1AC Femicide Af

1AC
 Contention 1 is Femicide
China is currently undergoing systematic eradication of
its female population- the femicide scale is massive and
embedded within their two child policy. Diplomatic
negotiation is the only way to solve
Smith 16
(Chris, U.S. Congressman for New Jerseys 4th district, U.S.
Commission on China Hearing Addresses Gendercide in China,
February 3, 2016 http://chrissmith.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?
DocumentID=398695)

The global crisis of missing girls constitutes a gross human rights abuse
which is aptly described as gendercidethe extermination of the girl child in
society simply because she happens to be a girl. Gendercide is not only a
predictable tragedy of lost potential, but also a demographic time bomb,
particularly in China, with social, political, and potentially even security
implications, said Smith. China faces some of the worlds most severe gender imbalancesaccording to official
estimates, there are currently 34 million more males than females in China. As the author of the Trafficking Victims
Protection Act of 2000Americas landmark law to combat sex and labor traffickingI am deeply concerned that
China has become the human sex trafficking magnet of the world.
We have seen a marked increase of women trafficked from
neighboring Southeast Asian countries such as Vietnam, Myanmar,
and Cambodia being trafficked into China as brides and for sexual
exploitation. North Korean women who escape into China also
remain at risk for human trafficking for forced marriages and forced
labor. Chinas gender imbalances are significantly exacerbated by
government policyparticularly its draconian population control policies. Click here to read Cong. Smiths
opening remarks. The hearing, entitled Gendercide: Chinas Missing Girls, was held in the Congressional-Executive
Commission on China (CECC), which Congressman Smith chairs with Senator Marco Rubio of Florida. The hearing included
expert witnesses including Chai Ling, the Founder of All Girls Allowed and a former leader of the Tiananmen Square
student demonstrations; Mara Hvistendahl, journalist and author of the Pulitzer Prize finalist book Unnatural Selection:
Choosing Boys Over Girls, and the Consequences of a World Full of Men; and Julie Ford Brenning, the Director of Research
& China Outreach for the organization, Give Her Life. The witnesses offered both analysis of the problem and
recommendations to combat this problem as well as lessons learned from other countries which have struggled with
gender imbalances either as a result of cultural preference or government policy. In her testimony Chai Ling said,
Chinas population problem is not too many babies are being born, but too few
babies being born, especially too few baby girls are being born. There is a
severe cost for low birth rate All the facts and data point to the
clear conclusion that the brutal and unwise Two Children Policy
needs to come to an end and be replaced by an all children allowed
policy as soon as possible, for the sake of China, the people, the
Chinese government and the countryGendercide is the largest
injustice on earth today. We also urge the U.S. leaders,
Congressional leaders, President Obama, business, education,
womens rights and faith community leaders, presidential hopefuls
and all to help us end this evil. Said Hvistendahl in her testimony, We have
historical amnesia. Western institutions played a critical role in bring
sex selection to Asia. And yet, I cant tell you how many reports Ive
read that blame sex selection squarely on traditional values. As a
major international issue, afecting South Asia and Eastern Europe
as well as China, sex selection demands an international response.
Moreover, as the entity responsible for the population control policies
that contribute to the preponderance of boys being born, the Chinese
government cannot be expected to solve its sex-ratio problem without
international pressure. Said Brenning in her testimony, We all know that the consequences of the
skewed sex ratio are well documented. It is now vital to address the policy
implications and how to implement successful government initiatives
that will get to the roots of the sex ratio imbalance. It is only by
recognizing the importance of the empowerment of women, as an
end in itself and as a key to improving the quality of life for
everyone both men and women - that China will achieve a more long-lasting and effective means of
achieving balanced sex ratio.

Chinas rape culture represents a structural division that

allows male dominance to permeate within family, law,
and governmental institutions which results in the
perpetual subordination of the female
Jiang et al. 2011
( Quanbao, Shuzhuo Li, Feldman W. Marcus, Professors in the
Institute for Population and Development Studies, School of Public
Policy and Administration at Xian Jiaotong University, and professor
in the Morrison Institute for Population and Resource Studies at
Stanford University, Demographic Consequences of Gender
Discrimination in China: Simulation Analysis of Policy Options,
Population Research and Policy Review August 2011, Volume 30,
Issue 4, pp 619638)
The strict patrilineal family system bestows on male descendants
economic, socio-cultural, and religious benefits and obligations
which create preference for sons. State policies also afect gender
equity (Murphy 2003). Thus son preference and discrimination against
girls are afected by institutions, culture, economy, and public
policies (World Bank 2002, p. 40). First, strict patrilineality, patriarchy, and
patrilocality determine the dominant status of male children in
inheriting property, in living arrangements, in continuity of families,
and in family power structure. Women must depend on men, which
results in womens low status within the family (Das Gupta and Li 1999). If
male-dominated within-family power structure is replaced by
institution of laws, ideologies, and resource allocation that are still
dominated by males, then the control over women is transferred
from the domain of private patriarchy to that of public patriarchy.
Thus private and public patriarchy combine to produce a system
which places women in a subordinate position (Chow and Berheide 2004, p. 313).
Second, Chinas traditional culture is based on Confucianism, which entails that continuity of the family line
is an indispensable part of Chinas traditional childbearing culture, leading to the preference for male
descendants. This cultural pressure of son preference exerts a more
important efect than economic factors on childbearing decision-
making; thus the problem cannot be solved solely by economic
development (Chu 2001). Third, in China, especially in rural China, the social security system is far
from sound. In the countryside today, the family is still the dominant provider of old-age support. The
traditional gender division makes women economically dependent on men (Chow and Berheide 2004, p.
142143). Partly due to this economic dependence, married-out daughters provide mainly auxiliary help
such as emotional support and help with daily activities for their parents, while sons provide the basic
economic support (Sun 2002). The dire need for economic support in old age makes rural people favor
sons. Finally,
the fertility control polices made and implemented by
governments at various levels contribute to son preference. The
reduced number of children, mandated by fertility control policies,
entails a lower probability of having a son. In a society with such a
strong son preference and unfavorable social status for females,
when sex and number of children are in conflict, people turn to sex-
selective abortion to ensure at least one son. With the stringent
implementation of the one-child policy, Chinas sex ratio at birth (SRB) has
risen continuously. In 2000, the SRB in those 1.5 children policy areas (namely, those areas where a
second child was permitted if the first was a girl) was 124.7, which is 15.7% points higher than the ratio
109.0 in two-children areas, indicating clearly the impact of sex-selective abortions (Gu et al. 2007).
Moreover, those parents who strongly desire a son often abandon female children or neglect daughters
the enactment and
(Coale and Banister 1994; Das Gupta and Li 1999). At the same time,
implementation of some policies reinforce the ideas that sons are
better than daughters and that the utility of a son to a family is
much higher than that of a daughter, which also contribute to
gender discrimination.

Calling to attention the systematic devaluation of women

in China is key- the impact is femicide, a metaphysical
violence and worldwide war that embodies a physical,
psychological, and spiritual status against women
Miller and Guthri 07
(Darrow and Stan, Nurturing the Nations: Reclaiming the Dignity of Women in
Building Healthy, Ch. Ch. 4: The Crushing of Women, 2007, Pg. 51)
However, gendercide is not the best term for what is happening to women. That term focuses exclusively
hundreds of
on those women who have beenphysically killed. It does not take into account the
millions of women who live but who suffer emotional, sexual, physical, and
spiritual violence every day, simply because they are female . Neither does
gendercide take into account the hundreds of millions of women who are seeking to
disappear. These are women who have consciously or unconsciously
accepted the sexist mantra that male is superior to female. They are seeking
to be equal with men by becoming like men . Gendercide does not reflect this
phenomenon. Underlying the crushing of women and the disappearance of
women is a metaphysic that denies transcendent sexuality: it denies that
there is a transcendent male quality known as masculine and a transcendent
female quality identified as feminine. The crushing and disappearance of
women stem from femininicidethe death of the transcendent feminine. Because the
metaphysic of feminine is killed, there is a worldwide war against women .
Thus the plan: The United States Federal Government
should substantially increase its diplomatic engagement
with the Peoples Republic of China by establishing
negotiations over womens rights, including a proposal
encouraging China to sign the Optional Protocol of the
CEDAW if the United States agrees to ratify CEDAW
 Contention 2 is Solvency
U.S. ratification of CEDAW gives it legitimacy, and CEDAW
is only mechanism to resolve womens rights issues
Blanchfield 10
(Luisa, Specialist in International Relations, U.N. Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW): Issues in
the U.S. Ratification Debate, November, 2010, Pg. 1)
U.N. policymakers and members of the public have contentiously debated
U.S. ratification of the United Nations (U.N.) Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW, or the Convention) since it was drafted in 1979. CEDAW is
the only international human rights treaty that specifically focuses on the
rights of women.1 As of November 11, 2010, 186 countries have ratified or acceded to the
Convention. The United States is the only nation to have signed but not ratified
CEDAW. President Jimmy Carter signed the Convention and transmitted it to the Senate in 1980. The
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations held hearings on CEAW in 1988, 1990, 1994, and 2002, and
reported it favorably in 19994 and 2002.2 To date, the treaty has not been considered for advice and
consent to ratification by the full Senate, Other countries that are not parties to CEDAW include Iran,
Nauru, Palau, Somalia, Sudan, and Tonga.3 The Senate may consider providing advice and consent to U.S.
ratification of CEDAW during the 112th Congress. The Barack Obama Administration has expressed support
for the Convention, calling it an important priority. In a May 2009 letter to the Senate Committee on
Foreign Relations, the Obama Administration identified CEDAW as a human rights treaty on which it
U.S. policymakers generally agree with CEDAWs
supports Senate action at this time.
overall objective of eliminating discrimination against women around the
world. Many, however, question whether the Convention is an appropriate or
effective mechanism for achieving this goal . Opponents are concerned that U.S.
ratification would undermine national sovereignty and require the federal government or, worse, the
They argue that the Convention
United Nations to interfere in the private conduct of citizens.
is ineffective, and emphasize that countries with reportedly poor womens
rights recordsincluding China and Saudi Arabiahave ratified CEDAW. Supporters,
however, contend that the Convention is a valuable mechanism for fighting
womens discrimination worldwide. They argue that U.S. ratification will give
CEDAW additional legitimacy and empower women who aim to eliminate
discrimination in their own countries.

Moreover, lack of awareness allows for excessive

structural, domestic violence to continue with impunity-
that gives 100% solvency for the af
Jianling 16
(Wang, Professor, Law School, Jilin University, China, Human Rights and Good
Governance, Ch. 4: Human Rights, Good Governance and Protection
of Women against Domestic Violence in China, 2016, Pgs. 49-51)
Lack of public awareness, lack of reports from victims and lack of punishment
of offenders could be viewed as the main obstacles in protecting women
against domestic violence. The traditional ethics of Chinese families consider
women as inferior to men.26 The place of women in the home, womens economic dependence and
lack of voice make women vulnerable to domestic violence. However, women who receive good education
and have high income are also victims of domestic violence. Wife battering is traditionally
considered a domestic matter. Some women are brought up in families who strongly believe that it
is mens right to beat their wives. Most Chinese victims of domestic violence regret an
unfortunate marriage instead of bringing their husbands to the police and the
court. The silence of women about their sufferings causes bigger sufferings.
Other reasons that women keep silence and refrain from reporting crimes of
domestic violence to the police is the fear of reprisals and the fear of not being taken
seriously. In the Chinese culture, family conflicts are embarrassing and should
be kept private. Police and courts may take the complaints as a husband and wife problem.
Therefore it is not easy for the women to receive the protection they need, while
men experience impunity after domestic violence. Raising public awareness is
very important to curb domestic violence . More effort should be made in
establishing an effective system to offer assistance to the victims and make
womens life safer at home. The biggest challenge is to change traditions through education and
legislation requiring the efforts of both national and local governments. In order to enhance the public
awareness of gender and gender equality, the Chinese Government has increased the gender equality
content in the curriculum and teaching materials. The government has reformed the curriculum at the
stage of compulsory education so as to guide students towards a better understanding of the fact that
gender inequality still exists in Chinese society and of the harm it does. In so doing, with an emphasis on
the elimination of social stereotypes and prejudices regarding the roles of men and women, the
government highlights the important role and contribution of women in human progress. The government
has also added womens studies courses to the curriculum at universities and colleges, in an effort to
strengthen womens studies.27 Another issue is non-consensual sex in marriage. Should it be classified as
domestic violence? According to the theory and practice of criminal law in China, the answer is no.28
Spouse rape has not been included in the crime of rape. Chinas laws do not explicitly prohibit rape within
marriage. The recognition of the crime of marital rape has always been controversial. It is a tradition to
think that it is the duty of the wife to have sex with her husband whenever he wants it, her own wishes are
irrelevant. The non-recognition of the crime of marital rape in the Chinese legal systems is a stumbling
block for the realization of womens human rights. The womens ability to make complaints about non-
consensual intercourse is thereby seriously constrained. Though marital rape is not recognized as a
violation of womens human rights in cedaw,29 which has been considered one of the issues that cedaw
failed to address,30 states should take appropriate and effective measures to enact and enforce laws to
Domestic violence severely damages the physical
prohibit forced sex within marriage.
and psychological health of female victims, destroys their self-esteem,
violates their personal rights, and sometimes causes death of victims. Some
victims might not know how to protect themselves and how to get access to
legal remedies. After long-time sufferings, some victims choose to kill the
offenders. Among the worst parts of domestic violence is the detrimental influence on children brought
up in such families. The family situation may traumatize children for life, affect the childrens education
and result in abnormal behavior and even criminality. Domestic violence against women does
not only affect the victims families. It affects the whole society.

