex. Brssels, coll. De
cm depending upon the individual panel). The first tapestry of the set depicts Trojan ships ap- Somzee, and New York, French & Co., present
whereabouts unknown.
proaching Italy, while Juno above pleads with Aeolus for a tempest that will destroy the fleet69.
In the second, the storm subsides s Aeneas Stands at the prow of his ship. Above Jupiter
promises Venus that her son's empire will be restored to him and she is reassured of Rome's 65 M. TANNER, The Last Descendant of Aeneas. The
Habsburgs and the Mythic Image of the Emperor, New
future glory (figure 4)70. The third tapestry shows Aeneas landing at the coast of Libya, where Haven, 1993.
he hunts for stags71. In the fourth Aeneas and Achates climb a hill, from where they look down
GG CAMPBELL, op. eil. (note 4), p. 357.
upon the city of Carthage (figure 5)72. The fifth tapestry depicts the Trojan delegation appearing
before queen Dido, and the sixth represents the banquet of Dido and Aeneas73. The last panel, 67 DELMARCEL and DUMORTIER, op. dt. (note 52), p. 54.

taken from Book IV, shows Jupiter sending Mercury to rebuke Aeneas for idling in Libya when 68 DELMARCEL, op. cit. (note 52), p. 369.

his destiny called him to Italy and Rome (figure 6)74. Bernice Davidson posits that the patron 69 Patrimonio Nacionai, inv. no. 10076060, 395 x 443
who commissioned the Patrimonio Nacional Aeneas set must have resided in a palace with a cm. The sequence and reading provided by P. Junquera
and C. Hcrrero Carretero is incorrect, who mis-identified
great amount of wall space, more space than Andrea Doria had for his original Aeneas tapes- the subject of the first panel, which they placed last. Cfr.
HEFFORD, op. cit. (note 59), p. 81.
tries. Few patrons in Europe at this date owned palaces with enough space for such large and
expensive hangings. She equally proposes that digressions from Perino del Vaga's designs may 70 Patrimonio Nacional, inv. no. 100023448, 385 x
489 cm.
have been directly influenced by the patron, who must have had some input with the cartoon
designer and was responsible for these changes: s in the draped Venus in Panel Two, ordered 71 Patrimonio Nacional, inv. no. 10005791, 386 x
390cm.
by a patron who disapproved of nudity. This proposition is tempting and provocative, suggest-
72 Patrimonio Nacional, inv. no. 10005698, 375 x
ing that Catherine, after all, may have been the person responsible for this commission, and
443 cm.
that she, or someone close to her, supervised the execution of the cartoons De Ronde used s
7:1 Patrimonio Nacional, inv. no. 10022665, 382 x 490
models. Until further documentation or letters can be found, this can only remain a hypotheti- cm, and inv. no. 100076057, 382 x 472 cm, respectively.
cal Suggestion, s Catherine's direct involvement with the tapestries she bought in Brssels in
71 Patrimonio Nacional, inv. no. 10005795, 390 x
1551 is still not clear. 575 cm.

A N N E M A R I E J O R D A N G S C H W E N D 99
 . . .

- < , -:
i_- i#j&''; >'-/;.':SBr*"''. ,I.M!,
4 Workshop of Cornelis de Ronde, Aeneas (Panel Two: Aeneas prays for
salvation; Jupiter and Venus), tapestry panel, Brssels, c. 1550-1552. Wool and
silk, h. 3,75, w. 4,43 m. Ex. coll. Mary of Hungary (Cigales, 1558), Madrid,

^ yj?*,-^: ,;^-" 4^,'s . 7'|i^T|! Patrimonio Nacional (inv. 10023448).

i^-^^fe^'^i^ :'&M

5 Workshop of Cornelis de Ronde, Aeneas (Panel Four: Aeneas and Achates

view Carthage), tapestry panel, Brssels, c. 1550-1552. Wool and silk, h. 3,75,
w. 4,43 m. Ex. coll. Mary of Hungary (Cigales, 1558), Madrid, Patrimonio
Nacional (inv. 10005698).

.-

6 Workshop of Cornelis de Ronde, tapestry panel, Aeneas (Panel Seven:

Jupiter sends Mercury to rebuke Aeneas), Brssels, c. 1550-1552. Wool and
silk, h 3,90, w 5,75 m. Ex. coll. Mary of Hungary (Cigales, 1558), Madrid,
Patrimonio Nacional (inv. 10005795).

100 ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND

 An unpublished letter in the Lisbon archive may provide a small, but significant clue (ap-
pendix: document 3). The informative missive written by the Portuguese ambassador at the
imperial court, Lourengo Pires de Tavora, to the royal secretary, Pero de Alcgova Carneiro, in
August of 1551, discusses at length a chamber of tapestries the secretary was either negotiating
for himself or for a royal patron. It is not clear whether the letter could actually imply tapestries
Catherine was trying to acquire in Flanders at this time. In any case, Tavora's letter dates from
August 155l73, a few months before Carneiro must have arrived in Brssels, who probably left
Lisbon in December 1551 and stayed in Brssels until May 1552, calculating the time needed
for travel to and from Portugal. We now from Carneiro himself, that he was in Antwerp until 21
May 1553 and must have departed from Flanders not long afterwards (appendix: document l,
p. 34). His report and dossier for the queen was completed upon his return to Lisbon on June
29, 1552. It is possible that Pires de Tavora personally advised Catherine and her servant,
Carneiro, of the mechanics involved with Shopping for tapestries in Flanders.
Pires de Tavora reveals both his knowledge of and personal experience with the tapestry
market in Brssels in 1551, s he himself says: dysto sey muito pela pratyca do tempo que
estyve em frandes. He explains in detail the difficulties of purchasing expensive, large-scale
tapestries of diverse subject matter, without the Cartoons (patroyns) commissioned in ad-
vance. To avoid problems, it was safer to have models that conformed both to the size and
subject matter (estoryas) of the tapestries. Everyone who has been to Flanders to shop for
tapestries will say the same, and complains of the same problems and complications. A buyer
must have patience, order his tapestries well in advance and wait at least two, if not, three
years. In any case, Pires de Tavora promised the secretary he would do his best and search
for diverse tapestries made in Brssels and sold in Antwerp: me deterey todo o en que posa
ver toda a tapeqaria diversa formacoys da de bruqelas que he a que vay a enuers. Even
though these may not correspond to the secretary's original request, he would look out for
and buy him suitable panels, because he was sure there were few buyers in Brssels at this
date. Thus, he was sure there would be more tapestries to chose from.
The complexities of maneuvering through the Brssels tapestry market in the mid-six-
teenth Century could not have been better described by a contemporary observer. Elite shop-
pers, like Catherine of Austria, evidently did not always get what they had ordered or bargained
for, and buyers, more often than not, had to settle for second best. Insider help, s Mary of
Hungary could offer, was of the essence in buying the right set, with the ideal story one want-
ed, for the projected room or location in one's palace.

FLEMISH TAPESTRIES IN THE PA0 DA RIBEIRA

Catherine of Austria's collection of mythological and religious tapestries hung together both in
the private rooms she occupied, and in the public ones she used for entertainment in the Lis-
bon royal palace (the fbfo da Ribeira)1&, in particular, the queen's hall, the Sala da Raynha,
built for her by John III after 1534. As a feminine space reserved only for public entertainment 75 pires de Tavora had returned to the Ibenan peninsu -
la by December of 1551, to accept the post of ambassa-
and fetes, the decoration of this hall reflected the principles, objectives and aims of the queen. dor at the Spanish court. in January 1552 he presided at
, ... , . , . . . . ., , . !,,,,, r ^ u , , the proxy wedding of Juana of Austria to Catherine's son,
In this light, it is possible to suggest that the arrangement of space in Catr
m Catherine s quarters was Prjnj;e ;Jhn celebrated at Toro

tailored to meet her needs, both in function, decoration and iconography.

76 A. JORDAN, Portuguese Royal Residences (1495-
An eyewitness, Angelo Carrissmo, who attended the wedding festivities of Catherine's 16W), \n Portuguese Royal Co/ieaions (1505-1580): A
niece, Maria of Portugal (1538-1577) to Alexander Farnese, in the Lisbon palace in 1565, de- Bibuogmphic and Documentary Suwey, Master Thesis,
George Washington University, Washington, D.C., 1985,
scribed tapestries displayed in one spacious hall: rieh and fine panels with diverse ancient and pp. 6-46.

ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND 101

 modern stories were hung along the walls from top to bottom, so that not one bit of the wall
could be seen77. Francesco di Marchi, who attended the same wedding, described Catherine's
hall in her apartments, s richly decorated with tapestries made of gold, silver and silk78. The
77 Archivio di Stato di Napoli, Archivio Farnesiano, Far- motive behind Catherine's extensive decoration of the queen's hall, and the adjoining rooms
nesiana fascio 262, cc. 768-773: andarono a discaual-
care d'una parte del detto palazzo doue staua in una containing her guardaroba (wardrobe) and treasury of exotica and curiosities, were political
spatiosissirna e ricchissimamente ornata di finissimi
and dynastic. Her collection became a visible symbol of her political position and magnificence
panni di diverse istorie antiche e moderne dal alro in
sino al piano a! modo ehe punto del muro non si at the Lisbon court, and through the means of her kunstkammer, Catherine was brought into
uedeua. I am grateful to Giuseppe Bertini for this refer-
ence. closer contact with other worlds separated from her by geographical distance. Her tapestry col-
lection advanced the concept of imperial and cosmic rule, which both the Habsburg and Avis
78 G. BERT, Le Nozze di Alessandro Farnese. Feste
alle corti di Lisbona e Bruxelles, Parma, 1997, p. 79: royal houses promoted: Romulus and Remus emphasized the founding of a new empire and a
L'appartamento era ricchissimamente addobato di
new Rome, the Conquest of Tunis (owned by Catherine's niece, Maria of Portugal [1521-
tapezzaria d'oro, di argento e di seta.
1577]) symbolized the Habsburg victory over Islam79, the Months of the Years (commissioned
79 See JORDAN, op. dt., Ma Meilleur Soeur... (note 20).
by John III) the control over nature and the seasons, while the Spheres (Terrestrial, Celestial
80 This commission discussed at length in JORDAN, op. and Spherical) imaged Catherine and John s joint rulers of a celestial and terrestrial kingdom,
dt., Verndern padre y senor (note 20). See also A.
JORDAN, Tapestries in Portuguese Royal Collections a global empire that stretched from Lisbon to Goa80. Three panels of the History of Trojan (ac-
(1495-1580), in Portuguese Royal..., op. dt. (note 76),
pp. 47-74.
quired at the beginning of Catherine's reign) represented the dispensing of wise justice.
The Solomon cycle, bought in Brssels, whose own court was renowned for its magnifi-
81 Catherine bequeathed these to her lady-in-waiting,
Ana de Aragon, in 1578. JORDAN, op. dt. (note 29), p. 114, cence and luxury, compared the prudent rulership of Catherine and John to that of the Old
n. 22. It is not known whether Catherine was personally Testament king, and the Esther series, purchased from Lazarus Duquar, stressed the queen's
involved in the concept and design of these Solornon tap-
estries, and no extant panels have, s yet, been attribuled role s intercessor for her people: a highly charged and potent image of queenship. The series
to Cornelis de Ronde and his workshop. The tte of
Catherine's sperb tapestry collection after her death in
of Susanna, panels from Catherine's early collection81, symbolized the triumph of female virtue
1578 in not clear; however many choice pieces (tapes- and purity. The Ahab set from De Ronde's workshop, which replaced the Aeneas set, empha-
tries, exotica and court portraits) were appropriated by
Philip II after the conquest of Portugal in 1580 and incor- sized the history of the Israelite kings, while the Trojan myth of Aeneas Catherine hoped to
porated into the Spanish royal collection, such s the
hang in the Lisbon palace, would have allegorically shown Catherine's ancient and Habsburg
well-known Spheres tapestries, today in the Patrimonio
Nacional in Madrid. lineage.

::; This essay has profited immensely from years of exchange with Guy Delmarcel. I am grateful for his insights and observations
here and in other articies concerning Flernish tapestry collections at the Portuguese court in the Renaissance. Delmarcel's Identifica-
tion of the merchant-weaver Cornelis de Ronde has allowed scholars of tapestry patronage to gain new insights into the commer-
dalization of tapestries in Brssels during the 1550s. Delmarcel has pointed out elsewhere that while Renaissance tapestries were
produced in Brssels, they were mainly marketed and sold in Antwerp. However, it appears, from the documents published below
in the Appendix, that royal and elite buyers often chose to buy directly from particular Workshops and dealers in Brssels in Order
to avoid competitive buyers from all over Europe and acquire the best on the market. I should also like to thank Thomas P. Camp-
bell for his invitation to speak at the international Conference organized at the Metropolitan Museum of Art where many ideas for
this present work were solidified. Cfr. A. JORDAN, Metaphors of Power and Rule: Flernish Tapestries in the Collections of Habsburg
Queens and Princesses of Portugal in the Renaissance, in Tapestry in the Renaissance: Art arid Magnificence, international Sym-
posium, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 6-8 June 2002 (unpublished paper). Lastly, I am indebted to Bernardo Garcia
Garcia for the opportunity to publish these new findings on Cornelis de Ronde and his female patrons here.

ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND

 Appendix

DOCUMENT l

Instituto dos Arquiuos Nadonais l Tone do Tornbo (IAN/TT), Lisbon

Corpo Chronolgico l, maqo 87, doc. 34 (Portuguese and Italian)
18 December 1551, 18 folios (unfoliated)

p. l nosa senora de que Ihe asinou hun alvara em qul a poder os quaes cinquo
Asignado da Rainha para Bento Roiz Ihe dar hun credito seu para [que] em mil cruzados me a de dar em framdes amtonio espimdola [Antonio Spinola,
Flandes se darem 5.000 cruzados a Francisco Carneiro seu moco da camara Genovese merchant in Antwerp] agostim estevo gentil [Agostino Stefano
para certas couzas de seu Real servico Gentili, Genovese merchant in Antwerp] em almeirim a 18* de dezembro de
1551
[cross] Em 1553 [signature of]: Franciso Carneiro
2.547.775" rs. [reais] pagos / a bento Roiz
83.720.000 p. 5
l3'8marco26graos 1551
de francisco carneiro como rrecebeo o credito de 5.000 cruzados pela Rain-
p. 2 ha nosa senora
2.547.775* rs. para esto contenido e gertido [?] 2.441.175* rs. que pagou a
bemto Roiz mercador dos mercadorias que francisco carneiro trouxe de p. 6
frandes por seu pedido dado para seus gemses [cambios?] e imteresses e [text crossed out below]
seguros [cross] Senor Thesoureiro
Mamday daar a ffrancisco carneiro que ora a Rainha nosa senora mamda a
Cousas que vieron de framdes que trouxe francisco carneiro e que pagou framdes duzemtos cruzados pera sua despesa e asemtaio em vossos Roes
bemto Roiz por letras que o dito francisco carneiro para eile passou para em almeirim a ix de Janeiro de 1552 annos
hun credito que dele levara [Nun'Alvares Pereira

p. 3 p. 7
[cross] Bento Roiz Agradeccernos ey quererdes me dar hum credito Vosso [text crossed out below]
por se darem em framdes a francisco carneiro meu moco da camara atee Recebeo francisco carneiro rnogo da camara da Rainha nosa senora do the-
cimquo mil cruzados para certas cousas do meu servico que Ihe la mando zoureiro alvaro lopez os duzentos cruzados conteudos nesta porterya desta
fazer, e per este meu asinado com s letras e conhecimentos que ele la der outra parte conteuda em almeyrym a 9* de Janeiro de 1552
do dinheiro que Ihe foi emtrege volo mandarey qua pagar corn todos seus [Signatures of]: Francisco Carneiro Diogo martins [Catherine of Aus-
cambios e Intereses, Pero fernandes o fez em Almeirim a 18* de dezembro tria's secretary]
1551
[signature of]: Raynha verbal 1552
[lower left]: per bento roiz 80.000* reais a francisco carneyro
[lower right (signature of)]: Nun'Alvares Pereira [Overseer of Catherine of 9 de Janeiro
Austria's household]
p. 8
p. 4 Janeiro 1552
[text crossed out below] Da Rainha nosa senora sobre o credito dos 5.000 cruzados que Ihe dey para
[cross] diguo eu francisco carrneiro que he verdade que Recebeu do Senor framdes
bemto Roiz hun credito de cinquo mil cruzados por mandado da Rainha 5.000 cruzados

" All figures marked with this symbol [*] are written in Roman numerals in the original manuscripts.

ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND 103


Memoria do que custaro has cousas que se compraro em framdes para ha
Rainha nosa senora que francisco carneiro leva comsiguo
primeramente se compraro dadriam borlamaque tres pegas de toalhas a
pagar per todo rnes de Yunho primeiro que vem/7 hu pega fma de dezaseis
quartos lavor de damasquo que tem quoremta he hu ana he custou a Re-
zo de quinhemtos he novemta Reis ana em que monta vinta quatro mil
gemto he novemta Reis
[Left margin]: toalhas 3* pegas, camara
[Right margin]: 24.190* rs.
E s duas pegas de doze quartos lavor de veneza que tem quoremta he oito
he quoremta he nove anas que fazem novemta he sete anas he custaro a
Rezo de trezerntos he trimta Reis ana em que monta trimta he dous mil he
dez Reis
[Left margin]: camara
[Right margin]: 32.010* rs.
Se compraro de Euerarte de ovelar tres pegas de toalhas a pagar per todo
mes de setembro que vem he custaram// duas pegas de dezaseis quartos la-
vor de damasquo de flores gramdes que tem cimquoemta he quatro anas he
quoremta he gimquo que fazem novemta he nove anas a Rezo de quatro-
cemtos he oitemta Reis ana momta quoremta he sete mil he quinhemtos he
vimte Reis
[Left marginl: toalhas 4* pegas, camara
[Right margin]: 47.520* rs.
E a hu pega de doze quartos lavor de pavia que tem quoremta he oito anas
he custou a Rezo de trezerntos he novemta Reis ana momta dozoito mil he
setegemtos he vimta Reis
[Left rnargin]: camara
[Right margin]: 18.720* rs.
Se compraro de y [Joo] dimgas quatro pegas de toalhas a pagar per todo
mes de Yunho que vem nas quaes ay algus pegas que so partidas// hu
pega de doze quartos lavor de veneza que tem quoremta he oito anas he
custou a Rezo de trezemtas he oitemta Reis ana momta dozoito mil he du-
zemtos he quoremta Reis
[Left margin]: toalhas 4* pecas, camara
[Right margin]: 18.240* rs.
E hu pega cortada de doze quartos lavor de veneza que tem trimta he oito
anas e custou a Rezo de duzemtos he dez Reis ana momta sete mil nove-
gemtos he oitemta Reis
[Left margin]: camara
[Right margin]: 7.980* rs.
[Total on this page, right margin]: 148.660 rs.
l 04 ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND
p. 10
E a outra peca cortada de doze quartos lavor de pavia que tem vimte anas
he custou a Rezo de duzemtos he dez Reis ana momta quatro mil duzem-
tos Reis
[Right margin]: 4.200* rs.
E hu pega de toalhas de dezaseis quartos da estorea de caim que tem vim-
tasete anas que custou a Rezo de oitogemtos Reis ana momta vimta hum
mil seisgemtos Reis
[Right margin]: 21.600* rs.
Se comprou de yaques [Jacques] a pagar de comtado hu peca de toalhas
de doze quartos lavor de veneza que tem gimquoemta anas he custou a Re-
zo de duzemtos he gimquoemta Reis ana momta doze mil quinhemtos
Reis
[Left margin]: toalhas l * pega
[Right margin]: 12.500* rs.
Se comprou de Luis carler a pagar em quimze do mes de novembro que
vem quinze pegas dolam he olamdilha que custaro// tres pecas he mea de
olamdilha rrolada que custaro hus per outras a Rezo de nove mil Reis ha
pega ymteira em que momtou nestas quatro he mea trimta he hun mil quin-
hemtos Reis.
[Left margin]: olam e olamdilha 15* pecas em que contam s 4* mais abai-
xo
[Right margin]: 31.500* rs.
E duas pegas dolam quadrado que custaro a Rezo de oito mil he quatro-
cemtos Reis a pega momta dezaseis mil oitocemtos rs.
[Left margin]: 2* pegas dolam coadrado
[Right margin]: 16.800* rs.
E hu pega e mea do dito olam quadrado que custaro a Rezo de sete mil e
duzemtos Reis a pega imteira em que momta dez mil oitogemtos Reis
[Left margin]: l * pega mea dolam coadrado
[Right margin]: 10.800* rs.
E duas pecas do dito olam quadrado que custaro a Rezo de seis mil Reis a
peca em que momta doze mil Reis
[Left margin]: 2* pegas dolam coadrado
[Right margin]: 12.000* rs.
E seis pegas do dito olam quadrado que custaro ha dous mil he gern Reis a
pega em que momta doze mil setegemtos Reis
[Left margin]: 6* pegas dolam coadrado
[Right margin]: 12.700* rs.
Se compraro de gerar [gerard] baques quimze pegas dolamda que tem to-
das setegemtos he oitemta he quatro anas he custaro a Rezo de gemto he
vimtacimquo Reis ha ana huas per outras em que momta novemta he oito
mil Reis de que ametade se Ihe pagou no mes de margo quamdo lhas com-
praro he a outra ametade se Ihe a de pagar per todo mes de yunho que
vem he s aneages das olamdas so s seguimtes: 52 anas / 52 V2 / 52 / 52V, /
52/52 / 54/52/52V,/5l / 53 / 52 /52V,/ 52V,/ 51'/,
[Left margin]: 15* pegas dolamda
[Right margin]: 98.000* rs.
[Total on this page, right margin]: 220.000 rs.
Se compraro de francisca da cruz quimze pegas dolamda em que ouve se-
tecemtas he oitemta he hu ana e mea que custaro a Rezo de novemta he
cimquo Reis ana em que momtou setemta he quatro mil he duzemtos e
quoremta e dous Reis a pagar todos em quimze do mes dagosto que vem e
s aneages das olamdas so s seguimtes: 52 / SO1// 521// 52 / 54'/2 / 52 V2 /
52 l /,/52/52/51/51 1 / 2 /52/51/54 1 / 2 /51
[Left margin]: 15* pegas dolamda
[Rightmargin]: 74.242* rs.
Se compraro de derique van der mauruen [Derrick van der Mauren] deza-
seis pecas de lemgos de barbamtem em que emtro algus que no so
ymteiras que tem todas oitogemtos quoremta anas he custaro a Rezo de
gimquoemta he gimquo Reis ana hus per outros em que momta quoremta
he seis mil he duzemtos Reis a pagar per todo do mes de yunho que vem e
s aneages so has seguimtes: 62 / 54V, / 53V, / 62V2 / 53 / 53V, / 62V2 / 471/, /
52/61 ,/41/53V 2 /30/41/54V 2 /58
[Left margin]: 16* pecas de barbamtes
[Right margin]: 46.200* rs.
Se comprou de gaspar roiz trimta he oito pecas de Ruam de cofre que tem
todas mil he duzemtas he trimta anas e custaro a Rezo de sesemta Reis
ana em que momtou setemta he tres mil oitogemtos Reis hos quaes se pa-
'ar ao de comtado he s aneages so has seguimtes: 35V, / 29 / 44V, / 36 /
31 V, / 42V, / 26 / 29 / 43V2 / 28 / 35V, / 43 / 30V, / 27V, / 29 / 44'/2 / 31 / 27 /
39V, / 30 / 32 / 23 / 33 / 34 / 32V2 / 20 / 34'/2 / 26V2 / 35 / 17 / 34V, / 25V, / 26 /
29 / 29/43
Left margin]: 38* pecas de Ruam de cofre
Right margin]: 73.800* rs.
je comprou de Louremco [Lourengo, Laurence] estanheiro ho estanho aba-
to decrarado a dinheiro de comtado// vimte bagios destanho de toda asorte
Je seis saleiros he vimtaquatro telhores de servir que tudo pesou sesemta he
tmquo livras he custou a Rezo de quoaremta Reis a livra em que momtou
jous mil he seisgemtos Reis
Right margin]: 2.600* rs.
er hum pichel de mea canada e outro de hun quartilho que custaro tre-
pmtos Reis
tight margin]: 300* rs.
pr duas vinagreiras que custaro gemto he sesemta Reis
ight margin]: 160*rs.
dous saleiros que custaro cemto he vimte Reis
[Right margin]: 120* rs.
[Total on this page, right margin]: 197.422 rs.
p. 12
Seis escudelas que custaro duzemtos he quoaremta Reis
[Right margin]: 240* rs.
hum bagio daguas mos com seu gomil que custou quinhemtos he quoa-
remta Reis
[Right margin]: 540* rs.
quatro castiges que custaro quatrocemtos he oitemta Reis
[Right margin]: 480* rs.
Se compraro de y [Joo] embres [Embres] cofreiro vimtaquatro cofres//
oito cofres platas de dezanove ferros adamascados que custaro a Rezo de
dous mil duzemtos oitemta Reis a pega em que momtou dezoito mil he du-
zemtos he quoremta Reis
[Left margin]: 24* cofres
[Right margin]: 18.240* rs.
E quatro cofres da mesma grandor dos da gima e doutros lavores que custa-
ro a Rezo de dous mil Reis a pega em que momta oito mil Reis
[Right margin]: 8.000* rs.
E os doze cofres tumbados de treze ferros de lavores de damasquo que cus-
taro a Rezo de mil setegemtos quoaremta Reis a pega em que momtou
vimte mil oitogemtos he oitemta Reis he tudo se pagou de comtado ao dito
cofreiro
[Right margin]: 20.880* rs.
pesso hos seis acafates que se fezeram oitemta marquos duas omgas e de-
zoito esterlis de prata/ hos quaes se comparo de Lazaro duquar [Lazarus
Duquar, merchant-dealer] de ley de omze dinheiros he dozoito gros que fa-
zem de fino setemta e oito marquos oyto dinheiros he cimquo grossos que
custaro a Rezo de dous mil he setegentos he sesemta Reis ho marquo em
que momtou duzemtos he dezasete mil he cemto he oitemta Reis a pagar
em quinze do mes dagosto que vem
[Right margin]: 217.180* rs.
Se pagou pelo feito em dinheiro de comtado ao ourivez [Christoffel Radnec-
ker?] da Rainha domgria [Mary of Hungary] aquem ela mandou fazer hos
ditos seis acafates a Rezo de mil he cem Reis por cada marquo posto que
Ihe Julgaro hos mestres do oficio A mil he duzemtos Reis por marco Visto
ha deligemgia que pos em nos fazer he ofegiais que para isto tomou em que
momtou oitemta he oito mil Reis
[Right margin]: 88.000* rs.
[Total on this page, right margin]: 353.560 rs.
ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND l 05
p. 13 dous panos de dezaseis anas cada hum 32 anas
Se comprou de Lazaro duquar [Lazarus Duquar, merchant-dealerj hua ca- hum pano de doze anas 12 anas
mara de tapegaria da estorea da Rainha ester [History of Esther] em que ha tres panos de vimte anas cada hum 60 anas
omze panos he hu porta todas de gimquo anas daltura he das lomguras hum pano de vimtoito anas 28 anas
abaxo decraradas em que ha trezemtas he tres anas 3/4 he custou a Rezo dous panos de vimtaquatro anas cada hum 48 anas
de novegemtos Reis ana em que momtou duzemtos setemta he tres mil he [Total] 180 anas
trezemtos he setemta he cimquo Reis ha pagar// ametade em quinze dias do
mes dagosto primeiro que vem he a outra ametade per fim de fevereiro do Se compraro dez pedras de linho [linen to pack and transport the above ta-
ano que vem de 1553 pestries] de seis livras ha pedra por que no so qua de mais e custaro a
[Left margin]: 11* panos l * porta / 3033/4 anas Rezo de gemto quoremta Reis a pedra em que momtou mil he quatrogem-
[Right margin]: 273.375* rs. tos Reis pagar de comtado
[Right margin]: 1.400*rs.
E sam tres panos de vimte anas cada hum fazem 60 anas
E quatro panos de vimtecimquo anas cada hum fazem 100 anas mais tres Rodas de fiar que custaro ha gemto he oitemta Reis a Roda que
E dous panos de trimta anas cada hum que fazem 60 anas fazem quinhemtos he quoremta Reis
E hum pano de trimta he gimquo anas 35 anas [Right margin]: 540* rs.
E hum pano de quoremta anas 40 anas
E hu porta de oito anas e 3/4 83/4 anas mais seis tochas que custaro ha gemto vimte Reis a tocha que fazem sete-
[Total] 3033/, anas gemtos he vimte Reis
[Right margin]: 720* rs.
Se comprou de corneles do Romde [Cornelis de Ronde] hu camara de ta-
pecaria da Estorea del Rey acab [History ofKingAhab] em que ha nove pa- Se pagaro a contralor [Regent's controlleur] da Rainha domgria [Mary of
nos e hu porta todos de gimquo anas daltura e das lomguras abaxo decra- Hungary] nove mil quatrocemtos Reis que deu por comta a verdades peso
radas que tem todos duzemtas he oitemta he sete anas he custou a Rezo nas cousas abaxo decraradas// dous mil gemto vimte Reis que pagou aos
de novegemtos he trimta Reis ana em que momtou duzemtos sesemta he obreiros que fezero em verga a mostra pera se fazerem hos agafates de pra-
seis mil novegemtos he dez Reis a pagar// hum quarto da dita Somma em ta e a hum omem que levou ha prata para eles demves [Antwerp] a bruge-
quimze de Junho he houtro quarto em quimze de setembro he outro quarto las [Brssels]
em quimze de dezembro he ho outro quarto em quimze de margo do ano
que vem de 1553 E quatro mil quinhemtos Reis que pagou a hum pimtor [unnamed painter in
[Left margin]: 11* panos e l* porta/ 287 anas Brssels: Michiel Coxie?] por fazer hum padro para por ele se mandarem
[Right margin]: 266.910* rs. [Total on this page, right margin]: 110.660 rs.

