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Author(s): Paramjit Singh
Review by: Paramjit Singh
Source: Social Scientist, Vol. 41, No. 7/8, Special issue: The Four Year Undergraduate Programme
in Delhi University (July-August 2013), pp. 105-108
Published by: Social Scientist
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23610491
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Book Reviews
strengthened the demand for Pakistan more concretely than ever before. g3
Another theme the author highlights in this chapter is the Maulana's stand- o_
ing within the Congress. There is no doubt that his stature in the party ^
had consistently increased and that he was the leader everyone sought for ^
counsel in matters related to the Muslim community. However, the ques-
<|
tion raised here is how much of his advice regarding the handling of the v>
communal situation was actually followed by the Congress.
The fifth chapter brings to light the growing isolation of Maulana
Azad within the Congress - a party he had faithfully served for most of his
politically active years against the backdrop of the march to freedom and
partition. This, according to Qaiser, was evident in the ways in which the
Congress sidelined his pragmatic advice that the partition could have been
averted if the Congress was ready to arrive at a middle ground that conced
ed some of the demands of the Muslims. The dawn of freedom left Azad a
broken, disillusioned
man, one who 'politically ... did not have a following
in his own community as well as among his countrymen' (p. 265).
The final chapter of the book examines Maulana Azad's contribution
to the newly independent nation as its first Education Minister. Though it
is highly informative and detailed, there seems to be a break in the narra
tive here, if seen in comparison with the way the rest of the book has been
written. The chapter lacks historical analysis, unlike the preceding chapters.
However such an approach is understandable since while tracing the man
ner in which Azad 'strove hard to refashion the educational map of India'
(p. 280), Qaiser has attempted to question assertions that the charge of the
Education portfolio had come as a disappointment to the Maulana.
Based on exhaustive archival research and hitherto unexplored (and
underexplored) Urdu sources, Resisting Colonialism and Communal Politics
is an earnest attempt to analyse and understand the political life and ideas
of one of the most visionary leaders that this country has produced. What
makes it even more significant is the fact that it attempts to do much more
than that. It is a study of the politics of India's independence and of resist
ing communalism, and the various players involved in it.
Terry Eagleton, Why Marx Was Right, Yale University Press, New Haven
and London, 2011, hardback, 258 pages, Rs 742.
Is it important to talk about Marx and Marxism nowadays when people are
talking about postmodernism and classless society? Since the last century
or so, orthodox economists and so-called intellectuals have criticised Marx
without making any serious effort to analyse his writings. After the break- 105
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Social Scientist
down of the Soviet Union, they argued that Marxian analysis and projec
tions were outdated. But the recent financial crisis, followed by a recession,
(/)
has raised questions of the survival of capitalism and, interestingly, a large
famine, hardship, etc. They argue about the lack of freedom and material
goods in socialism. Eagleton raises questions about the historical progress
of capitalism in order to critique these formulations. Thus, the historical
as well as present experience of capitalism is not very rosy. Capitalism too
is built on the basis of blood and tears. It is just that it has survived long
enough to make one forget much of its terror, which is not the case with
'Stalinism' and 'Maoism'. It is also important to examine the historical con
ditions that prevailed in the Soviet Union and China during the revolution.
Socialism is not a magic wand and had to coexist with aspects of feudalism
and the lack of capital to build an ideal society. Historical experiences also
make it clear that ideas of revolution, socialism/communism, etc., are not a
product of Marx's work alone. These were born out of various movements,
socio-economic transitions and thinkers, some of whom pre-date Marx.
The other criticism is that Marxism is rooted in a form of determin
ism, that it considers men and women simply as tools of history, and that
Marx believed in iron laws of historical progress as stated in the Communist
Manifesto: 'the history of all the previous existing societies is the history
of class struggles'. But, according to Marx, although class struggle is fun
damental to human history, everything in history is not a matter of class
struggle. Besides, he never saw history in a linear fashion, with each mode
106 of production having to be followed by the next. In fact he always referred
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Book Reviews
gues that the foremost objective of all human beings is to satisfy basic needs,
and there is no civilization without material production. It is historically
proven that material interest has been the prime motive of history from the
primitive communal system to capitalism. It was not only Marx who spoke
of 'economics* as a fundamental force in history, but also other thinkers
such as Rousseau and Adam Smith. What shaped history, in Marx's view,
was class struggle; and classes were never reduced only to economic factors
but also involved the social relations of production, intimately associated
with legal, social, cultural, political and ideological processes.