Even if its not absolute, the plan is a step in the right

direction for gender justice- establishing new policies
helps to reverse traditional ideologies that cement women
in a cite of perpetual dehumanization
Jiang et al. 2011
(Quanbao, Shuzhuo Li, Feldman W. Marcus, Professors in the
Institute for Population and Development Studies, School of Public
Policy and Administration at Xian Jiaotong University, and professor
in the Morrison Institute for Population and Resource Studies at
Stanford University, Demographic Consequences of Gender
Discrimination in China: Simulation Analysis of Policy Options,
Population Research and Policy Review August 2011, Volume 30,
Issue 4, pp 619638)
The deep-rooted traditional culture of Favoring Sons and Discriminating
against Daughters and concomitant discriminatory practices still
exist throughout China. Policies at various administrative levels
should play the dominant role in eliminating son preference and
gender discrimination. In order for this to happen, issues concerning
gender must be integrated into public policies and their
implementation. The goal must be to change the traditional
ideology, to enhance female social status, to achieve equality for
males and females in social life, to optimize population size,
structure, and distribution, all of which will help promote Chinas
socially sustainable development. Gender discrimination, in terms of higher
than normal SRB and EFCM, will have a significant impact as demonstrated in the calculations presented
above. Attan (2006) claimed that the impact would be relatively minor on total population growth and on
the total number of births but somewhat greater on the sex structure of the population projected to 2050.
But when we project the population to 2100, the impacts on population size, sex structure, number of
As the efect
births, and working age population, as well as on the male marriage, are significant.
of gender discrimination on population size and other demographic
features have begun to be recognized, the marriage squeeze and
surplus males have become causes for alarm. These surplus males,
usually disadvantaged in social status, are inclined to commit
crimes, accelerate STDs and pose a grave threat to social stability. If
they congregate, for example in bare branch villages in poverty-stricken areas,
they might be more ready to take collective measures, aimed at
improving their own social status, which could be quite dangerous
for the whole society (Hudson and den Boer 2004). Chinas media have recently
reported many bare branch villages in many provinces, causing
grave concerns for social stability. Moreover, most rural Chinese rely on intra-household
transfers for old age support in the absence of financial wealth or social insurance. As the marriage
squeeze intensifies the need for programs that socially protect the elderly who have no children will grow
(Das Gupta et al. 2010). Thus China needs to develop an effective social security system that helps all
Together with the
elderly, especially the rural elderly, who have no children to provide support.
predicted fast expansion of aging in China, this places a heavy
financial burden on governments at all levels. The high sex ratios at
birth are attributable to Chinas stringent family planning policy. After
30 years of implementation of this policy, the SRB keeps rising and recently reached around 120. The
Chinese government has realized the seriousness of this problem and has taken a variety of measures,
aimed at combating gender discrimination against girls, high SRB and EFCM (Zheng 2007; Hvistendahl
2009). But in the first decade of the 21st century, SRBs still fluctuate around 120 :
the problem
remains serious and current countermeasures are insufficient. As can
been seen from the above calculations, during the 21st century, the population size, birth numbers, and
In combating gender
rapid aging, all suggest that Chinas fertility policy should be revised.
discrimination and high SRB, China should on one hand strengthen the
countermeasures already taken in institutions, culture and economy,
and on the other it should loosen or terminate the stringent fertility
policy; the policy has successfully accomplished its task in
controlling population growth and size, and it is now necessary to
pay serious attention to its side efects, and to its careful
modification.
 Contention 3 is Framing
Femicide is violent and political, representing a wide
array of issues like race and heteronormativity that
makes our heuristic action especially important
Radford 92
(Jill and Diana, 1/1/92, Femicide: The Politics of Woman Killing,
http://www.dianarussell.com/f/femicde(small).pdf, accessed 6/25/16, YLP)
One purpose of this anthology has been to name femicide and to identify it as an urgent issue for feminists
Diana Russell and I have defined
and others concerned with violence against women.
femicide in the context of sexual politics to call attention 10 and challenge
the violence that underlies patriarchal oppression. We see the anthology as a
beginning in the work needed to create a political climate in which the death
of any woman as a result of femicide cannot go unnoticed but is recognized
as an event worthy of comment, anger, and protest. It is then, a pan of the
feminist enterprise of creating a world in which the violent subordination of
women to men is no longer a fact of life. Imagining a world (hat is safe for women, safe
from male violence, free of sexism, racism, classism, and heterosexism, may in the 1990s seem a Utopian
But feminism should not lose sight of its dreams, hopes, and ideals.
dream.
Without these our politics lose purpose and meaning. Given that this volume is one of
the first to deal specifically with femicide, it is perhaps premature lo attempt definitive conclusions.
Instead. I would like to draw together some of its central themes and to locate these within a feminist
analysis. In gathering writings on femicide from three continents and across a wide historical range, we
have illustrated that femicide, far from comprising only random or isolated incidents of sexual terrorism, is
extensive. Femicide has cost the lives of thousands of women. If as many deaths had been caused by a
dis- ease, there would be a massive outcryunless, of course, the disease was one like AIDS, which
Femicide is a
initially afflicted those living on the margins of white heterosexual society.
phenomenon that patriarchal interests have taken pains to deny. Rather than
allow the extent of femicide to be acknowledged and addressed as a matter
of social and political concern, the powerful institutions of patriarchal society,
namely, the taw, the judiciary, the police, and the media, have largely denied
the existence of femicide. In light of recent developments in work on sexual violence in the
United Kingdom. I want to argue that it is vital not to lose sight of the essentially political nature of
resistance to it. The United Kingdom is witnessing a trend on the part of the police, social workers, lawyers,
professional counselors, and therapists to engage in and build careers on work dealing with sexual
violence. Long criticized for their failure to respond to the problem of sexual violence, these professionals
Their response to male violence is at the level of service
have now begun to move in.
provision, but it often takes place within a political framework that defines
women and children as helpless victims who are responsible for the violence
they experience by virtue of their assumed inadequacies. Consequently, they are
seen as being in need of professional help to relocate them within their role as defined by patriarchy. This
trend is illustrated by the establishment of nonfeminist refuges for women who have experienced domestic
violence in which therapy is a condition of entry; victim support programs in which men are encouraged to
support women who have experienced rape to try to ensure that these women will not reject men and to
facilitate their rapid readjustment to active heterosexuality; the provision of family therapy for survivors of
child sexual abuse that locates responsibility for the abuse within the entire family and defines mothers
While some feminists have demanded stale
and survivors as collusive in that abuse.
recognition of and action against male sexual violence, the ensuing response
often severely compromises feminist values. The danger lies in the tendency
of those who accept patriarchal values to force a separation of feminist
support services from their political roots. This separation has allowed the mental health
community to appropriate service provision, with perhaps some lip service to feminist work. But the
political base is transformed into one that can be comfortably accommodated
within an antifeminist professional practice. In this process feminist politics
are negated and replaced by an anufeminism rooted in an ideology that
essentially blames the victim. The divisiveness of this response is posing difficulties for feminist
activists working in the area, particularly because the state, having developed alternative professional
services, is withdrawing funding from feminist services, such as rape crisis centers and women's refuses.
Because of the nature of femicide, in which there is no victim to be offered support, the attending issues
It is important to
are somewhat different. But the potential for a similar divisiveness exists here, too.
demand that the problem of femicide be recognized; yet it is also important
that professionals in menial health, law enforcement, and the judicial system
be prevented from appropriating the problem of femicide and relocating it in
their own agendas, agendas that may be informed by antifeminism, racism,
and heterosexism. This is why it is necessary to recognize the political nature
of the struggle against femicide. The radical feminism outlined here, however, is different from
that of the early 1970s. It is a feminism that perceives male sexual violence as the basis for securing the
gendered power relations of patriarchy. But it is also a feminism that recognizes the differences among
women in terms of their relationship to the other power structures present in patriarchal societies
differences that structure both femicide itself and the state's response to it. In Western industrialized
societies women are divided by the class relations of late capitalism; the racism of postcolonialism;
sexuality (where heterosexuality, and with it male control of women at the most personal of levels, is
deemed compulsory); and ageism. In theoretical terms, contemporary radical feminism recognizes the
complexity of these interactive structures and their different impacts on women. In activist terms, many
While
radical feminists have recognized both the power and the limitations that attend such politics.
identification with one's own group can be an important source of strength
and confirmation, it also has the potential for creating divisiveness and
reproducing the oppressions of the larger society, namely, classism, racism,
heterosexism, and ageism. In response, many activists are beginning to explore the possibilities
of creating alliances against sexual violence and femicide that cross over these boundaries. The readings
in pan 6 of this book. "Women Fighting Back against Femicide." explore the challenges facing coalitions
and alliances made up of women from different backgrounds and with different political priorities. While
this kind of work will take timeto build trust, to work out nonexclusive ways of working, to plan, even to
make mistakesit does seem to have a greater potential for mounting a stronger challenge (o the threat
of femicide than does a partial-politics approach that can be easily appropriated by defenders of patriarchy
Traditionally, state reforms are limited; they address
into agendas of their own.
problems that prior political campaigns have forced onto the agenda. A
typical response is for the stale to recognize a problem in order to contain the
protest, doing so in a way that poses no real threat to established interests or
values. This suggests that if and when the state is forced (o recognize
femicide as a problem, it will seek to redefine it in a way that minimizes its
threat to the patriarchal status quo. This will require a reformulation of the
problem that inevitably excludes feminist analysis. It is possible to imagine, for
example, an authoritarian government interpreting a feminist concern about femicide as support for law-
Even if some acknowledgment of the gendered nature of
and-order politics.
femicide is accommodated, it would of necessary be partial . Likewise any remedy
would be partial. Existing protections against male violencethe laws around rape, for exampleprotect
only, those women defined as "deserving" according to patriarchal standards, that is, women privileged by
class, race, and relationship to heterosexuality. If antiracism, antiheterosexism, and anticlass privilege are
fore- grounded in our politics, perhaps this bias can be resisted. A lot can be learned from the formation of
alliances among women with different positions in relation to patriarchy. From reading black women's
accounts and by networking. 1 have come to understand why the issues of race md racism are inseparable
The selections by and about black women in this
from any single they enter.
anthology demonstrate that a struggle against femicide must be a struggle
against racism as well, whether it is the racism of femicidal killers, the police,
the legal system, pornographers, or the racism of white feminists
participating in the struggle. It is uncomfortable for white feminists to be
confronted with their own racism. As white women, we are accorded a certain
privilege so routinely that it is hard for us to see it. Identifying the ways in
which this racism can disable us in our work with black and minority women
is difficult, as is acknowledging how much we need to Iearn and unlearn. But
the alternative, in my experience, is resentment confused silences, political
inaction, and failure of feminism. Similarly, recognizing heterosexuality as a
major force in society is essential to understanding the impact of femicide on
lesbian communities. Without such an understanding, any analysis of
femicide will be partial, distorted, and inadequate. Heterosexism, as is
documented in the anthology, can motivate and legitimize femicidal attacks
on lesbians. It can result in the femicide of known or suspected lesbians not
being taken seriously by the police and in the acceptance of antilesbianism
as mitigation in the courts. From the United Kingdom there is evidence that lesbians who report
violence are harassed and arrested by the police and that the police use murder investigations as "trawling
exercise" to obtain and record information about the lesbian community that is spunous to the
Another way in which femicide affects
investigation at hand but useful to police data banks.1
the lesbian community is that it can lead to the denial of lesbian
relationships. History is full of examples of how lesbian partnerships arc
denied, how the most significant relationships of lesbians sufficiently well
known to have biographies published about them are excluded from those
biographies. The denial of a woman's lesbian identity rep- resents a
posthumous insult and a gross lack of respect for that woman's life. It also hurts
some of the individuals who were close to the dead woman. Bereaved lesbians may find their relationships
are not recognized in grieving rituals, for example, making the nightmare even harder to bear. The
development of support services for the bereaved is one way the gay community has had to respond to
the AIDS crisis. Similar support work is necessary in the short term to deal with instances of antilesbian
femicide. In her poem "Womanslaughter, Pal Parker writes I will not pick the right flowers I will not
celebrate her death And it will not matter If shes black or white If she loves women or men There arc
presumably as many ways to fight femicide as there are women willing to engage in (he struggle. Our
campaigns may be waged in our communities, our places of work, around centers of government, in the
courtroom, or in the media. Letters can be written to parliamentarians or legislators and to the press:
informed comment can be made in poems, novels, plays, performance art, the visual arts, music, and
dance: protest can be joined through participation in marches, vigils, or abscilings.1 The history of
women's struggles is testimony to our powers of imagination once an issue is named. There is also a need
for more research on femicide. Feminist concepts of research are broad. They include academic work, as
illustrated in some of the selections here, but also networking in the community, reading local newspaper;
and magazines, and listening to other women's stories. One huge gap we discovered in putting together
this book was our limited knowledge of the impact of and resistance to femicide in cultures other than our
own. particularly in the Third World. Eastern Europe is another area about which Western knowledge is
limited. It may not be our place as First World women to tell these women's stories in their stead, but we
can make ourselves accessible to them and offer sup- port in terms of access to our resources. Global
resistance to femicide requires an international network that includes those women most often excluded.
Another important area is support work with women who have lost friends, family, or lovers as a result of
there is a need. This means finding ways of
femicide. Having been there. I know
reaching women, knowing when to offer sup- port and when this might be an
intrusion, learning how to support one another through grief and anger ,
learning how to hear the pain without having it under- mine one's own
strength, learning the skills of survival . As firm as we are in our resistance to
femicide, we must be equally firm in our support for one another. Work on
femicide is one of the most grueling feminist enterprises. It can, unless we
are careful with one another, burn us out quickly. To avoid burnout, 1 would
also argue that it is essential to hold onto our ideals and dreams of a world
free from sexism, racism, heterosexism, and outer oppressions that divide us
from one another. It is in these cracks and divisions that woman hatred, the
ideology of femicide, is nurtured.

