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Religion,PoliticsandSocietyinPakistan

ConferenceheldattheLahoreUniversityofManagementSciences,1112th
February,2010
ThisconferencewasheldundertheauspicesoftheReligionsandDevelopmentResearch
Programme(RaD)basedattheUniversityofBirmingham,England,withthesupportoftheLUMS
DevelopmentandPolicyResearchCentre.ItwasorganizedbyProfessorMohammadWaseem,of
theSchoolofLaw,HumanitiesandSocialSciences,LUMS,coordinatoroftheresearchinPakistan,
andaimedtobringtogetherresearchersparticipatingintheprogrammeandothers,toshare
findingsandinsightsonvariousaspectsofreligious,politicalandsocialthoughtandpractice.

Intheinauguralsession,CaroleRakodi,DirectoroftheProgramme,identifiedsomeoftheissues
thatarisewhenresearchingtherelationshipsbetweenreligionanddevelopment.Shenotedthatthe
startingpointoftheresearchisthat,whiletheimportanceofreligionisincreasinglyrecognized(or
rerecognized),knowledgeaboutitsactualroleinincreasing(orhinderingincreasesin)wealthand
wellbeingremainspatchy.Shenotedthatthereisnowwidespreadacknowledgementthat
developmentmeansmuchmorethaneconomicgrowth,quotingMahbubulHaqsdefinitionof
humandevelopment.Shealsonotedthatthereisnoconsensusonthedefinitionofreligionwithin
orbetweenthedisciplinarytraditions,althoughmanywhostudyreligionandsocietyarguethatboth
whatreligionisanditsfunctionsinsocietyshouldbeconsidered,despitethedifficulties
disentanglingreligionandculture.Muchdevelopmentstudiesliteratureandpracticeregardsreligion
asanobstacletoachievinggreaterprosperityandwellbeing,whileothersbelievethatifreligious
teachingsareputintopractice,socialanddevelopmentproblemswouldbesolved,orifmore
developmentactivitiesweretobehandledbyorganizationswithareligiousmotivationand/or
institutionalrootsinareligion,thendevelopmentobjectiveswouldbeachievedmoresuccessfully.
Oneofthetasksoftheresearchprogrammeistomovebeyondseeingreligionasaconstraintora
panacea,butindoingso,itisfacedwithanumberofchallenges:thedifferentideasaboutthe
natureofknowledgeandtruthheldbydifferentacademicdisciplinesandfaithtraditions;theextent
towhichsocialscientists(andreligiousadherents)canbeobjective,giventheirpriorreligious,
culturalanddisciplinaryassumptions;howtoensureindepthunderstandingofreligioustraditions
andactivitiesbyoutsiders;anddifferentinterpretationsofapparentlysimilarconcepts,requiring
carefulpreparatoryworktoensureaproductivedialogueacrossdisciplinaryandcultural
boundaries.

GurharpalSingh,DeputyDirectoroftheProgramme,thenconsideredsomeaspectsofreligionsand
developmentinSouthAsia,toprovideawidercontextforthediscussionsonPakistan.Henotedthe
legacyofcolonizationandPartitionandtheadoptionofdevelopmentasthelegitimizingideologyof
postcolonialelites,embracingmodernization,economicplanning,socialscientificknowledgeand
therejectionoftradition.However,thecrisesofthe1970sand1980s,henoted,ledtoalossoffaith
inthisnotionofdevelopment;ethnicandreligiousmobilizationsinPunjab,Kashmire,SriLankaand
India;IslamicizationofthestateinPakistanandBangladesh;andtheevolutionofdiasporas,
globalizationandtransnationalreligiousmobilization.Theresponsestothecrisesweredisparate:
reaffirmationofthebeliefinmodernizationandsecularism,butalsotheriseofreligious
fundamentalismwithinIslam,Hinduism,SikhismandBuddhism,andtheemergenceofanti
secularistdiscourses,suchastherediscoveryofGandhismandalternativevisionsofmodernity.
Today,therefore,thesecularmodernizationparadigmisfacingaseveretest,asreligious
organizationsandcommunitiesremain(orhavebecome)majorserviceproviders,post9/11states
areincreasinglyresponsivetodemandsbasedonreligiousidentity,religiousidentificationremains
high,andnewpatternsofstatereligionsgovernanceareemerging.Inconclusion,hesuggested,
researchersanddevelopmentactorsneedtorethinkdevelopmentitself,howreligionsencounter

thestate,theroleplayedbyreligioninindividualandcollectivebehaviour,andchangewithin
religions.