The charge that Marx was a materialist is perhaps a well-known criti
cism. Marx seems to have favoured materialism over and above spiritual as
pects and religion. Eagleton defends Marx by saying that he did not believe
in abstractions; rather, he believed in concrete analysis of real phenomena.
At the same time, Marx opposed the eighteenth-century materialist phi
losophers who saw human beings as mere mechanical functionaries of the
material world. He stated that men and women are not pawns of history
or matter or spirit, but active, self-determining beings capable of making
their own history. Epoch-making changes in history are largely the result of
material forces, not of ideas or beliefs. In fact, besides being a materialist
thinker, Marx was a rather modern thinker. He wrote on Balzac after fin
ishing Capital. He also proposed to write a book on Ethics. Eagleton argues
that Marx was a true moralist in the tradition of Aristotle. In that tradition
morality meant not only obligation to law and a code of prohibitions, but
how to live in the freest, fullest, most self-fulfilling manner. Morality for
Marx meant enjoying oneself without harming/exploiting others.
Critics argue that the Marxian phenomenon of classes and class strug
gle is a no-longer-relevant, old story. Here Eagleton argues that while class
might change its composition all the time, this does not mean it has van
ished. The proletariat is composed of not only blue-collared and manufac
-
turing workers but a large number of other workers all of whom sell their 107
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Social Scientist
CO labour power to capital and are capable of forming a united front against
o
(N capitalists. Eagleton quotes Perry Anderson to say that the working class is
*-* estimated to be 3 billion strong, and Mike Davis (in the Plant of Slums) has
oo
D
00 predicted that the slum population of the world will form a majority of the
=3
global urban population soon. If all of them unite to make revolution and
X protest against the capitalist system, it would surely be shaken at its roots.
D Another criticism examined by Eagleton is about Marxism advocating
violent political action and rejecting the course of moderate and peaceful
CO
I reforms. Here he argues that a large number of capitalist crimes (the two
World Wars, colonial exploitation, the Iraq war, etc.) have been far more
o
bloody and brutal than what was witnessed in the Stalin and Mao era. Revo
Z
lution does not necessarily mean violence; it can be non-violent as well.
Choice between reform and revolution depends on the social relations of
production. Marx himself seems to have believed that in countries like Eng
land and the US, socialism could perhaps be achieved by peaceful means.
After all he never dismissed the parliamentary system and social reforms.
Eagleton also examines the criticism about Marxism believing in the
existence of a powerful state, which would end individual freedom. How
ever, he stresses, in reality Marx was an implacable opponent of the state.
He famously looked forward to a time when it would wither away. Thus,
although there would still be a state under socialism, beyond socialism, in
communism, the state would disappear and give way to decentralized and
representative administrative bodies at various levels. He criticized the state
which protected the interests of the minority (viz. capitalists) at the cost of
majority (i.e. the working class). Critics have also opposed Marx's idea of
'the dictatorship of the proletariat'. But for Marx the state under commu
nism was based on the 'self-governed' Paris Commune of 1871.
The reader is also told about claims that new movements such as femi
nism, environmentalism, gay and ethnic politics, animal rights, anti-global
isation and peace movements represent a new form of political activism, as
opposed to the antiquated Marxian commitment to class struggle. Eagleton
questions the newness of these social movements, arguing that they are not
new at all. These have been taken over from a class-obsessed, anti-pluralist
Marxism that has worked in alliance with these movements for a consider
able time in history. Alongside, Eagleton is appreciative about the alliances
formed in these movements that would be fruitful for future struggles.
Terry Eagleton has done a wonderful job in so far as clearing some mis
conceptions regarding Marx and Marxism is concerned. His style of writing
is highly readable. The chapter on materialism is perhaps the best chapter in
the book. His analysis is however purely theoretical and there is an absence
of empirical data, especially missed in the chapter on economic aspects.
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