Issues devoid of gender are a clear indicator of the

patriarchy; this has created a situation where masculine
is the norm and must be addressed first to resolve
conflicts that exist in that norm
Kronsell 06
(Annica, Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Lund,
Feminist Methodologies of International Relations, Cambridge University
Press, July, http://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/subjects/politics-
international-relations/international-relations-and-international-
organisations/feminist-methodologies-international-relations)//jdi-tts
I became interested in what Hearn and Parker (2001: xii) call the silent unspoken, not necessarily easily observable, but
Silence on gender is a determining
fundamentally material reality" of institutions.
characteristic of institutions of hegemonic masculinity and this is a key point. It
indicates a normality and simply "how things are." men are the standards of
normality, equated with what it is to be human , while this is not spelled out (Connell 1995:
212). Hegemonic masculinity "naturalizes the everyday practices of gendered
identities" (Peterson and True 1998: 21). This has led to the rather perplexing situation in
which "men are persons and there is no gender but the feminine (Butler 1990: 19).
Hence, masculinity is not a gender; it is the norm. It should be noted that in the Swedish context,
this masculinity norm derives from a standard associated with white, heterosexual, male bodies. What I focus on is the
normality, reproduced within organizations and how that can be approached
methodologically. The goal is to problematize masculinities and the
hegemony of men (cf. Zalgwski 1998a: 1). This is a risky enterprise because masculine
norms, when hegemonic, are never really a topic of discussion. They remain hidden - silenced
yet continue to be affirmed in the daily practice of the institutions . Kathy Ferguson (1993: 8),
for one, suggests we challenge that which is widely acceptable, unified, and natural, and instead perceive it as being in
need of explanation. Breaking the silence is to question what seems self-explanatory
and turn it into a research puzzle, in a sense, by making the familiar strange. It means
giving the self-explanatory a history and a context. Cynthia Enloe (2004; 1993) encourages feminists to use
curiosity to ask challenging questions about what appear as normal,
everyday banalities in order to try to understand and make visible, for example, as
she does, the gender of` international relations (IR) both as theory and as practice. The first
step is to question even the most banal or taken-asgiven of everyday
practices of world politics. In her study on womens collective political organizing in Sweden, Maud Eduards
(2002: 157) writes that the most forbidden act" in terms of gender relations is to
name men as a political category, which transfers men from a universal
nothing to a specific something. If this is so, how can we actually study such silences? What are the
methods by which we can transcend this silence on gender?

We have an ethical responsibility to reject patriarchyit

leads to unjust domination
Nhanenge 07
(Jhyette, Developmental Africa Worker, Ecofemisim: Towards
Integrating the Concerns for Women, Poor People and Nature into
Development, University of South Africa, Feb,
http://uir.unisa.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10500/570/dissertation.pdf?
sequence=1/%20ns)//jdi-tts
http://uir.unisa.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10500/570/dissertation.pdf?
sequence=1/ ns
The two characteristics, which benefit in a racist and/or patriarchal society are white and male.
Since both are received by birth, the benefits are not based on merit, ability, need, or effort. The
benefits are institutionally created, maintained and sanctioned. Such systems perpetuate
unjustified domination. Thus, the problem lays in institutional structures of power and
privilege but also in the actual social context . Different groups have different degrees of power and privilege in
different cultural contexts. Those should be recognized, but so should commonalities where they exist. However, although
Ups cannot help but to receiving the institutional power and privileges it is important to add that they are accountable for
perpetuating unjustified domination through their behaviours, language and thought worlds. That is why ecofeminism is
about both theory and practice. It does not only try to understand and analyze, it also finds it important to take
action against domination. (Warren 2000: 64-65). Patriarchy is an unhealthy social system. Unhealthy
social systems tend to be rigid and closed. Roles and rules are non-negotiable and determined by those at the top of the
hierarchy. High value is placed on control and exaggerated concepts of rationality, even though, paradoxically, the system can
only survive on irrational ideologies.

Patriarchy produces knowledge in such a way that you

should question all of their truth claims. Their reliance on
patriarchal structures creates the silencing of those on
the margins of society
Enloe 4
Professor of Womens Studies at Clark University, 2004 Cynthia, The Curious
Feminist, page 4-7
Patriarchy - patriarchy is the structural and ideological system that perpetuates the privileging
of masculinity. All kinds of social systems and institutions can' become
patriarchal. Whole cultures can become patriarchal. That is a reality
that has inspired feminist movements to become national in scope,
mobilizing energies on so many levels simultaneously. Families, halls,
militaries, banks, and police departments are among those sites of
ordinary life perhaps especially notorious for their inclinations
toward patriarchal values, structures, and practices. Scores o f
hospitals, schools, factories, legislatures, political parties, museums,
newspapers, theater companies, television networks, religious
organizations, corporations, and courts no matter how modern their
outward trappings - have developed ways of looking and acting
toward their own members and clients and toward the world around
them that derive from the presumption that what is masculine is
most deserving of reward, promotion, admiration, emulation,
agenda prioritization, and budgetary line. Patriarchal inclinations can also be found
in peace and justice movements, as well as in the offices of progressive magazines, enlightened
foundations, and globally sensitive nongovernmental organizations - each of them can be, and
have become, patriarchal. Patriarchal systems are notable for marginalizing the feminine. That
is, insofar as any society or group is patriarchal, it is there that it is comfortable - unquestioned -
to infantilize, ignore, trivialize, or even actively cast scorn upon what is thought to be feminized.
That is why a feminist curiosity is always directed not only at the official or public discourses and behaviors of people in
groups or institutions, but also at their informal, private, casual conversations, at the shared jokes, gestures, and rituals -
all of which help to glue relationships together. The feminist investigator always arrives before the meeting begins to hear
the before-the-meeting offhand banter and is still wide awake and curious when the meeting-after-the-meeting continues
among a select few down the corridor and into the pub. No patriarchy is made up just of men or just of the masculine. Far
Patriarchal systems have been so enduring, so adaptable, precisely because they make
from it.
many women overlook their own marginal positions and feel instead secure, protected, valued.
Patriarchies - in militias, in labor unions, in nationalist movements, in political
parties, in whole states and entire international institutions - may privilege
masculinity, but they need the complex idea of femininity and enough women's acceptance or
complicity to operate. To sustain their gendered hierarchies, patriarchal law firms, for example, need not only
feminized secretaries and feminized cleaners, but also feminized law associates and feminized paralegals. Patriarchal
militaries need feminized military wives and feminized military prostitutes. Patriarchal corporations need feminized clerical
workers and feminized assembly-line workers. Every person who is pressed or lured into playing a feminized role must do
so in order to make the masculinized people seem to be (to themselves as well as everyone else) the most wise, the most
One of the reasons that feminists
intellectual, the most rational, the most tough-minded, the most hard-headed.
have been so astute in exposing patriarchy as a principal cause for so many of the world's
processes - empire-building, globalization, modernization - is that feminists have been curious
about women. By taking women seriously in their myriad locations, feminists have been able to
see patriarchy when everyone else has seen only capitalism or militarism or racism or
imperialism. It will be clear in the chapters that follow, I think, that I have
become more and more convinced - as I have been tutored by others - that
patriarchy must always be on the analytical couch. Patriarchy is not old hat. And it is not
fixed. The structures and beliefs that combine to privilege masculinity are continuously being
modernized. Nowadays there are so many feminists and other women's
advocates internationally sharing information, insights, and strategies that
the enterprise of updating patriarchy is perhaps less assured of success than
it has ever been. Still, every new constitution drafting, every new economic planning, every
new treaty negotiation provides at least the opportunity for those who benefit from the privileging
of masculinity to equip patriarchy with a deceptive "new look." Patriarchy, consequently, can
be as fashionable as hiring Bechtel, Lockheed, and other private military contractors to carry on
the tasks of foreign occupation. That is, as the U.S. government's strategists seek to give their
postwar reconstruction steps in Iraq and Afghanistan the look of something that is the opposite of
old fashioned dictatorships and imperialism, in practice they are paying some of the most
profoundly masculinity-privileging organizations to carry out this imperial agenda. What is
allegedly new thus may be reproducing something that is all too familiar. Patriarchy can be
as ubiquitous as nationalism, patriotism, and postwar reconstruction. So it is
always risky to assume that the only power structures and related ideological justifications to be
on the look out for are capitalism, militarism, racism, and imperialism. The question I have
come to think we must always pose is: How much of what is going on here is caused by the
workings of patriarchy? Sometimes patriarchy may be only a small part of the
explanation. Other times patriarchy may hold the causal key. We will never know
unless we ask, unless we seriously investigate how and why masculinity is privileged - and how
much of that privileging depends on controlling women or drawing them into complicity.
**2AC Blocks**
Add-Ons
Add-On Trafficking
 2AC - Trafficking
Solving gender imbalances in China key- it's the source,
transit and destination for trafficking
Trang 13
(Madelene, Bachelor Thesis Submission for Lund University Department of
Sociology, Supervisor: Jonas Ringstrm, The Trafficking of Women in China
Is gender a defining vulnerability factor?, Lund University Libraries)
Moreover, China is considered a source, transit and destination country of forced
labor and sex trafficking, Chinas internal trafficking is the most pronounced,
this is a result from the large migration population moving mainly from
underdeveloped rural areas to fast developing industrialized zones (ibid, 2012).
Besides gender and poverty there is a history of strong prevailing patriarchal culture
in China, resulting in a structure of gender inequality that has also indirectly
affected the nature of trafficking. The human trafficking of women in China has
over the last decade become a lucrative business that is expanding due to
several factors: the aggressive implementation of the One-Child policy, a faulty legal system, and the blind
adherence to long-standing cultural traditions that devalue women (Edwards &
Tiefenbrun, 2008:5). This shows that the Chinese government through its policies and
long standing culture are enhancing the aspect of gender as a vulnerability
factor for women. Today, the Chinese government is making efforts to comply
with the minimum standards in elimination of trafficking, but fails to
adequately protect Chinese and foreign victims of trafficking (Ibid, 2008:7). China is
today on Tier 2 watch list, which means countries where governments do not fully comply with the
Trafficking Victim Protection Acts (TVPAs) minimum standards, but are making significant efforts to bring
themselves into compliance with those standards (TIP, US Department of state, 2012)
Add-On Economy
 2AC Econ Add-On
CEDAW solves for the employment gap between womyn
and men in the STEM (science, technology, engineering,
and math) field by allowing them to gain access to
education just like men.
Yoo 14
(Tae Yoo, Senior Vice President/Corporate Affairs/Cisco, 3/15/14, How
Empowering Women In STEM Can Spur Economic Development
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/tae-yoo/how-empowering-women-in-
i_b_4555794.html)
Its a startling pair of statistics:
When women are able to earn an income, they
typically reinvest 90 percent of it back into their families and communities .
And, for every year a girl stays in school, her future earnings will increase
exponentially. These numbers, from the World Bank and the Council on
Foreign Relations, respectively, highlight a simple, common-sense truth: The
more time a girl spends in the classroom, the higher the return on investment
for her time, and the beneficiaries are stronger families and communities.
Over the past two decades weve seen significant progress made in
promoting girls education around the world. Thanks to ratification of the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women
(CEDAW) and the United Nations Millennium Development Goals, among
other actions, there is a greater understanding among developed and
developing countries that women play a vital role in society and the
economy, and that role is significantly enhanced when they are educated.
And, the longer a girl stays in school, the greater the impact . The Council on
Foreign Relations finds that one additional year of primary education alone
can increase a girls future wages by 10 to 20 percent, while an extra year of
secondary school adds another 15 to 25 percent.There are still millions of
girls and women especially in developing countries who dont have the
information, resources or skills they need to be part of the global economy.
Keeping them out of the educational loop for social, cultural, or economic
reasons means that half the population cant contribute to their
communitys economic growth. One of the most compelling arguments for
encouraging the education of girls, particularly in developing countries, is
this: Education enables jobs, jobs are a source of economic growth, and
economic growth is a key to development and stability.
If Chinas Economy fails, the US could go down with it

Egan 15

(Matt, Staf Writer, China's economy is getting sick. Will it infect

America, CNN Money, July 27 2015,
http://money.cnn.com/2015/07/26/investing/china-slowdown-impact-us-
stocks//jdi-acs)

After years of explosive expansion, China is cooling off. Growth has fallen to
its lowest level since 2009, and investors believe it might be even worse
because Beijing may be fudging the official numbers. China is now the second
biggest economy in the world. The fear is that China will pull other major
economies -- including the U.S. -- down with it. That would be scary given
how slowly the global economy is currently growing and how little ammo
governments have left to jump start business. "We need all the growth we
can get. A slowdown in China wouldn't help ," said David Joy, chief market strategist
at Ameriprise Financial. Investors around the world went on high alert when China's
stock market began to crumble in late June and early July, causing prices for
oil, gold and copper to tumble. Chinese equities stabilized for a few weeks after massive
government intervention but the rout resumed Monday, with stocks slumping 8.5%. Foreign trade is
the most direct link between the U.S. and China . Over the next two years,
U.S.-China trade is projected to surpass U.S.-Canada trade as the largest in
the world, according to State Street Global Advisors. But if China slows drastically, it will
lose its appetite for foreign products, including those made in America.
Pockets of the U.S. stock market are exposed to China's troubles. That's
because 40% of the revenue generated by S&P 500 companies comes from
overseas. A faster deceleration of growth in China would disproportionately
hurt multinational companies. Just last week, United Technologies (UTX) dimmed its 2015
outlook and pinned the blame on China. The manufacturer said new equipment orders at its Otis elevator
business experienced a 10% tumble last quarter in China alone. China's economic growth has
partially been fueled by an explosion of debt. Now that its economy is
slowing, there are concerns about toxic loans could trigger a financial crisis
there that could spread around the globe -- much like what happened in 2008
with bad U.S. mortgages. "A financial panic...could potentially plunge the
world into recession, particularly if it spread throughout Asia ," said George Hoguet,
global investment strategist at State Street Global Advisors. Even if China's problems stay
mostly within its own borders, it's clear the turmoil has changed the way
investors look at the country. Chinese equities skyrocketed 150% during the
12 months before June 12. Then they crashed by 32%, spooking investors
who feared it was a signal of deeper economic trouble . The run up in Chinese stocks
was fueled by debt, heavy speculation and state-run media promoting stock buying. Regulators in China
rushed to save the stock market. They rolled out a series of heavy-handedmoves that helped stabilize
financial markets. However, those aggressive actions may have a chilling effect on
investors who had hoped Beijing was making its markets more free.