ReligionandEducation
First,RubinaSaigol,anindependentsocialresearcherandhumanrightsactivist,reportedonthe
findingsofresearchonreligiousteaching,valuesandbeliefsandattitudestowomenseducation
carriedoutundertheauspicesoftheRaDprogrammeinLahoreandPeshawar.Sheoutlinedthe
religious,educationalandwomensrightsprovisionsinthePakistaniconstitution,notingthatwhile
accesstoeducationforallandwomensfundamentalhumanrightsarestronglyemphasized,sois
theIslamicbaseforthestateandeducation,andtherightsofreligiousorganizationstoprovide
educationwithcontentoftheirownchoosing.Becauseoftheneedtoaccommodatedifferent
interests,sheasserted,thereareinconsistenciesintheconstitutionalprovisionswithrespectto
religionandequality(especiallyequalitybetweenmenandwomen)andbetweenthefundamental
rightsenshrinedintheconstitutionandvariouslaws.Thesecontradictionshavecreatedspacesfor
religiousgroupstousestateideologytospreadtheirownspecificviews.Inboththemoreliberal
religiousandsocialsettingofLahoreandthemoreconservativesettingofPeshawar,faithbased
organizationspromotedwomenseducation.Theyallwantedtoretainstrongcontroloverthe
contentofthecurriculum,despiteholdingdifferentviewsonwhatisappropriate.Theirconcernis
tomouldgirlsinlinewiththeirownconceptionsofwomenasMuslimsandcitizens.Forexample,
thereisastrongconcernwithsexuality,promiscuityandmorality,especiallyinPeshawar.The
analysiscomparestheviewsofinformantswithdifferentsocialcharacteristics,showingthatthere
aremanyinterpretationsofIslam,influencedbyethnicityandclassmorethansect.Itconcludesthat
therearebothconvergencesanddifferencesbetweenconstitutionalprovisions,statepoliciesand
theactivitiesofreligiousorganizations.

AfilmentitledASmallDreamwasshown,withanintroductionbyFaridaShaheed,asociologist,
womensrightsactivistandDirectorofShirkatGah.Thefilmdealswiththeobstaclestogirlsaccess
toschoolandwomensempowermentthrougheducation,focusingonayoungMuslimwomanwho
hasstartedasuccessfulschoolintheslumsofKarachi.Itwasmadeundertheauspicesofthe
MuslimWomensEmpowermentResearchProgrammeandisavailabletodownload/viewfrom
http://www.research4development.info/news.asp?ArticleID=50426

A.K.Nayyar,DirectoroftheAliEducationInstituteinLahore,andauthorofanearlierreportonthe
governmentscurriculumforschoolsinPakistan,notedthatdespitechangesinthecontentofthe
curriculumatthenationallevel,thecontentoftextbooksandexaminationshasnotchanged:for
example,theycontaininaccuratehistoricalinformationandexternallyinfluencedinterpretationsof
Islam.Inadditiontorevisionofcoursematerialstoreflectchangesinthecurriculum,heasserted,
moreattentionneedstobegiventotheactualteachinginschools,becausemostteachershave
beentrainedinparticularinterpretationsofIslamandtouseearlierversionsofthetextbooks.