dous panos de quoremta anas cada hum que fazem 80 anas p. 15

hum pano de trimta he cjmquo anas 35 anas fazer hos Reposteiros ho qul fez muito gramde pelo que foi negessario
tres panos de trimta anas cada hum 90 anas mandar fazer outro que francisco carneiro pagou que vay por outra partida
dous panos de vimtagimquo anas cada hum 50 anas aparte he os dous mil he setecemtos he oitemta Reis pagou pelas costodeas
hum pano de vimta anas 20 anas em que vo has agafates metidos que tudo yumtamente fazem hos ditos
hu porta de doze anas 12 anas nove mill e quatrogemtos rs.
[Total] 287 anas [Left margin]: costodyas / 2.780 rs.
[Total on this page, right margin]: 540.285 rs. [Right margin]: 9.400* rs.

p. 14
Se comprou outra camara de tapegaria da Estoria de Salamo [History ofSo-
lomon] em que ha nove panos todos de quatro anas daltura e das lomguras
abaxo decraradas em que ha gemto he oitemta anas que custaro a Rezo
de seisgemtos Reis ana em que momtou gemto he oito mil Reis a pagar
ametade em dez dagosto he aoutra ametade em dez de de novembro
[Left margin]: 9* panos/ 180 anas
[Right margin]: 108.000* rs.
mais pagou francisco carneiro a hun pimtor por hurn patro que fez na me-
sura gerta pera por ele se mandar fazer hos Reposteiros por que ho que
mandou fazer ho criado da Rainha domgria [Mary of Hungary] saio muito
gramde he fora da mesura de que aviam de ser dous mil oito gemtos Reis
[Right margin]: 2.800* rs.
mais se pagou pelo carreto das agafates de prata he do camdieiro de lato
de brugelas a esta Vila demves [Antwerp] mil he duzemtos Reis
[Right margin]: 1.200*rs.

ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND

Se pagou aos oficaes que tinho comecado hos cimquoemta Reposteiros
que ha Rainha domgria [Mary of Hungary] no quis que se fezesem pelo
dano que nisso ouvero oito cruzados e por yr hun homem desta Vila a em-
giem [Enghien] pelos prates se Ihe deu dous cruzados que faz tudo quatro
mil reis
[Right margin]: 4.000* rs
mais se pagaro pelas despessas abaxo decraradas nove mil novecemtos
quoremta Reis// mil he duzemtos Reis por dez duzias desteiras com que se
empacaro hos cofres/ e dous mil setegemtos trimta Reis por seis pecas de
canavaco groso com que vo forrados hos ditos cofres/ e mil he trezemtos
trimta Reis por gemto e vimtasete livras de corda coni que vo liados/ e mil
duzemtos he oitemta Reis pela empacaco dos cofres e pelos levarem ate
ho caez e quatrogemtos Reis por acarreto dos cofres de casa do cofreiro a
cassa e acarreto doutras cousas e mil he duzemtos Reis pelos dous custu-
mes que se pagaro do dito fato e mil cemto quoremta Reis pelo frete da
charrua que hos levou ate gelamda [Zeeland] abordo da nao/ e os seiscem-
tos sesemta Reis que se dero ha Amtonio afonso [Antonio Afonso, captain]
mlcl [mestre ] da nao para ha em levar e aparelhar por que ho mais que nis-
so gastou pagou a outra mercadoria
[Left margin]: Valse athe quy o precjo e compras de rnercadorias:
1.597.927* rs.
[Right margin]: 9.940* rs.
[Total on this page, right margin]: 27.340 rs.
p. 16
mais se pagaro pelo seguro do hum quomto quinhemtos he novemta he
oito mil Reis que le fezero asigurar sobre esta emcomenda a Rezo de dez
hum quatro por cemto de que ho quarto se pagou ao corretor pelo fazer
cemto he sesemta he tres mil setecemtos novemta he cimquo Reis e o custo
do seguro fica Sua A. corremdo que he ho decimo do que custou tudo com
ho dito seguro por que asy he a ley da terra
[Rightmargin]: 163.795* rs.
Somam nas cousas que se compraram pera A Rainha nosa senora como pa-
rece por las coremta e duas adices escritas nesta comta em que houtra a
acima do custo dos seguro hum comto setegemtos sesemta e hum mill sete-
cemtos e vimte e dous Reaes dos quaes pagaram Ruy mendez e amtonio pa-
los os 468.655* rs. em dinheiro de comtado e pelo Resto fiquaram s pesoas
de quem se compraram pera Ihos pagarem: 66.728* rs. em quimze dias do
mes de Junho primeiro que vem, 203.420* rs. por todo o dito mes de Junho,
482.110* rs. en quimze dias do mes de agosto, 66.728* rs. em quimze dias
do mes de setembro, 66.240* rs. por todo o dito mes de setembro, 137.700*
rs. em quimze de novembro, 66.727* rs.em quimze de dezembro tudo deste
presente ano de mill quinhemtos cimquoemta e dous, 136.687* rs. em fim
do mes de fevereiro do ano que vem de 1553, os 66.727* rs. em quimze de
marco do dito ano de 1553.
mais tres livras por tres mill e seiscemtos rs que custou ho Imterese de gem-
to e vimte mil rs. que se tomaram a cambio athe esta feira de pascoa pera
pagarem s meudemcias por que o mais pera comprimento dos quatrogem-
tos sesemta e oyto mill Reis gemtos cimquoemta e gimquo rs. que se paga-
ram de comtado desembolsaram Ruy mendez e amtonio palos athe gora
que os cobraram de agostinho gemtil
[Right margin]: 3.600* rs.
[Left below (signature of)]: Antonio Palos
[Right below (signature of)]: Ruy Mendez
p. 17
Senora
[Right margin]: carta que trouxo francisco carneiro do amtonio palos que
em framdes Ihe ajudou a fazer o negocio por mandado da Rainha nosa se-
nora
por framcisquo carneiro sabera Vossa alteza particularmente ho que qua se
fez na compra das coussas que veio buscar/ E das tres camaras de tapegaria
que trazia por memoria leva has duas he em lugar da de Eneas [History of
Aeneas] que era vemdida leva outra da Estorea del Rey acab [History of
KingAhab]/ nas ditas tres camaras de tapegaria he nas coussas que mais se
compraram se despemdero hum comto setegemtos he cimquoemta he
cimquo mil trezemtos he vimtedous Reis como tudo vay decrarado no Rol
que ho dito francisco carneiro leva e asy hos tempos em que se pagaro he
se aviam de pagar has ditas coussas he no que por elas se pagou de comta-
do que foram quatrogemtos setemta he dous mil he duzemtos he cim-
quoemta he cimquo Reis em que entro hos tres mil he seisgemtos Reis que
se pagaro de ymteresse de cemto he vimte mil Reis que se tomaro pera
seyrem pagamdo has meudessas he asy ho que custou ho seguro que se fez
como na dita comta se decrara ha qul partida se ajumtou mais hos duzem-
tos setemta mil he gemto he quoremta he oito Reis que vinho a pagar
p. 18
no mes de yunho que vem e asy gern mil he gemto he gimquoemta Reis que
francisco carneiro tomou pera sua despessa que tudo yumtamente fazem
em soma oitogemtos quoremta he dous mil he quinhemtos he gimquoemta
he tres Reis que se cambiaro pera a primeira feira de maio de castela a Re-
zo de sesemta he hum grossos por cruzado no qul cambio se fez avamta-
jado prego do que amdava na praga pelo dinheiro que nele se meteo que
vinha ha pagar no mes de yunho he pasou o dito francisco carneiro suas le-
tras sobre bemto Roiz pera por elas pagar na dita feira de maio dous mil he
setegemtos sesenta he dous cruzados he meo com gimquo al milhar do
cambio ay [Joo] Jacome espimdola [Gian Giacome Spinola], niculao ca-
tanho [Nicolao Cattaneo] he agemlo de marim [Angelo di Marin] e do din-
heiro que vinha a pagar no mes dagosto, setembro, novembro he dezembro
que vem deste ano que em soma fazem oitogemtos dezanove mil he quin-
hemtos he gimquo Reis como tambem se vera pelas partidas da dita comta
se comtaro pera ha feira doutubro de castela a Rezo de sesemta he hum
grosso por cruzado em que momtou dous mil seisgemtos oitemta he seis
cruzados dozoito soldos de cruzado de que ho dito francisco carneiro tam-
bem pasou suas letras sobre bemto Roiz apagar na dita feira doutubro a y
ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND l 07
 [Joo] Jacome [Gian Giacome Spinola] he aos outros com hos gimquo al
milhar de cambio he posto que ho prego do cambio pera ho tempo foi acas
avamtajado todavia francisco carneiro no quisera fazer mais que deixar
hum conceito em que confessava Receber hos sobreditos oitogemtos deza-
nove mil he quinhemtos he gimquo Reis hos quaes se qua avia de pagar aos
tempos em que se devia para que asi como hos fossem pagamdo hos toma-
sem por comta de V. A. pera espanha comforme aos precps que am tarn
amdasem hos ditos dinheiros e posto quele nisso trabalhou quando nele foy
he eu ho ajudei no que pude todavia no podemos acabar com hos sobre
que vinha ho credito pera Ihe darem ho dinheiro he se escussavo com ho
tenor do dito
p. 19
credito em que dezia que ao ar que desem ao dito francisco carneiro Ihe fe-
zesem pasar letras pera has feiras de castela de maniera que com ho trabal-
ho que niso fez no pode mais acabar que hos duzemtos tres mil he quatro-
cemtos quatorze Reis se devia para fim de fevereiro he quimze de marco do
anno que vem se no tomasem agora a cambio he deu sua obrigago deles
com poder para que nos tempos hos tomassem a cambio pera castela por
quomta de V A. no nos mandamdo pagar per outra via asi que yumtas s
duas partidas de que passou letras de gimquo mil quatrogemtos quoremta
he nove cruzados oito soldos de cruzado com hos duzemtos he tres mil qua-
trogemtos he quatorze Reis que aymda qua fico ha pagar fazem em soma
hun comto oitogemtos he sessemta he gimquo mil quatrogemtos he setem-
ta he dous Reis dos quaes abatidos o hum comto setegemtos he sesemta he
gimquo mil trezemtos he vimtadous Reis que momtou no emprego das
coussas Restam hos cem mil gemto he gimquoemta Reis que francisco car-
neiro tomou pera suas despessas de que a de dar comta como tudo se vera
pela comta que leva como diguo e por que demais ele dara larga Relago a
V. A. ho no fago eu/ Noso Senor vida he Real Estado de Vosa Alteza acre-
gemte como deseja demves [Antwerp] Aos vimtagimquo de maio de 1552
[text below crossed out]
Carrego mais senor francisco carneiro hu letra que da bemto Roiz que pa-
gou em framdes de 39.000* cruzados e '/, com 5.000* ao milhar que mon-
tou 14.827 maravedis/ esta letra foy pagado nuno alvares e no fez por ne-
hu conta da Rainha nosa senora e se descarregou na conta de bemto Roiz
1.865.472
2.383.014 mais 80.000* quando partio
0517.000 mais 25.000* do freie e dez que ficou devendo a Ruy mendez
5.800* rs.
0080.000 em despessas com os falces
2.408.014
[Right below (signature of)]: Antonio Palos
p. 20
Antonio Paallez
A Rainha nossa senora
l 08 ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND
o dinheiro mais no asentado [?] manuel caldeira enbio e athe [illegible
word] do vto. [illegible word] ofigio de parte
p. 21
Jh[es]us ern emveres [Amberes] a 21* de maio de 1552: 2.7621/,* cruzados
pagara vosa merce por esta primeira de cambio nos pagamentos da feira de
maio primeiro a Joam Jacome espimdola [Gian Giacome Spinola], niculao
catanho [Nicolao Cattaneo] e a amgelo de marim [Angelo di Marin] dous
mill e setegemtos e sesemta e dous cruzados e meo douro ou sua Justa valia
fora de cambio ou nele com gimco al milhar pola valor aquy regebida de
amtonio espimdola [Antonio Spinola], agostinho estevo gentil [Agostino
Stefano Gentili] e ponhaos por comta da rainha nossa senora se pom com
todos
[Signature of]: Francisco carneiro
p. 22
Magnifico d[omi]no. bemto Roiz em sua ausencia a ioam Jacome espimdo-
la e companhia
em medina del campo
[Left rnargin]: [cross] 1552 a 23 de settembre / somos contentos en feria de
Medina/ [signature of]: Juan Jacome Spinola.
[Left margin, written face down]: [cross] aceito que apagarey no tempo / en
Medina a 12 de Julho 1552 / [signature of]: Bento Roys
p. 23
[cross[
comta das despesas que francisco carneiro fez na yda e vinda de framdes
com sua pessoa
A Rainha nosa senora me mandou a 10* de Janeiro de 1552, polla posta a
ffrandes e polla corte do principe de castela e polla corte del Rey de ffranga
que estava em fontenibleo [Fontainebleau] omde estuve 16* dias esperando
pollo pasaporte e pera ho caminho da posta me mandou dar duzentos cru-
zados
[Right margin]: 200 cruzados
Mais me deran desde este dias do mes de ffevereiro que cheguey a ernveres
[Antwerp] ate 22* de maio que nelle estive duzentos gimquoenta e hum
cruzados
[Right margin]: 251cruzados
[Total on this page]: 451 cruzados
Despesas
Dos quaes tomey hum homem que fosse a corte de ffranga que estava em
paris com ho nome da naao do mestre e pilloto [Antonio Afonso] em que
avia de vyr esta ffazenda de SS. AA. com o Roll de tudo ho que avia de trazer
e custou ho caminho que ban setenta legoas trinta cruzados
[Right margin]: 30 cruzados
ffuy con ho contralor [Regent's Controllern] da Rainha Regente [Mary of
Hungary] a ordinarda [Oudenaarde] duas vezes por su mandado ffalar com
os tapiceiros para ffazer os Reposteiros mais baratos que poder ser/ e custa-
ro os dous caminhos que bam 18* legoas vinte cruzados
[Right margin]: 20 cruzados
ffuy de brugelas [Brssels] a emveres [Antwerp] 13* vezes polla posta pera
mais brevidade como S. A. mandou polla presa que levava allynas com an-
tonio palos e com Ruy mendez seis cruzados para caminho de hir e vir que
bam 78 cruzados
[Right margin]: 78#
Mais gastey com 22* ffalcoees e tres cagadores 19* dias que esteveram antes
do partir com 140 pombos que custaram a dez rs. pombo e 120 galinhas a
30 rs. galinha e scte carneiros que custaron symquo cruzados soma nas
aves/ sete mil rs. e do comta dos ffallcondtos, biscouto, serveja, vinho, carne
e mezinhas paras aves per ahomaar/ e comer da terra 37 cruzados
[Right margin]: 54V, cruzados
[Total on this page]: 152V, cruzados
Das algandaras que se fezero na naao e do pano para ellas e madeira e ffei-
tio com quatro carneiros que se despois mais tomaro por seno sobre o
tempo que aviam dandar no maar 5.800 rs que Rui mendez pagou a minha
partida Ihe fican devendo que depois mandou ao senor don nuno alvarez
[Nuno Alvarez Pereira]/
isto sera devida para se pagar a Ruy mendez
[Right margin]: 5.800 rs.
E nos quatro meses que estive em brugelas [Brssels] e em emveres [Ant-
werp] e hum moco que nie servia com comer vestir e calgar que barn os
gastos muito differentes de caa/ e a posta
[Left margin]: 268V, cruzados
destas despesas de todo este Rol de francisco carneiro vo Jaa atras na