That causes nuclear war

Matthew Burrows, counselor in the National Intelligence Council, the
principal drafter of Global Trends 2025, and Jennifer Harris, April, 2009 ,
member of the NICs Long Range Analysis Unit Revisiting the Future:
Geopolitical Effects of the Financial Crisis, Washington Quarterly,
http://www.twq.com/09april/docs/09apr_burrows.pdf (accessed 5/29/16)
In surveying those risks, the report stressed the likelihood that terrorism and nonproliferation will remain
priorities even as resource issues move up on the international agenda. Terrorisms appeal will decline if
economic growth continues in the Middle East and youth unemployment is reduced. For those terrorist
groups that remain active in 2025, however, the diffusion of technologies and scientific knowledge will
Terrorist groups in 2025
place some of the worlds most dangerous capabilities within their reach.
will likely be a combination of descendants of long established groups inheriting organizational
structures, command and control processes, and training procedures necessary to conduct sophisticated
self-
attacks and newly emergent collections of the angry and disenfranchised that become
radicalized, particularly in the absence of economic outlets that would become narrower in an
economic downturn. The most dangerous casualty of any
economically-induced drawdown of U.S. military presence would
almost certainly be the Middle East. Although Irans acquisition of nuclear weapons is not
inevitable, worries about a nuclear-armed Iran could lead states in the
region to develop new security arrangements with external powers,
acquire additional weapons, and consider pursuing their own nuclear
ambitions. It is not clear that the type of stable deterrent
relationship that existed between the great powers for most of the
Cold War would emerge naturally in the Middle East with a nuclear Iran. Episodes of low
intensity conflict and terrorism taking place under a nuclear umbrella could lead to an unintended
escalation and broader conflict if clear red lines between those states involved are not well established.
The close proximity of potential nuclear rivals combined with underdeveloped surveillance capabilities and
mobile dual-capable Iranian missile systems also will produce inherent difficulties in achieving reliable
The lack of strategic depth in
indications and warning of an impending nuclear attack.
short warning and missile flight times, and
neighboring states like Israel,
uncertainty of Iranian intentions may place more focus on preemption
rather than defense, potentially leading to escalating crises.
 1AR Uniqueness
Gender discrimination is in Chinas workforce-
Fincher 14 (May 1, 2014, Leta Hong Fincher, Author of Leftover Women, Reference, What are the
gender roles for women in China?, https://www.reference.com/world-view/gender-roles-women-china-
a015e2a840663c14)

A 2010 Census found that 74 percent of women worked overall, but in more
urban areas, only 60.8 percent of women work. Women work less than men
because employers hire a disproportionate number of men , when layoffs and

occur, women tend to get pink slips first , says Leta Hong Fincher, author of "Leftover
Women," which tracks a resurgence in social and economic discrimination
against women in China.
1AR Internal Link: CEDAW K2 Economic Rights
CEDAW is k2 improving womens economic rights
International Journal of Constitutional Law 8
(Committee dedicated to advancing the study of international and comparative constitutional law, Gender
and democratic citizenship: the impact of CEDAW http://icon.oxfordjournals.org/content/10/2/512.full#fn-47)

The Committee has considered the relationship between gender and economic
development: seeking information and expressing concern about the impact on women
of economic crisis, structural adjustment programs , observing that economic growth and development may not
benefit women as much as men. It has requested states to ensure that all poverty alleviation programs
fully benefit women to enhance monitoring of the impact of economic development and
changes on women and to take proactive and corrective measures, including increasing
social spending, so that women can fully and equally benefit from growth and poverty
reduction. The Committee has also welcomed the introduction of microcredit or
microenterprise schemes that facilitate women's independence through enhancement of
their economic self-sufficiency. It has expressed concern about women's poverty and
social exclusion, which have been exacerbated by the global downturn from 2008. The
Committee has linked sustainable development with people-centered human development, based on equality and equity,
participation of government and civil society, transparency and accountability in governance.

UN action encourages global cooperation against crimes

against humanity
Bannon 06. Alicia L. Alicia Bannon received her J.D, from Yale Law School
and graduated from Harvard sum cumma laude. She serves as Senior
Counsel for the Brennan Centers Democracy Program at NYU Law School.
The Responsibility To Protect: The U.N. World Summit and the Question of
Unilateralism. Yale Law Journal, 115 Yale L.J. 1157 (2006).
http://www.yalelawjournal.org/comment/the-responsibility-to-protect-the-un-
world-summit-and-the-question-of-unilateralism.
More than a decade after the world did nothing to halt genocide in Rwanda, and in the shadow of ongoing atrocities in Darfur, Sudan, the
international community recently made a new commitment to protect
populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. The United
Nations 2005 World Summit brought together representatives from more than
170 countries, including the United States. While largely reiterating previous international development and security goals, the
Summit culminated with an agreement that the international community,
acting through the United Nations, bears a responsibility to help protect
populations from genocide and other atrocities when their own governments fail to do so. The
agreement further announced a willingness to take "collective action"
through the Security Council to protect populations if peaceful means prove
inadequate. The motivating force behind the agreement is the United
Nations' past inaction in the face of grave atrocities, including genocide. At the conclusion of the
World Summit, Secretary General Kofi Annan told the world's leaders : "[Y]ou will be pledged to act if

another Rwanda looms." However, by describing the responsibility to protect in terms of U.N. action, the World Summit
failed to address a critical issue: What can and should be done by individual states if the United Nations fails to fulfill its pledge? The answer to
this question will inform the scope of permissible unilateral action, with implications for future humanitarian interventions and military actions.
This Comment argues that the Summit agreement strengthens the legal justification for
limited forms of unilateral and regional actionincluding military actionif the
United Nations fails to act to protect populations from genocide and other atrocities. The Summit
agreement strengthens the justification for unilateral action in two main ways. First, the agreement affirms

important limits on national sovereignty by recognizing a state's

responsibility to protect its own citizens. Second, the agreement sets clear
responsibilities for the international community when a country fails to
protect its own citizens. In cases of U.N. inaction, would-be unilateral actors can point to an explicit failure to fulfill a duty.

*Note on this card: if the other team brings up that the UN was ineffective in
Rwanda, point out that this summit occurred as a response to the failures in
Rwanda so the UN learns from its mistakes

US backs up Chinese womens rights- rights increase GDP

Higgenbottom 15 (Heather Deputy Secretary of State for Management and
Resources june 23, 2105 The Strategic and Economic Dialogue / Consultation on
People-to-People Exchange -- U.S.-China Consultation on CPE Women's Leadership
Exchange and Dialogue Event
http://www.state.gov/s/dmr/remarks/2015/244149.htm)

In China, women
The statistics tell an important story. Here in the United States women own about 30 percent of small businesses, which generate more than $1 trillion a year in sales.

make up some 25 percent of all entrepreneurs , numbers will continue to and these

grow full participation in the economy can

as our countries become more urban and more reliant on new technology. We also know that

boost GDP worldwide by up to 12 percent by 2030. Im a big believer that investing in women is good social policy because
women, on average, devote a larger share of their income to the education and health of their families. That yields important dividends today, but it also lays a solid it also lays solid groundwork for the next

the United States stands behind efforts to make gender equality

generation. And thats precisely why

and the empowerment of women and girls a priority in the new Sustainable
Development Goals and the Financing for Development Framework. We look
forward to working with China to ensure these agreements reflect the
importance of including women as key drivers of economic growth.

Female participation in the work force creates a host of

economically stimulating efects
International Monetary Fund (IMF) 13
Katrin Elborgh-Woytek, Monique Newiak, Kalpana Kochhar, Stefania Fabrizio,
Kangni Kpodar, Philippe Wingender, Benedict Clements, and Gerd Schwartz,
International Monetary Fund, Women, Work, and the Economy:
Macroeconomic Gains from Gender Equity, September 2013
There is ample evidence that when women are able to develop their full labor
market potential, there can be significant macroeconomic gains. (Loko and Diouf,
2009; Dollar and Gatti, 1999). GDP per capita losses attributable to gender gaps in
the labor market have been estimated at up to 27 percent in certain regions
(Cuberes and Teignier, 2012). Aguirre and others (2012) suggest that raising the female
labor force participation rate (FLFPR) to country-specific male levels would, for instance,
raise GDP in the United States by 5 percent, in Japan by 9 percent, in the
United Arab Emirates by 12 percent, and in Egypt by 34 percent . Based on
International Labour Organization (ILO) data, Aguirre and others (2012) estimate that of the 865 million
women worldwide who have the potential to contribute more fully to their national economies, 812 million
live in emerging and developing nations. WOMEN, WORK, AND THE ECONOMY: MACROECONOMIC GAINS
FROM GENDER EQUITY INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND 5 2. In rapidly aging economies,
higher FLFP can boost growth by mitigating the impact of a shrinking
workforce. For example, in Japan, the annual potential growth rate could rise by about percentage
point if the female labor participation rate were to reach the average for the G7 countries, resulting in a
Higher
permanent rise in per capita GDP of 4 percent, compared to the baseline scenario (IMF, 2012c).
female work force participation would also result in a more skilled labor force,
in view of womens higher education levels (Steinberg and Nakane, 2012). 3. Better
opportunities for women to earn and control income could contribute to
broader economic development in developing economies, for instance through higher
levels of school enrollment for girls. Women are more likely than men to invest a large proportion of their
According to the ILO, womens work,
household income in the education of their children.
both paid and unpaid, may be the single most important poverty-reducing
factor in developing economies (Heintz, 2006). Accordingly, higher FLFP and greater earnings
by women could result in higher expenditure on school enrollment for children, including girls, potentially
triggering a virtuous cycle, when educated women become female role models (Aguirre and others 2012;
Miller 2008). Stotsky (2006b) posits that womens relative lack of opportunities in developing countries
inhibits economic growth, while at the same time, economic growth leads to improvements in their
disadvantaged conditions. 4. Equal access to inputs would raise the productivity of female-owned
Productivity differentials among companies
companies (Do, Levchenko, and Raddatz, 2011).
owned by men and by women have been found to be mainly the result of differences
in access to productive inputs (Blackden and Hallward-Driemeier 2013). A reduction of
this productivity gap through equal access to productive resources could yield
considerable output gains (World Bank, 2011). 5. The employment of women on an
equal basis would allow companies to make better use of the available talent
pool, with potential growth implications (Barsh and Yee, 2012; CAHRS 2011). While not
uncontroversial, there is evidence of a positive impact of womens presence on boards and in senior
Companies employing female managers
management on companies performance.1
could be better positioned to serve consumer markets dominated by women
(CED 2012; CAHRS 2011) and more gender-diverse boards could enhance corporate
governance by offering a wider range of perspectives (OECD, 2012; Lord Davies,
2013). Moreover, a larger share of women in decision-taking positions could
reduce the share of high-risk financial transactions that are normally
conducted by male traders (Coates and Herbert, 2008)
Framing/AT: Disads
 2AC Gender/Patriarchy First
Issues devoid of gender are a clear indicator of the
patriarchy; this has created a situation where masculine
is the norm and must be addressed first to resolve
conflicts that exist in that norm
Kronsell 06
(Annica, Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Lund,
Feminist Methodologies of International Relations, Cambridge University
Press, July, http://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/subjects/politics-
international-relations/international-relations-and-international-
organisations/feminist-methodologies-international-relations)//jdi-tts
I became interested in what Hearn and Parker (2001: xii) call the silent unspoken, not necessarily easily observable, but
Silence on gender is a determining
fundamentally material reality" of institutions.
characteristic of institutions of hegemonic masculinity and this is a key point. It
indicates a normality and simply "how things are." men are the standards of
normality, equated with what it is to be human , while this is not spelled out (Connell 1995:
212). Hegemonic masculinity "naturalizes the everyday practices of gendered
identities" (Peterson and True 1998: 21). This has led to the rather perplexing situation in
which "men are persons and there is no gender but the feminine (Butler 1990: 19).
Hence, masculinity is not a gender; it is the norm. It should be noted that in the Swedish context,
this masculinity norm derives from a standard associated with white, heterosexual, male bodies. What I focus on is the
normality, reproduced within organizations and how that can be approached
methodologically. The goal is to problematize masculinities and the
hegemony of men (cf. Zalgwski 1998a: 1). This is a risky enterprise because masculine
norms, when hegemonic, are never really a topic of discussion. They remain hidden - silenced
yet continue to be affirmed in the daily practice of the institutions . Kathy Ferguson (1993: 8),
for one, suggests we challenge that which is widely acceptable, unified, and natural, and instead perceive it as being in
need of explanation. Breaking the silence is to question what seems self-explanatory
and turn it into a research puzzle, in a sense, by making the familiar strange. It means
giving the self-explanatory a history and a context. Cynthia Enloe (2004; 1993) encourages feminists to use
curiosity to ask challenging questions about what appear as normal,
everyday banalities in order to try to understand and make visible, for example, as
she does, the gender of` international relations (IR) both as theory and as practice. The first
step is to question even the most banal or taken-asgiven of everyday
practices of world politics. In her study on womens collective political organizing in Sweden, Maud Eduards
(2002: 157) writes that the most forbidden act" in terms of gender relations is to
name men as a political category, which transfers men from a universal
nothing to a specific something. If this is so, how can we actually study such silences? What are the
methods by which we can transcend this silence on gender?