CivilSocietyOrganizations,ReligionandDevelopment
AsifIqbal,oftheSocialPolicyandDevelopmentCentreinKarachi,summarizedtheoutcomesofan
attempttomapthescaleandnatureofdevelopmentactivitiesundertakenbyfaithbased
organizationsinPakistan,undertakenaspartoftheRaDresearchprogramme.Henotedthe
difficultiesindefiningafaithbasedorganizationinPakistan,wherethemajorityofpeopleworking
inandsupportingNGOsclaimtobefaithmotivated,andsomeorganizationsdenythattheyare
faithbasedlestitimplythattheyfavouraparticularreligioussect.FBOs,definedasthose
organizationsthatdeliveratleastonesocialservice(orengageinadvocacy),definethemselvesas
faithbased(asmanifestedintheirmission/objectives),and/orareaffiliatedwithareligious
congregation,compriseaboutathirdofthecountrysnonprofitsector.Mostprovidesocialservices,
especiallyeducationandhealth,tocompensatefordeficienciesinstateprovisionandliveout

religiousinjunctionstocareforthoseinneed.Innumericalterms,thelargestgroupofFBOsare
madrasas,theorganizationandcurriculumofwhichhasevolvedinresponsetogovernmentpolicies
andsocialchange.While,asexpected,mostFBOsareMuslim,theroleoftheChristianFBOsin
welfareprovisionanddevelopmentexceedstheshareofChristiansinPakistanspopulation.In
contrast,FBOsassociatedwiththesmallHinduandParsicommunitieshasshrunkastheirpopulation
numbershavedeclined.Inthepast,FBOswerelittleengagedinadvocacy,buttheyareincreasingly
participatinginpublicdebatesonpressingsocialandpoliticalissues.

AlsoaspartoftheRaDresearchprogramme,researchisunderwayonthedevelopmentactivitiesof
civilsocietyorganizations,especiallyFBOs,inKarachi,andsomepreliminaryfindingswerepresented
byNidaKirmani,RaDResearchFellow.Buildingonthemappingwork,thestudyiscarryingouta
smallnumberofillustrativecasestudiesoforganizations.Itwasreportedthatsimilarissuesof
definingFBOsanddistinguishingthemfromotherNGOsinordertoidentifytheirdistinctivefeatures
andcontributionshadbeenexperiencedasinthemappingwork.Inaddition,theresearchernoted
thatexternallyfundedorganizationsdisplayedgreaterwillingnesstodiscusstheiractivitiesand
sourcesoffundingperhapsbecausetheyareusedtothedemandsofexternalfundersfor
transparencyandaccountability,butalsoperhapsbecausetheyhaveanincentivetoassistinthe
generationofobjectiveevidenceontheiraimsandachievements,andarelesssuspiciousof
researchersthanmoretypicalorganizationsthatrelyonlocallygeneratedfunds,mainlyfrom
individuals.

AmirRana,ofthePakistanInstituteofPeaceStudies,authorofAnAZofJihadiOrganizationsin
Pakistan,analysedthediscourseusedbyreligiousorganizationsthataimtoIslamicizethePakistani
stateandsociety.Hesuggestedthattheircauseispoliticalrenewal;theyhavemissionary,sectarian
andmilitarizationagendas;theyincludebothtraditionalandnewerreligiousorganizations;andthey
areasimportanttounderstandasreligiouspoliticalparties.However,healsonotedthatthe
discourseiscomplex,reflectingideological,politicalandtacticaldifferencesbetweenorganizations.

Religion,conflictandpeace
BasedonoriginalresearchundertakenaspartoftheRaDprogramme,MohammadWaseem
analysedsectarianconflictandconflicttransformationinGilgitandJhang.Heidentifiedanumberof
contrastsbetweenthesectariancompositionandsociopoliticalcharacteristicsofthetwourban
centres,andthenanalysedtheperiodofconflictanditsaftermath.Firsthenotedthatthepre
conflictperiodisgenerallycharacterizedasatimeofpeace,althoughhenotedthatthecalmwas
duetowidespreadacceptanceoftheexistingpowerstructure.Inbothdistricts,henoted,the
conflictshavebeensimultaneouslylocal,nationalandinternational.Theywereassociatedwiththe
emergenceofnewtypesofsectarianism,distinguishedfromtheoldsectarianismbyoccasional
outbreaksofviolenceandtheemergenceofsectarianpoliticalparties,aswellaschangesinthe
compositionoflocalsocietyandtheboundariesbetweencommunities.Becausethecentralstate
adoptedanessentiallypassiverole,externalpowers(SaudiArabiaandIran)wereabletoexploit
divisionsbetweenMuslimsectstofightwhathetermedawarbyproxy.Violencecametobeseen
astheonlywayofeliminatingrivalleadersandensuringelectoralsupport.Aprotractedperiodof
attacksagainstindividualsencouragedaprocessofmentalandphysicalghettoization,inwhich
peoplesidentityincreasinglycametobedefinedinsectariantermsandthelinksbetweenthose
withdifferentsectarianallegiancesweakened.Despitetheuneasycalmofthelastfewyears,he
argued,theunderlyingrootsoftheviolenceremain.Forthemtobetackled,moredetermined
effortsarerequiredtochallengeidentitiesbasedonsectarianallegiance,reducediscriminationand
increasewellbeing,andtackletheTalibanbothlocallyandinternationally.