quonta das letras levo que em quonta a bento roiz os cem mil rs. que fran-
cisco carneiro despendeo em framdes digo seis mil e cemto e cinquoenta
rs./ e os oytenta mil rs. que recebeo para caminho se ho de levar em quon-
ta ao thesoureiro alvaro lopez que Ihes deu e a Rainha nosa senora outra por
bem que se levarem em quonta a francisco carneiro todas estas despesas
deste Rol/ pela dita maniera/ e todo o que montar na custa e despesas de
toda esta fazemda que vejo de framdes ate se entregar na Recamara ha de
fazer pelo thesoureiro que ha de pagar a bento Roiz e arregadar s letras e
escrituras em forma corno no mandado se declararam/
[Rightmargin]: 80.000* rs.
p. 25
[text crossed out below]
[cross]
Diguo eu francisco carneiro moco da camara da rainha nosa senora que he
verdade que Recebeo do senor Alvaro Lopez thesoureiro vimte e cymco myll
e oytocemtos rs. que pagey logo ao mestre e senhorio da nao Saotiaguo em
que viero vimte e quatro cofres de sua alteza e vimte falcois e cotes 25.800*
rs. por mandado do senor nuno alvarez [Nuno Alvarez Pereira] e por que
pasa na verdadde Ihe dey este por mi formado e asinado aos 29* de Junho
de 1552anos
[Signatura of]: Francisco carneiro
a dez homens da mr polla que trouxero os cofres ao pago [the Lisbon ro-
yal palace: Paco da Ribeira] levaro onde S. Alteza os viro oitocentos rs.
p. 26
Verbal 1552
25.800* rs.
a francisco carneyro
[cross]
25.800* rs.
a francisco quarneiro moso da quamara
p. 27
A mi senor francisco carneiro en Lisbona
p. 28
[cross]
a senor francisco carneiro en medina a 21 de abrill 1552
Senor
Agostino estefano gentis [Agostino Stefano Gentili] denves [Antwerp] me sa-
cao por comta de v. m. 716 cruzados 14 sueldos com salir para feira de vilha-
lo como manuel caldeira Ihe dira laa a quem o escrevo e por que en no ey
de estar en ista dyta feira detrimine de Ihe escrever esta para que os mande
poner a dita quanthia com a proviso para que s letras dos ditos gentis
[Gentili] no padego poder que v. m. Remeter para comprir a dita letra Re-
metera v. m. a meu filho ferno Roiz porque ele fica ali em meu lugar e do
que disto detreminar me mande avisar com deligemcja para Rainha [Cathe-
rine of Austria] que ey de fazer que rogo a N. S. por dias de v. m. de medina
a servigo de v. m.
[signature of]: Bento Roiz
p. 29
Contadores mando vos o que levareis em conta a alvaro lopez meu thesou-
reiro dous contos e quinhentos e coarenta e seis mil e setegentos e setenta
cinco rs. [2.546.775 rs.] que se momto na compra e despesas e imteresses
de dinheiro da tapegaria olandas cofres e outras cousas que mandei vir de
frandes por francisco carneiro meu moco da carnara o anno passado de mil
e quinhentos e cimquoenta e dous contheudas nas quatro folhas atras escri-
tas asinadas por antonio palos e Ruy mendez e que ha quarenta e tres adig-
es: hum conto e setegentos e sesenta e gimquo mil e trezemtos e vimte e
ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND l 09
dous rs. [1.765.322 rs.] que s ditas cousas custaro ao primeiro dinheiro e
cem mil e cento e cinquenta rs. [100.150 rs.] que a dito francisco carneiro
despendio em framdes e suas despesas e outras fora da dita compra que fa-
zem Juntamente hum conto e oito centos e sesemta e cinco mil e quatro
centos e setenta e dous rs. [1.865.472 rs.] dos quaes dinheiros o dito francis-
co carneiro pasou duas letras por credito que levou de bento Roiz pera s
feiras de castela// hu de dous mil e setegentos e sesenta e dous cruzados e
meio [2.762'/2 cruzadosj que tomou a Rezo de sesenta e hum soldos por
cruzado com cimco ao milhar feita a vimte e hum de maio do dito anno pas-
sado que momtou hum conto e cento e dez mil e quinhentos e trimta e cin-
qo rs. [1.110.535 rs.] e outra de dous mil e seis centos e oitenta e seis cruza-
dos [2.686 cruzados] e dezoito soldos de cruzado que tomou a dita Rezo
de sesenta e hum soldos a pagar em outubro que momtou hum conto e oi-
tenta mil e cento e quarenta rs. [1.080.140 rs.] que fazem Juntamente dous
contos e cento e noventa mil e seiscentos e setemta e cinqo rs. [2.190.675
rs.] e dozentos e tres mil rs. [203.000 rs.] que se fiquaro a dever em fram-
des accreditados por o dito bemto Roiz do que a de vir letra dagostinho gen-
til [Agostino Gentili] e sua companhia para s ditas feiras de castilla sobre o
dito bemto Roiz pollos quais se fez congeito com eile que ouviese de Inte-
resse deles quarenta e sete mil e quinhentos rs. [47.500 rs.] de modo que va-
lem dozentos e cimquoemta mil e quinhentos rs. [250.500 rs.] e soma tudo
Juntamente o que faz por comta de bemto Roiz, dous contos e quatro cen-
tos e quarenta e hum mil ecemto e setenta e cinqo rs. [2.441.175 rs.] que le-
vareis em conta ao dito tesoureiro com a minha proviso para omde bento
Roiz pasou a credito que levou francisco carneiro para a antonio espindola
[Antonio Spinola] e agostinho gentil [Agostino Gentili] Ihe darem o dito din-
heiro e com s duas letras que o dito francisco carneiro pasou de frandes
para o dito bento Roiz em castela hasta comprir e com o conhecjmento que
o dito francisco carneiro deixou em framdes aos ditos antonio espindola
[Antonio Spinola] e agostinho gentil [Agostino Gentili] dos ditos
p. 30
duzemtos e tres mil rs. [203.000 rs.] ou com s letras que do dito dinheiro
pasarem e com conhegimentos do dito bento Roiz de como foi paguo ao
dito thesoureiro toda a dita comtia de dous contos e quatro centos e quaren-
ta e hum mil e cento e setenta e gimquo rs. [2.441.175 rs.] e oitenta mil rs.
[80.000 rs.] que despendeo francisco carneiro nas postas e ern suas despe-
sas a yda para framdes e vimte cinqo mil e oito centos rs. [25.800 rs.] que o
dito francisco carneiro Recebeo do dito tesoureiro para pagar o freie ao
mestre do navio Santiago que trouxe a dita mercadoria e oito centos rs que
o dito tesoureiro despendeo no desembarquar e carreto ate se meter no
paco [the Paco da Ribeira palace] e todos os ditos dinheiros levareis em
conta com mais s ditas quatro folhas de conta e carta de antonio palos que
escreveo de framdes atras conteudas em conhecimento em forma de dona
megia dandrade [Megia de Andrade] minha camareira feita pelo escrivo de
sua carguo em que declare que Ihes so carregadas em receita s cousas se-
guimtes: s omze pegas de toalhas conteudas nos nove primeiros Itens da
primeira folha das ditas quatro folhas de conta que veio de fraudes; e quinze
pegas dolam e olamdilha aos dez Itens da dita folha; e omze pegas e mea da
olao quadrado conteudas em quatro Itens da dita primeira folha; e quinze
ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND
pegas dolanda conteudas no derradeira Iten da dita primeira folha; e quinze
pecas dolanda conteudas no primeiro Iten da segunda folha; e dezaseis pe-
gas de lengos de barbante conteudos no segundo Iten da dita segunda folha;
e trynta e oito pegas de Ruo de cofre conteudos no terceiro Iten da dita se-
gunda folha; e vimte e quatro cofres conteudos em tres Itens da dita segun-
da folha; e os seis agafates de prata conteudos nos derradeiros dous Itens da
dita segunda folha com s caixas forradas de couro em que vem metidas, os
quais agafates sero carregados em Receita com declaraco do peso e lei e
feitio e custos dos Imtereses e despesas que tem; e onze panos e hu guar-
daporta de tapegaria da estoria da Rainha Ester [History of Esther] em que
ha trezemtos e tres anas e tres quartos conteudas na primeiro Iten da tercei-
ra folha e nove panos e hu guardaporta de tapegaria da estoria del Rey
acab [History ofKingAhab] em que ha dozentas e oitenta e sete anas; e ou-
tros nove panos de tapegaria da estoria de salomo [History of Solomon]
em que ha gemto e oitenta anas; e do estanho e outras meudezas conteudas
nas ditas quatro folhas no a da ver Receita nem outro nehum conhecimen-
to por que se despemdero como eu ouve por meu servico; e nas Receitas
de todas s ditas cousas em cada hu dellas se fara declarago das anas que
tem e quantas varas e contados da medida portuguesa so e o prego que
custou ao primeiro dinheiro
e do que saio por cemto de despesas e Imteresses de modo que se posa sa-
ber todo o que cada hu das ditas cousas custou e o dito conhecimento em
fforma sera com certido de como fiquo feitas todas s ditas declarages
nas ditas Receitas e nelas fiquo postas verbas domde a dita fazemda veio e
como foi pagua pela dita maniera pelo dito thesoureiro e soma tudo o que
por estas contas se a de levar em despesa ao dito thesoureiro os ditos dous
contos e quinhentos e quarenta e sete mil e setecemtos e setenta e cimqo rs
como pareger por esta proviso e comtas e folhas atras escritas ffeita em lix-
boa a vimte e cimqo dabril bastio da fonsequa o fiz de mil e quinhentos e
cimquoenta e tres
Aleixo de Moraes o fez escrever
[signature of]: Raynha
Posto que atras neste mandado diz que se carregou em Receita sobre dona
megia [de Andrade] honze pegas e mea dolam coadrado contheudas em
qoatro itens da primeira folha porque s ditas honze pegas e meas seram
dos quinze pegas dolam e olamdilha que se declaram loguo antes dos ditos
coatro itens se no carregaro mais que s ditas quinze pegas com s decla-
rages contheudas no ditos quoatro itens e no dito item logo atras dellos
mais chegado que todos os cinquo itens sero s ditas quinze pegas como
por elles paregem em lixboa a 25* dias de dabril aleixo de moraes o fez de
1553
[signature of]: Raynha
ey por bem que os duzemtos e tres myll rs. [203.000 rs.[ que na destinaram
desta provisam atras escrita se decraram sem dizer o em que se despemde-
ro e os Imteresses delies se levem em quonta a alvaro lopez sem embarguo
 dese nom fazer a dita decraracam por quamto eu fou lembrada que quam- de banquo /a loro Valuta yn esso con cinque por mille per la Valuta de noy y
do asyney a dita provigam se me deu Rezo e quomta de tudo e nella com- mete a conto de francisco carnero del ordfne del senor Manoel Calldeira que
teudo que se despemdeo por meu mamdado Amtonio de Sampayo o fez dyo vi guardi.
em lixboa a 6* de dezembro de 1553* lo Agostino estefano gentili & bento salvago
[signature of]: Raynha
p. 34
Recebida apostilha [cross] Jh[es[us em emveres a 21* de maio de 1552 / 2.686* cruzados 18
[Lower right (signature of)]: Antonio de Sampayo soldos
Pagara nossa merce por esta primeira de cambio nos pagamentos da feira
[Lowerright (signature of)]: Don Nuno [Alvares Pereira] doutubro de medina del campo primeira a Joam Jacome espindola [Gian
Giacome Spinola], niculao catanho [Nicolao Cattaneol e a amgelo de maryn
[Lower leftt (signature of)]: Recebido Aleixo de Moraes
[Angelo de Marin] dous mil seis gemtos oitemta e seis cruzados e dozoito
para levar em comta ao thesoureiro 2.547.775* rs. das cousas que viero de
soldos douro Largos fora de cambio ou nele com cimquo al milhar por a va-
framdes pela maniera e declaraco contheudas neste caderno
lor aqui recebidos de arntonio espimdola, agostinho estevo gemtil e pon-
haos por comta da rainha nosa senora, Christo com todos
p. 32
[signature of]: Framcisco carneiro
Recebeo a dona mecia dandrade Camareira da Rainha nosa senora do the-
soureiro alvaro lopez s ditas cousas conteudas neste alvara: s tapecarias
p. 35
de toalhas s 258 ff. do livro da sua Receita, e s 11 * pecas e mea dolam s
[cross]
186 ff., e s tres pecas mea dolandilhas s 185 ff., e s 30* pecas dolanda s
Magnifico d[omi]no bemto roiz em sua ausemcia a Joam Jacome espimdo-
181 e 182 ff., e s 16* pecas de liengos de barbante s 220 ff., e s 38* pecas
la e companhia
de Ruo s 219 ff., e os 24*j cofres s 24 ff., e os 29 panos e duas goardapor-
em medina del campo
tas de tapigeria s 13 ff., e os seis acafates de prata no Livro da Receita da
pr. A.
prata s 209 ff. Dele, s quaes ditas cousas ficam carregadas em Receita so-
bre a dita camareira por mi dioguo martins escrivo do seu carreguo nas di-
[Left margin]: 1553 anos 20* de abril
tas folhas como se declara e con todas s verbas e partes que o dito alvara
Somos contentos en el cambio de feria de Medina / [signature of]: Juan Ja-
conteudas e por verda de Ihe pasey o presente conhecimento em forma em
come Spinola
que asynou em lixboa a 29* dabril de 1553*
[signatures of]: dona mecia dandrade dioguo martins
[Left margin, written face down]: 1553 / aceito que a pagarey a o tempo en