We have an ethical responsibility to reject patriarchyit

leads to unjust domination
Nhanenge 07
(Jhyette, Developmental Africa Worker, Ecofemisim: Towards
Integrating the Concerns for Women, Poor People and Nature into
Development, University of South Africa, Feb,
http://uir.unisa.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10500/570/dissertation.pdf?
sequence=1/%20ns)//jdi-tts
http://uir.unisa.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10500/570/dissertation.pdf?
sequence=1/ ns
The two characteristics, which benefit in a racist and/or patriarchal society are white and male.
Since both are received by birth, the benefits are not based on merit, ability, need, or effort. The
benefits are institutionally created, maintained and sanctioned. Such systems perpetuate
unjustified domination. Thus, the problem lays in institutional structures of power and
privilege but also in the actual social context . Different groups have different degrees of power and privilege in
different cultural contexts. Those should be recognized, but so should commonalities where they exist. However, although
Ups cannot help but to receiving the institutional power and privileges it is important to add that they are accountable for
perpetuating unjustified domination through their behaviours, language and thought worlds. That is why ecofeminism is
about both theory and practice. It does not only try to understand and analyze, it also finds it important to take
action against domination. (Warren 2000: 64-65). Patriarchy is an unhealthy social system. Unhealthy
social systems tend to be rigid and closed. Roles and rules are non-negotiable and determined by those at the top of the
hierarchy. High value is placed on control and exaggerated concepts of rationality, even though, paradoxically, the system can
only survive on irrational ideologies.

You should reject sexism as an individual. We need to

integrate gender into our struggles and discussions to
resolve other struggles.
Chew 07
(Huibin Amee, Staff Writer, Women and War: Reclaiming a Feminist
Perspective, Left Turn: Notes from the Global Intifada, , June 16,
http://www.leftturn.org/women-and-war-reclaiming-feminist-perspective)//jdi-
tts
This shallow vision of gender justice has so permeated even progressive circles, that our very definition of
sexism is merely seen as a set of cultural
sexism is circumscribed. Too often,
behaviors or personal biases; challenging sexism is simply seen as breaking these gender
expectations. But sexism is an institutionalized system, with historical,
political, and economic dimensions. Just as it was built on white supremacy and
capitalism, this country was built on patriarchyon the sexual
subjugation of women whether in war or peace, slavery or conquest; on the abuse
of our reproductive capacity; the exploitation of both our paid and unpaid labor. Truly
taking on an anti-sexist agenda means uprooting institutional patriarchy.
To do so we must first, as a society, overcome our fears of addressing
feminist issues and views. A deep analysis of how patriarchy operates is typically absent across
progressive organizing in the USwhether for affordable housing, demilitarization, immigrant rights, or
worker rights. In all of these struggles, women are heavily affected, and moreover, affected
disproportionately in gendered ways, as women. Yet too often,organizers working on these issues do
not recognize how they are gendered. In the process, they prioritize mens experiences,
and perpetuate sexism. Gender is ghettoized, rather than fully
integrated into radical struggles. Appended to the main concerns of other movements, it
is at best engaged on a single-issue, not systemic basis.
Patriarchy produces knowledge is such a way that you
should question all of their truth claims. Their reliance on
patriarchal structures creates the silencing of those on
the margins of society
Enloe 4
Professor of Womens Studies at Clark University, 2004 Cynthia, The Curious
Feminist, page 4-7
Patriarchy - patriarchy is the structural and ideological system that perpetuates the privileging
of masculinity. All kinds of social systems and institutions can' become
patriarchal. Whole cultures can become patriarchal. That is a reality
that has inspired feminist movements to become national in scope,
mobilizing energies on so many levels simultaneously. Families, halls,
militaries, banks, and police departments are among those sites of
ordinary life perhaps especially notorious for their inclinations
toward patriarchal values, structures, and practices. Scores o f
hospitals, schools, factories, legislatures, political parties, museums,
newspapers, theater companies, television networks, religious
organizations, corporations, and courts no matter how modern their
outward trappings - have developed ways of looking and acting
toward their own members and clients and toward the world around
them that derive from the presumption that what is masculine is
most deserving of reward, promotion, admiration, emulation,
agenda prioritization, and budgetary line. Patriarchal inclinations can also be found
in peace and justice movements, as well as in the offices of progressive magazines, enlightened
foundations, and globally sensitive nongovernmental organizations - each of them can be, and
have become, patriarchal. Patriarchal systems are notable for marginalizing the feminine. That
is, insofar as any society or group is patriarchal, it is there that it is comfortable - unquestioned -
to infantilize, ignore, trivialize, or even actively cast scorn upon what is thought to be feminized.
That is why a feminist curiosity is always directed not only at the official or public discourses and behaviors of people in
groups or institutions, but also at their informal, private, casual conversations, at the shared jokes, gestures, and rituals -
all of which help to glue relationships together. The feminist investigator always arrives before the meeting begins to hear
the before-the-meeting offhand banter and is still wide awake and curious when the meeting-after-the-meeting continues
among a select few down the corridor and into the pub. No patriarchy is made up just of men or just of the masculine. Far
Patriarchal systems have been so enduring, so adaptable, precisely because they make
from it.
many women overlook their own marginal positions and feel instead secure, protected, valued.
Patriarchies - in militias, in labor unions, in nationalist movements, in political
parties, in whole states and entire international institutions - may privilege
masculinity, but they need the complex idea of femininity and enough women's acceptance or
complicity to operate. To sustain their gendered hierarchies, patriarchal law firms, for example, need not only
feminized secretaries and feminized cleaners, but also feminized law associates and feminized paralegals. Patriarchal
militaries need feminized military wives and feminized military prostitutes. Patriarchal corporations need feminized clerical
workers and feminized assembly-line workers. Every person who is pressed or lured into playing a feminized role must do
so in order to make the masculinized people seem to be (to themselves as well as everyone else) the most wise, the most
One of the reasons that feminists
intellectual, the most rational, the most tough-minded, the most hard-headed.
have been so astute in exposing patriarchy as a principal cause for so many of the world's
processes - empire-building, globalization, modernization - is that feminists have been curious
about women. By taking women seriously in their myriad locations, feminists have been able to
see patriarchy when everyone else has seen only capitalism or militarism or racism or
imperialism. It will be clear in the chapters that follow, I think, that I have
become more and more convinced - as I have been tutored by others - that
patriarchy must always be on the analytical couch. Patriarchy is not old hat. And it is not
fixed. The structures and beliefs that combine to privilege masculinity are continuously being
modernized. Nowadays there are so many feminists and other women's
advocates internationally sharing information, insights, and strategies that
the enterprise of updating patriarchy is perhaps less assured of success than
it has ever been. Still, every new constitution drafting, every new economic planning, every
new treaty negotiation provides at least the opportunity for those who benefit from the privileging
of masculinity to equip patriarchy with a deceptive "new look." Patriarchy, consequently, can
be as fashionable as hiring Bechtel, Lockheed, and other private military contractors to carry on
the tasks of foreign occupation. That is, as the U.S. government's strategists seek to give their
postwar reconstruction steps in Iraq and Afghanistan the look of something that is the opposite of
old fashioned dictatorships and imperialism, in practice they are paying some of the most
profoundly masculinity-privileging organizations to carry out this imperial agenda. What is
allegedly new thus may be reproducing something that is all too familiar. Patriarchy can be
as ubiquitous as nationalism, patriotism, and postwar reconstruction. So it is
always risky to assume that the only power structures and related ideological justifications to be
on the look out for are capitalism, militarism, racism, and imperialism. The question I have
come to think we must always pose is: How much of what is going on here is caused by the
workings of patriarchy? Sometimes patriarchy may be only a small part of the
explanation. Other times patriarchy may hold the causal key. We will never know
unless we ask, unless we seriously investigate how and why masculinity is privileged - and how
much of that privileging depends on controlling women or drawing them into complicity.
 2AC Impacts S.V. Before War
A crisis focused ethic is wrong attention to isolated
instances of warfare ignores the daily horrors of
structural violence. This is the precondition for any war to
happen
Cuomo 96
PhD, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Department of Philosophy, University
of Cincinnati (Chris, Hypatia Fall 1996. Vol. 11, Issue 3, pg 30)
In "Gender and `Postmodern' War," Robin Schott introduces some of the ways in which war is currently best seen not as
an event but as a presence (Schott 1995). Schott argues that postmodern understandings of persons, states, and
politics, as well as the high-tech nature of much contemporary warfare and the preponderance of civil and nationalist wars, render an
eventbased conception of war inadequate, especially insofar as gender is taken into account. In this essay, I will expand upon her argument by
showing that accounts of war that only focus on events are impoverished in a number of ways, and therefore feminist consideration of the
political, ethical, and ontological dimensions of war and the possibilities for resistance demand a much more complicated approach. I take
Schott's characterization of war as presence as a point of departure, though I am not committed to the idea that the constancy of militarism,
the fact of its omnipresence in human experience, and the paucity of an event-based account of war are exclusive to contemporary

postmodern or postcolonial circumstances.(1) Theory that does not investigate or even notice the
omnipresence of militarism cannot represent or address the depth and
specificity of the everyday effects of militarism on women, on people living in
occupied territories, on members of military institutions, and on the
environment. These effects are relevant to feminists in a number of ways because military practices and institutions
help construct gendered and national identity, and because they justify the

destruction of natural nonhuman entities and communities during peacetime.

Lack of attention to these aspects of the business of making or preventing
military violence in an extremely technologized world results in theory that
cannot accommodate the connections among the constant presence of
militarism, declared wars, and other closely related social phenomena, such
as nationalistic glorifications of motherhood, media violence, and current
ideological gravitations to military solutions for social problems. Ethical
approaches that do not attend to the ways in which warfare and military
practices are woven into the very fabric of life in twenty-first century
technological states lead to crisis-based politics and analyses . For any feminism that aims
to resist oppression and create alternative social and political options, crisis-based ethics and politics are

problematic because they distract attention from the need for sustained
resistance to the enmeshed, omnipresent systems of domination and
oppression that so often function as givens in most people's lives. Neglecting
the omnipresence of militarism allows the false belief that the absence of
declared armed conflicts is peace, the polar opposite of war. It is particularly easy for those
whose lives are shaped by the safety of privilege, and who do not regularly encounter the realities of militarism, to maintain this false belief.

The belief that militarism is an ethical, political concern only regarding armed
conflict, creates forms of resistance to militarism that are merely exercises in
crisis control. Antiwar resistance is then mobilized when the "real" violence
finally occurs, or when the stability of privilege is directly threatened, and at
that point it is difficult not to respond in ways that make resisters drop all
other political priorities. Crisis-driven attention to declarations of war might
actually keep resisters complacent about and complicitous in the general
presence of global militarism. Seeing war as necessarily embedded in
constant military presence draws attention to the fact that horrific, state-
sponsored violence is happening nearly all over, all of the time, and that it is
perpetrated by military institutions and other militaristic agents of the state.
Moving away from crisis-driven politics and ontologies concerning war and
military violence also enables consideration of relationships among seemingly
disparate phenomena, and therefore can shape more nuanced theoretical
and practical forms of resistance. For example, investigating the ways in
which war is part of a presence allows consideration of the relationships
among the events of war and the following: how militarism is a foundational
trope in the social and political imagination; how the pervasive presence and
symbolism of soldiers/warriors/patriots shape meanings of gender; the ways
in which threats of state-sponsored violence are a sometimes
invisible/sometimes bold agent of racism, nationalism, and corporate
interests; the fact that vast numbers of communities, cities, and nations are
currently in the midst of excruciatingly violent circumstances. It also provides
a lens for considering the relationships among the various kinds of violence
that get labeled "war." Given current American obsessions with nationalism,
guns, and militias, and growing hunger for the death penalty, prisons, and a
more powerful police state, one cannot underestimate the need for philosophical and political
attention to connections among phenomena like the "war on drugs," the "war on crime," and other state-funded militaristic campaigns. I
propose that the constancy of militarism and its effects on social reality be reintroduced as a crucial locus of contemporary feminist attentions,
and that feminists emphasize how wars are eruptions and manifestations of omnipresent militarism that is a product and tool of multiply
oppressive, corporate, technocratic states.(2) Feminists should be particularly interested in making this shift because it better allows
consideration of the effects of war and militarism on women, subjugated peoples, and environments. While giving attention to the constancy
of militarism in contemporary life we need not neglect the importance of addressing the specific qualities of direct, large-scale, declared

the dramatic nature of declared, large-scale conflicts should not

military conflicts. But

obfuscate the ways in which military violence pervades most societies in

increasingly technologically sophisticated ways and the significance of
military institutions and everyday practices in shaping reality. Philosophical
discussions that focus only on the ethics of declaring and fighting wars miss
these connections, and also miss the ways in which even declared military
conflicts are often experienced as omnipresent horrors. These approaches
also leave unquestioned tendencies to suspend or distort moral judgement in
the face of what appears to be the inevitability of war and militarism .