Inhispresentation,KhalidAhmed,journalist,editoroftheFridayTimesandmemberoftheRaD
Pakistanadvisorygroup,outlinedtheShialogicthatseesalltheviolenceinPakistanasdirectlyor
indirectlyfundedbytheUnitedStates,evenwhenitiscommittedbythePakistanistateorthe

Taliban.InhisviewsouthernPunjab,wherethereisincreasedsegregation,AlQuaedacontroland
killingsofShias,isbecomingincreasinglyunstable,withpotentialforapeasantsrevoltinalliance
withIslamicfundamentalists.Theonerayoflight,hebelieves,isthatShiasinGilgitandBalochistan
havevotedforsecularpartiesinrecentyears,ratherthanyieldingtopressurefromreligiousleaders
whoholdthe(Iraninspired)viewthattheU.S.istheenemy.

Religionandlaw
MuhammedKhalidMasud,ChairoftheCouncilofIslamicIdeology,andmemberoftheRaD
programmescountryadvisorygroup,consideredhumanrightsfromtheperspectivesofreligionand
law.Hestressedtheimportantcontributionsofboththelegalandreligioustraditionstoideasof
humandignity,justice,individualaccountability,protectionofbasicrights,theruleoflawetc.
However,becauseinternationalhumanrightsagreementspermitcountriestoaddreservationsto
theirratifications,heargued,internationalhumanrightslawyershavecometoregardreligiousand
locallawsasanobstacletoimplementinguniversalagreementsonrightsandarethereforeputting
pressureoncountriessuchasPakistantowithdrawtheirreservationsandevenchangetheir
constitutions,lesttheythreatentheiradherencetotheremainderoftherelevanttreaties.The
problemwiththisisthatitraisesquestionsaboutthenatureandextentofnationalsovereignty,
whichisparticularlycomplexforMuslimstates.Thedebaterevolvesaroundwhethersovereignty
belongstothepeople,collectivelyexpressedthroughthestate,ortoGod.The1973constitutionof
Pakistansuggestedatheologicalsynthesisbetweenthesovereigntyofpeopleandthesovereigntyof
God,butdisagreementsbetweenreligiousscholarsandconstitutionallawyerscontinuetooccur,
withcontinuedpressureforfurtherIslamicizationoftheconstitution.Inhisview,theincompatibility
betweenuniversalhumanrightsandShariathatisperceivedbysomeMuslimscholarsisbasedona
falseapproachtoShariathatidentifiesitwithFiqh(anearlybodyofdoctrinesthatreligiousscholars
claimexclusiveauthoritytointerpret)ratherthanIjtihad(reinterpretationofShariainthelightof
social,politicalandeconomicchanges,whichgivesauthoritytolegislatorsandajudiciary
independentofthestate).InPakistan,attemptsbythegovernmentestablishedCouncilofIslamic
IdeologytodemonstratethattherearefarmoreareasofPakistanilawthatarecompatiblewith
internationalhumanrightsagreementsthanareincompatibleareopposedbyreligiousscholarsand
theweaklydemocraticgovernmentisoftenunabletowithstandthepressuretheyexert,withthe
resultthattheprocessofreformingtheoriginalconstitutionandlawsremainsunfinished.