Recebeo bento Roiz mercador do thesoureiro alvaro lopez todo dinheiro Medina a 12 de Julho 1552 anos / [signature of]: Bento Roys.

conteudo nas provises de S. A. atras conteudas em pagamentos das letras

que se pagaro por seu credyto e despesa que se fizero em framdes para p. 36

que seus Respondentes dero dinheiro em lixboa 20* de marco 1553 [cross] 1553

[signatures of] :dioguo martins bento Roiz Sou pago do Conteudo nesta Letra
[signature of]: bento Roiz

| a 30 dabril
[cross]

p. 33
AI Molto Magnifico senor Bento Roiz/ o a chi fara per ele dito y ausencia a mi

[cross] Jn[Joan] Jac [Jacome] espa [Espinola] conpa [compahnia] yn

adi20demarzo 1553. Ynanver. / 716 ducati Hsoldi Villalone

Nei pagamenti de feria prossima de villalone piacivi pagar per questa prima Pa.
de cambio a voi medesmi ducati sete cento y desyse y soldi quatordeci fuora

ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND l l l

 DOCUMENT 2

Instituto dos Arquiuos Nacionais l Tone do Tombo (IAN/TT), Lisbon

Corpo Chronolgico l, maco 106, doc. 141
IQ My 1564
Cited but notpublished in fll in A. Jordan, Las dos dguilas de/ emperador Carlos V.
Las colecciones y el mecenazgo de Juana y Maria de Austria en la corte de Felipe II,
La Monarquia de Felipe II a debate, Luis Ribot Garcia, coord., Madrid, 2000. p. 446, n. 85.