A crisis focused ethic is wrong attention to isolated

instances of warfare ignores the daily horrors of
structural violence. This is the precondition for any war to
happen
Cuomo 96
PhD, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Department of Philosophy, University
of Cincinnati (Chris, Hypatia Fall 1996. Vol. 11, Issue 3, pg 30)
In "Gender and `Postmodern' War," Robin Schott introduces some of the ways in which war is currently best seen not as
an event but as a presence (Schott 1995). Schott argues that postmodern understandings of persons, states, and
politics, as well as the high-tech nature of much contemporary warfare and the preponderance of civil and nationalist wars, render an
eventbased conception of war inadequate, especially insofar as gender is taken into account. In this essay, I will expand upon her argument by
showing that accounts of war that only focus on events are impoverished in a number of ways, and therefore feminist consideration of the
political, ethical, and ontological dimensions of war and the possibilities for resistance demand a much more complicated approach. I take
Schott's characterization of war as presence as a point of departure, though I am not committed to the idea that the constancy of militarism,
the fact of its omnipresence in human experience, and the paucity of an event-based account of war are exclusive to contemporary

postmodern or postcolonial circumstances.(1) Theory that does not investigate or even notice the
omnipresence of militarism cannot represent or address the depth and
specificity of the everyday effects of militarism on women, on people living in
occupied territories, on members of military institutions, and on the
environment. These effects are relevant to feminists in a number of ways because military practices and institutions
help construct gendered and national identity, and because they justify the

destruction of natural nonhuman entities and communities during peacetime.

Lack of attention to these aspects of the business of making or preventing
military violence in an extremely technologized world results in theory that
cannot accommodate the connections among the constant presence of
militarism, declared wars, and other closely related social phenomena, such
as nationalistic glorifications of motherhood, media violence, and current
ideological gravitations to military solutions for social problems. Ethical
approaches that do not attend to the ways in which warfare and military
practices are woven into the very fabric of life in twenty-first century
technological states lead to crisis-based politics and analyses . For any feminism that aims
to resist oppression and create alternative social and political options, crisis-based ethics and politics are

problematic because they distract attention from the need for sustained
resistance to the enmeshed, omnipresent systems of domination and
oppression that so often function as givens in most people's lives. Neglecting
the omnipresence of militarism allows the false belief that the absence of
declared armed conflicts is peace, the polar opposite of war. It is particularly easy for those
whose lives are shaped by the safety of privilege, and who do not regularly encounter the realities of militarism, to maintain this false belief.

The belief that militarism is an ethical, political concern only regarding armed
conflict, creates forms of resistance to militarism that are merely exercises in
crisis control. Antiwar resistance is then mobilized when the "real" violence
finally occurs, or when the stability of privilege is directly threatened, and at
that point it is difficult not to respond in ways that make resisters drop all
other political priorities. Crisis-driven attention to declarations of war might
actually keep resisters complacent about and complicitous in the general
presence of global militarism. Seeing war as necessarily embedded in
constant military presence draws attention to the fact that horrific, state-
sponsored violence is happening nearly all over, all of the time, and that it is
perpetrated by military institutions and other militaristic agents of the state.
Moving away from crisis-driven politics and ontologies concerning war and
military violence also enables consideration of relationships among seemingly
disparate phenomena, and therefore can shape more nuanced theoretical
and practical forms of resistance. For example, investigating the ways in
which war is part of a presence allows consideration of the relationships
among the events of war and the following: how militarism is a foundational
trope in the social and political imagination; how the pervasive presence and
symbolism of soldiers/warriors/patriots shape meanings of gender; the ways
in which threats of state-sponsored violence are a sometimes
invisible/sometimes bold agent of racism, nationalism, and corporate
interests; the fact that vast numbers of communities, cities, and nations are
currently in the midst of excruciatingly violent circumstances. It also provides
a lens for considering the relationships among the various kinds of violence
that get labeled "war." Given current American obsessions with nationalism,
guns, and militias, and growing hunger for the death penalty, prisons, and a
more powerful police state, one cannot underestimate the need for philosophical and political
attention to connections among phenomena like the "war on drugs," the "war on crime," and other state-funded militaristic campaigns. I
propose that the constancy of militarism and its effects on social reality be reintroduced as a crucial locus of contemporary feminist attentions,
and that feminists emphasize how wars are eruptions and manifestations of omnipresent militarism that is a product and tool of multiply
oppressive, corporate, technocratic states.(2) Feminists should be particularly interested in making this shift because it better allows
consideration of the effects of war and militarism on women, subjugated peoples, and environments. While giving attention to the constancy
of militarism in contemporary life we need not neglect the importance of addressing the specific qualities of direct, large-scale, declared

the dramatic nature of declared, large-scale conflicts should not

military conflicts. But

obfuscate the ways in which military violence pervades most societies in

increasingly technologically sophisticated ways and the significance of
military institutions and everyday practices in shaping reality. Philosophical
discussions that focus only on the ethics of declaring and fighting wars miss
these connections, and also miss the ways in which even declared military
conflicts are often experienced as omnipresent horrors. These approaches
also leave unquestioned tendencies to suspend or distort moral judgement in
the face of what appears to be the inevitability of war and militarism .
Extensions
Uniqueness
 2AC UQ: Two-Child Policy
Chinas two child policy only conceals and extends the
insidious nature of the gendercide once fueled by the
former one child policy.
Littlejohn 15
( Reggie, Founder of the and President of Womens Rights Without
Frontiers, Chinas New Two-Child Policy Will Not End Forced
Abortion or Gendercide. Life NewsOCT 30, 2015
http://www.lifenews.com/2015/10/30/chinas-new-two-child-policy-
will-not-end-forced-abortion-or-gendercide/ )

China will move to a two-child policy for all

Xinhua News Agency reported yesterday that
couples, abandoning its decades-long one-child policy. Characterizing this
latest modification as abandoning the One-Child Policy is misleading. A two-
child policy will not end any of the human rights abuses caused by the One
Child Policy, including forced abortion, involuntary sterilization or the sex-
selective abortion of baby girls. The reason given for this adjustment is entirely demographic:
to balance population development and address the challenge of an aging population. The adjustment is
a tacit admission that continuation of the one-child policy will lead to economic and demographic disaster.
The policy was originally instituted for economic reasons. It is ironic that through this very policy, China
has written its own economic death sentence. Noticeably absent from the Chinese Communist partys
announcement is any mention of human rights. The Chinese Communist Party has not suddenly developed
a conscience. Even though it will now allow all couples to have a second child, China has not promised to
Coercion is the core of the
end forced abortion, forced sterilization, or forced contraception.
policy. Instituting a two-child policy will not end forced abortion or
forced sterilization. The problem with the one-child policy is not the
number of children allowed. Rather, it is the fact that the CCP is
telling women how many children they can have and then enforcing
that limit through forced abortion and forced sterilization. There is
no guarantee that the CCP will cease their appalling methods of
enforcement. Women will still have to obtain a government-issued
birth permit, for the first and second child, or they may be subject to
forced abortion. It will still be illegal for an unmarried woman to
have a child. Regardless of the number of children allowed, women who get pregnant
without permission will still be dragged out of their homes, strapped
down to tables, and forced to abort babies that they want. Further,
instituting a two-child policy will not end gendercide. Indeed, areas in
which two children currently are allowed are especially vulnerable to
gendercide, the sex-selective abortion of females. According to the 2009
British Medical Journal study of data from the 2005 national census, in nine provinces, for second order
births where the first child is a girl, 160 boys were born for every 100 girls. In two provinces, Jiangsu and
Anhui, for the second child, there were 190 boys for every hundred girls born. This study stated, sex
selective abortion accounts for almost all the excess males.
Because of this gendercide, there are an estimated 37 million
Chinese men who will never marry because their future wives were
terminated before they were born. This gender imbalance is a
powerful, driving force behind trafficking in women and sexual
slavery, not only in China, but in neighboring nations as well. Sending
out the message that China has abandoned its one-child policy is detrimental to sincere efforts to stop
forced abortion and gendercide in China, because this message implies that the one-child policy is no
longer a problem. In a world laden with compassion fatigue, people are relieved to cross Chinas one-child
Let us not abandon the
policy off of their list of things to worry about. But we cannot do that.
women of China, who continue to face forced abortion, and the baby
girls of China, who continue to face sex-selective abortion and
abandonment. The one-child policy does not need to be modified. It needs to be abolished.
 2AC UQ: Public/Private Divide High
Private-Public distinction high now- despite new laws,
gender inequalities create cycles of this division where
women are afraid to speak out against domestic violence
and gender abuse
Barua 16
(Abhijan Barua, a writer/reporter for Worldcrunch, 6/11/16 The Limits Of
China's First Anti-Domestic Violence Law
http://www.worldcrunch.com/culture-society/the-limits-of-china-s-first-anti-
domestic-violence-law/c3s21168/)

Abusive husbands are now criminally liable in China, and their

victims can seek restraining orders. Rights advocates applaud
the new rules, but say that many women are still reluctant to
speak out. Last month, China passed its first-ever national law
against domestic violence, the result of a decade-long
campaign driven by the countrys civil society groups. Physical
abuse was not even accepted as grounds for divorce until 2001
in China, when the marriage law was amended to explicitly ban
domestic violence for the first time. But even now, two months
after China implemented its first anti-domestic violence law,
cultural factors continue to prevent many women from picking
up the phone and reporting abuse, says Hou Zhi Min, who
works at the center. In China, as is the case in many countries,
domestic violence is a hidden epidemic. The All-China Women's
Federation estimates that nearly 25% of married women in
China have experienced domestic violence, but the real figure
is probably much higher. The country's new law, introduced in
March, has helped reinforce the idea that domestic violence
isnt just a private matter. But critics say the legislation is far
from comprehensive. The law prohibits all forms of domestic
violence, including physical and psychological harm, and
verbal abuse. Yet there is no mention of sexual abuse, or
marital rape. says Broussard. "To be honest, we were a bit
disappointed that sexual violence was not included in the
definition of the law," she says. "We think that marital rape is a
reality and should be considered a crime just like any other
physical violence." Another problem is public awareness. Guo
Ruixiang, a UN Women program coordinator, sees this as an
area where Chinese media could do a lot more. "All media can
play an important role," she says. "Social media is very
powerful now. But there's also the mainstream media, the
television stations, which can really help convey the message
that domestic violence is a crime..s
Impact
 2AC Impact: Dehume Spills Over
Dehumanization caused by the public/private divide in China spills
over to justify forcing women into prostitution, forced-abortions and
human trafficking
Coyle et al. 2015
(Catherine T. Coyle, RN, Ph.D.; Martha W, Shuping, M.D.; Anne Speckhard,
Ph.D.; Jennie E. Brightup, M.S., LCMFT, Feminist scholars, The Relationship of
Abortion and Violence Against Women: Violence Prevention Strategies and
Research Needs, 30 Issues Law & Medicine. 111-128 Spring 2015)

In her book, Unnatural Selection, Hvistendahl (2011) recounts how gender imbalances came about through
advocates of population control and the development of technology to determine sex before birth.
Hvistendahl identifies political individuals and organizations that actively supported using abortion for
population control, including aborting primarily female fetuses. In commentary on Hvistendahl's book,
Douthat (2011) states, "For many of these anti-population campaigners, sex selection was a feature rather
than a bug, since a society with fewer girls was guaranteed to reproduce itself at lower rates." Douthat
also noted Hvistendahl's depiction of the "unlikely alliance between Republican cold warriors worried that
population growth would fuel the spread of Communism and the left-wing scientists and activists who
believed that abortion was necessary." Foster (1989) commented on population control as military
strategy: "policymakers must ... employ all the instruments of statecraft at their disposal (development
Abortion
assistance and population planning every bit as much as new weapon systems)" (p. 24).
aimed at female fetuses may be considered by some as an acceptable and
effective weapon. An article in The Economist (2010) discussed societal consequences of gender
imbalance. In China and India, rising crime rates are correlated with the increase in
the ratio of males to females. Specifically, crimes against women such as
rape, prostitution, and sex trafficking are becoming more prevalent. Both the
United States Department of State (Lagon, 2008) and the Chinese Academy
of Social Sciences have identified gender imbalance as a contributing factor
to trafficking and forced prostitution (China Faces Growing Gender Imbalance, 2010).
Thousands of Vietnamese women have been forcibly taken to China,
compelled to work in brothels or sold as wives for Chinese men (Giang, 2002; Linh,
n.d.). Women who are trafficked in India may be required to sleep with not just
one man but "with his brothers as well" (Hvistendahl, 2011, p. 190). This was confirmed by
Vinita Shaw who stated that in Haryana, India, it is a common practice for many brothers to share one
Child marriage is increasing as
woman as their wife (personal communication, July, 22, 2014).
women become increasingly scarce (Burns, 1998; Hvistendahl & Lindquist, 2008). Women
sold to be brides often find themselves in abusive marriages. Among foreign wives
living in Korea, 25% stated they felt physically threatened by their husbands (Foreign Brides Rejuvenate
Forced marriage has become so common in Asia it is
Korea's Aging Society, 2009).
now recognized as a valid reason to petition for political asylum in the United
States (Gao v. Gonzales, 2006). In countries where abortion is a form of
discriminatory violence against unborn females, it appears to have
precipitated even more violence against adult women and girls.
 2AC Impact: Ableism
Sexism produces negative efects on female psych
Valenti 15
(Jessica, Staff Writer, Sexism is making women sick, The Guardian, Jan 26,
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/jan/26/sexism-is-making-
women-sick)//jdi-sc