AliQazilbash,lawlectureratLUMS,alsodiscussedtherelationshipsbetweenlawandreligioninthe
historyofPakistan,withparticularreferencetotheconstitution.

Religionandvaluesystems
FreedomofreligioninPakistanwasconsideredbyAsmaJahangir,lawyer,advocateoftheSupreme
CourtofPakistan,UNSpecialRapporteuronFreedomofReligionorBeliefandChairoftheHuman
RightsCommissionofPakistan.Sheconcentratedontherightofindividualstochangetheirreligion,
blasphemy(ordefamationofreligion)andincitementtohatred.Shenotedthatitisparticularly
difficulttolegislateonfreedomofreligion,becausemostadherentsbelievethattheirownreligionis
right/bestandsomereligionsencourageactiveattemptstoconvertothersasaresult.Insome
places,annoyanceatproselytizationhasgivenrisetotheintroductionofanticonversionlaws.
However,shenotedthatforcibleconversionisveryrare,allreligionshavelurestoencourage
voluntaryconversion,andanticonversionlawsfueltension.ShestressedthatPakistans
constitutionprovidesindividualswiththerighttochooseandpractisetheirreligion.However,she
alsonotedthatmanyMuslimsbelievethat,havingadoptedIslamasanadult,itisimpermissiblefor
aMuslimtochange.Inaddition,shestressedtheimportanceofthegovernmentactively
safeguardingreligiousfreedom,forexample,bytakingactionincasesofincitementtohatred.
Finally,shenotedthatreligiousfreedom,eventhoughenshrinedinlaw,hasdonelittletopromote

therightsofwomenandchildrenbecauseoftheprevalenceofparticularinterpretationsofreligion,
interwovenwithcustom,andfailuretofullyimplementthepositivelawsthatareinplace.

RubinaSaigolpresentedfurtherfindingsfromherresearch,examiningtheinfluenceofreligious
valuesandbeliefsonpeoplesunderstandingofandattitudestoanoftpromotedtoolforreducing
poverty,microcredit.

Finally,FaizaMushtaq,LUMS,presentedadetailedanalysisofthediscourseusedbyAlHudaintheir
materialsandclasses.Shenotedthattheseclassesdonot,likemadrasas,aimtoproducereligious
specialists.Insteadtheyprovide12yearcoursesforwomenwithacertainlevelofsecular
education.Thecoursesarebasedonabeliefthatacquiringreligiousknowledgeisvirtuous.Theyaim
toincreasewomensawarenessandunderstandingoftheQuranandHadithbystudyingthetextsin
Arabic,withtheobjectiveofreconcilingtraditionalinterpretationsofIslamwithmodernlife.In
practice,thematerialstheyusecondensescholarlyinterpretationsofthetextsintoalistofrules,
specifyingtheirrelevancetoeverydaylifeinordertoinstilpracticesofreflectionandself
examinationandbuildcharacter.ShenotedthatAlHudahasavisionnotonlyofpersonalpietyand
selfreform,includingadherencetogoodreligiouspractices,butalsowidersocialreforminthe
senseofamoremoralsociety.Theorganizationis,shesuggested,partofalongtraditionofreform
movementsinIslamthatbelieveinasingleSunniinterpretationofthereligioustextsandaresocially
conservative.Itisattractivetoeducatedwomenbecausetheclassesprovideanintellectualstimulus,
linkreligiouslearningwiththeireveryday(modern)livesandformbondsbetweenwomenoutside
thehome.Theclassesbuildnetworksamongst(elite)women,whichmightonedaybeseenas
posingachallengetomaledominatedreligiousinstitutions.