[Letter from the Portuguese consul in Antwerp, Ruy Mendez, to Catherine of
Austria, discussing the luxury goods he procured for her, at the sarne time
outlining their costs and on which ships, naming their captains, upon which
these were transported to Lisbon. Mendes informs the queen that the Floren-
tine silk ordered for her was of the greatest perfection and the best ever
seen in Flanders. Also of interest, is the advice Mendes offers the queen, re-
garding business transactions and the sale of pepper in Flanders and the rne-
ans by which she can save money.
[cross]
A Rainha Nosa Senora /
De Ruj Mendes de / dez de Julho
Senora
De doze dabril a esta parte no ey escrito a V A. porque semtia tanto ha dila-
co que avia em acabrem de vir estas cedas de florenca, que no era em min-
ha mo escrever a V A. te s mandar ellas so virndas a deus gracas e na ma-
jor perfeico que dizem viero nunca a esta terra, folge! em estremo por que
ja que tardaro tanto sero a contentamento de V A./ Carregouse a caixa em
que vo na urqua [a type of ship] de tomas de grave [Thomas de Grave, cap-
tain] que ja partio com outras e tornaro a emtrar por se Ihe mudar o tenpo/
0 conhecimento da caixa e conta do custo e a neagem dellas embio com
este Afonso de sunhiga [Afonso de Zniga, merchant?] pera que advirta a V
A. e vo seguras, tanto que vierem os tabis de veneza [Venice] por que ago-
ardo de ora em ora, os mandarey carregar, De maniera que no que a my toc-
ca V. A. pode estar certa que sera Imteiramente servida, Das outras cedas
que se tormaro en terra de suicaros [Switzerland] coreo o preito em floren-
ga [Florence] te gora a omde posto que la tivesse o douttor ferno mendez
[Ferno Mendes] que ho tratava como cousa sua, Por me escrever que com-
forme ao custume e leis da terra no estava to fundado em clireito como eu
Ihe escrevia o seria ca, trabalharia o que fose nele para fazer com aparte que
se detreminase ca acausa, E ora mescreve o aver acabado e espero em deus
de aquy me dar to boa manha com que se torne a cobrar o que tenho
pago por ellas. As dez livras douro tera ja V A. recebido que foro na no de
guilherme Amtonio [Guilherme Antonio, captain] e segumdo o tempo Ihe
fez deve ja de ser la [in Lisbon]. Como forem vimdos e carregados os tabis
mandarey toda a conta ao justo. E com esta emvio Afonso de sunhiga [Afon-
so de Zniga, merchant?] a do remdimento da pimenta que como por ela V.
A. pode mandar ver tiramdo ho que la se abate por a estiba, se lha conto a
V. A. ao preso que el Rey N. S. lha daa aos comtadores ganha V A. nela muj-
to dinheiro e por esta rezo escrevy a el Rey N. S. [Sebastian of Portugal] se-
ria muyto mais seu servico mandar o provimento do custo das munigoes
nela que se fazer se escusara de dano a fazenda de S. A. mas de mil e du-
zentos cruzados. Pego a Y A. que ou seja na pimenta ou no que S. A. ouver
por mais seu servico me faga prover e no premita me deixar cair na falta
em que estou por s Respomdemcias que tenho feito e fiquey nesta feira de
pascoa passada por no me proverem das quinhentas livras que escrevy a el
Rey N. S. a V A. e ao Baro avia tomado para comesar a comprar o fio.
E por que por aque escrevo a el Rey N. S. e a Pedro dalcagova [Pero de Alc-
cova Carneiro] para que advirta a V.s. [?] vera V. A. quo Imteiro compri-
mento ey dado ao negocio das moedas ern que S. A. me mandou ho servi-
se. E a importamcia dele e os termos em que tenho posto, o que toca A
navegago de Imgraterra para A mina, e a todo o mais que me pasou por s
mos de servigo de S. A., o no resumirey nesta, pedimdo de novo a V A.
me faga merge de apresemtar meus servigos a el Rey N. S. e me faga fazer a
merge que a V A. pareger que mereco para com mais pose poder servir A.
V cuja vida N. S. acrecemte e aumente o Real Estado del Rey Noso Serior,
Demves A dez e Julho de 1564.
Depois desta escrita me mostrou Pedro de ysunga [Pedro de Ysunsa, Spa-
nish merchant in Antwerp] hua carta da Rainha de boemia [Maria of Austria,
Catherine's niece] em que Ihe escreve saiba de my se tenho Recado de V A.
aver regebido s unhas de gram vestia que emviey a V A. por que tem cartas
frescas de V. A. sem Ihe falar niso.V A. me fara merge de Iho escrever e man-
darme a carta para lha enviar.
[signature of]: Ruy Mendes

l l2 ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND

 DOCUMENT 3

Instituto dos Arquivos Nadonals l Tone do Tombo (IAN/TTJ, Lisbon

Corpo Chronolgico l, maqo 17, doc. 27
l August 1551

Extract of a letter from Lourengo Pires de Tvora, Portuguese ambassador
to the imperial court, written from Augsburg during the Reichstag to the ro-
yal secretary, Pero de Alcqova Carneiro (1515-1568), concerning a set (a
camara) oftapestries the latter wanted to purchase in Brssels with the as-
sistance ofthe ambassador. A camara or chamber oftapestries, consisted of
a series of at least six to eight panels for the walls of a room, arid often wea-
vings for the bed were included: a canopy, back cloth (headboard), bed cur-
tains and bed cover. It is not clear whether the secretary was negotiating ta-
pestries for himself, or whether he may haue acting on behalf of Catherine
ofAustria who was purchasing tapestries in late 1551 and early 1552.
Senor
Escrevendo esoutra carta com tanta presa como v. m. nela vera no basta
esa dilygencya se foy o correo pelo qul tyve tempo para tornar a ver a carta
de v. m. e a enformago de como quer a tapegaria dytada por aqueles profe-
tos caxeiros e verdadeiramente foys senor muito de culpar poys en cousa
em que quereis gastar tanto dynheiro days tal ordern por que s casas mere-
cem tudo o que no iteys se pede e todas s calydades e condy^oyns do que
ordeno mas em nenhu modo do mundo se deve cuydar que se achara ta-
pecarya feita a aquele modo nem por aquelas medydas diguo pelos quebra-
dos que pede nem a comformydade nos panos de quada camera nem a di-
versydade das estoryas porque dysto sey muito pela pratyca do tempo que
estyve em frandes e vy o de que todos se queixavo e asy o dyro todos ese
que qua estyvero e por tanto para isto ser como se pede era negesaryo
mandar os fazer e fazerse os patroyns conformes aos Itens e pedyr s estor-
yas a a tudo isto me atreverya fazer mas serya negesarya muita pacyencya
para esperar por esta obra porque a no daryo acabada em dous anos e
dyguo dous anos porque meteryo tres mas todo tanto dynheiro e os casas
merecyas: se o muita tempo para a reposta podera avysar v, m. do que acha-
va emtrades e do que me parecya se podya fazer e conforme a yso se pasera
em obra se v. m. escolhera por melhor mas como dyguo no avera tempo
poys poco pela posta e com tudo eu me deterey todo o en que posa ver toda
a tapec.aria de vere s enformac.oys da de brucelas [Brssels] que he aqui
vay a anvers [Antwerp] e se achar cousa que syrva ynda que em pouca va
diferente do que se pede comprarey aparte que achar porque em cousa que
se no ha de comprar cada dya e custara tanto no me devo determynar
nem he rezo que esta seya seno para contentar e no dar de posto e
t[amb]em eu verey o que se pode fazer e porque neste tempo no deve aver
muitos compradores podera esperar a mercadarya que eu vyr ate recado de
v. m. que sera o mays seguro camynho de todos porque subitas determyna-
goyns no valem para nada e asy deixarey recado en anvers [Antwerp] para
se concluyr e por em efeito o que v. m. escolher do que Ihe eu escrever en
esta parte e em todas s de seu servyijo que a my m tocase descanse v. m. e
confye que o que se deixar para fazer no foy posyvel [...].

ANNEMARIE JORDAN GSCHWEND l 13