Sexism is certainly nauseating the disgusting leers on the street, the

discrimination, the violence. But those everyday expressions of misogyny
could be seriously impacting our mental health as well. A study published this month in the journal Sex Roles reveals that
some of the sexism women face from catcalling and sexual harassment to sexual objectification and violence makes women generally more fearful and anxious. The researchers from the University of Missouri-Kansas and Georgia State
University found a substantive link between physical safety concerns and psychological distress. We already know that violence causes trauma, and that people who are bullied and harassed are more likely to be depressed throughout their
lives. Research shows that children who live in violent neighborhoods are more prone to developing PTSD, and that the daily fear they experience changes their psychological make-up so drastically that nightmares, flashbacks and
disassociation are common. We even know that racism has a demonstrable impact not only on the mental health of people of color, but on their physical health as well. Yet, despite the preponderance of evidence showing that violent and
harassing environments cause emotional distress and can lead to mental illness, we still have no name for what happens to women living in a culture that devalues and allows men to abuse them without consequence. What does living with the
fear of rape do to your mental well-being over time? What diagnosis do you give to the shaking hands you cant stop after a stranger whispers pussy in your ear on your way to work? And what about those of us who endure the same daily
gauntlet of discriminations and threats of gendered violence without really feeling anything because its so routine? What hoops did our brains have to jump through to get to ambivalence? Is it really more normal not to be anxious? When I
spoke to Dr. Laurel B Watson, an assistant professor at the University of Missouri-Kansas City and one of the researchers in the study, she told me that one of the hurdles in studying the impact that sexism has on womens mental health is that
women have normalized this fear and anxiety so completely. For example, she said I went for a jog recently, and I saw a guy in a van - and if I jogged past him, he could have opened the door and snatched me, Watson told me. I had an

fear and
immediate response to move to the other side of the van or to change my direction, I didnt think twice about it. Its normalized, but it has such an effect on your life women constrain their behaviors every day. This

anxiety that women experience isnt simply anecdotal: women are 70% more
likely than men to experience depression and were twice as likely to have an
anxiety disorder, something Watson, who has a degree in counseling
psychology, says is absolutely related to living with misogyny. Over time,
existing in a state of hypervigilance has a negative impact, and leads to a
higher level of psychological distress, she explained. Watson also pointed out that the impact is much greater on women of color, who live with a different
historical legacy of objectification and sexual violence. Mental health issues are still widely stigmatized, but remain incredibly serious they can be debilitating, lead to serious physical symptoms and increase the risk of self-harm. Watson would
like to see more studies done bigger studies, that pay close attention to the way that sexuality, race and other identities also impact mental health. So would I: we need to identify the link between sexism and mental health with great enough

Theres no vaccination we can

certainty that people can start to see sexism as more than just a cultural and political problem (when they concede that sexism is a problem at all).

get or drug we can take to lessen the impact that sexism has on womens
everyday lives. But perhaps recognizing just how sick it is making us and
that the damage it causes runs deep we can start to convince others to take
sexism (and the misogyny behind it) more seriously.

Sexism produces negative efects on female psych

Valenti 15
(Jessica, Staff Writer, Sexism is making women sick, The Guardian, Jan 26,
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/jan/26/sexism-is-making-
women-sick)//jdi-sc

Sexism is certainly nauseating the disgusting leers on the street, the

discrimination, the violence. But those everyday expressions of
misogyny could be seriously impacting our mental health as well. A study published this month in
the journal Sex Roles reveals that some of the sexism women face from catcalling and sexual harassment to sexual objectification and violence makes women generally more fearful and anxious. The researchers from the University of
Missouri-Kansas and Georgia State University found a substantive link between physical safety concerns and psychological distress. We already know that violence causes trauma, and that people who are bullied and harassed are more likely
to be depressed throughout their lives. Research shows that children who live in violent neighborhoods are more prone to developing PTSD, and that the daily fear they experience changes their psychological make-up so drastically that
nightmares, flashbacks and disassociation are common. We even know that racism has a demonstrable impact not only on the mental health of people of color, but on their physical health as well. Yet, despite the preponderance of evidence
showing that violent and harassing environments cause emotional distress and can lead to mental illness, we still have no name for what happens to women living in a culture that devalues and allows men to abuse them without consequence.
What does living with the fear of rape do to your mental well-being over time? What diagnosis do you give to the shaking hands you cant stop after a stranger whispers pussy in your ear on your way to work? And what about those of us who
endure the same daily gauntlet of discriminations and threats of gendered violence without really feeling anything because its so routine? What hoops did our brains have to jump through to get to ambivalence? Is it really more normal not to be
anxious? When I spoke to Dr. Laurel B Watson, an assistant professor at the University of Missouri-Kansas City and one of the researchers in the study, she told me that one of the hurdles in studying the impact that sexism has on womens
mental health is that women have normalized this fear and anxiety so completely. For example, she said I went for a jog recently, and I saw a guy in a van - and if I jogged past him, he could have opened the door and snatched me, Watson told

fear
me. I had an immediate response to move to the other side of the van or to change my direction, I didnt think twice about it. Its normalized, but it has such an effect on your life women constrain their behaviors every day. This

and anxiety that women experience isnt simply anecdotal: women

are 70% more likely than men to experience depression and were
twice as likely to have an anxiety disorder, something Watson, who
has a degree in counseling psychology, says is absolutely related to
living with misogyny. Over time, existing in a state of hypervigilance
has a negative impact, and leads to a higher level of psychological
distress, she explained. Watson also pointed out that the impact is much greater on women of color, who live with a different historical legacy of objectification and sexual violence. Mental health issues are still widely
stigmatized, but remain incredibly serious they can be debilitating, lead to serious physical symptoms and increase the risk of self-harm. Watson would like to see more studies done bigger studies, that pay close attention to the way that
sexuality, race and other identities also impact mental health. So would I: we need to identify the link between sexism and mental health with great enough certainty that people can start to see sexism as more than just a cultural and political

Theres no vaccination we can get or drug we can

problem (when they concede that sexism is a problem at all).

take to lessen the impact that sexism has on womens everyday lives.
But perhaps recognizing just how sick it is making us and that the
damage it causes runs deep we can start to convince others to take
sexism (and the misogyny behind it) more seriously.
Internal Link
 2AC Public/Private Divisions >
Dehumanization
Lack of clear enforcement mechanisms allows
femininicide to occur with impunity
DoS 15
(US Department of State, China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau),
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2015,
http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/humanrightsreport/index.htm?
year=2015&dlid=252755)//jdi-tts
Although the family-planning law states that officials should not violate
citizens lawful rights in the enforcement of family-planning policy, these
rights, as well as penalties for violating them, were not clearly defined. By law
citizens may sue officials who exceed their authority in implementing birth-
planning policy, but few protections existed for whistleblowers against
retaliation from local officials. The law provides significant and detailed sanctions for officials who helped
persons evade the birth limitations. The National Health Population and Family Planning Commission reported that 13
million women annually terminated unplanned pregnancies. An official news media outlet also reported at least an
additional 10 million chemically induced abortions were performed in nongovernment facilities. Government statistics on
The countrys fertility rate was
the percentage of all abortions that were nonelective was not available.
far below replacement level, in part due to more than three decades of
coercive population control policies and in part due to economic and social factors. According to the
UN Population Fund (UNFPA), the average fertility rate for women nationwide was 1.6, and in the countrys most populous
and prosperous city, Shanghai, the fertility rate was 0.8. National family-planning authorities were gradually shifting
emphasis from lowering fertility rates to emphasizing quality of care in family-planning practices. UNFPA reported that 87
percent of married couples used contraception but that contraception use was significantly lower in unmarried
relationships. As a direct result, approximately half of abortions occurred among 15- to 24-year-old women. Among
married couples, 72 percent used a reversible method of contraception. Only 1.2 percent of women took oral
contraceptives. A 2013 survey published by the China World Contraception Day Organization showed that more than 68
The national population and family-
percent of women were confused about contraceptive methods.
planning law standardized the implementation of the governments birth-
limitation policies, but it left considerable discretion to provincial authorities
to determine enforcement measures, which varied significantly. The law
grants married couples the right to have one birth and allows couples to
apply for permission to have a second child if they meet conditions stipulated
in local and provincial regulations. During the year the policy allowing couples
to have two children when at least one spouse is an only child remained in
place. Implementing regulations for the amended policy were adopted on a
province-by-province basis. The birth limit was more strictly applied in urban areas. In most rural areas,
couples were permitted to have a second child in cases where their first child was a girl. Ethnic minorities were subject to
less stringent rules. In 2013, 35 percent of families nationwide fell under the one-child restrictions, and more than 60
percent of families were eligible to have a second child, either outright or if they met certain criteria. The remaining 5
percent were eligible to have more than two children.

Lack of structured law results in increased discrimination

of Chinese women
DoS 15
(US Department of State, China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau),
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2015,
http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/humanrightsreport/index.htm?
year=2015&dlid=252755)//jdi-tts
Discrimination:The constitution states that women enjoy equal rights with men
in all spheres of life. The law provides for equality in ownership of property, inheritance rights,
access to education, and equal pay for equal work. Many activists and observers expressed
concern that discrimination was increasing. Women continued to report that
discrimination, sexual harassment, unfair dismissal, demotion, and wage
discrepancies were significant problems. Authorities often did not enforce
laws protecting the rights of women. According to legal experts, it was
difficult to litigate sex-discrimination suits because of vague legal definitions.
Some observers noted that the agencies tasked with protecting womens rights tended to focus on
maternity-related benefits and wrongful termination during maternity leave rather than on sex
Despite government policies
discrimination, violence against women, and sexual harassment.
mandating nondiscrimination in employment and remuneration, such
discrimination occurred (see section 7.d.). Womens rights advocates indicated that in rural areas
women often forfeited land and property rights to their husbands in divorce proceedings. Rural contract
law and laws protecting womens rights stipulate that women enjoy equal rights in cases of land
experts assserted that this was rarely the case due to the complexity
management, but
of the law and difficulties in its implementation . A 2011 Supreme Peoples Court decision
exacerbated the gender wealth gap by stating that after divorce marital property belongs solely to the
person registered as the homeowner in mortgage and registration documents--in most cases the husband.
In determining child custody in divorce cases, judges made determinations based on the following
guidelines: Children under age two should live with their mothers, custody of children two to nine years of
age should be determined by who could provide the most stable living arrangement, and children 10 and
over should be consulted when determining custody. Female suicide rates in rural areas dropped
According to the Chinese Center for Disease and Control and
significantly.
Prevention, female suicide rates from 1990 to 2013 dropped between 36
percent and 81 percent, depending on the area. Researchers attributed the
decrease to greater work opportunities for rural women and reduced access
to the toxic pesticides used for suicide. A June report in The Economist estimated that the
overall suicide rate, while still high, began to decline as populations moved from rural areas into cities.
Women faced discrimination in higher education . The required score for the National
Higher Entrance Examination was lower for men than for women at several universities, but undergraduate
and postgraduate enrollment levels for men and women were approximately the same. Women with
advanced degrees, however, reported discrimination in the hiring process , since the job
distribution system became more competitive and market driven.
Impact
 2AC Impact: Systemic Violence/Suicide
Discrimination against women in China creates violent
cycles where their lives no longer seem worth living-
suicide rate skyrocketing
Miller 12

(Heidi, Staff Writer, Chinese women are killing themselves at astronomical rates: is the
one-child policy to blame?, Life Site, April 3,
https://www.lifesitenews.com/opinion/chinese-women-are-killing-themselves-at-
astronomical-rates-is-the-one-child)

The latest Human Rights Report on China (2010) from the Department of State links the
One Child Policy with high female suicide rates in China: A high female suicide rate
continued to be a serious problem. According to the World Bank and the World Health
Organization, there were approximately 500 female suicides per day in 2009. The Beijing
Suicide Research and Prevention Center reported in 2009 that the suicide rate for females was three times
higher than for males. Many observers believed that violence against women and girls,
discrimination in education and employment, the traditional preference for male children,
birth-limitation policies, and other societal factors contributed to the high female suicide
rate. Women in rural areas, where the suicide rate for women was three to four times higher than for men, were especially
vulnerable. Stop for a minute and think about it: 500 female suicides per day in 2009. Thats
3,500 suicides per week. Fifteen thousand per month; 182,500 suicides per year. If the
rate has remained constant throughout the years, we are looking at millions of females
taking their own lives in a matter of decades.