Religion,politicsanddevelopment
MuhammadWaseemidentifiedtwoapproachestotheanalysisofreligionandpoliticsinPakistan:a
predominantinstrumentalistapproachthatcharacterizesthepoliticalregimeasamullahgarrison
allianceinwhichthemilitaryhaveusedreligiontoincreasetheirlegitimacybyappealingtodivine
overconstitutionalsources,andastructuralinterpretationthatpointstodeeperexplanationsofthe
currentrelationshipsbetweenreligionandpolitics.TheantiIndia,antisecularistandanti
communistviewsoftheulemaare,hesuggested,crucialinunderstandingthemilitaryulema
alliance,whichhasacommoninterestinkeepingatbayapoliticaleliteostensiblycommittedto
democracyandPresidentialism.InPakistan,heasserted,theindependencegenerationofpoliticians
weremodernistswhodidnotbelievethatpoliticsandreligionshouldbeconflated.Incontrast,
todayIslamdefinesthestate.Heexaminedtheimplicationsofthistrendwithanextremeexample:
theperiodofgovernmentbyanallianceofreligiouspoliticalparties(theMuttahidaMajliseAmal)in
theNorthWestFrontierProvincebetween2002and2007.ResearchundertakenaspartoftheRaD
programmeonhowtheMMAperformedwhileingovernmentrevealedthattheprovincesextreme
dependenceondonorandfederalgovernmentfundinglimitedtheabilityoftheMMAtoimplement
radicalandautonomouspolicies,asdidtheirlackofgovernmentexperience.Inpractice,nothing
tangiblewasachievedbytheireffortstoreducepoverty,therewaslittlereductioninsystemic
problemssuchascorruptionandwomenspositionwasworsein2007thanin2002.Theelectorate
respondedbyvotingthetraditionalelitebackintogovernment,reversingthetrendtowardsa
conflationofreligionandthestate.

AyeshaJalalexamineda1908lecturebyIqbalwiththedevelopmenttheoriesofAmartyaSen,
findingparallelsintheirconceptionsofhumanfreedomandequality.These,shesuggested,canbe
attributedtotheirsimilarethicalviews.IqbalconcludedthatinprincipleIslamofferedthebestbasis
forhumanprogressbutnotedthat,atthetimehewaswriting,therealitywasfarfromtheideal.Sen
hasalso,shesuggested,drawnonanonEuropeanintellectualhistoryinforminghisideasabout
freedomandjustice,althoughheattributesthegapbetweenidealsandrealitytothefailureof
publicreasoning.

Finally,MasoodaBano,UniversityofOxford,reportedonresearchonthewelfareworkofreligious
politicalpartiesundertakenaspartoftheRaDprogramme.ComparingJamaatiIslamiinPakistan
andBangladesh,researchbasedonextensiveinterviewswithpartyactivistsandothers,shenoted
thattheyareinvolvedinawiderangeofcharitable,welfareandserviceprovisionactivities,
includinghealthcareandtraining,education,emergencyrelief,watersupplyandorphansupport.
Theychargeabasic(belowmarketrate)feefortheservicestheyprovide(excepttothosewho
cannotaffordtopay),whichusersarepreparedtopaybecauseoftheperceivedgoodquality.
However,theJamaatisorganizedinverydifferentwaysinthetwocountries,forhistorical,political
andpracticalreasons:inPakistantheJamaathasestablisheditsownnetworkofspecializedor
multisectoralwelfareandservicedeliveryorganizations,whereasinBangladesh(wheretheJamaat
hasperiodicallybeenrestrictedorbanned)Jamaatmembersplaykeyrolesinthemanagementof
apparentlyindependentorganizations.Inbothcases,servicesaredeliveredthroughnetworksof
voluntaryorganizations,whichrelyonmanagerswhoarepartymembersandvolunteers,rather
thanpaidprofessionals.Thepartiesengagementinwelfareactivities,sheconcluded,demonstrates
theircommitmenttotheirreligiousideology,andrequiresawellorganizedpartystructureand
substantialincomefromtheirmembersdonationsandotherreligioussources.Noneoftheother
IslamicpartiesinthesecountriesareaslargeastheJamaatandtheirwelfarenetworksareless
extensive.Thereligiouspoliticalpartiesengagementinwelfareprogrammesis,sheconcluded,
criticaltotheiridentityaspartiesandformobilizingpartymembers;thepossibilitythatwelfare
provisionmightwinvotesisalessimportantmotivation.

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