Chinas Shrinking population caused by femicide will have

catastrophic results
Chang 15
(Gordon Chang, He lived and worked in China and Hong Kong for almost two
decades as a lawyer. His writings have appeared in the New York Times, Wall
Street Journal, and National Reviews. given briefings at the National
Intelligence Council, the Central Intelligence Agency, the State Department,
and the Pentagon. He has also spoken before industry and investor groups
and at universities and think tanks and appeared before the House
Committee on Foreign Affairs and the US-China Economic and Security
Review Commission, Shrinking China: A Demographic Crisis, World Affairs
Journal, June 2015, http://www.worldaffairsjournal.org/article/shrinking-china-
demographic-crisis, //jdi-SW)

Accelerated demographic decline is already evident, set in motion by the decades-old

one-child policy. Beijings vigorous enforcement of this statist planning measure
has created population abnormalities that have already disfigured society
and, in all probability, will do so for generations . Chinas economy, the motor of the
countrys rise in the postMao Zedong period, is likely to be especially hard hit. Chinas population will not
peak in 2026, as estimated by the US Census Bureau a half decade ago, or sometime in the 203035
timeframe, as United Nations statistics, mostly based on Beijings own numbers, now indicate .
Senior
official Liu Mingkang, speaking at the Asia Global Dialogue in May 2012,
admitted growth will end in 2020. More important, Chinas workforce is
shrinking rapidly. The number of working-age Chinese fell for the first time in
2010, according to some of the countrys leading demographer s, or in 2012,
according to the official National Bureau of Statistics. As recently as the end of last decade, Beijing was
predicting the high point would not be reached until 2016. These developments are the result
of plunging fertility. China had a total fertility rateessentially the number of births per woman per
lifetimeof 5.9 in the beginning of the 1970s. Today, official sources claim Chinas TFR is
between 1.5 to 1.6. In reality, its more like a dangerously low 1.4, according to Lu Yang of
the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and it could even be under 1.2. In any case,
China is now well below 2.1, the rate needed to maintain a stable population,
and it is looking more like Western Europe in this regard every day. The problem of a low TFR is
compounded by the growing scarcity of females. As a result of the one-child policy and a social
bias in favor of male children, the country probably has the worlds most
skewed sex ratio at birth, 115.9 boys for every 100 girls, according to official data released in
January. As a result of the imbalancemost societies do not exceed 106 boys to 100 girls there are
33.8 million more men than women, according to Beijings official statisticians (or 51.5 million
more, according to other estimates). Frightened by the demographic trends they themselves created ,
Chinese leaders have progressively relaxed the policy over time. The last
major change was announced in November 2013, when additional couples
were allowed two children, but the liberalizations have been too little and too
late to avert a crisis, which now seems virtually inevitable. Demography may not be
destiny, but population trends define the realm of the possible and are, especially in Chinas case,
unforgiving.
But a reversal in long-held population programs, which have been
strenuously defended for decades, would inevitably call into question the
partys judgment and therefore its legitimacy. Thus officials must consistently
reaffirm their support for the now-counterproductive rules, what population expert
Susan Yoshihara has termed the worlds worst law. this could have political as well as social
consequences. Bare branches, for instance, have been responsible for domestic turmoil throughout
Chinas dynastic history. One bare branch, Zhu Yuanzhang, founded the Ming dynasty, which was
eventually destroyed by another one, Li Zicheng. The next set of emperors, the Qings, were in part ruined
by the consequences of sex-ratio imbalances. China, it seems, is re-creating the vast army of bare
branches that plagued it during the 19th century, write Valerie Hudson and Andrea den Boer in their
controversial work, Bare Branches: The Security Implications of Asias Surplus Male Population. We can
But this much
only speculate as to the future states of mind of the Chinese people and their leaders.
is clear: The relentless and ruthlessly enforced one-child policy has created
some of the most unusual demographic patterns in the absence of war and
pestilence. We know that this policy can affect the countrys external policies in dramatic ways. At this
point, however, we just do not know in which direction.
 2AC Impact: Domestic Violence
Cultural expectations in china lead to Domestic violence
Xu 97
(Xiaohe Xu, Professor at University of Texas at San Antonio, JSTOR database,
October 1997, p. 280-282/JSTOR/http://www.jstor.org/stable/41603520?
Search=yes&resultItemClick=true&searchText=why&searchText=(women)&s
earchText=(china)&searchText=(report)&searchText=(abuse)&searchUri=
%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3Dwhy%2B%2528women
%2529%2B%2528china%2529%2//jdi-SW)

theories that have been proposed and used to explain the origins of
In the West.
domestic violence and wife abuse are numerous. such as social learning
theory, conflict theory, resource theory. and gender role theory. to name only
a few. Because the subject matter of this article is concerned with wife abuse in socialist China, direct
borrowing or testing one or more of these theories may not be productive. Instead. I will first lay out some
theoretical mechanisms that are potentially important and relevant to understanding domestic violence in
urban Chinese society. Then, based on my theoretical reasoning several empirically testable hypotheses
will be developed. for the institutionalization of wife abuse in Chinese society. Added to the three guides .
three obediences. and four virtues is a patriarchal. patrilineal, and patrilocal
family system that together ensured a subordination of women to men. which
in turn justified a cultural and moral legitimacy for men to abuse women. For
instance, in historical China women were severely abused by the practices of foot-binding, child bride.
forced prostitution. and the husband's as well :5 mother-in-law's maltreatment and beating. Thus ,
from
a cultural perspective. it is not difficult to understand that most of these
abusive acts directed against wives were exculpated in order to enforce
compliance with cultural codes and/or to meet cultural expectations.

Chinese Women told to keep quiet, get murdered by

husbands
Rauhala 16

(Emily Rauhala, Staff Writer at Washington Post, Domestic abuse is thriving

in Chinas culture of silence, Boston Globe, May 07 2016,
https://www.bostonglobe.com/news/world/2016/05/07/domestic-abuse-
thriving-china-culture-silence/SCUym9GHxoPlE6Hc5qtwaP/story.html,//JDI-SW)

In China, as elsewhere, domestic violence is a hidden epidemic a public

health crisis dismissed as private scandal, a crime discounted or covered up.
The state estimates that one in four Chinese women is beaten; experts think
the figure is higher and note that statistics often exclude other forms of
abuse. Tens of millions are at risk. But Lis short life and gruesome death
show vividly the limits of using the courts alone to keep women safe. The
government-linked body tasked with protecting women often works against
them by promoting marriage at almost any cost, providing tips on how to
win back partners, and trusting perpetrators to change their violent ways.
In the last year of her life, Li knew she needed help but was told repeatedly to
go back to her husband. As she struggled, mostly alone, she faced a system
utterly ill-equipped to save her and a society that, for the most part, did not
think she needed help. When Li told her mother about the beating, she was
advised to work things out at home. Her mother said she discouraged her
daughter from getting a divorce because ending a marriage might bring a
bad reputation in town. For survivors of domestic violence in China, thats a
common theme. Though divorce rates are on the rise, women face enormous
pressure to get and stay married. And that message is backed by the All-
China Womens Federation, the group thats supposed to promote womens
rights.
 Solvency
China says yes- theyll perceive the plan as in their
interests and the U.S. must be the one to lead
Human Rights First 12
(Human Rights First, nonprofit, nonpartisan international human rights
organization based in New York and Washington D.C. To maintain our
independence, we accept no government funding. Dr. Nancy Stetson,
international affairs strategy and policy consultant, led the team on this
blueprint, How to Integrate Human Rights into U.S.-China Relations,
https://www.ciaonet.org/attachments/24330/uploads) //jdi-mm
UNDERTAKE A REVIEW OF THE ROLE AND PRIORITY OF HUMAN RIGHTS FOR THE UNITED STATES IN THE
U.S.-CHINA RELATIONSHIP RECOMMENDATIONS Assess progress to date on the human rights
situation in China with an agreed upon set of indicators. Survey and consult with civil society and human
Reexamine the relationship
rights defenders in China, where possible, in this process.
between human rights and other issues on the agenda and the assumption that
human rights are promoted at the expense of other issues. Reexamine U.S. leverage over China,
challenging the assumption that it has decreased. DETAILS This review is a necessary precursor to the
development of a new human rights strategy that will hold out the promise of more progress and engender
the support of the American and Chinese people, human rights groups and defenders, and members of
Congress. There is little disagreement among these groups that China needs to do
more to respect human rights, but there is no agreement over what
constitutes progress. Different indicators lead to different conclusions , and
different conclusions lead to different views of how effective the administrations strategy is. The Obama
Administration needs to identify its indicators, incorporate them into its
strategy, and make them public. With Chinas power rising and the scope of
the U.S. relationship with China broadening, two assumptions have taken root
among American policymakers. The first is that of a zero sum gamethat progress on
human rights comes at the expense of other issues that are often viewed as more
critical. The Obama Administrations experiences with China and the Chen case suggest otherwise. The
administrations efforts in the first two years to avoid antagonizing Chinese leaders did not result in
progress on critical issues. Secretary Clintons tough approach in the Chen case no doubt irritated Chinese
leaders. They retaliated by withholding written responses to the case list submitted in the previous Human
Rights Dialogue. But they did not walk out. They permitted Chen to leave the country. Chinese leaders
calculated the totality of their interests in the overall relationship. The second assumption is that U.S.
leverage over China has decreased. To a certain extent this is true. The United States needs China more
the United
than in the past and China is in a stronger position to control the relationship. However,
States is not without leverage. The U.S. economy and military remain stronger.
Reassertion of American power and presence in Asia can affect Chinas
interests and desire for dominance in the region. China wants U.S. trade and
investment, technological know-how, and a stable relationship because they advance
Chinese interests and Chinas legitimacy as a member of the international
community. The relationship, in and of itself, is leverage which can be used to
advance all American interests, and should be used to do so on human rights,
too.
Chinas two-child policy wont end human rights violations
and forced abortions, and will continue to perpetuate the
skewed sex ratio that drives human trafficking
Ertelt, 10/29/15
(Steven Ertelt, staff writer, China Not Ending Human Rights Abuses, Forced
Abortions Will Continue Under Two-Child Policy, Life News International,
10/29/15, http://www.lifenews.com/2015/10/29/china-not-ending-human-
rights-abuses-forced-abortions-will-continue-under-two-child-policy/)
There are more than 13 million abortions a year, or 1,500 an hour, in China, according to government
researchers. Thats thanks in large part to the one-child policy which encourages abortions and results
Despite the apparent good news that
in forced abortions and sex-selection abortions.
China is moving to a two-child policy, Reggie Littlejohn, one of the top human
rights activists exposing the gendercide that takes place in China, tells
LifeNews.com that people are celebrating too soon . Littlejohn says the move
to a two-child limit comes as no surprise, given the demographic disaster
China now faces as a result of its One Child Policy. However, instituting a
two-child policy will not end forced abortion, gendercide or family planning
regulations in China. Couples will still have to have a birth permit for the first
and the second child, or they may be subject to forced abortion , Littlejohn
said. The core of the One Child Policy is not whether the number of children
the government allows. Its the fact that the government is setting a limit on
children, and enforcing this limit coercively. That will not change under a two-
child policy. The One Child Policy does not need to be modified. It needs to be
abolished. Women will still be forcibly aborted under a universal 2-child policy. We need to keep up
the pressure until China abandons all coercive population control, Littlejohn added. Meanwhile, Bill
Donohue of the Catholic League said that China has been forced to modify the policy from one to two
children because the one-child policy has decimated its population. Since 1979, most parts of China, and
most married couples, have been subjected to a one-child policy, but now the Communist government is
Ironically, it is doing so for the same reason it adopted it in the first place: demographic
dropping it.
concerns. The policy was initiated because of the fear that unrestrained
population growth would impair economic wellbeing. Now it is being nixed
because of fear that low fertility rates threaten a labor shortage, which, in
turn, impairs economic wellbeing, he explained . Keep up with the latest pro-life news
and information on Twitter. Donohue continued: The Chinese Communists, of course,
never address the morality of abortion, forced or elected. Human rights
groups such as the United Nations and Amnesty International, as well as
feminist organizations, object to the coercive aspects of a one-child polic y,
and to residual issues, but all of them are quite content with the morality of
abortion, per se. Donohue also cautioned that the new two-child policy will have
the same forced abortions and human rights abuses as before. The new
policy does not ban forced abortions; it merely says that couples can have
two children, he said. Which means that the government will have to
continue its practice of monitoring a womans menstrual cycle and fining
those who are pregnant with their third child. If they are unable to pay, they
will be dragged to a local clinic and injected with a lethal drug. Ma Jian, a Chinese
author, describes what happened to a woman with an unauthorized pregnancy: For two days she writhed
on the table, her hands and feet still bound with rope, waiting for her body to eject her murdered baby. In
the final stage of labor, a male doctor yanked her dead fetus out by the foot, then dropped it into a
garbage can. She had no money for a cab. She had to hobble home, blood dripping down her legs and
staining her white sandals red. As she points out, this is why China has the highest rate of female suicide
in the world. Before the announced policy change today, Congressman Chris Smith of New Jersey, one of
the leading pro-life and human rights advocates in Congress, puts the one-child policy in perspective. In
1980 the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party sent an open letter to party members setting
forth its plan to embark on a national one-child policy, Smith said. What came out of that letter? A cruel
and inhumane policy, a human rights violation that is, in scope and seriousness, the worst human rights
No other government policy anywhere else in the world
abuse in the world today.
systematically punishes, abuses, and violates women so grossly as this . Smith
said the policy has made it so brothers and sisters are illegal and children are growing up in a society with
no aunts and uncle because the one-child policy has now been around for a generation. The policy is unlike
any other in the world in that it requires all women to obtain a birth permit before becoming pregnant and
children of unwed mothers are subjected to abortions. And it monitors the reproductive cycles of all women
of childbearing age through a system of mandatory, regular, and crudely invasive physical check-ups. He
says the policy has created an atmosphere of fear where anonymous pregnancy informants spy on
citizens. The brave pregnant woman who refuses to give in is usually detained and beaten or, if she
goes into hiding, her relatives are detained and beaten. Families that succeed in hiding an out-of-plan
pregnancy are punished with fines up to ten times the average annual income, he explained. Smith said
the abortions have resulted in a policy of gendercide where more than 120 boys are born for every 100
This has created a bachelor society of men who will be unable to marry
girls.
and has given rise to more crime, sex trafficking, prostitution, and other
problems. He said the policy has resulted in a sky-high suicide rate for Chinese women who face such a
brutal and terrorizing regime. Smith said those who dont believe the one-child policy is resulting in forced
abortions need only look at the numerous media reports, reports from Chinese people who have fled the
country, and human rights activists monitoring the situation.